■^ ( v// "R.S L,mJ,■ PREFACE. subject of Herodotus, by a perusal of the original work, as by translations made by professed scholars, who have devoted a great portion of their time, to the study of it : although it must at the same time be allowed, that such scholars, if also skilled in the science of geography, would be by far, the fittest persons to under- take a task of this kind. Such a one, however, has not yet undertaken it : and therefore the Author flatters himself, that, in the existing state of things, his work may he allowed to pass, until the desired coincidence may take place. M. D'Anville was perhaps the fittest person to have executed it : but it may possibly be said, that he was better employed. On this occasion the Author has followed, almost universally, the English translation by Mr. Beloe ; to whom he acknowledges his obligations; and who is consequently entitled to a share of whatsoever credit the Public may allow to the present work. Sir William Jones, in speaking of the imperfect state of the geo- graphy of Asia, has a remark to the following effect : that " until some geographer, equally skilled in the eastern languages, and in the science which he professes," will correct the geography of Asia, the reader of its history, must be content with the present imperfect system. It appears (in the same place*) that Sir William himself meditated tliis task, but wanted leisure. This is much to be re- gretted; as well as that the materials which he had collected for that purpose, should have been lost, or destroyed. However, it * Preface to the History of Nadir Shah. PREFACE. XI appears that he did not recollect that very much might be done, by faithful translations of the works of the Oriental geographers, for the use of European ones. It may also be said, that we must be content to receive things in such a way as they may be conve- niently, or indeed, at all, executed : and finally, that the most per- fect work, is nothing more than the nearest approximation to the truth. The aids that have been furnished to the Author, in various ways, have been, as on other occasions of this kind, very extensive. Gene- rally speaking, where this could be done, these favours have been acknowledged in the course of the work ; but the Author has a pleasure in repeating the names of his friends in this more conspi- cuous place, although he may hazard the imputation of vanity, in so ostentatiously displaying his resources. He acknowledges his obligations to Sir Joseph Banks, and Sir Charles Blagden ; to Mr. Dalrymple, Mr. Marsden, Mr. Wilkins, M. Correa de Serra, and the Doctors Gillies, Gray, and Dryander : to Mr. Browne and Mr. Park, (the i\.frican travellers) and to Mr. John Sullivan ; to Colonel Kirkpatrick, of the Bengal Establishment, and Captain Cuninghame, of that of Madras, ( now Brigade Major to the three regiments of Royal East India Volunteers), the Rev. Mr. Tooke, and Mr. George Nicol. And as an act of justice should not be forborne, through fear of imputed vanity, or presumption, he ventures to add to this list, his two sons, the one of Trinity College, Cambridge, the other of the Bengal Civil Establishment. *b2 Xll PREFACJ. It remains that something should be said respecting the Maps, that are meant to explain and to illustrate the different subjects of the book. Some of the general maps, may possibly be complained of, for the smallness of their scales ; but as they must of necessity be folded uito the book, they could not conxeniently be made larger. Besides, it was deemed sufficient to give correct outlines alone, of a system of geography, the particulars of which might be found, gene- rally, in the existing systems ; although framed for an age posterior to that of Herodotus. The general maps relating to Western Scythia, to the Satrapies, and to Lybia, are given here, with more detail than the others, because they will be found less perfect, in the existing systems: and it is hoped, that, on the whole, the reader will not often find himself at a loss, in the explanation of the geography. Whensoever it may happen, great aid will be derived from the ancient geography of M. D'Anville (the only system of the kind, that can be deemed at all perfect ; and unquestionably, as far as he was in any degree master of the actual geography, a work incom- parable in its kind). His maps of the ancient World, of the Roman Empire, Asia Minor, and ancient Egypt, will probably satisfy the reader in every case where he is at a loss, in respect of particular situations, in the maps contained in this work. To prevent misconceptions, regarding the ancient Map of Egypt, (No. VII.) the reader is informed, that, as no copy is known to exist, from whence the form of the ancient coast of the Delta could be delineated, the Author could do no other than describe it under PREFACE. Xni its present form. It is almost certain that no considerable change can have taken place either at Canopus or Pekisium : nor can it be supposed that the additions to the intermediate part, can have been such, as to occasion any sensible difference, in a general map : since Herodotus has remarked, that Busiris stood in the middle of the Delta, in which position its supposed remains are now found. It is remarked, in the course of the work, that, as the coast of the Delta advances into deeper water, its progress, in point of extent, must necessarily be slower. In some of the general maps, a great proportion of modern geo- graphy will be found ; which it was impossible to separate from the ancient, without much injury to the main subject; as by a compari- son of the two, on the spot, the mutual relation to each other, will be best understood. The ancient names have a dash under them ; if not otherwise distinguished, on the spot. The bulk of the Volume is unquestionably a fault : and is owing to the Author's having made a wrong calculation of the quantity of matter, at the outset. Had a correct estimate been made, as much of the matter would have been withheld, as to reduce the book to a more moderate size and price. Such, however, as it is, the Author ventures to offer it to an impartial Public ; conscious indeed, of its defects ; but conscious also, that they do not arise from a remission of labour or attention. London, January \st, 1800. CONTENTS. SECTION I. PAGE Preliminary OhseiTations _„_--- i SECTION II. Concerning the Itinerary Stade of the Greeks - - - 13 SECTION III. Of Europe, according to Herodotus - ' - - 35 SECTION IV. Of the Western, or Euxine Scythia - - - - 50 SECTION V. Of the Countries bordering on Western Scythia - - 83 SECTION VI. Expedition of Darius Hystaspes, to Western Scythia - 101 SECTION VII. The Countries situated beyond Western Scythia, to the East and North-east - - - - - --129 SECTION VIII. Of Asia, according to Herodotus - - - - - 164, XVI CONTENTS. SECTION IX. PAGE The Subject continued - - - ---184 SECTION X. Of Eastern Scythia, or the Country of the Massagetce - 207 SECTION XI. Of the Twenty Satrapies of Darius Hystaspes - - 229 SECTION XII. The Subject contitiued - - - _ - - 37^ SECTION XIII. An Examination of the Report of Aristagoras, concerning the Royal Road from Ionia to Susa _ - _ _ ^24 SECTION XIV. Co?icerning the Site and Remains of the ancient City of Babylon 335 SECTION XV. On the Captivity and Disposal of the Ten Tribes of the Jews 389 SECTION XVI. Of Africa at large, according to Herodotus _ - _ 408 SECTION XVII. Concerning the Isthmus of Suez, and the ancient Canals that united the two Seas _ _ - - - - 44^ SECTION XVIII. General Obsewations on the Floods and Alluvions of Rivers, ^c. &c. applied more particularly to the Nile : zvith an In- quiry concerning the Site of Memphis - - - 481 CONTENTS. XVU SECTION XIX. PACK Concerning the Number, Order, and Positions of the Branches of the Nile, aticient and modern - - - - 5 1 S SECTION XX. Concerning the Oases of Egypt and Lybia - - - j^ SECTION XXI. The Subject continued — Oasis and Temple of Jupiter Amnion ^yG SECTION XXII. Of the Tribes who inhabited the Coast and Country of Lybia, betzveen Egypt and Carthage _ _ _ _ QqG SECTION XXIII. Concerni7ig the two Syrtes ; the Lake Tritonis ; the Temple and Mgis of Minerva ; and the Antiquity of the Manufacture of dyed Skins, in Africa ______ Q^Q SECTION XXIV. Concerning the Circumnavigation of Africa, by the Ships of Pharaoh Necbo, King of Egypt - - - - - -672 SECTION XXV. The Subject continued __-_-- Qg^ SECTION XXVI. An Examination of the Account of the Voyage of Hanno, along the Western Coast of Africa - - - - - 719 Addenda --__-_-._ ^"^^•^ --753 749 3 LIST OF MAPS TO THE WORK. No. I. The World, according to tlie ideas of Herodotus, who suj)- posed its surface to be fat. This map explains his ideas of the relative positions of the countries and seas, known to him : to face -_-_-, page i II. The same, on a similar scale, but on a spherical projection : and with the countries in their just relative positions, and proportions, _____ page i III. EuxiNE, or Western Scythia; with the tribes or nations bordering on it: including the whole space between the rivers Teisse and W'olga ; and between the Euxine sea and Moscow. This map is explanatory of the IV, V, and Vlth Sections, __---_ page 50 IV. Maps of the Hellespont and Bosphorus ; shewing the po- sitions of the Bridges of Darius and Xerxes : explana- tory of the latter part of Section VI. Also, Edrisi's idea of the situation of the rampart and country of Gog and Ma- gog, referred to, from Section VII. - page 116 V. The Twenty Satrapies of Darius Hystaspes, in Asia and Africa: including also Greece, Thrace, the two Scythias, and the country of the Issedones, to the borders of Serica. This map describes not only the twenty Satrapies, but the extent of the knowledge of Herodotus, eastward ; and nearly the whole tract known to him, in Asia. It also shews the relative positions, and the extent, of the two Scythias ; and in the description of the latter, combines LIST OF MAPS, XlZ the ideas of the Russian and Chinese geographers, with those of Sherefeddin and Strahlenberg. It explains the whole of the VII, VIII, IX, X, XI, and Xllth Sections, respecting Asia, the Eastern Scythians, and the Satrapies ; as also what relates to the tract between the two Scythias, page 229 No. VI. The position of ancient Babylon, in resfiect of Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Bagdad, and other places, in Babylonia, and Mesopotamia: with the canals drawn from the Euplirates to the Tigris, in the narrow part of Babylonia. Also the elevation of the Tower of Belus, and the disposition of the public structures in Babylon, - - page 335 VII. LowerEgypt, ANCIENT and modern: shewing the changes in the courses of the branches of the Nile, and the diffe- rence between the ancient and the modem Deltas. Also the lines of the canals, that joined the Nile to the Red sea; thevestigesof the canal near Suez; and two sketches, explanatory of the bars of rivers. This map is explana- tory of the XVII, XVIII, and XlXth Sections, page 44,9^ VIII. Map to explain the Position of Memphis, and the change of place of the head of the Delta of the Nile : explana- tory of tlie latter part of Section XVIII. - page 4,94 IX. The coast and country of Lybia, from Egypt to Carthage; the country of Egypt, generally ; the Oasks of Egypt and Lybia ; and the middle and eastern basons of the Mediterranean sea. This contains also a Map of Posi- I IONS, shewing the data for the position of Jupiter Am- MON, &c. : and the whole is explanatory of the XX, XXI, XXII, and XXIIId Sections, - page .545 XX LIST OF MAPS. No. X. Map to explain the Circumnavigation of Africa, by the Egyptians^ under Pharaoh Necho; shewing also the streams of current in the Atlantic, and the general courses of the trade winds. Explanator)' of the XXIV and XXV th Sections, _ _ _ page 672 XI. Map to explain the Voyage of Hanno, the Carthaginian, from Carthage to the Western Guinea : with an exten- sion of the coast of Africa to Benin, and the Island of Fernando Po. Also Ptolemy's geography of Western Africa. This is explanatory of Section XXVI ; and also of a part of Section XVI, on Africa. - page 719 THE GEOGRAPHY OF HERODOTUS EXAMINED. &:c. SECTION I. Preliminary Observations — The Geography q/" Herodotus not in- tended for a System, but to explain a History — be regarded the whole habitable Earth, as one Continent — bis Character for Veracity, on the Increase — has suffered most, through his Reader's Neglect of distinguishing what the Author saw, from what he only heard — ivas ignorant of abstract Science ; and did not be- lieve that the Earth was globular : — but is respectable as a His- torian, Geographer, and Moralist — a great Traveller — his Geography consists more in relative Positions, than actual Dis- tances, and Dimetisions. — Scope of his geographical Knozvledge. As the writings of Herodotus furnish the earliest record of history, among the heathen authors whose works have reached us, so they also furnish the earliest known system of geography, as far as it goes.* It may therefore be wortii while to examine this system, • The late Professor Robertson, whose memory the Author venerates, as he esteemed him living, has the following remark, at the opening of his last work, the Disquisition concerning ancient India. What he there says respecting history, is eq^ually applicable to geography. " Whoever attempts to trace the operations of men in remote times, and to mark the various steps of their progress in any line of exertion, will soon have the mortifi- B S PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. in order to compare it with the actual ij^eography ; as well as in cer- tain cases, with the systems of Eratosthenes, Strabo, Ptole?ny, r.nd Pliny.* We have said, as far as it goes, because the ge^j^raphy of Herodotus is confined more to Asia and Africa, than to Eu- rope : and is by no means inte?ided to forra a?i abstract system, but to explain with more effect, the transactions recorded in a history, the theatre of which includes little more in Europe, tlian the provinces bordering on the JEgean sea, tlie Propontis, Euxine, and Pahis Mccotis ; and in Africa, tlie kingdom of Egypt and its dependencies ; but almost t)ie whole of tlie known parts of Asia. Limited, however, as tlie theatre of war in Europe might be, the brilliancy of the transactions on it, surpassed those throughout all the rest of the space. If it be supposed (as in reason it may) tliat our Author was master of all the geographical, as well as historical knowledge, of his own times, it may be inferred that the C? reeks knew but little concerning the western parts of Europe, besides the mere sea coast ; and although our Author seems to entertain no doubt of the exis- cation to find, that the period of authentic history is extremely limited. It is little more than 3000 years since the books of Moses, the most ancient and only genuine record of what passed in the early ages of the world, were composed. Herodotus, the most ancient heathen historian whose works have reached us, flourished 1000 years later. If we push our inquiries concerning any point beyond the sera where Written history commences, we enter Ujwn the region of conjecture, of fable, and of uncertainty. Upon that ground, I will neither venture myself, nor endeavour to conduct my readers." The materials of our author's geography may be reckoned of a date of 450 to 500 years before our aera. Dr. Usher fixes his birth at 484 before Christ. He also says that he read his books before the council at Athens, in 445 ; of course, when he was about 39 years of age. This was about 44 years before the expedition of Cyrus, and the retreat of the ten thousand; iii before Alexander crossed the Hellespont. • In order to form an idea in detail of the systems of the three first of these great geographers, the reader is referred to the work of M. Gosselim, entitled Geographit des Grecs analysee, 1780. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. J tence of a Northern ocean, he confesses his ignorance, whether, or not, Europe was bimnded on the north and east by the ocean. It is proper tu remark, that Merodotus considered, and perhaps rightly, the whole of the earth then know?i, as one single conti- nent : regarding Europe, Asia, and Africa, as nothing more than divisions of that c()ntine?it. In effect, he does not attach any de- gree of importance to the question concerning the boundaries of these divisions ; and therefore speaks of the line of sejiaration be- tween Europe and Asia, Asia and Africa, in a vague way. '• I am far," says he, Melpom. 45, " from satisfied why to one continent, three different names, taken from women, have been assigned. To one of these divisions (meaning Asia) some have given as a boundary the Egyptian Nile and the Colchian Phasis ; others, the Tanais, the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and the Palus Maotis." It appears that he adopted for the boundary of Asia, the river Phasis, and not the Tanais : and for that of Africa, the Isthmus of Suez, in preference to the Nile ; for, speaking of Africa, he says that it is " bounded by the sea, except in that particular part, which is contiguous to Asia." Sometliing, however, like contradiction appears in respect (>f this subject : for it will be seen hereafter, that he excludes Egypt from Africa, as well as from Asia ; which ap- pears very extraordinary, and can only be accounted for, on the ground that he does not, like others, distribute the habitable world into co?itinents, but into regions : and that Egypt might be con- sidered as a region <^>f itself. The shore of the Baltic sea, from whence amber was brought (Prussia), seems to have been the extent of his knowledge, that way. The British Islands he knew in part, as being the place from whence the Phcenicians, and from them the Greeks, had their tin; an indispensable article, it would appear, as without it they could not harden their copper, so as to make it answer the purposes of iron, in weapons. lie accordingly speaks of the Cassiterides, as the islands from wiience the tin was said to be brought. It has B2 4 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. been very much the custom to refer the Cassiterides to the Scilly Islands alone ; but the idea ought to be extended to Cornwall at least : and, it is possible that very great changes have taken place in the state of Scilly and Cornwall since the date of that traffic* The fact of the insular nature of Britain must of course have been ascertained by the Phoenicians, who sailed between it and the continent, in their way to the amber country : but whether they knew much concernins^ the extent of Britain northward, or of the existence of Ireland, is a fact that appears not to have reached us. It is however, very probable, that in the idea of Herodotus, the Cassiterides were a cluster of small islands, insignificant in any other point of view, than as containing tin mines. Of Asia, by much the greater part was unknown ; and yet, not- withstanding this deficiency, the proportion of space on the globe, known to Ptolemy, about 600 years after Herodotus, did not greatly exceed that, which was known, in a general way, to Hero- dotus himself; although during that interval all the knowledge acquired by the Macedonian and Roman expeditions, had been brought forward to public view. This is easily explained. The track of Alexander was confined generally within the limits already known to our Author ; so that it brought no accession of space. And althougli the discoveries and inquiries made by the Romans, had added to the space known to Herodotus, the north and north- eastern parts of Europe, together with the British Islands at large; as well as Serica, the borders of China, the Peninsula beyond the Ganges, the eastern part of India, and Taprobana ; yet the ground lost by geographers in Africa, nearly, if not entirely, overbalanced, all the latter acquisitions. So that in Africa, Herodotus knew more than Ptolemy, vastly more than Strabo. For, it is certain, that • There are some curious particulars in Diodorus Siculus respecting an island near the British coast, to which carriages laden with tin, came at low water, in order to its being embarked on vessels for the continent. See the course of this merchandize in lib. V. c. 2. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. 5 Herodotus had a very positive, and in some degree, circumstantial, knowledge, of the course of the river Niger ; now, by the disco- veries recently made by Mr. Park, shewn to be the same with the Joliba, or great inland river of Africa : so that we must extend his knowledge of the inland part of Africa, to the same point, known to Ptolemy, and to the Romans. Again, Ethiopia, and the general course of the Nile, to a certain point, were alike known to Hero- dotus and to Ptolemy, by report ; although the place of the distant fountains of the Nile was involved in obscurity. But the striking difference in the quantity of space known, in Africa, to these authors, respectively, arose from Herodotus's knowing that Africa extended a vast way to the south of th§ Nile, and Niger, and that it had been sailed round ; whilst Ptolemy was either ignorant of the circumstance, or disbelieved it. In point of discrimination also, as well as of extent, geography, in some particulars, lost ground between the times of Herodotus and Strabo : for Herodotus knew that the Caspian sea was a lake, and describes it as such ; but this was afterwards either forgotten, or the opinion was over-ruled : and from the date of Alexander's expedition, to Ptolemy, the Caspian passed for a gulf of the Nor- thern ocean ; to which it was supposed to be joined, by an exceed- ing long and narrow strait. So that an actual visit to the spot, by Alexander and his followers, had the singular effect of jahijying, instead of improving, the systems of geography. It is a common and just remark, that the authority of our Author's work has been rising in the opinion of the world, in latter times; which may be referred to the number of discoveries that have been lately made, and which are continually making, in the countries which he describes. It was ignorance and inattention therefore, that determined the opinions of his judges ; a charge in which several of the ancients are implicated as well as the moderns. The same want of attention has confounded together, the descriptions ' 6 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. of what he sazo, with what he had only beard; and which he might think himself bound to relate. Mr. Wood speaks much to the purpose respecting this matter. He says, " were I to give my opinion of him, having followed him through most of the countries which he visited, I would say, that he is a writer of veracity in his description of what he saw, but of credulity in his relations of what he had heard." We may add, that superstition made him credulous in believi?ig many improbable stories ; but love of truth prevented him from asserting falsehoods. The instances of gross superstition manifested by him are too numerous to be recounted ; but superstition was also common to many other great characters. But his ignorance in certain points is infinitely more unpleasing than his superstition : for it may be observed, that however distin- guished our Author may have been as an historian, geographer, and moralist, yet that as a man of science, and a natural philoso- pher, he ranks very low indeed ; as is too conspicuous in several parts of his work. Such is his ignorance of the existence of snozu in elevated situations in warm climates; Euterpe, 22; his belief that the sun was vertical in India, before mid-day ; Thalia, 104; aiid his very unphilosophical way of accounting for the swelling of the Nile ; in which he talks of the sun's being driven out of his course, &c. Euterpe, 24. It appears also, that he did not believe that the earth was of a globular form ; which alone was sufficient to lead him into great errors. Says he, Melpom. 36. " I cannot but tiiink it exceed- ingly ridiculous to hear some men talk of the circumference of the earth, pretending, without the smallest reason or probability, that the ocean encompasses the earth ; that the earth is round, as if mechanically formed so; and that Asia is equal to Europe." Again, Melpom. 42, although he believed that the ships of Nechao had cir- cumnavigated Africa, yet it appeared incredible to him, that during the voyage they should have had the sun on their right band. All PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONiS, f which arose from his ignorance in matters of science. But where- soever he speaks of history, or of morals, he fails not to give infor- mation and satisfaction : these being his proper walks. We could with pleasure dwell on this subject, if the scope of our work permitted it; for the justice and propriety of his remarks on matters of common life, prove his observation to be very acute, and his judgment no less clear. But we cannot resist the tempta- tion of inserting the following remarks, at this time, as they shew the strong contrast between a virtuous republican of Greece, and a modern republican, formed on a Gallic model. And yet no one can doubt that the permanent comfort and happiness of the human species, were to the full, as much the object of the former, as of the latter. Speaking of the atrocious conduct of Cambyses in Egypt, he says, " For my own part, I am satisfied that Cambyses was de- prived of his reason ; he would not otherwise have disturbed the sanctity of temples, or of established customs. Whoever had the op- portunity of choosing for their observance, from all the nations of the world, such laws and customs as to them seemed best, would, I am of opinion, after the most careful examination, adhere to their own. Each nation believes that their own laws are by far the most excellent ; no one therefore, but a madman, would treat such pre- judices with contempt." Thalia, 38. These are the sentiments of a republican, who, in order to enjoy a greater degree of civil liberty, quitted his native city Halicar- nassus, when its system of laws was violated by the tyrant Lyg- damis.* • He has also the following remark, in his description of Egypt. " It seems to be an established prejudice, even amongst nations the least refined, to consider mechanics and their descendants in the lowest rank of citizens ; and to esteem those as the most noble, who were of no profession ; annexing the highest degrees of honour to the exercise of arms. This idea prevails throughout Greece, but more particularly at Lacedasmon ; the Corinthians, however, do not hold mechanics in disesteem." Euterpe, 167. 8 PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. The most extraordinary of his errors, as being so directly con- trary to what appears to the most common observer, is the story of the vertical sun in the morning : but it is possible that the story may be accounted for, satisfactorily ; though not altogether to the credit of our Author's knowledge. He says, " In distinction from all other nations, the heat with these people (the Indians) is greatest, not at mid-day, but in the morn- ing. They have a vertical sun, when with us, people zvithdraw from the Forum ; during which period the warmth is more exces- sive than the mid-day sun in Greece." Thalia, 104. The time when the Forum was/«//, is fixed by the best authorities, at nine in the morning ; and although we have no idea of the hour when the people retired from it, yet, the context considered, it must be supposed to be at a considerable distance short of noon ; it being in some degree cofitrasted with it, by our Author. Is not this very extraordinary misapprehension, occasioned by the neglect of reducing the time to the meridian of the place ? For, by the difference of longitude between Greece (or perhaps Ionia might be meant) and hither India, it would certainly happen, that when it was nine o'clock in Greece, it would be about noon on the banks of the Indus. If Herodotus could have been made to believe that the earth was round, it is probable that he would not have fallen into this error, occasioned perhaps, by a story, literally true, but maliciously told him by one who believed that the earth was globular, but could not persuade Herodotus that it was so. And we have already remarked that he says, " I cannot but think it exceedingly ridicu- lous to hear some men talk," &c. His geographical notices are scattered throughout his work; and would, according to Mr. Beloe's observation, fill a volume. They are ever placed where they may best serve to elucidate the parts of the history, to which they respectively belong ; and not with a view to an abstract system of geography. It is not there- PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. Q fore to be inferred that he was ignorant of any particular subject of geography, because he omits to descant on it ; history, and not geography, being his principal object. We have endeavoured to collect all the scattered notices, into one point of view, in order to make them bear on, and illustrate each other, in a kind of system; it being only by a reference to these notices collectively, that any kind of system can be made out. As a geographer, he had an advantage over the generality of his brethren, in that he had seen the countries which he most particularly describes ; that is, Egypt, Scythia, Thrace, Persia, Assyria, Lydia, Palestine, Syria, &c. That he visited these, we learn from his own authority, in different parts of his work; as in Euterpe throughout, but particularly in chap- ters 3, 29, 44, 104, 106, and 167 : Clio, 194; and Melpom. 86. It has appeared, that Herodotus doubts whether the ocean com- pletely encompasses the earth ; but he admits that it surrounds it on three sides. For, speaking of the Caspian sea, as being uncon- nected with all others, (in effect a lake) he says, that the Erythrean sea, and the one frequented by the Gt'eeks, as well as the Atlantic, are parts of the same ocean ; Clio, 203 : and as he also says, Mel- pom. 13, 36, that the Hyperboreans, whom he places to the north- ward of the Scythians and Issedones, extended to the sea ; this is saying, in other words, that the sea bordered on, and confined Europe and Asia on the north. We have here then, in express terms, a north, a south, and a xvest sea; but no eastern sea; so that he considered the eastern part of the world, as composed of land only : for he says, that " the Indians are the last nation to- wards the east ; and that beyond them is a vast desert, unknown and unexplored." Melpom. 40. Again he says, Melpom. 8, " They affirm, without proving it, that the ocean, commencing at the east, flows round the earth." The geography of Herodotus consists almost entirely of a series of relative positions of countries, to each other; but without dis- tances or dimensions, except in certain instances. Hence, we can C lO PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. only refer to those ideas o( juxtaposition, the measures given by succeeding geographers ; particularly Eratosthenes and Strabo, whose ideas of relative position seem to have differed but little from those of our Author: for we clearly discover his principal errors perpetuated in the systems of those geographers. Where- fore, reasoning from analogy, it may be inferred, that the dimen- sions of countries, and regions, given generally by them, were those extant in the days of Herodotus ; save only such as were corrected by the materials furnished by the expedition of Alexander; which expedition, besides the eclat of the military history belonging to it, furnished in Greece and Egypt, an epoch of geographical improve- ment and correction, which may not unaptly be compared with that of the discoveries of the Portugueze, along the coasts of Africa and India ; or of that of the present time, in which geography has been improved in every quarter of the globe. But, in effect, the expeditions of Alexander and of Xenophon, how fruitful soever in geographical notices, in detail, did not afford materials for correcting the former errors of the Greeks, respecting some of the most important relative positions, in the gross : as for instance, the Caspian sea was supposed by Herodotus to be oppo- site to the coast of the Persian Icthyophagi ; and the sea of Col- chis to that of Persia : and these errors existed not only in the days of Herodotus, but continued to those of Eratosthenes and Strabo, also. The cause of their perpetuation will be shewn in the sequel. His ideas of the proportional extent of the known parts of Europe^ Asia, and Africa, were very defective : for he reckoned the two latter much too small, in respect of Europe. But it is again to be remarked, that succeeding geographers, down to Pliny inclusive, ran into the same kind of error, and even to a greater degree : for instance, the Europe of Eratosthenes and Strabo, exceeded in their ideas, the parts of Asia known to Herodotus : and those of Africa, in a yet greater degree. Pliny erred yet more in his proportions. Ptolemy was the first who approached the truth, in giving the PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS. ll relative proportions of the known regions of the globe, although the absolute measures in longitude given by him, were in excess to a degree perfectly unaccountable : whilst the errors of his prede- cessors, although in excess likewise, appear to be so, only in the proportion which the distance by the road, or by the coasting voyage of a ship, exceeds that by the direct line. And this seems indeed, to point out the source of many of their errors. Another error of Herodotus was, his taking the Isthmus of Asia Minor, much too narrow. A like error, but in a greater degree, ap- pears to have arisen in his estimation of the breadth of Arabia; \vhicl;i is inferable from his statements of the respective positions of Egypt and Cilicia; Colchis, and the Persian gulf ; an error also perpe- tuated by succeeding geographers: for Pliny, lib. vi. c. 28, cozn- pares the Peninsula of Arabia, to that of Italy, not only in forniy and position, but in point of size also ! Thus the most prominent features of this geography, as far as we can collect from the records of the times, did not greatly vary, from the days of Herodotus, to those of Pliny. In so ancient a book, one must not be surprised at finding cor- ruptions in the numerals, or even in the proper names. With re- spect to the first, we sometimes find them false, in places where a knowledge of the ground, afl^ords the means of detecting them : and hence, the same may be inferred in other places, where, througli want of the requisite information, they escape detection. As to names, it appears that they are more correct, than one had a right to expect. It is however, certain, that in the account of the Per- sian Satrapies, certain names occur, that cannot be referred to any particular position. Some of these may have been lost, altogether, in subsequent times ; as there is an instance in that of tiie Caspian's country, whose name was grown obsolete before the time of Strabo. Others may have been corrupted ; and others again were probably no more than names of the principal cities of the several countries, applied to the countries themselves ; a custom very prevalent in the East, to the great confusion of history, and of geography. But, on C2 m PRELIMIKARY OBSERVATIONS. the whole, during the interval of five or six centuries, between Herodotus and Ptolemy, the names do not appear to have under- gone much change. The scope of the geographical knowledge of our Author may be briefly comprized in the following description : Of Europe and Asia, collectively, the northern boundary Nvas the ocean, whose shore was supposed to continue from the south of the Baltic, eastward; and perhaps touching the parallel of 60°, On the north-east, the mountains o{ Altai, at the head of the Irtish river, and the country of the Oigurs or Yugures, which is far ad- vanced within Great Tartary, seem to have terminated his know- ledge ; and on the east, the great sandy deserts of Tartary, and the country of India ; but of this last, his ideas appear to have been the most indistinct possible, both in respect of its extent, and of its history. The Peninsula of India is darkly pointed out by the tract which extends very far to the south of Persia, and whose in- habitants are black ; but it is given under too confined limits. The eastern extremity of Herodotus's world, was a vast Desert, unknown and unexplored, and consequently in extent, indejinite. The remainder he knew to be surrounded by the ocean ; including Africa, which he confined within limits which were very much narrower than the truth, both in respect of its length and breadth ; although much wider than appear in the systems of other geo- graphers. In the discussion of this subject, we shall treat the three divisions of Europe, Asia, and Africa, according to our Author's distribu- tion of their space, in the order here mentioned : adding thereto a particular description of the 20 Satrapies of Persia, according to the arrangement of Darius Hystaspes. These last, comprized a great proportion of the known part of the world, at that da3\ But before we enter finally on the discussion of the geography, it may be proper to ascertain what portion of distance was intended by the itinerary stade of the Greeks, since their geography appears to have been regulated by this scale. C 13 D SFXTION ir. CONCERNING THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS, FROM THE DATE OF HERODOTUS. The Grecian Stade often confounded with the Roman — appears to have varied, only with the Judgment of the Individuals who com- puted the Distances — Examples cited from Herodotus, Pausanias, Xenophon, Eratosthenes, Straho, Polybius, Pliiiy, and Arrian — receives Confirmation from a Cotnparison with the mean Marches of Armies — Paces, the elementary Part of Itinerary Measures; and the Stade probably formed originally, of a Hundred of these, JL HOSE who have entered into the question concerning the length of the Grecian Stade, have expressed the difficulties they have ex- perienced in attempting to reconcile the different standards that present themselves, under one and the same denomination of stade. In common acceptation we find a stade commensurate to a furlong; which idea is applied to all the stades of antiquity, whether Gre- cian or Roman, without considering whether the same standard, as well as denomination, was indifferently used by both nations. This error may probably be traced to the Roman authors, who, in all cases where they have made use of Grecian materials in geography, have reckoned 8 stades to a Roman mile; an error, however, natural enough, as it appears that they had a stade of their own, of that standard, and might suppose that the Grecian itinerary stade was of the same kind : for it has not been found an easy task to appreciate the standards of foreign itinerary mea- sures at any rate ; and the authors in question, who wrote from books, and not from actual observation of the standards themselves, were the least likely of any to appreciate them rightly. It is foreign to our purpose to enter into an inquiry concerning 14 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. any other stade, than the one applied to itinerary purposes by the Greeks : and we conceive tliat this measure, did not, in effect, vary in its sta?iddrd, but that the different resuhs arising from the com- parison of the numbers of stades, with the ground on wliich they were computed, are to be ascribed to tlie difference of judgment amongst the individuals who made the computations; (we say co)nputdtions, because it may be supposed that the distances were, in very few instances, measured:) for the greatest difference that arises amongst the several authors, taking the mean of the examples furnished by each respectively, is about a fourteeiitb part, and that in one instance alone; but the more common difference is only a twenty-fourth part. Some have endeavoured to account for these differences, from the different ages in which the measures were employed : but this, does not hold, for some of the measures reported by Herodotus, agree with those reported by Strabo, several centuries afterwards ; whilst those of the same age frequently differ.* Many of the * It must however be admitted, that in the Periplus of Scylax, which was written before the time of our Author, the numbers appear greater, than in later authors ; but whether this arose from ignorance of the true distances, or from an alteration of Standard, may perhaps be disputed. We should rather believe the former cause, other- wise an alteration of I must have taken place, between the time of Scylax, and that of Strabo. For instance, the Island of Crete, is said by Scylax, t to be 2500 stades in length ; but by Sosicrates, 2300 ; J and by Strabo, 2000. § It is somewhat less than 150 geographical miles, (or those of 60 to a degree) or about 1800 of Strabo 's scale, (700 to a degree.) Possibly the indentations of the coast, may make up the 2000. Sicily is also said by Scylax to be 2500 stadia on each side.|| Its length is indeed only about 10 miles greater than Crete, which appears at first sight to countenance the idea of a shorter stade ; but when it is recollected that the east side of Sicily is j shorter than the other two, although the three sides are said by Scylax to be equal ; It must be allowed that no dependance can be placed on the statement of numbers. At all events, it is to be recollected that our inquiry has no reference to any date anterior to Herodotus. + Scylax, in Hudson's Min. Geog. Vol. i. page 18, and 56. X Strabo, p. 474. § lb. p. 106. {) Scylax, p. 4. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 15 numbers are, indeed, out of reason ; and others absurd : but, in such cases, one ought rather to suppose a corruption of the text, than look for a diversity of standards, in the same denomination of itinerary measure ; and in so small a state as Greece. It is certain that Herodotus describes the stade as a measure of 600 Grecian feet,* which require about 600 to make a degree ; but this appears to be the Olympic stade, which is valued by M. D'Anville at 94^ toises.-f There is, however, no testimony concerning the application of this stade to itinerary purposes ; on the contrary, every portion of distance, as well throughout Herodotus's history, as of the writings of other Greeks, appears, on a reference to the ground itself, to be measured by a stade of a much shorter stan- dard; most of them rising above that of Xenophon, which is of 750 to a degree, but falling belotv that of Strabo, which is of 700. But although the Olympic stade was not used by Herodotus, it appears very clearly that he made use of wo/e than 07ie standard of iti- nerary stade ; for the result of his numbers gives a much longer standard in Greece, Asia Minor, and Persia, than in Egypt and the Eiixine sea. Whether this difference was the effect of design, or of misconception, cannot with certainty be known ; but it was probably from the latter; as his silence might lead us to suppose that he had no more than one kind of stade in contemplation. It is important to observe, that the former agrees nearest with those of Xenophon, Eratosthenes, and Strabo, and in particular with that resulting from the calculation on the mean marches of armies ; than which, perhaps, nothing can be more to the purpose, in the matter of approximation ; since the mean motion of armies forms a kind oi natural and universal scale, in all places, and at all times; of which more in the sequel. • Dr. Arbuthnot reckons the Grecian foot at 12,0875 of our inches. + Mes. Itin. page 70. In Euterpe, c. 149, Herodotus says that a Stade is com- posed of 100 orgyia, each of 6 feet. Again, in Melpomene, c. 41, 100,000 orgyici are said to be equal to. 1000 stades. l6 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. One must surely conclude that Herodotus was well informed respecting the itinerary measures of his country ; and tlierefore an example of it, given on one of the most celebrated communications in Greece, namely, that between Athens and Pisa (Olympia) ought, if the numbers are not corrupted, to be taken as decisive. This gives a ratio of 755 stades to a degree.* But, on the other hand, PausaniaSf-f gives the measure of the road between Sparta and Pisa, on which there arises a ratio of 707. It will be found in the sequel, that the former result agrees very nearly with the stade of Xenophon, the latter with that of Strabo. In a second example furnished by Herodotus, and that on an exceeding long line of distance, being the whole extent between Sardis and SiisiJi, 13,500 stadia, the result, when due allowances are made for the inflections of the road (as in other cases), is 694, and a fraction.]; But this may be hable to exception, as it appears * Herodotus says, Euterpe, c. 7, " The distance betwixt Heliopolis (in Egypt) and the sea, is nearly the same, as from the altar of the 12 Deities, at Athens, to the shrine of Jupiter Olympus at Pisa. The distance from Pisa to Athens wants pre- cisely 15 stadia of 1500, which is the exact number of stadia, between Heliopolis and the sea." The direct distance on D'Anville's Map of Greece is 105 G. miles. If ^ be added for winding, the road distance will be 118, which gives 755 to a degree. N. B. It is worthy of remark, that notwithstanding this positive statement, and comparison, the distance betwixt Heliopolis and the sea is no more than 80 G. miles direct ; as will appear in the sequel. t D'Anville Mes. Itin. p. 76, quotes Pausanias, El'tac. II. who says, that the dis- tance betwixt a certain column in Olympia, and another in Sparta, is 660 stades. On the map, this distance is 50 G. miles, or 56 by the road, giving a rate of 707 to a degree. The Theodosian table has 61 MP. only ; equal to about 49 G. miles by the road. :|: This occurs in Terpsichore, c. 52. It is said that the road between Sardis and Susa is of the extent of 450 parasangas, each of 30 stades : that is, an aggregate of 13,500 stades. The distance on the map, taken through the points of Issus and Mosul, to Sus, (supposed to be Susa) is 1120 G. miles, from which results a propor- tion of 723 s to a degree. But as this is calculated on exceeding long lines of distance, it requires that some addition should yet be made to the 11 20 miles, in order to ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. fj to be founded on the relative proportions of the Persian para- sanga and the Grecian stade; the former of which is valued by Herodotus, Erato, c. 42, as well as by Xenophon, Anabasis, lib. 2, at 30 stades. It may justly be doubted whether any parasanga was of so short a standard as the one reported by Xenophon ; and it is certain that the iwodoxn far sajig, which represents it, is universally of a longer standard, and bears a much nearer proportion to the parasanga of Herodotus, than to that of Xenophon, if compared with the ground itself* At the same time, Xenophon travelled over the ground which he describes; and Herodotus, no doubt, took his account from hearsay : and from a view of the whole mat- ter, one would certainly be led to conclude that Herodotus deduced his number of stades from the number of parasangas reported to him ; and that the Grecian general (Clearchus) kept the account of his marches in stades, which Xenophon turned into parasangas, at the rate of 30 to each. ,It iiAy be remarked on this occasion, that comparisons between Itinerary measures of different coun- tries, have commonly been made inaccurately, even by persons, arrive at the measure of the road distance ; although that road may be supposed to have been made straighter than ordinary ones in that country ; since it not only formed the grand communication between Asia Minor, Cilicia, and Persia, but was styled the Royal Road, and was divided into stathmi of about the length of the ordi- nary march of an army, terminated by inns or caravanserais of great magnificence, for the use of the king. Probably Vt may be required, in addition to the infleaions already allowed, on occasion of its passing through Issus and Mosul ; and then the pro- portion will be 694 or 695 to a degree ; falling short of that between Athens and Pisa, by about -^ part. • It appears that Taverniere reckoned 282 farsangs between Kandahar and Ispa- han, on a line of 683 G. miles ; giving a result of - 2,339-1 Forster on 229 farsangs to 571 miles, in Korasan - 2,496 I *° *^2^" farsang Chardin and Olearius, on 82 farsangs to 252 miles between | Ciibin and Ispahan - - - . . SjOSsJ Mean 2,630 on J93 farsangs. Herodotus - - - . . 2,489 on '450. But Xenophon only - - - - 2,143. D i8 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE dREEKS, from whom accuracy might have been expected. Fractions occur, and these are neglected ; or an even number of elementary parts is taken, when an odd number approaches nearer to the truth. Thus the Indian coss is compared by Thevenot to half a French league, although it be little less than two of our miles. We could adduce many other instances. It appears that no less than 33-§- stades of those of 718 to a degree (which is the result of our in- quiries into the length of the mean stade) are required to make up a parasanga of the scale arising on the 4,50 stated by Herodotus between Sardis and Susa, when reduced to road distance: for these being in direct distance nearly 2^ G. miles each,* cannot well be less than 2,8 by the road, when an eighth is allowed for inflections. And it is highly probable that instead of 13,500 stades between Sardis and Susa, it should have been 15,000, or thereabouts : that is, 450 multiplied by 33^ instead of 30. In Egypt, and in the Euxine sea, the stade of Herodotus falls so low, that it is evidently meant for something different from the Greek stade : since no less than 1 00 1 to a degree, are required in the first instance; 1032 in the latter.-j- To us it appears that in respect of Egypt, the cause arises from his having taken the scbcene one third above its real standard ; that is, at 60 stades, instead of 40, as it really appears to be. For, in describing the dimensions of Egypt, he gives them in schcenes, and then reduces them to stades, at the rate of 60, to a schoene, Euterpe 6, and 9. We have * Critically 2,489. + Examples in Egypt. 1. Between Heliopolis and the sea, 80 G. miles direct, or about 90 by the road, is given at 1500 stadia, Euterpe 7. Result _ _ . 1000 2. Coast of Egypt, 3600 stadia, Euterpe 6, distance 195 G. miles. Result 1108 3. Heliiipolis to Thebes, 4860 stadia, Eut. 9, distance by the road 312 - 935 General mean on 9960 stades to 597 G. miles - looi Example in the Euxine sea. From \\ie entrance to the river Phash, ii,ico stades, distance by coasting naviga- tion 645 G. miles, Melpora. c. 85. Result - - 1032. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. I9 given a number of examples in the notes : and there apj^ars not the shadow of a doubt that a schcene consisted of 40 stades, or about 4, Roman miles.* There is another circumstance in proof of the like error, in his allowing more than 6000 stades between Tbebes and the sea, whilst Eratosthenes allowed 5000 only for the difference of parallels, be- tween Syene and Alexandria. And again, in assigning 24.00 stades to the breadth of the Delta, (4,0 schoenes) whilst Eratos^ thenes, Pliny, and Strabo, severally allow no more than 1300, 1360, and i5oo.-f- • In the Antonine Itin. p, 152, a station named Penttischoenon, occurs between Mount Casius and PeJusium, and is of 20 MP. agreeing to about 40 stades to a schcene. In Isidore of Charax, Hudson's Minor Geog. Vol. ii. the schcene turns out equal to about 4 MP. also. Pliny says, lib. 12, c. 14, that Eratosthenes reckons it 40 stadia, equal tp 5 MP. but that some allow 32 only. Doubtless the authority of Eratosthenes may be followed. There is also an example in Herodotus himself, between Heliopolis and the sea. The distance he says, Euterpe 7, is 1500 stadia (probably deduced from 25 schoenes of 60 stades each.) The distance is 80 G. miles direct, equal to 100 Roman miles : so that the schoenes should be 4 Roman miles each, or about 40 stades, instead of 60 ; and the whole distance 1000 stades of those of 750 to a degree. Add for the pro- bable windings of the road, and we have 11 25 stades of the same standard. Now, according to the proportion of the road from Athens to Pisa, the 80 G. miles give about 1 1 30 stades of 755 to a degree. Is not this conclusive, respecting his error of reckoning 60 stades instead of 40, to a schcene : and does not this account for the scale of his stade in Egypt ? t In Euterpe, c. 9, Herodotus reckons about 9 days for the voyage from Heliopolis to Thebes, which gives 540 stades, or 50I of our miles per day, had the stades been of the Grecian standard. This rate is, however, out of all rule : and it is pro- bable that 19 days, or thereabouts, were originally written. Norden was about 19 days, in ascending the Nile from Cairo to Thebes, in December, a very favourable season, which may reduce the rate to 22 or 24 British miles by the course of the river; and agrees to the ordinary rate of progress in other great rivers. But it is to be understood, that the voyage was made in a boat of a considerable size. Da 20 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. It is certain that the use of a similar standard in the Euxine sea, cannot be accounted for, in the same manner, unless it be sup- posed that Herodotus visited that sea in an Eg3'ptian ship, in which the reckoning would naturally have been kept in schoenes. But perhaps there may be more colour for this supposition, than appears at first sight, for as Herodotus says, Melpom. 86, speaking of his own voyage in the Euxine, that in a long day, a ship will sail through the space of 700 stadia; which, at the rate of 718 to a degree (the result of our inquiries) are equal to 58^ miles; whilst his own statements, in the other parts of his history, as well as the uniform testimony of the ancients, limit the mean rate of sailing of their ships, to about 37 G. miles per day (say 450 stadia);* it is clear that a measure very different from the ordinary stade must be meant, when 700 are given : and as the mean rate of sailing, bears nearly the same proportion to the rate described in the Euxine, as the true measure of the schocne, to that calculated on by Herodotus, it is very probable that the schoene furnished the ground of calculation here, as well as in Egypt. Certain it is, that the measure of the stade, in Egypt and the Euxine, differs from his statement of it elsewhere ; as well as from the statements of others ; and that in so great a degree, that if the stade is really meant in all places, we shall be obliged to charge Herodotus with inconsis- tency ; a charge that can by no means be ordinarily imputed to him. In our estimation of the stade of Herodotus, we shall therefore lay out of the question what regards Egypt and the Euxine, as being apparently involved in error, and confine the question to the examples given in every other part; that is, in Greece; on the road from Sardis to Susa; on the interval between the mouth of the Danube and that of the Borysthenes ; and finally to the number of • See article •• Sailing of ancient ships" in the Index. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 21 stades said to compose an ordinary march of an army. These, then, give a ratio of 732, to a degree of a great circle.* The stade resulting from the marches of Xenophon, furnishes much satisfaction in respect of itself, as it may be checked, not only by the scale of the mean march, but also by the Jerusalem Itine- rary, over part of the ground ; and no less by the computations of the same distance by modern travellers. The ordinary march of Xenophon, was 150 stades, (the same length as is allowed by He- rodotus,) and which, according to the practice of the Greeks, (whether right or wrong,) they both supposed to be equal to 5 Persian parasangas. The Jerusalem Itinerary has 4,5 MP. between Tarsus and Man- sista, on the river Pyramus -f (the Mopsuestia of more ancient times, and the Messis of our own. ) Within this space, Xenophon, with the younger Cyrus, made 3 marches, which he reckons equal to 15 parasangas, and these equal to 450 stades. ;|; So that here are just 150 stades in each march, and these equal to 15 Roman miles; consequently there are 10 stades to each mile, or 750 to a degree; since M. D'Anville has shewn that 75 such miles are equivalent to that portion of the meridian. §. Again, between Dana (which is no doubt the Tyana of the Iti- nerary) and Tarsus, Xenophon reckons 25 parasangas, || and the Itinerary 75 MP. ; ** consequently, 750 stades to a degree. • Summary of the examples given by Herodotus, in Greece, Asia, &c. I. Between Athens and Pisa . _ - - - 755 2. Sardis and Susa _ _ - - - 695 3. Danube and Borysthenes - - - - 727 4. The scale of the ordinary march, which is about 14 B. miles, or 15 MP. whilst 150 stadia are stated to be an ordinary march, by Herodotus, Terpsi- chore, ch. 53, and 54. (Xenophon has the same) - _ - 750 Mean - 732 t Itinerary, page 580. % Anabasis, lib. i. § Mes. Itin. p. 44, et seg^ H Anab. lib. i. ** Itinerary, p. 577, <•/ seq^. 22 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. The result of our inquiries into the length of the mean inarches of armies, gives rather above 1 4 B. miles,* which may l>e reckoned 15 Roman miles. So that tiie ordinary march of Xenophon, agrees with the calculation of the ordinary march, at large. And having thus ascertained the distance marched through in a day, by Xeno- phon, we of course ascertain the length of his stade, which was the 150th part of 15 MP. or the 750th part of a degree. It has appeared that the result of the calculation, on the road from Athens to Pisa, comes very near to the present one ; being 755. It is proper to add, that modern travellers calculate at a medium the distance between Tarsus and the river Pyramus, at 4^^ B. miles ; whilst about 4,1 1^ are equivalent to the 45 MP. of the Itinerary. And also that, by the assumption of one ix>int for the Syrian gates, and another for Issus, w'hich is doubtless the Oseler (to be pro- nounced Usseler) of Niebuhr, the comparison of Xenophon's route with the Itineraries,-}- and with the computations of the distance, may be extended in the gross, 20 parasangas beyond the Pyramus ; making in all, 105 MP.; with the same success as in the former interval. And we may add, that in every part of Asia, where we can trace the footsteps of this immortal General, we find the same proportional scale of 750 to a degree. The stade of Aristotle, valued at iiii to a degree, we regard purely as an imaginary measure, and conceive that it was founded * This march, reduced to horizontal, or direct, distance, for geographical purposes, is about 10,6 G. miles. The stathmus mentioned by Herodotus (see above, p. 17, notes) between Sardis and Susa, comes out 10,5 ; no doubt intended for an ordinary inarch. The mean march of Xenophon from Natolia to Trebizonde is about 15 B. miles, but then the marches during his retreat were often much longer than on occasions of ordinary warfare. Five parasangas, or 15 MP. is his ordinary march ; and which occurs in almost every page. The mean of g^yneasureJ marches of Indian armies (no- Europeans with them) was 14,6: or say 141 B. miles. + Meaning both the Antcmne and JerusaUm Itineraries. See in the first, page 145, it seq.\ the latter, p. 580, 581. \ ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 23 on certain supposed dimensions of the globe; which dimensions, having been found erroneous, in excess, the moderns have dimi- nished the standard of the stade, instead of lessening the number of stades in a degree. We are therefore surprised to find it em- ployed, in the application to actual geography, in very late times. Eratosthenes and Strabo allow 700 stades to a degree, in their calculations of distance; but it appears that, (in Asia particularly) they often substituted the road distance, perhaps the marches of Alexander, for direct distance. This appears clearly by comparing the actual distances, as they appear in modern geography, with the numbers of stades given ; for, in most cases, across the conti- nent of Asia, the deficiency of distance amounts to the difference between the measure of the direct line, between any two places, and that of the road distance, between them. Nothing can speak more strongly to this point, than the circumstance of Strabo's .giving the number of stades in Nearchus's coasting navigation, for the length of the coasts of Persia and Caramania. Eratosthenes, as a Grecian, should have known the true value of a stade; a Grecian Itinerary measure: and, as a geographer, he ought to have known that it was necessary to make a distinction between road distance and horizontal distance. The same may be said of Strabo; but as we find no indication of any such distinc- tion having been made ; but, on the contrary, that the road dis- tance agrees nearest to the number of stades (of the scale of 700 to a degree) used to express the extent of the countries, through which the roads lead, we may suspect that neither of them had ever been in the habit of constructing tabular geography ; without which, no accurate idea of extent and juxtaposition can well be conceived, or expressed. One might conclude, that, as 700 was the number fixed on, ori- ginally, by Eratosthenes, as the measure of a degree of a great circle, that this was the established standard at that day, in Greece, or Macedonia: for this principle /|?^^as "acift»ally adopted, in the i*; otliciaUy I ' DlSCARDtD > — -^'^^ 2 4, ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. determination of that portion of the meridian, between the parallels of Syene and Rhodes, about i2i degrees ; in which the 8750 stades of Eratosthenes, and the 8600 of Strabo, afford a mean ratio of 700-L to a degree of the meridian.* But nothing is more certain than that Strabo, if his text be not corrupted in this place, sup- posed that a Roman mile contained no more than 8, or at the ut- most 8-i- stadia; for in page 322, he reduces a large number of MP. into stades; first at the rate of 8, seemingly on his own judg- ment ; and afterwards says, that if the opinion of Polybius is to be followed, J of a stade must be added, as he has allowed 8^ to a MP. It is certain that 8^ of the Olympic stades of 600 feet arc equal to 5000 feet, or 1000 paces, the Roman mile : but it is as certain, that, the standard of Strabo, which, as we have seen, is invariably of 700 to a degree, required gi to make a Roman mile. How then can we reconcile such a difference, in a matter so plain and simple ^ Is it not more probable that in the copies of Strabo, 8 has been substituted for 9, than that he should himself have been guilty of so palpable an error ? But it will even appear, that, what- soever the opinioji of Polybius may have been (and, by the bye, the passage referred to, by Strabo, must have occurred in a part of the works of Polybius which is now lost) his own examples of distance will be found to give about 9^ stades to a Roman mile, agreeing with the standard of Strabo.-f- * Eratosthenes and Strabo allow 5000 stades between the parallels of Syene and Alexandria : and between those of Alexandria and Rhodes, Eratosthenes has 3750, Strabo, 3600; Strabo, p. 114, 115, 116. Syene appears to be in about 24° lat. Alexandria in 31° 11', Rhodes in 36° 20'. If the two intervals are taken separately, the first of 5000 stades, on 7°^, the ratio is 696 : and the second of 3750, and 3600, on 5°5, the ratios are respectively 728}, and 699. Thus the intervals are not ill pro- portioned ; especially, if Strabo be followed, throughout. Strabo's mean is 697 J, Eratosthenes, 709J ; mean of both 703J. + May it not have been, that the prevalent idea of the proportion of 8 stades to a MP. induced the schoolmen to supply a deficiency in the text ; and to place an 8, where a 9 had originally stood ? ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 25 On a review of the lines of distance which form the basis of the geography of Eratosthenes and Strabo, along the Mediterranean, it appears that a greater number than 700, perhaps 710, or even more, are required to make a degree. This seems to shew, tliat the Greeks had originally fixed on a lower standard than 700 ; for these lines could only be made up from computations which had existed long before the times of those geographers ; and which may be found in part, in the Periplus of Scylax. But it clearly appears, from the result of the lines across Asia, and which were obtained from notices collected by Alexander's officers, at a later period, that the stade of 700 was in use with them. And, in effect, the examples adduced from Eratosthenes and Strabo may be said to agree to their established canon of 700 ; taken at a mean of the whole. M. D'Anville, in his Traite des Mesures Itmeraires, p. 71, and 74,, cites two examples in Gaul and Italy, in which the stade of Strabo produces 750; the first on a line of i6"o, the other of 2800. However, it appears pretty certain, from the great extent of the distances above given, as well as from the stated number set forth by Eratosthenes and Strabo, that not only the standard intended by them, was of 700 to a degree of the meridian, but that the ex- amples collected from them agree to it.* • Examples from Eratosthenes and Str.ibo. I. Distances in the Mediterranean reckoned chiefly along the coasts. 1. Between the Promontory of Sacrum (Cape St. Vincent) and Canopus (Abukeir,) through the Strait of Gibraltar, Carthage, &c. Eratosthenes reckons 24,500 stadia ; see Strabo, lib. i. p. 64. The distance is about 2008 G. miles. Hence arises a ratio of - - - - - - 732. 2. Between the Sacrum Promontory and Issus, through Calpe, Sicily, Crete, and Rhodes, Strabo reckons 27,500 stadia. (See Gosselin, who has collected the parti- culars, p. 63). The distance is about 2267 G. miles, and gives a ratio of - 728. 3. Between Rhodes and Issus, being a portion of the last line, Strabo allows 5000 stadia: p. 106, 125. The distance is 407 G. miles direct. Hence arises a ratio of-- - - - - . 737. E 26 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. It has been said that Strabo has quoted a lost passage in Poly- bius, to shew that according to his idea, 8^ stades formed a Roman mile; but that gi is the result of the examples of distance. He says, however, lib. iii. c. 4., that the Romans, having measured cer- As these very long lines of distance must necessarily be made up of several shorter ones, each of which may have some degree of inflection from the other, it must hap- pen (as in the case of Herodotus's road to Susa) that the number of stades represent much longer lines of distance ; in other words, that the ratio must be made up of a smaller number of stades, to any given distance. Perhaps 710 may be fully equal to the proportion ; as the 4 next lines drawn across the open sea give 706^ - 710. II. Distances across open seas. 4. Between Phyctis Promontory in Cyrenaica, and that of Tenarus in Greece, 2800 stadia. Strabo, p. 837. (Pliny, lib. v. c. 5, has 350 MP. = 2800 stadia also.) The distance is 224 G. miles across ; whence a ratio of - - 750. 5. Between the port of Cyrent and Criu Metopon in Crete, 2000 stadia ; Strabo, p. 838; distance 175 G. miles direct : ratio _ . _ _ 686. 6. Between the Promontor)' Pachynum in Sicily, and Criu Metopon in Crete, 4500, to 4600 stades, Strabo, p. 106 and 363. The distance 400 G. miles: whence 675 to 690 : mean .__-__ 682|. 7. Between the Promontory of Samonium in Crete, and Rhodes, 1000 stadia; Strabo, p. 106. The distance is 80 G. miles, whence - • 750. The mean of the four last, taken collectively at 10,350 stades, to 879 G. miles, is-- - - -- - 7o6|. III. (Land Routes.) 8. Between Issus and the Caspian Strait, seeGosselin, p. 64, is 10,000 stadia. We measure on the map, 760 G. miles direct, which at 700 to a degree, produce only 8860 stades. Hence there is a deficiency of 1140: and it appears that the road dis- tance must have been intended, as \ part added, comes within 32 stades, or about 3 miles. If we add to 760, one-eighth, or 95, the sum is 855 G. miles; whence the result will be to a degree _ _ - _ _ 702. 9. Between the Pass of Mount Zagrus, and the Caspian Strait, Strabo, p. 525, allows 4100 stades. The direct distance is 308 G. miles, equal to 3593 stades of 700 to 1°. If we add to 308, one-eighth, or 38I G. miles, the sum is 346 G. miles ; and the deficiency will be 58 stades, or about 5 miles. The result - 710. 10. Between the Caspian Strait and yi'r/a (Herat), Strabo, p. 513, allows 6400 sta- dia. It appears, however, that there is an error, and that the sum should be 5594: for Strabo, p. 514, allows only 4530 between Aria and Htcalompylos, through which ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS, 27 tain roads in Spain, set up marks at the distance of every eight stadia. No one can well doubt, that these intervals were Roman miles : but this is quite contrary to the quotation of Strabo ; and one is puzzled what to think of the matter. It would seem, how- ever, that if Polybius is right, (and in this, Pliny will be found to agree,) the Romans had a stadium of their own, equal to the eighth part of their mile, or 625 Roman feet. But by a comparison of the numbers of stades, in Polybius, with the ground, a result of 696 appears : by which we can only con- clude, that although he describes a stade as the 8th part of a mile, yet that he uses a different standard in giving the extent of coun- tries and roads ; and that, apparently, of the ancient Greek Itine- rary stade; since it approaches so near it: for about 600 of the Roman stades are equal to a degree ; whilst his result is 6g6, or nearly that of Strabo, and Eratosthenes. Here follows the detail : latter, the road lay, from the Strait ; and although he allows i960, p. 514, between the Strait and Hecatompylos, yet Pliny, lib. vi. c. 15, shortens it to 1064, which indeed agrees to the distance, taking Damgan for Hecatompylos. The distance is 443 G. miles, to which add i or 55, the sum is 498 G. miles ; and the result 675. 11. Hecatompylos to Aria: (Damgan to Herat) a portion of the former route. Given at 4530 stadia : distance direct, 365 G. miles. Add |, or 45 ; total 410. Re- sult _._._-. 663. 12. Between Babylon and the Sea. Strabo, p. 80, allows 3000 stadia ; but both Pliny and Arrian make it 3300. The direct distance is 359! \ add |, or 32J ; total .292 ; result - - - . • - - 678. The mean of these five last, collectively, 27,524 stades, to 2401 G. miles, is 688t Sea routes generally - - -710 i across seas - - 7o6§ Land routes - _ ■ - 688 Mean of all - 70i| It may be added, that a line from the Troade to Chalcedon, and thence coasting the Euxine, through Heracka, Carambis, Sinope, Ami'sus, Trapezus, and the mouth of the Phasis, to Dioscurias, producing 864 G. miles, is given by Strabo (collected by Gos- selin, in pages 86 and 98) at 10,100 stadia ; consequently the rate - 701 j- The distances are taken on D'Anville's map. Es 28 ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 1. Between the Strait of Gibraltir and the Phyletiian Altars near Cyrene, on more than i6,ooo stades; the distance through Carthage and the Island of the Lotophagi being 14.07 G. miles, the result will be - - - - - 682 stades to a degree. 2. Between the aforesaid Strait and the extremity of the Pyranees, 8000 stadia ; tlie distance, allowing inflections of the road, | part, 630 G. miles - - - 762 3. Between the strait and Carthagena, 3000 stades, 259 G. miles - - _ _ _ Qg^ 4. Between Carthagena and the river Ebro, 2600 stades, 219 G. miles _____ ^12 5. Between the Ebro and Emporium, 1600 stades, 152 G. miles _____ g^g Mean of all, on 24,000 stadia - ' - 696' Pliny, as appears by a comparison of his statements with those of the Greeks, invariably reduces their stades to Roman miles, at the rate of 8 to a mile. The instances are very many, in which he recounts the measures of roads and countries that occur in the Greek authors. He says, lib. ii. c. 23, that a stade consists of 125 paces, equal to 625 Roman feet. Now as the Grecian stade men- tioned by Herodotus (and often called the Olympic by succeeding authors) consisted not of 625, but of 600 feet, one must naturally suppose that Pliny, meant a Roman stade, admitting that such a measure actually existed; (and Dr. Arbuthnot inserts it in his Tables of Roman measures ;)* since it differs so considerably, both from the aforesaid stade described by Herodotus, and from the Iti- nerary stade. This supposition will at least give some degree of consistency to Pliny's calculations ; since he may have known of no other stade • It has also appeared in the foregoing page, that Polybius actually described siKh a stade on the Roman roads. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. ZQ than that of 625 feet ; 8 of which were really equal to a Roman mile, as he has calculated. And if he had no other knowledge of the Greek stadium (whether Olympic, or Itinerary) than from books, the mistake might easily enough be made. The examples that occur in Pliny's statement of distances, give the same results with those of Eratosthenes and Nearchus, respec-. tively ; which must of course happen, as he copies their numbers. But following his own standard of 8 to a mile, he made too great a number of miles, out of these stades. However, furnished with the above information, we are enabled to turn them back again into stades, by multiplying by eight. There is one line of distance in Pliny, which occurs no where else, and which is well worth remarking. In lib, vi. c. 24, he says, that " the distance sailed by Nearchus, between the mouth of the Indus and Babylon, was 2500 Roman miles," and these we must suppose, were calculated as usual, at the rate of 8 stades to a mile ; so that the original number of stades would have been, of course, 20,000. Now as he also says, that the distance between Babylon and the sea (at the mouth of the Euphrates) was 412 MP. equal to 3296 stades, there remain of course, 16,704 for the distance be- tween the mouths of the two rivers, Indus and Euphrates, We measure, on the charts of Captains M'Cluer, and Robinson, 1330 G. miles, on the line that Nearchus may have been supposed to trace, in his navigation along the coasts of India, Kannania, and Persia, &c. from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Eu- phrates;* and as the number of stades was about 16,700, the number to a degree will be 753^. But as the numbers of stades copied from Eratosthenes, were at the rate of 700 to a degree, Pliny's result should be a mean, between that, and 75 3^; and of course, 726I; say 727, The stade of Nearchus, collected from the abstract of his journal in Arrian (that is, in xhe parts where we have been able to follow * That is, the ancient mouth, now named Chor AbdiUa. 30 ON THE TTINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. him) is of a standard somewhat longer than that arising from Pliny's report of the zvhole distance : for it is at the rate of 729 to a degree. It is certain that a great part of the numbers are cor- rupted, but there occur, nevertheless, certain portions of distance, amounting in the aggregate, to about 7000 stades (or -3^ of the whole distance sailed), in which the report of Arrian, coincides with that of Strabo, and no less with the actual geography. Within these spaces, then,, the mean result is 729-§-, although different portions of it vary from 723, to 778.* In effect then, the difference be- tween Arrian and Phn}^ is far from considerable ; and it is rather wonderful, that a ship's reckoning should agree so nearly with the mean ratio of the land routes.-f It appears unnecessary to bring together any more examples, to prove, what was the generally received opinion amongst the Greeks, concerning the length of the stade, in use, as an Itinerary measure : it evidently came between the 700th and 750th part of a degree of a great circle. If Herodotus is founded, in respect of the number of stades on the road to Susa, it appears, when the distances collected from Strabo and Eratosthenes are added, that the distance across Asia, from Epbesus to Aria, more than 20,000 stades, was taken at the scale of 700 to a degree, nearly. At the same time, the whole length of the Mediterranean, more than 27,000 stadia, as well as the track of Nearchus, 1 7,000, together with the march of Xeno- * I. Between the rivers Indus and Arabius 2. From NE point of Kismish I. to the river Endian (ArosisJ - - CM. 65i 5141 Arrian'i stades. 850 6200 Result. 778 723f Mean of the aggregate sums 580 7050 729J t The reader will perceive also the near proportions between this stade of Near- chus, and that arising on the routes through the Mediterranean, taken at large: Nearchus's being 729, the others from 728 to 737. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 3I phon, and divers portions of roads, in Greece, Spain, Italy, and Gaul, were calculated on a scale between 710 and 750. It is true, that the length and breadth of the Mediterranean, and the trace of Nearchus's voyage, may be regarded as founded on the calculations of seamen ; but those seamen must have referred to some particu- lar standard, and commonly sailed too near the land, to be much deceived in their distance. They even knew how to calculate dis- tances in the open sea ; for the mean of 4 lines of distance, collec- tively amounting to 10,350 stades, comes very near to the other proportion. As the distances along the Mediterranean, must, in the nature of things, have been determined long before those on the continent of Asia, the inference naturally is, that a stade of a shorter stan- dard than that of 700, existed in very early times : and that, by the recurrence of it, so often," it was deeply imprinted on the minds of the people, although philosophers or princes may have sought to adopt a standard somewhat different.* We shall now recapitulate the different results, on examples from the date of Herodotus, inclusive. Herodotus - _ _ 7^2 Pausanias - - - 707 Xenophon _ _ _ y^jo Eratosthenes _ _ _ ^00 Strabo _ - _ yoo Polybius - _ _ QqQ Pliny - - - - 727 Arrian (from Nearchus) - - 729. Mean of all - 717I, or 7i8.-j- * Such changes have often been attempted, and sometimes effected, by soverei>'ns. In India, both Acbar, and Shah Jehan, chjnged the standard of the coss, in their regu- lations, but could never alter the popular opinion respecting it. The old coss had been too long established, to allow of a change. See Memoir of Map of Hindoostan. t Had the proportion been 720, there would have been 12 stades to a geographic mile, 10,36 to a British mile. Greatest diffe- y rence 54, or a- bout yjth part. 32 ON THE IT-r.\'ERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. This mean stade, in English feet, would be equal to 505^. The proportion on the stade of Strabo, of 700 to a degree, would be 524, feet ; and on that of Xenophon, of 750, 489 feet ; whilst that calculated on the 150th part of a mean march of our scale, would be 493. Thus our mean march agrees to Xenophon's, as 493 to 489: and our mean stade of 718 to that of Xenophon, as 505^ to 489. The differences are certainly very small.* The above examples prove at least, that the stade of 600 Gre- cian feet, spoken of by Herodotus, and that of 625 Roman feet, by Pliny, i. e. of about 600 to a degree, could never have been applied by the Greeks to the measurement of roads. For the lojigest of the Itinerary stades is ^ shorter than that of 6'oo feet : the shortest of those measures i less ; and the mean of all, -^ less. Had a stade of 600 feet been the standard, the examples would not, surely, have nniformlx fallen short of it, as we find it does. Nor, on the other hand, would it have risen so far above the stade, applied by M. D'Anville and others to the track of Nearchus, and to the measure of ancient Babylon; that -is, of 1100 to a degree, had there been any foundation for such a standard. -f With respect to the different lengths of tlie Itinerary stade fur- nished by these examples, all difficulty concerning their appearance vanishes, when one reflects that the distances in general must have been computed, by land as well as by sea. The greatest difference, as we have seen, is about -j'^ part : and generally speaking, no more than Trxth. Such variations ever did, and ever will arise, on 2 4 ' ' computed distances ; instances of which, existed on our own pub- lic roads, previous to their improvement ; and which do yet exist on many of the cross roads. It is probable that Herodotus, Xeno- phon, Nearchus, Strabo, &c. all intended the same stade, but may have given occasion to different results, by reporting the numbers on the judgment of different persons. • 150 stades (the number assigned by Xenophon and Herodotus to a march J of 5053 feet each, are equal to 14,36 B. miles, t See Mem. Acad. Insc. Vol. xxx. and his Memoir on Babylonia, in Vol. xxvi. ON THE ITINERARY STADE OF THE GREEKS. 33 We should lay more stress on that result, which arises from the ordinary march of the Greeks, as reported by Herodotus, and proved by the journal of Xenophon, to be 150 stades, than on any other sifigle authority : more particularly as the scale of that march coin- cides so nearly with the result of our inquiries into the length of the mean march, which has been shewn to be rather above 14, road miles of British measure; the 150th part of which, 493, is no more than 4 feet longer than the stade of Xenophon; iqJL short of that, arising on the general mean of all the authorities. At the same time, the stade of 600 Grecian feet would give the length of a march at no less than 1 7 miles, which is out of all proportion.* It has been observed that the mean stade of 718 to a degree, is somewhat above 500 English feet (that is 505 j) ; and 500 Gre- cian feet are equal to about 503^ English. -f- A pace was no doubt the elementary part of Itinerary measures, amongst the Greeks, as well as other nations; and the natural pace]; is nearly about 5 feet. Is it not probable that the integral measure, the stade, was made up of 100 of these ? and that hence arose the stade of about 500 feet, in ordinary use .'' Some, we know not on what authority, have fixed the Grecian pace at more than 6 of our feet. But it would appear that they took the orgyia for a pace, although it seems to have been ?l fathom. D'Anville's Mes. Itin. p. 43. It is not probable that any natural pace ever extended to the length of 6 feet, or perhaps to more than five. The Roman pace was 5 of their feet; answering to 4 feet 10 inches of our measure. * See notes to page 22. t A Grecian foot being equal to 12,0875 English inches. (Arbuthnot.) X Meaning the double stef, or relurn of the sanu foot. C 34 D SECTION III. OF EUROPE, ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. The Europe of Herodotus extended far into North Asia — the southern and eastern Parts best known to him — Proof that he knew much more than he describes. — Pointed Description of Thes- saly — knew more tha?i Polybius, respecting the North-east Part of Europe ; but was ignorant of the North-west Part — Cassite- ricles, fneantfor Britain — Celtie, and Cynasta — Italy, under the Name of JEnotna — Rome, of no Importance in the Politics of Greece, at that Day — Iberia — Course of the Danube — Great Ex- tent of Thrace. — Geta;, one of its Tribes, believe themselves itn- niortal. — Tbracian Jridozvs, like those of India, sacrifice them- selves. — Distinction of Eastern and Western Scythia. It was the idea of Herodtuos, that Europe very much exceeded in length, the other divisions of Asia and Africa ; but that it was far inferior in breadth to either ; and, on the whole, that Europe was larger than Asia ; Melpoin. 36, 43, and 45. But he also ob- serves, that the boundaries of Europe had not, to tliat time, been carefully examined ; and that it was by no means certain, whether, on the east and north, it was limited, or surrounded, by the ocean ; Melp. 45. It follows, of course, that whatsoever tracts are de- scribed by him to extend towards those c/uarters, from the great body of Europe, taken according to the common acceptation ; and which are not classed as belonging to Asia ; must necessarily have been reckoned by him a part of Europe. He adds, that he had endeavoured, but without success, to meet with some one, who, from ocular observation, might describe to him, the sea which washes the western part of Europe ; concern- ing which part, any more than the islands called Cassiterides, EUROPE. 25 from whence they were said to- have their tin, he was unable to speak with decision:* but that it was nevertheless certain, that both their tin and amber were brought from those extreme regions ; and the amber in particular, from the river Eridanus, which dis- charged itself into the North sea. On this name Eridanus, our Author observes, Thalia, 115, that it is certainly of Greek deriva- tion, and not barbarous ; and was, as he conceives, introduced by one of their poets. -f- Our Author differs from all others, Procopius excepted, respecting the eastern boundary of Europe. Others have assigned the Tanais, (or Don) : X but Herodotus extends Europe eastward to the utmost bounds of his knowledge ; placing Asia rather to the south, than to the east, of Europe. Accordingly, the Colchian Phasis is reckoned by him the common boundary of Europe and Asia,§ from the point at which the Euxine ceases to form it. Beyond this, the boundary remains indefinite ; but may be conceived to pass by the north of the Caspian sea, towards the mountains that give rise to the river Irtish ; of which more in the sequel, when we enter into the detail of the regions properly belonging to Asia, but which he assigns to Europe. Of this division of the earth, the parts most familiarly known to him, and to the Greeks of his time, were those situated along the Mediterranean and Euxine seas ; for the extent of the former, and * Thalia, 115. His want of information, in this matter, can only be referred to the jealousy of the Phoenicians. t Larcher, quoted by Mr. Beloe, observes that " the Eridanus here alluded to, could not possibly be any other than the Rho-daune, which empties itself into the Vistula, near Danlzic ; and on the banks of which, amber is now found in large quantities." Such a modification of the name appears very probable. X The Tanais divides Asia from Europe, says Strabo, p. 310; Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12 ; and Diodorus, lib. i. c. 4. Africa is contained between the Nile and the Pil- lars of Hercules \ Asia between the Nile and Tanais, says Polybius, lib. iii. c. 4. § In his specification of the regions oi Asia, Melp. 37, et seq. the Phasis is evi- dently taken for the boundary oi Asia. Procopius speaks positively ; Bell. Goth. lib. iv. F2 36 EUROPE. that of Europe along its borders, were very well known, by the frequent voyages made by the Greeks ; and from the notices col- lected from the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Egyptians. Hero- dotus calls it, " the sea frequented by the Greeks." The extent of the western coasts of Europe, must have been known in like man- ner, by the voyages to and from Tartessus, Gades, the Cassiterides, and the Baltic. Such particulars could hardly have been concealed ; nor would &. general idea oi distance and juxtaposition have enabled a rival to derive much advantage. But there are, however, no notices concerning either the extent of the Mediterranean sea, or of the western coasts of Europe, to be found in our Author : nor indeed, could they be looked for, since such were foreign to the scope of his history. Much less could it be expected tliat he should enter into a description of the geography of Greece, and the surrounding countries ; although the scene of the glorious events which it is the ultimate purpose of his book to record. The reason clearly is, that he considered himself as speaking to men who were perfectly well informed on the subject : so that, instead of describing the geo- graphy of Greece, he even alludes to certain parts of it, as well as of Italy, in order to explain his descriptions of other countries. For instance, in the description of the Taurian Chersonese, in Melpom. 99, he refers to certain parts of the coasts oi Attica and Magna Grcecia. His descriptions of the country of Thessaly, the Strait of Thermopylae, and other places, prove how well he had considered the scenes of particular actions : and we shall select, in a note, that of Thessaly, as one of the most pointed, clear, and concise imaginable.* • Polymnia, 129. " Thessaly is said to have been formerly a marsh, on all sides surrounded by lofty mountains ; to the east by Pelion and Ossa, whose bases meet each other ; to the north by Olympius, to the west by Pindus ; to the south by Othrys. The space betwixt these is Thessaly, into which depressed region many rivers pour their waters, but more particularly these five, the Peneus, the Apldanus, the Omchonous, the £nlj>fiis, and the Pamisus : all these, flowing from the mountains EUROPE. 37 Had he written a system of geography, it would have been un- questionably, his province to describe Greece, &c. : but as a his- torian, he refers to the known parts of geography, to iUustrate his history ; and when the geography was supposed to be unknown to his readers, or not sufficiently generalized, he very properly enters into a description of it. Since our Author has given no idea of the exterit of Europe^ westward, it is not possible to know what his opinions were, on tliat subject; that is, critically; for it will appear hereafter, in discussing the subject of Africa, that he seem^ to allow an extent of space between Egypt and Mou?it Atlas, that agrees generally with the actual geography : but the notices are very far from being positive, and the chain of distance is so often interrupted, that, although much internal evidence arises out of the whole data, yet the question by no means admits of direct proof. There can, however, be no doubt that Herodotus knew, and that criticall}^ the extent of the Mediterranean, and of Europe along its coasts ; since it is known from the Periplus of Scylax, written as it may be concluded, long before the days of our Author, that the distances had been estimated generally, throughout the Mediterranean ; and along the western coast of Africa, as far as Arguin at least.* From this work then, or from such kind of notices, existing among the maritime powers, on the borders of that sea, it may be conceived that Herodotus formed his ideas of the which surround Thessaly, into the plain, are till then distinguished by specific names. They afterwards unite in one narrow channel, and are poured into the sea. After their union, they take the name of Peneus only. It is said, that formerly, before this aperture to the sea existed, all these rivers, and also the lake Baebeis, had not, as now, any specific name, but that their body of water was as large as at present, and the whole of Thessaly a sea." The remarks of Xerxes on Thessaly in the succeeding chapter, are worth attention ; as is the description of Tkermopylie in chapter 176. * The Periplus of Scylax is supposed to have been written subsequent to the expe- dition of Hanno, and before the time of Xerxes. 38 EUROPE. extent of the Mediterranean; of Europe; and of Africa. It may reasonably be concluded that succeeding geographers adopted the same system ; gradually correcting it in particular parts, as disco- very or improvement furnished new lights towards it. This may be traced in the different statements of the length of the Island of Crete; w'hich, from 2500 stadia in the time of Scylax, was reduced first to 2300 by Sosicrates, and then to 2000, by Strabo. And this latter computation, as may be seen in page 14, comes very near the truth; allowing somewhat for the indentings of the coast. But errors with respect to some grand poihts of relative position, hav- ing remained on the continent of Asia, in the system of Eratos- thenes, notwithstanding the notices furnished by the expedition of Alexander, it may be supposed that errors also continued to exist in the Mediterranean. The great source of these errors seems to have been, the difficulty of adjusting any two positions, in respect of a particular meridian, when widely removed in point of parallel ; without the aid of celestial observations, or of the magnetic needle. If Eratosthenes appreciated the extent of the Mediterranean, by the computations which existed in the time of Herodotus, this latter must have reckoned it too long by about a 1 5th part ; for such it appears to be, on a comparison of the number of stades given by Eratosthenes (30,000), between Cape St. Vincent and Issus; al- lowing a reasonable degree of inflection to the line of distance on which he reckoned. But Strabo, who allowed no more than 27,500, fell short by a small proportion, /. e. ~ only. We have here calculated on the mean stade, arising on the examples before cited; that is, 718 to a degree. It is obvious, that if 700, the proportion assumed by Era- tosthenes and Strabo, had been adopted, the error in excess would have been very great indeed : but, it is probable that this standard was assumed, long after the calculations adopted by them, had been formed on a shorter standard. And on the whole, it appears to us, EUROPE. 29 that Strabo approached nearer to the just measure of the length of the Mediterranean, than any other of the ancient geographers. Ptolemy, strange to tell, was nearly ^ in excess ! It has been suggested that it was foreign to the plan of our Author's history, to say much concerning the geography of JVestern Europe, had he been well informed concerning it : but, we con- ceive that he had a very limited knowledge even of its coasts ; for Polybius, at a much later period, observes, lib. iii. c. 4,, that the part of Europe beyond Spain, bordered by the exterior sea (or Atlantic), " had been but lately discovered, and was possessed by a race of barbarous people. That those parts of Europe lying between Nar~ bon?ie and the Tajiais, are also unknown ; and that the reports concerning them, ought to pass for fable or invention." Now, taking Narbonne for that part of France which borders on the Mediterranean, it appears that Polybius, who wrote at about three centuries after Herodotus, was ignorant of all the northern and eastern part of Europe : and probably of some parts of it, that were known to Herodotus ; for instance, Scythia and Sarmatia: but it may be inferred that the knowledge of the latter, with respect to the western parts, was not more extensive than that of Polybius. Even to the time of Strabo (admitting that he possessed all the geographical knowledge of his time), the form of the coasts of France and Spain was so little known, that he had no suspicion of the existence of that wide and deep gulf called the Bay of Biscay, and Gulf of Gascony. The ancients appear to have had no name for this singular bay, although every division and almost every corner of the Mediterranean had appropriate names, and in some instances more than one. And so vague were the ideas entertained by Dio- dorus respecting positions in the Atlantic, that he says, lib. v. c. 2, that the Cussiterides, or the Tin Islands, are situated opposite to Iberia, or Spain. After our Author's frank confession of his ignorance respecting the detail of the western coasts of Europe, and of the Cassitcrides, 40 EUROPE. it will not be expected that he shouM have had any idea commen- surate to the extent and importance of the British Islands : or that they contained an area equal to Greece and Italy collectively. It is curious to trace the progress of knowledge respecting this matter, as far as it can be collected from books. Eratosthenes first gave a rude idea of the form of Britain ; but was ignorant of the existence of Ireland. It may indeed be suspected, that Ireland was never known to the Greeks, during the period of their indepen- dency; for no notices concerning it appear, even in Polybius. Strabo knew of the existence of both, but the true form of neither : and in the position of Ireland, he erred so much, as to place it on the north of Britain, and at such a distance from it, as to occupy the situation of the Islands of Faro, nearly; pages 72, 115. He supposed it to be very large : but by placing it so wide of its true position, it may justly be doubted whether the Romans had ever visited it, to that time.* Pliny was better informed respecting its situation, for he places * Strabo describes its inhabitants to be completely barbarous ; pages 115, and 201 ; and its climate to be such, as to be almost uninhabitable, through extremity of cold. This fact, peihaps, was assumed by those, who assigned it so northerly a position; since Ireland is known to have a more temperate atmosphere than Germany. It is to be observed, that the inhabitants of our Island are also spoken of by some of the Roman writers, as being not a little barbarous ; Ca:sar, in particular, mentions certain customs which are almost too indelicate for belief. In the following passage in Diodorus, lib. v. c. 2, it is not altogether certain, though highly probable, that the country intended, is Ireland. The people however, are unquestionably British; and therefore a British colony settled in Ireland, should be meant : and indeed Ptolemy places Brigantes in Ireland, as well as in England. Diodorus then, speaking of the Cellee, or Gauls, aiid -their northern neighbours, says, that they are so fierce and cruel, that it is reported that they eat men, like the Britons oflKis (or Irin.) But the same author, and in the same chapter, gives a very handsome character of the British ; such indeed, as we ought to be proud of, and which we are accustomed to value ourselves on: that of being upright and sincere. And since he applies this character so pointedly to the people of this Island, it may with more probability be supposed, that in the former case, he spoke of some other country. EUROPE. 4.1 it at no greater distance than 30 MP. from tlie Siliires ; (South Wales ;) that is 24 G. miles : and although it may be about 16 or 17 more, yet this must be reckoned a near approximation for those times. In the same place, however, lib. iv. c. 16, he allows 50 MP. or 4,0 G, miles, between Boulogne and the nearest part of the op- posite coast, which space ought to have been better known.* Ptolemy's delineation comes the nearest of any, to the shape of South Britain and Ireland ; and, of the two, much the nearesjt to Ireland, whose dimensions are also very near the truth, whilst those of England are very faulty ; it being represented too long and too narrow ; which latter is an error of a contrary nature from what commonly happens. Scotland is unaccountably made to lie east and west, instead of north and south ; but Scotland was much less known than England. Ireland, in respect of position, is placed too far to the north ; for although Pliny knew that its south-east angle lay opposite to South Wales, yet Ptolemy places it opposite to North Wales; and twice as far off as it ought to be. We solicit the indulgence of the reader, for this digression, on an occasion where our Author is silent, and where we feel ourselves so deeply interested. To a philosopher, the changes in the comparative state of nations in different ages of the world, are very striking, and lead one to reflect what may be the future state of some nozv obscure corner of New Holland, or of North America; since our own Island was known only for its tin mines, by the most celebrated of ancient nations; whose descendants, in turn, rank no higher with us, than as dealers in figs and currants. Our Author had heard of the Celt^, who lived beyond the columns of Hercules, and bordered on the Cynesi/E or Cynet.e, the most remote of all the nations, who inhabited the western part * Pliny allows the dimensions of Ireland, (following Agrippa,) to be 600 MP. by 300 ; which breadth, and no more, he allows also to Britain ; whose length was sup- posed to be 800. Both were, of course, over-rated ; and particularly Ireland, whose length hardly exceeds the given breadth. G 49 EUROPE. of Europe ; Euterpe, 33, and Melpom. 49. Who the latter were intended for, we know not. The Danube is said to spring from amongst the Celt^;* so that, if he knew the true position of its source, he must have meant to include the inhabitants of Western Europe, generally, under one denomination of Celt.e ; and which might probably have been correct, at that day.-f- Italy, or part of it, he designs under the name of JEnotria, on occasion of the retreat, and settlement of the Phocjeans of Ionia, there.;]; V7nbria^ and Liguria, in the north of Italy, as well as Tarentum, Crotona, Sybaris, &c. in the south, (or Magna Gnecia,) are mentioned by him. He moreover resided a considerable time at Tburium, a Grecian colony, situated near to, or on the site of Syharis. He mentions occasionally most of the larger islands of the Me- diterranean; as Sicily, Crete, Sardinia, Cyprus, Corsica :|| but is silent concerning Rome : and considering that at the probable date of his history, the Romans were confined to the centre of Italy ; had hardly taken Veil ; and had not appeared in fleets on the Me- diterranean ; what was there for a Grecian to remark concerning * The place of its source is said to be named Pyrene ; Euterpe, 33. t It seems as if Diodorus regarded as Scythians all those situated to the eastward of the Celts ; lib. v. c. 2. We shall have to remark the same of Pliny. X Clio, 167. They first settled in the Mttussaan Islands adjacent to Chios ; thence they proceeded to Cymtis (Corsica), where they had previously founded a city named Alalia : and finally to JEnotria, where they built the city of Hyela, in the tract be- tween Pastum and Cape Palinurus, § Umhria was the seat of the Tyrrhenians, from whence the adjacent sea was some- times denominated. The Tyrrhenians were a colony from Lydia, who migrated on occasion of a famine. They settled in Umbria, called also Etruria, (now Tuscany, J and changed their ancient appellation of Lydians, for that of Tyrrhenians, after Tyr- rhenus, the son of their former sovereign, who conducted them ; Clio, 94. In c. 166, the Tyrrhenian fleet, in conjunction with that of Carthage, attack the Phocasan fleet of Cyrnus. II That is, Sicily under the name oi Sicania; Polym. 170: Carsica under that of Cyrnus; Clio, 165. EUROPE. 4^ them ?* Spain, under the name of Iberia, is mentioned, as well as Tartessus, near Cadiz : but his acknowledging that he had not been able to meet with people who could give him any description of the European seas, appears decisive of his want of knowledge of the western side of Europe. He remarks that the Danube passes through the centre of Europe; and afterwards by ah oblique course, enters Scythia; Meljwm. 49. This description is just ; for its general course does really divide the central parts of Europe, in the midst ; and having arrived in the neighbourhood of the Euxine, it takes a sudden turn to the north-east, towards Scythia. He appears to have had a very indistinct idea of the tract be- tween the Adriatic sea, and the Danube. The Eneti, (Hencti or Veneti) Terp. 9, are said to border on the Adriatic ; and the Si- gynce, to have extended to their neighbourhood. -f But the context, as it stands, appears contradictory : for the Sigynas are said to lie- heyojid the Danube, and yet to extend almost to the Eneti on the Adriatic. The passage alluded to, is as follows : " With respect to the more northern parts of this region (Thrace) and its inhabitants, nothing has been j'et decisively ascertained. What lies beyond the Ister, is a vast and almost endless space. The whole of this, as far as I am able to learn, is inhabited by the Si- gynce, a people who in dress resemble the Medes ; their horses are low in stature, and of a feeble make, but their hair grows to the length of 5 digits : they are not able to carry a man, but, yoked to a carriage, are remarkable for their swiftness ; for which reason, car- * Arrian, in his History of the Expedition of Alexander, lib. vii. c. r, speaking of the future plans of that conqueror, after his return from India, says, that a report prevailed, amongst others, that he intended " to sail round Sicily, by the Promon- tory of Japyg'ntm : for then it was that the Roman name began to spread far and wide, and gave him much umbrage." This was much more than a century after the date of oiu- Author's history. t The Enei'ty in Clio, 196, are said to be of lUyrian origin. Ga 4^ EUROPE. riages are here very common. The confines of this people extend ahnost to the Eneti on the Adriatic. They call themselves a colony of Medes." — Terp. 9. Now, he had been speaking of Thrace, and of its northern part, concerning which nothing decisive had been ascertained ; and after this, he introduces the country, north of the Danube, as a vast, and almost endless space ; and says that it is inhabited by the Sigynce, who extend almost to the Adriatic. May it not be suspected, that the sentence respecting the country beyond the Danube, is misplaced altogether ; and that the Author intended to say that " the Sigynce inhabited the northern part of Thrace," which lay, however, on the south, or Grecian side, of the Danube ? Thrace included a considerable tract of Europe in early times, but not to the extent that the expression of Herodotus, would lead us to expect. " Thrace," says he, " next to India, is the most considerable;" Terp. 3. But as this country is confined on the east and south by the sea, and on the north by the Danube ; and as Macedonia and Pseonia are mentioned by our Author, as dis- tinct countries, the extent of Thrace, even allowing it to extend into Dardania and Moesia, must be much more circumscribed than the idea of our Author allows. It has, however, more extended limits in his geography, than in that of succeeding autiiors : and perhaps might have included most of the space along the south of the Danube, between the Eiixine and htria ; meeting the borders of Macedonia, Pieonia, &c. on the south : and the Sigynce above- mentioned, might have occupied the NW quarter; the modern Servia, Bosnia, and Croatia.* The inhabitants of the NE angle of Thrace formed by the Euxine and the oblique course of the Danube, are the Getce of our Author. They were reduced by Darius Hystaspes in his way to Scythia, and are classed as Thracians ; Melpom. 93.'t- Herodotus * Signla is a position, in ancient geography, on the Adriatic towards the ancient seats of the yeneti. Query, has it any connection with tlie Sigyna of our Author ? + Subsequent authors place the Gette, on the north of the Danube, and in Moldavia. EUROPE. 45 observes generally of the Thracians, that " if they were either under the government of an individual, or united amongst themselves, their strength would render them invincible : but this is a thing impossible, and they are of course but feeble. Each different dis- trict has a different appellation ; but except the Getce, the Trausi, and those beyond Crestona* they are marked by a general simili- tude of manners ;" Terp. 3. The Geta;, says Herodotus, " are a people who pretend to im- mortality : whenever any one dies, they believe that he is removed to the presence of their god Zamolxis : they are of all the Thra- cians the bravest, and the most upright ;" Melp. 93, 94. The Thracians beyond Crestona are remarkable for having amongst them the same horrible custom which prevails in India ; that of their widows sacrificing themselves at the funerals of their husbands ; but the bodies are buried, and not burnt, as in India. -j- It appears that Herodotus did not know that this custom prevailed in India : and indeed his knowledge of that country was very much confined. * Crestona, or Crestonla, lay between Mygdonia and Siiitica, and may be reckoned the eastern frontier of Macedonia, towards Thrace. The river Chidorus, which dis- charges itself into the Axius, near Pella, rises in Crestona, a.nd flaws through Alyg- donia; Polymnia, c. 124, 127. In Clio, 57, the Crestonians are said to be a remnant oi Pelasgians, situated beyond the Tyrrhenians, but who formerly dwelt in the country afterwards named Thcssaly, and were neighbours to the Dorians. It may be suspected that Tyrrhenian is a mistake, and that Thermxan should be sub- stituted for it ; as Therma, afterwards Thessahnia, agrees to the situation. Therma and its gulf are mentioned in Polym. 121, 123, 124. We have heard of no Tyrrhe- nians, but those of Italy. t " Each person has several wives. If the husband dies, a great contest arises amongst his wives, in which the friends of the deceased interest themselves exceed- ingly, to determine which of them had been most beloved. She to whom this honour is ascribed is gaudily decked out by her friends, and then sacrificed by her nearest re- lation, on the tomb of her luisband, with whom she is afterwards buried. His other wives esteem this an affliction ; and it is imputed to them as a great disgrace." Terp- sichore, c, 5. We cannot help remarking (having ourselves witnessed a sacrifice of this kind in 4.6 EUROPE. No mention is made concerning the belief of the immortahty of the soul, amongst these Thracians, as amongst the Getae; but it surely is proved by this very circumstance : for what else could induce this voluntary sacrifice ? It appears almost a matter of certainty that Herodotus knew no particulars of the geography of Western Europe, between Scythia (on the Euxine), and the Bay of Biscay, on the east and west ; and between the Alps and Carpathian mountains on the south, and the shores of the Baltic on the north. Concerning the position of this northern sea, and the countries beyond Scythia, more will be said under the head of Scythia, and its concerns ; as, in order to explain the subject with effect, much preliminary matter must be gone into. The country of Scythia, he places next in order to Thrace, going north-eastward, along the shores of the Euxine and Masotis. " Where Thrace ends, Scythia begins," says he, Melp. qq. It will appear, however, that the Scythians of Herodotus were the Sar^ matice and Geta of the Romans ; and his Massaget^, the Scythians of the same people; as well as of the Greeks in general, from the date of Alexander's expedition. But as the subject is intricate and extensive, and requires much discussion and elucidation, it may be proper at the outset to take a comprehensive view of it : and after- wards to arrange it under the distinct heads of Western and East- ern Scythia ; the former of which belongs to the division of Eu- rope, the latter to that of Asia ; following the rule that we have prescribed to ourselves in the division of the work. The ancients distinguished two countries by the name of Scy- thia, the one extending along the north of the Euxine, the other beyond the Caspian and Jaxartes. The latter was again subdi- vided into two parts, by the chain of Imaiis, a branch projecting India), how many points of resemblance there are between what we saw, and the mode described by Herodotus. It may be added, that there occurs in Diodorus, a de- scription of the burning alive of an Indian widow, which agrees exactly with the present practice j of which more in the sequel. EUROPE, 47 northward from tlie Indian Caucasus : and which subdivisions were, from that circumstance, distinguished by the names of Scythia intra, et extra, Imaum. Tiie Western, or Euxine Scytiiia, was the one invaded by Da- rius Hystaspes : on which occasion, the lonians, by preserving the bridge of boats over the Danube, secured his retreat ; and the East- ern Scythia, called also the country of the Massagetae, was the one invaded by Cyrus ; in which, according to our Author, as well as Justin and Diodorus, he lost his life. Herodotus describes the Western Scythia to extend from the lower part of the Danube, and the country now called Hungary, on the west, to the Tanais on the east; a tract which was after- wards better known by the name of the European Sarmatia. The Asiatic Sarmatia, and other tracts, filled up the space between the Eastern and Western Scythias ; which space may be under- stood to extend to the river Daix, (the present Jaik, or more pro- perly Daek,) where the Eastern Scythia began, and extended east- ward to the country of the Tugures, or Oigurs. It would appear that Herodotus was not decided in his opinion, whether or not, the Massagetic were to be regarded as a Scythian nation ; but subsequent writers have almost universally reckoned them so. So that the proper Scythians of Herodotus, were those at the Euxine ; and those of succeeding writers, at the Caspian (or ra- ther Aral) and Jaxartes. For our Author, who calls the Massagetae, a great and powerful nation, says, " they are by some esteemed a Scythian nation:" and that, " in their clothes and food, they re- semble the Scythians ;" implying that they were not confessedly a Scythian nation. He says moreover, " what the Greeks assert in general of the Scythians, is true only of the Massagetae ;" Clio, 201, 215, 216. The Greeks appear to have first used the term Scvthia, in its application to their neighbours, the Scythians of the Euxine : who were also called Geta and Gothi : and were those who afterwards 48 EUROPE. subdued the Roman empire: and from which original stock, tiic present race of people in Europe seem to be derived.* Some mo- dern writers of great authority have supposed that tlie word Scythitc,' Skut(r, or Kittlhe, was only another reading of Get^e : as also that these are of the same nation with the Massagetcv ; which is, indeed, very probable ; although there is no necessity for supposing it. Probably the early Greeks, hearing of a nation of Getas beyond the Caspian and Jaxartes (for the remains of the Getae existed in the same tract, and under the same name, so late as the time of Tamerlane) gave them the name of Massa-Getce, to distinguish them from the Getcc in the west ;-f- but might be in doubt whether to regard them absolutely as Scythians. Subsequent information, particularly that derived from the expedition of Alexander, led the same Greeks to class them as Scythians : so that at last, the term Scythian seems to have designed Nomadic tribes in general ; and ScYTHiA at large, a vast extent of countr}-, including several dis- tinct nations and tribes, between the Danube, and tlie extreme point of their knowledge, eastward. It was perhaps applied, much in the way, in which we apply Tartary ; that is, indejinitely to a* space beyond a certain known boundary. Not that it is to be under- stood that Tartary expresses the same idea, as to extent, as Scythia did : for Scythia contained but a small proportion of what we in- tend by Tartary. In our geographical details, we shall endeavour to trace the boundaries of both tlie Scythias : which, collectively, included a vast space from west to east, though apparently of no very great breadth, considered proportionally. * Pliny seems to consider the Scythians and Germans, as one and the same people : lib.iv. c. 12 : as Diodorusdocs the people to the east of the Celtce, generally ; lib. v. c. 2. And Procopius, who wrote later than cither, says, that the Gotks were anciently named Scythians ; Gothic War, lib. iv. + There seem to have been several distinct tribes of Geta, as those of the Danube, the Thyssa-Geta on the If'olga, the Tyri-Geta on the Tyres ; the Massagetce on the Jaxartes , &c. EUROPE. 49 The Western Scythia, then, is a member of Europe, as well under the proper boundaries of that continent, as of those assumed by Herodotus ; for no part of bis Scythia extended beyond the Ta- nais, although between the Jaik and the Aral, we must look for a nation of Scythians, whom he represents as having seceded from the former nation. But it may well be suspected that those who are marked as seceders, approached in their geographical position so near to that of the Massagetee, that they may have been a part of the same people; and the mistake may have arisen from an error in the supposed relative positions. This will be made more apparent, in the sequel, when it is shewn that our Author supposed a vast difference in parallel, on the globe, between the Massagetse, the Scythians of Asia, and the Euxine or Western Scythians. The Eastern Scythians, as belonging to the division of Asia, will form no part of the following discussion, which is confined entirely to those of the Euxine.* * Both Arrian and Curtius speak of European and Asiatic Scythians, as a term of distinction. This seems much the same idea, as our Eastern and Western Scythians ; only it will be shewn in the sequel, that they, like Herodotus, extended Europe very far to the east ; and seemingly to the neighbourhood of the Caspian sea, and the river Jaxartes ; by the error of supposing a much less extent of space than the truth, between the Tanais and Jaxartts, H ^50 D SECTION IV. OF THE WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA; WHICH IS THE PROPER SCYTHIA OF HERODOTUS, BUT THE SARMATIA OF LATER AUTHORS. Position and Face of Western Scythia — mistaken Ideas of Hero- dotus, 'respecting its Form and Extent — Cause of his Errors, and their Effects on the general Geography. — True Form and Extent of Scythia, considered generally ; and afterwards proved by De- ductions from our Author's Facts and Observations — Rivers of Scythia, with some of their principal Adjuncts — vast Inland Na- vigations — Subdivision of Scythia — Difficulties concerning some of the River Boundaries — Idea that the VtorysX\\Qr\es formerly ran ^ into the Palus Mseotis ; and that the Krimea xcas an Island. — Royal Scythians — reported Origin of the Scythian Nation — The Targitaus of Herodotus, appears to be the Turk of the Orientals. — Cimmerians dispossessed by the Scythians — Cimmerian Anti- quities. — The Euxine Scythians, aiid those at the Jaxartes, from the same Stock — Customs common to both — Euxine Scythia suited to Pastoral Lije — The Scythians favoured by Herodotus, in Point of Character — his general Accuracy and Candour. 1 HE Scythia of Herodotus answers generally to the Ukraine, the country of the Nogaian Tartars, the Don Cossacks, &c.; its first river on the zcest, being the Danube, and its last on the east, the Tanais, or Don; Melpomene, 48, et seq.* It wears, for the most part, the same face now, as in the time of our Author; (who by his own account had visited the Black sea, and we may suppose, of * The reader is requested to consult the Map of Scythia, No. III. opposite. In this, Scythia is drawn according to its just proportions, but the matter is arranged according to the ideas of Herodotus. His ideas of its form and extent will be found in No. I. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 51 course, the Greek settlements in Scythia also:) that is, it is com- posed of vast naked plains, and in a great part occupied by No- mades, or wandering tribes. No country whatsoever, was better watered : it having no less than eight large rivers, which were navigable to the sea ; and amongst these, the Danube, Tanais, and Borysthenes ; Melpom. 47. The pastures watered by some of these rivers are highly celebrated by our Author; and gave occa- sion to the application of the name of Grass Steppe to the tract itself, in contradistinction to the comparative barrenness of the others.* Although the area and extent of Scythia were greatly under- rated by Herodotus, yet, by a misconception of the relative posi- • Baron Tott's description of that part of the site of ancient Scythia, which he traversed between the Dnehter and Krimea, presents a lively picture of the face of the country. We shall collect the scattered notices that occur in different parts of his narrative ; Part II. on the Turks and Tartars. After crossing the Dneister (the Tyres of Herodotus) in the line between Jassi and Otchakow, he says : " The plains which wc crossed (those of Yedassan) were so level and open, that the horizon appeared only a hundred paces from us, on every side. No rising ground, not even the smallest shrub to make a variety in this picture ; and we perceived no- thing during the whole journey, but a few Nogais on horseback, whose heads were discovered by the piercing eyes of my Tartars, whilst the convexity of the earth still hid the remaindcr-of their bodies. Each of these Nogais was riding alone on horse- back. — I was curious to know, what could be the object of these men, and was in- formed that these people, (thought to be Nomades, because they live in a sort of tents,) were settled in tribes, in vallies of 50 or 60 feet deep, which intersect the plain from north to south, and are more than 30 leagues in length, by f of a league, (say 600 to 700 yards,) "in breadth, the middle of which are occupied by muddy rivu- lets, which terminate towards the sou/h in small lakes that communicate with the Black sea. The tents of the Nogais are on the banks of these rivulets, as well as the hovels which shelter their numerous flocks during winter. In spring, these are driven to the plains, and abandoned till winter, when they are brought back again to shelter. This was the employment of the Nogais we had met with." He afterwards says, that the extent of plain between the vallies is 10 to 12 leagues ; perhaps 30 or more miles. These vallies must be regarded as the ancient beds of H 3 58 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. tions of the coasts of the Euxine and Palus Maeotis, he has over- rated the extent of the coast of Scythia bordering on those seas. For, by the context it appears, that he supposed the coasts of the Kuxine and Maeotis to form a right angle at their point of junction, at the Peninsula of Taurica (Kriniea) ; presenting two sides which respectively faced the SE and SW ; or perhaps more strictly the ESE and SSW. Such was the idea of its position : and of its form and extent, that it was a square of 4000 stadia, each way. This is collected from the following notices : " Scythia (says Herodotus,) appears to be of a quadrangular form, having two of its sides terminated by the sea, to which its other two, towards the land, are perfectly equal. Ascending from the sea, inland, as far as the country of the Melatichlceni, beyond Scythia, is a journey of 20 days. According to my computation, a day's journey is equal to 200 stadia : thus the extent of Scythia, along its sides, is 4,000 stadia ; and through the midst of it, inland, is 4000 more; Melpom. 101.* Its position in respect of the heavens, is collected from the fol- lowing circumstances : that Darius Hystaspes, in his memorable invasion of Scytliia, " advanced eastward towards the Tanais," after rivers ; of which more in the sequel. He passed two of them between Bender and Otchakow ; and on the way to the second, he says, '• we saw the sun appear on the horizon of these plains, as mariners do on the ocean," In his way from Otchakow to the Krimea, he makes much the same kind of re- mark : '* the noise of the waves (for he went near the sea coast) afforded a more interesting object than the naked plains." This may suffice for the face of the country : and we have also the testimony of M. Pallas, respecting the Hatness and very low level of the country, between the Bo- rysthenes and the Mxotis, in the Tableau de Physique et Topographique de la Tauride. It may be remarked, that Herodotus does not speak of any Nomadic tribes of Scy- thians on the west of the Borysthenes, where they are now found. • It may be conceived that when our Author reckons by journies, of a specific length, he means to express the road distance : so that a proper allowance is to be made for inflectionp, in order to reduce it to dirtct distance. We have adopted this idea in the co.astruction of the Map. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. «;3 passing the Danube ; Melpom. 122. Again, in chapter 100, the sea (that is the Mseotis) is described to wash the country of the Scythians, above Tauris " on the east ;" and again, in ch. 18 and 20, the Androphagi and Mela?ichlce?ii, two nations who bordered on Scythia, inland, are said to lie to the north ; and the Peninsula of Taurica to the south. But, it will be found, that our Author erred very much in his idea of the/o/7« of Scythia ; for the truth is, that the coasts of the Euxine and Mseotis do not conjointly preselit any such form, as he sup- poses ; but, on the contrary, the maritime part of Scythia extends generally in an ENE direction, from the mouth of the Danube, to that of the Tanais ; forming, not tzvo sides of a square, but in effect, one side only, of a parallelogram of much greater dimensions : al- though that side be very crooked and indented.* The length of Scythia along the coast, may be about 430 geographic miles, or 514,0 stadia of those of 718 to a degree, whilst he regarded the whole length, as equal to 4000 stadia ; say, 330 G. miles. And, as Scythia extended very far beyond the mouths of the above rivers, to the east and west, its length is even much more than double tiie extent he supposed ; as will appear in the sequel. It is true that Herodotus had in idea, a stade of a somewhat shorter standard than 718 to a degree, but the difference is too inconsiderable to merit attention in this place.-f- Some of the causes that led to the above errors of Herodotus, are the following : 1. He supposed that the greatest length of the Euxine, 11,100 stadia, (which, however, was 3000 too much,) lay in the line of direction between the Bosphorus and the river Phasis ; * The form and position of the Krlmea, terminating in a point to the SfF, was probably the cause of the error of making two sides out of one. t It has been remarked in page 21, that the stade of our Author is of 732 to a de- gree, on a mean of all the examples collected from his work : that the 2000 between the Danube and Borysthenes are of 727 ; whilst those in Greece are much shorter. 54« WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 2. That the Isthmus of Natoha was httle more than half of its actual breadth ; 3- That the mouth of the Danube was situated opposite to Sinope ; 4. That the Palus Mseotis was nearly as large as the Euxine ; consequently in order to get room for it, he must have extended it a vast way to the north, and east, beyond the truth : * And lastly, that it lay as much N and S, as E and W : and that the Tanais entered it with a southerly, instead of a westerly, course.-f- , He calls the Maotis, the mother of the Euxine; Melp. 86. ;J; It is certain, however, that he says, Melp. 17, that •' the port of the Borysthe?iitce, (where, as we learn in 78, stood a Grecian city of Milesians) § is unquestionably the centre of all the maritime parts of Scythia." This seems to do away his former assertion concerning the two sides of 4000 stadia each, washed by the sea ; since this port is said by him to be no more than 2000 stadia from the Danube; that is, 10 days' journey of 200 each ; Melpom. 101. Here it seems to be the sense of the Author, that by the maritime parts of Scythia, those alone were meant, which bordered on the Euxine ; which certainly contradicts his former statement. Pos- sibly he might mean, what was true in effect, that the port in ques- tion was situated nearly in the centre of the south side of Scythia, taken at large. * It appears in Clio, 104, that Herodotus supposed the distance between the Maeotis (understood to mean, at the mouth of the Tanais) and the river Phasis, to be 30 journics of quick travelling. It may be about 20. + Strabothought the same: and both he and Ptolemy that the MxotisextendedNandS. \ The ideas of Polybitis, lib. iv. c. 5, on this subject, are worthy of attention, as well from the matter of them, as that they serve to explain the ideas of Herodotus, in this place. - There is little doubt but that our Author, as well as Polybius, knew that the Palus M«eotis received more .water than it evaporated, and which it gave to the Euxine ; the Euxine to the Mediterranean. § There were Milesian colonies also, at the mouth of the Danube, (called IstriansJ and at the entrance of the Btixine. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 55 Be it as it will, the form of Western Scythia, will be found to be nearly a pa?-allelogram, whose greatest length, extending along the Danube, Euxine, Ma^otis, and Tanais, is at least 9000 stadia ; and its depth inland, about 4,000, as Herodotus himself allows. One general effect of the error of our Author in thus shortening, by about one half, the length of Scythia, would necessarily be, to cause all the positions that were adjusted by him, on the east of the Tanais, and M^eotis, to recede westward, more than they ought, in respect of the sea of Colchis, and the Caspian. To this erroneous calculation amongst other causes, we must therefore attribute the mistake of placing the Issedones (or Yugures,) so far to the west, as to bring them opposite to, or in the same meridian with, the Massagetce, on the river Jaxartes. We shall now proceed to the detail of the data, on which the extent and arrangement of the Scytliian provinces, rest. Herodotus enumerates 8 rivers of (Western) Scythia, of which the Danube is the most western, and the Tanais the most eastern. The Danube was, excepting the Nile, the largest stream known to Herodotus ; * being formed of a great number of others ; and he conceived that it underwent no variation in bulk, in summer or in winter ;-f Melp. 48, 50. Next to this was the Tyres, or Tyras, which rising in the north, from an immense marsh, divided Scythia from Neuris. The Tyrita, or Tyrigetip, Greek colonists, were seated near the lower parts of it; Melp. 51. The 3d river, was the Hypanis,^ springing from an immense lake in Scythia; 52. In the district of the Alazones, the streams * He had never heard of the Ganges, or other great rivers of India, and China. t The description of tiie Danube and its alluvions, in Polybius, lib. iv. c. 5, is worth attention. X There were Othier rivers of the name of Hypanh, The river of Kuban bore that name, which is scarcely altered in its present sound. 5$ WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. of the Tyres and Hypanis have an inchnation towards each other : but soon separate again to a considerable distance ; (ibid.) As the Hypanis is the 3d in order, of those rivers, and placed next to the Borysthenes, both here, and in Melp. 17, (where it is said to lie to the west of the Borysthenes ; and to form a junction with it, near the sea,) it can answer to no other river than the Bog ; as the Tyres, which immediately preceded it, can be no other than the Dneister.* The circumstance of the near approach of the two, shews how well our Author was informed : for those rivers do really approach very near to each other at Braclaw and Mohilow, in the early part of their courses ; and afterwards diverge very con- siderably, in their way to the Euxine. The 4th river, and the largest next the Danube, is the Borys- thenes ; Melp. 53. Herodotus was of opinion that this river " was more productive, not only than all the rivers of Scythia, but than every other in the world, the Egyptian Nile excepted. It contained great abundance of the more delicate kinds of fish, and afforded the most agreeable and excellent pastures. Its course may be traced as far as the country of Gerrbiis,-\- through a voyage of 40 days, and flows from tlie north ; "^ but its sources, like those of the Nile, are imknown to >ne, as I believe they are to every other Greek ;" Melp. 53. There is some reason to suspect, that our Author was not ap- prized of the famous cataracts of this river, which occur at about the height of 200 miles above its embouchure, and are said to be 13 in number : for he seems to consider the navigation as being un- interrupted, during 40 days upward from the sea. * The Dneister is also called Turla, in D'Anville : perhaps the same root with the Greek name Tyres, or Tures. t Said in Melp. 71, to be the remote part of Scythia. :f Its general course, throughout, is nearly south : but its deviations from that line arc very great, for it forms a prodigious bend to the east in the Ukraine. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 57 The port of Cherson, (near the embouchure of this grand river,) rendered famous by the marine arsenals, and docks, established by the immortal Catharine of Russia, must be nearly in the same situa- tion with the port of the Borysthenita, mentioned by Herodotus. These are also named Olbiopolitce* See Melpom. 17, 18, and 78. The descriptions of the courses and confluences of the 5th, 6'th, and 7th rivers, namely, the Panticapes, Hypacyris, and Gerrhus, Melp. 54, 55, 56, cannot be reconciled to modern geography ; and, as far as we can understand, cannot have been of any great bulk. The Gerrhus is expressly said to be a branch of the Borysthenes, 56; and it is obvious, that, as the other two are described to be situated between the Borysthenes and the Gerrhus, they must either have been very unimportant in point of bulk, or branches, of the Borysthenes, or the Gerrhus. As they are said to be " navigable to the sea," and " amongst the most celebrated of the Scythian rivers," Melpom. 47, it is the most probable that they were branches of the greater river Borysthenes, which, like many others, discharged itself by several mouths. Some little light will be thrown on these particulars, when we speak of the subdivision of Scythia. The 8th river is the Tanais ; in modern European geography, the Don ; and cannot be misunderstood. -f- " Rising (says our Author) from one immense lake, it empties itself into another still greater, named the M^eotis ; and is increased by the waters of another river, called the Hirgis ;" Melpom. 58. It may however admit of doubt, whether the lower part of the river Donetz, which joins the Don, may not have been confounded by the early geographers with the Don itself; since this latter takes so remarkable a turn to the east : and * Pliny says that tlie Hypan is joins the Borysthenes at Olbia : lib. iv. c. I2. t The modern name Don, seems to be a corruption of Tana, the proper name of the river, as well as of a city, which stood on, or near, the site oT Azoph ; and not far from its embouchure in the Palus Mxotis. Tana, is obviously the same name with Tanais. I jS WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. as the former is a very large stream, and also occurs in a position, where the Don itself, considering its general course, would be looked for, by those who came from the west. The Tanais does indeed spring from a lake, but it appears to be ' a very small one ; and is not even marked in the Russian maps. Le Brun, who visited it, says, " the small lake Ivan is not far dis- tant from the village of Ivanosra. The river Don, or Tanais, has its source in this lake, and from thence flows in a long canal, the water whereof is exceedingly clear." — He afterwards says that it is more properly z pool than a lake ; Vol. i. ch. 12. Le Brun also says, that an inland navigation from the Maeotis and Euxine, to the Baltic sea, by the medium of the rivers Don, JVolga, Twersa, &c. was not only projected, but begun, by the Czar Peter the great, in 1702 : and which, had it been finished, would also have joined the Euxine to the Caspian ; since the Cas- pian and Baltic are known to be so completely united, that boats proceed uninterruptedly from Petersburgh to Astrakan ; said to be a voyage of nearly 2300 British miles. The Don and Wolga were to have been joined by means of a canal through the lake Ivan ; the waters of which were made to flow into the little river Sohata, which flows into the Upa ; this latter into the Okka ; and the Okka into the fVolga. So that the waters of the lake Ivan, ran two different ways ; and in this state of pro- gress, it appears, Le Brun saw the work, in 1702 : but it does not seem ever to have been completed. The inland navigations of Russia, as well as of China, are on a scale that is commensurate to the extent of those vast empires. Not that they are so much the effect of political geography, which has subjected to one dominion, the courses of so many large and nearly contiguous streams, and thereby removed the obstacles which commonly arise, from the contending interests of adjoining states; great as these advantages are ; as of the />^j5/cd/ geography. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 59 which has thrown the fewest obstacles possible, in the way. But it may well be, that the absence of such obstacles, may have gone towards forming the present system of political geography. To return to the geography. — The eight streams abovemen- tioned, are declaredly exclusive of the branches of the Danube and Tanais : for Herodotus enumerates several of the former, which have their sources in the western quarter of Scythia ; as well as of the latter, amongst the Thyssagetae, on the north-east. These notices afford so much assistance towards fixing the western limits of Scythia ; and of the position of the Thyssagetae on the east, that it will be proper to examine them in detail. " The Porata, (so called by the Scythians, by the Greeks Pyre- ton) the Tiarantus, Arams, Naparis, and the Ordessus, are five streams which particularly contribute to increase the size of the Danube ; and all have their rise in Scythia;" Melp. 4,8. M. D'An- ville recognizes the Porata in the Pruth ; the Ararus in the Siret : the Naparis in the Proava* and the Ordessus in the Argis : but the Tiarantus he has not made out.-f However, as our Author says, Melpom. 48, that it has an inclination to the west, and is smaller than the Porata ; as also that the three others take their courses between these two, it appears that the Olt or Alut should be meant for the Tiarantus. The Olt, however, has its source in Transyl- vania, which the context evidently allots to the Agatbyrsi ; but it is certain, notwithstanding, that its source is on the borders of Scythia : and, as it is probable that our Author had not a critical knowledge of the geography, the expression ought not to be taken too literally, when he says that all these rivers have their rise in Scythia. • Called also Jalomnitza. t It cannot be meant for the Tibiscus, or Ttisse, for in the succeeding chapter (49,) it is enumerated amongst other adjuncts of the Danube, under the name of Tib'isis : although by mistake, it is made to descend from Mount Hemus, instead of the Bastarnian Alps, ia the opposite quarter. I 2 60 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. From hence then, may be collected, that Scythia extended west' ward to the upper part of the course of the river Argis, in fValakia ; and also along the course of the Danube, upwards, to the great bend near Dristra (Durosterus) ; for the commencement of its oblique course, by which it enters Scythia, (according to our Author, Melp. 49,) is about that place; and the embouchure of the Ordessus but a little higher up. Consequently, Scythia must have included the eastern part of the province of Walakia : and as it extended 20 journies (of 200 stadia each) inland, the entire province of Mol- davia also, to the sources of the Porata or Prutb. The Tyres, which, from more than one circumstance, has been proved to answer to the Dneister, is said to have divided Scythia from Neuris, Melp. 51. And it will be found, that, allowing to Scythia a breadth of 20 journies, or 4000 stadia (according to the text) inland from the coast of the Euxine, this particular respecting the Tyres agrees very well : and hence the Neuri, who are also said, Melp. 17, to dwell near the Hypanis (Bog), must have pos- sessed that part of Poland, heretofore called the Palatinate of Russia ; and part of that of Liisuc ; now composing the eastern part of Gallicia. Of this, more in the sequel, when we speak of the nations, or tribes, that are situated along the borders of Scythia. By this arrangement it will appear also, that PodoHa, or the principal part of it, must also have constituted a part of Scythia. Proceeding farther to the east, it will be found, that the distance of 20 of the like journies, inland from the Euxine, at the part near the mouth of the Borysthenes, w'ill extend the limits of Scythia upwards, beyond the for/is of that river. By the forks, are meant the places of confluence of the easteryi and zvestern branches, the Dn'esna and Prypetz (and more particularly the latter) with the northern, or proper Borysthenes ; which collective waters form the main trunk of that magnificent stream, which divided Scythia in the midst. For the above distance of 20 journies, or 4000 stadia, is given, in Melp. 101, between the sea and the borders of the WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 6 1 Melanchlseni, a tribe which adjoined on the north, to those Royal Scythians, who touched on Taurica, the Mseotis, and Tanais ; Melp, 20, and 57. Consequently, Scythia may be sup- posed to have extended northward to the river Dnesna and its eastern branch, the Sent, on the east of the Borysthenes ; and to Polish Russia, on the west of that river : wherefore Wolynia ; the proper Ukrayne; the country of Bielgorod, &c. must have formed the northern frontier of Scythia; on which side, it was bounded by the tribe of Androphagi, on the side of Poland, and by the Melanchl.«ni on that of Russia: as on the NW by the Neuri, and on the west by the Agathyrsi. On the north-east, the Tanais separated the Scythians from the BuDiNi, and Geloni. The SAUROMAXiE, or Sarmatians, lay to the east; but whether they occupied both banks of the Tanais, above the conflux of the Donetz, or whether the Scythians pos- sessed that Peninsula formed by the Don and Donetz, is a matter of doubt ; and must be left for the reader to determine for himself. We, however, regard the former as the most probable. Thus the Scythia of Herodotus appears to have extended in length from Hungary, Transylvania, and Walakia, on the west, to the river Don on the east ; a space of full 750 G. miles, or more than 860 B. miles : but if the Donetz is to be taken for the eastern boundary, then 612 G. miles, or 710 B. miles only. Its breadth is taken on the statement of Herodotus, at 4000 stadia, equal to 300 or 330 G. miles, whicli extends it, as we have seen, to the heads of the rivers Pruth and Dneister, to the forks of the Borys- thenes, and the course of the Dnesna, at large. But the length allowed to Scythia by him, is little'more than 3- of the space be- tween the mouths of the Daiiube and Tanais, alone ; beyond which, Scythia extended very far, because those rivers formed its boun- daries, and their courses were very oblique. And, on the whole, he appears to have allowed to Scythia, considerably less than half the true quantity of the area, taking his own statement of the 69 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. boundaries. For the 750 G. miles produce about 9000 stadia of our mean scale ; whilst our Author allowed the length and breadth of Scythia, to be 4000 stadia only; and as we have already ad- mitted the breadth to be as he describes, the form and dimensions of that country will be a parallelogram of 9000 stadia by 4000, in- stead of a square of 4000* Subdivision of Scytbia. It is by no means an easy task to place the different tribes of Scythians, described by our Author: but we shall endeavour to place the principal ones. It may be proper, first of all, to observe, that the Tauri, who inhabited the Cimmerian Chersonesus, or Kri- mea, one of the most prominent features of the geography of this tract, were not reckoned to belong to Scythia. See Melpom. 102. • Baron Tott allows the following extent to the tract, which he names Little Tartary ; and which may be regarded as the ancient maritime Scythia. t It includes the Peninsula of the Krimea, the Kuban, a part of Circa sia, and all that territory which separates the Russian empire from the Black sea. (This was writ- ten previous to the cession of the Krimea, &c. to Russia.) This zone, extending from Moldavia to the neighbourhood of Taganrok, is 30 or 40 leagues broad, by 200 in length, or about 530 G. miles. It contains from E to W, the letitche-Koule, the Jamboylouh, the Tedessan, and Bessarabia, The latter province, called also Baud- ziak, or Boudjack, is inhabited by Tartars settled in villages, as well as those in the Peninsula: but the inhabitants of the three other provinces have only tents made of felt, which they remove at pleasure. He afterwards excepts those Nogais, who are settled in the long vallies of the Tedessan, between the Dneister and Borysthenes, be- forementioned : in page 51. Mr. Tooke (Russia, Vol. ii. p. 71) allots to the Nogayan Tartars, the tract be- tween the Danube on the west, and the lower part of the Wolga on the east ; and bordering southward on the Euxine, Mseotis, Mount Caucasus, and the Caspian. This, of course, allows them a much wider range, than the limits assigned them by the Baron, who perhaps took only a partial view of the subject. t It may be proper to mention that, as all the references made to Baron Tott's book, are contained in his ad Part, on the subject of the Turks and Tartars, it will be unnecessary to refer to it, in the sequel. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 63 I. HyLvEA was the name of the Peninsula adjacent to Taurica, on the NW; formed by the lower part of the Borysthenes, the Euxine, the gulf of Carcinitis, and the river Hypacyris, which flowed into it. It is now named Jamboylouk. This tract, unlike the rest of maritime Scythia, had trees in it ; Melpom. 19. This circumstance is not only confirmed by Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12, who calls it a woody country, but by the testimony of Baron Tott in modern times, which is very satisfactory. The Baron, having crossed the mouth of the Borysthenes, from Otcbakow to the point of Kilburn, traversed the great plain oi Jam- boylouk (inhabited also by the Nogais,) to Orkapi or Perekop, the fortress which shuts up the Isthmus of the Krimea ; which plain is precisely the Hyl.«a of Herodotus; and is neady loo English miles long, in this direction. The Baron thus describes it : " The road which we took, brought us near the Black sea ; and in following the beach from time to time, the very noise of the waves afforded us a more interesting object, than we could find in the naked plains over which we had been passing. Those we still had to pass, were likewise entirely bare, although I have been as- sured that they were formerly covered with forests," &c. The province of Hylaa was also remarkable for its containing a flat tract of a very singular form, which projected into the sea, called the Course of Achilles ; and moreover for being the scene of the story of Hercules and the monster Queen of Scythia, when he had driven away the oxen of Geryon. The river Panticapes passed through Hylaea, in its way to the Borysthenes; and the Hypacyris bounded both this territory, and the just-mentioned tract, called the Course of Achilles. This is the substance of our Author's de- scriptions, in Melpom. chapters 8, 9, 10, 18, 19, 54, and 56. And hence the Hypacyris appears clearly to be the river Kalauczac, which passes by the modern town of Kammenoimost, which is perhaps, nearly in the position of Carcinus. We sIkjII find the same river recognized by Pliny and Ptolemy, in the sequel. 64 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. The geography of this whole tract is very strongly marked, as will appear by a reference to the Map No. III. and more particu- larly to Dezauche's Map of the Krimea. In this, the Course of Achilles is also recognized, in two long and exceeding narrow slips of land, named Tentra, which extend in opposite directions into the sea, forming togetlier the shape of a sword, or scymetar, agree- ing to the description of Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12, who says that the Dromos Achilleos was a Peninsula extending into the sea, in the form of a sword, and was 80 MP. in length. It is 62 G. miles, equal to 77 MP. on the map. Ptolemy describes it much the same, Europce, Tab. VIII. Strabo is very pointed and particular in his description of it, pages 307, 308. He reckons it 1000 stadia in length, which is much too long : but he seems ver)' exact in representing it to be only 2 stadia in breadth, at the widest part; and to extend from east to west. How this remarkable tract came to be named from Achilles, is not told.* Baron Tott passed near, if not through, a part of it, in his way from Otchakow to Perekop, at the time when he describes the naked plains, little elevated above the margin of the sea. By ap- pearances, it has been in part, formed of alluvions of the Borys- thenes and its branches ; of which the Hypacyris, which bounded it on the east, was probably one. II. The Scythian Husbandmen, or ploughing Scythians; (called also Borysthenitce, and Olbiopolitce ; ) were situated adjacent to the Borysthenes ; Mel pom. i8, 53, 54. They extended from 1 1 to 12 journies up the river, from Hylaea; particularly on the east side : and to the distance of three journies eastward from the river ; • From these descriptions one may collect, that they had seen a delineation of the ground : and indeed many ancient notices plainly shew that the ancients were in the habit of making maps and plans ; although these have not, like their books, generally reached us; which may be owing in part, to there having been fewer copies made, and that they were, perhaps, more subject to accident, than books. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 6 J where they were bounded by the Panticapes. This last river, however, cannot be recognized in modern geography, since no river is known to pass through the site of Hyl^jea, in its way to the Bo- rysthenes, as described in Melpom. 54,. Wc have already hazarded a conjecture, that this, as well as the other rivers of this quarter, were branches of the Borysthenes : some of which, probably, have been since filled up by the depositions of its waters. It would appear from Melpom. 53, that the Borysthenitae dwelt also on the west side of the Borysthenes, near its mouth, as far as the influx of the Hypanis (Bog). III. The Scythian NoMADES ; Melp. 19, 55,56. These lived to the eastward of the Husbandmen, and beyond the river Panti- capes, said above to pass at the distance of 3 journics to the east- ward of the Borysthenes.* These Nomades are said to inhabit a district of 14, journies towards the east, and as far as the river Ger- rhus : but the number 14 is an error, at all events : first, because the Royal Scythians, who are divided from the former, by the river Gerrhus,join southward to the district of Taurica (Krimea) ; Mel- pom. 20; which begins at the Gulf of Carcinitis, Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12; and therefore cannot be 7najiy journies removed froin the Borysthenes. Secondly, because the Hypacyris, which bounds Hylaea on the east, passed through the midst of tlie Nomades, in its way to Carcinitis ; Melpom. 55. Neither of these circumstances could have taken place, had the Nomades extended 14 journies to the eastward of the Husbandmen ; that is, 1 7 to the east of the Borysthenes. Moreover, it would not have left room for the Royal * Pliny, lib. iv. c. i2, agrees with Herodotus, that the Panticapes divides the No- mades, from the Husbandmen, Scythians. Ptolemy's Hypanis, Europx, viii. on the €astoi\\\c Borysthenes, appears to occupy the place of this Panticapes. It is difficult to judge what the course of the Panticapes was, and where it joined the Borysthenes, but there can be little doubt, as has been said, that it was one of its branches. K 6$ WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. Scythians, who are said to be the most numerous tribe of Scythians ; Melp. GO.* Whether it be, that Herodotus was not correctly informed, or that the rivers have undergone a change in tiieir courses, during the long interval of near 23 centuries, it is certain that the modern geography of the country, set forth by its present possessors, the Russians, does not present any such series of rivers as the Panti- capes, the Hypacyris, and the Gerrhus, in the like posiiiojis, and under the like circumstances. But, it is very true, that the maps which enter most into the detail of this countr}^ represent the tract in which we should look for these rivers, to be full of stagnant lakes and pools, in which the courses of creeks terminate from the north ; so that it may be suspected that the Borysthenes, and its branches, have wandered through this space in different ages of the world ; and, in consequence, may have at times, gained the sea by difi^erent mouths; and occasionally by more than one, at the same period of time. There is a very strong circumstance mentioned by Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12, where, after saying that the Tau~ rican Chersonesus begins at Carcinus, he proceeds to say, that " it was anciently environed by the sea, in the part where the ground is * Pliny has a river Pacyrls, which must be taken for the Hypacyris, as he con- ducts it into the gulf of Carcinitis; lib. iv. c. 12. Ptolemy, Europ. viii. names the river, as well as the gulf which receives it, Carcinitis : but places the town Pasiris, on its bank"^. Pliny, moreover, Fpeaks (in the same place) of a river Hypnnis, which passes between Hylaa and the Nomadic Scythians ; and afterwards discharges itself into Core/us, a gulf of the Palus Maeotis : probably intended for the NW bay of it, as the lake of Buges is said to join it : for this lake appears in Ptolemy to answer to the Muddy lake, or Siwasch, which shuts up the Krimea towards the north. We con- ceive there is an error in Pliny respecting this Hyfanis, and its connection with the Coretus : and that, as it passes between the Hylseans and Nomades, that the Hypa- tyris is really intended. So that he had probably confounded Hypanis, Hypacyris, and Pacyris, together, as well as Carcinitis, and Coretus. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 6y flat ;" which flat country seems evidently to be the tract above- mentioned, on the north of, and adjacent to, the Krimea. And in- deed, reasoning from analogy, nothing is more likely than that a great change should have taken place, in the course of so vast, and so rapid a river as the Borysthenes ; and which also flows through a deep alluvial country. It may be observed on the Map, what a vast elbow it makes to the east, in the lov^'er part of its course. Hence, considering other circumstances, it is probable that at some former period, it ran straight from the Cataracts into the western part of the Mseotis ; and that, having in a course of ages, raised the ground too high, to make its way through, it sought a lower bed in the west, but left a branch in the former one (which it might do, although its bed would not contain the whole river) ; and this branch may have been the Gerrhus, which, Herodotus says, was really an emanation of the Borysthenes. Mel pom. 56. In- stances of such changes, are by no means unfrequent in other places : and, it is pretty certain that the Deltas of all rivers are formed in this way.* It may be added, that, the reports of those who have visited that country in latter times, confirm in the strongest manner, the idea, not only of a change of course of the Borysthenes, and Dneister, but of a still greater change in the face of the country between the • Much light is thrown on these subjects in a series of Maps of the Rhine, by M- Wiebeklng of Darmstadt ; a part of which were published in 1796, and seem to be the most useful of the kind that have appeared. In these, the changes in the course of the river, are traced with precision, and the dates marked : and the works erected in certain parts, to prevent the destructive effects of the stream, are described. They cannot hut be highly useful to those whose business requires that they should be well versed in the nature of liver currents an.l alluvions. In the Appendix to the Memoir of the Map of Hintioostan, 1793, there will also be found, under article Ganges, many remarks of the above kind; all tending to prove the vast and rapid changes that take place in the beds of rivers, as well-as the rapid increase of alluvions. 68 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. Borysthenes and the sea ; in effect, giving strength to an opinion that the Peninsula of the Krimea from the original state of an island, has been joined to the main land, either by a general subsi- dence of the level of the Euxine, or by the depositions of the Borys- thenes; or possibly, by both these causes combined.* The reports alluded to, are particularly tiiose of M. Pallas, and of the Baron Tott. The former says, in the work above quoted, page 1, " That the Peninsula of Taiirica, which rises with an abrupt ascent to the height of 1200 feet, on the south side towards the Euxine, sinks by degrees towards the continent, and at last with so easy a slope, as to lose itself insensibly in the great plain, of which the adjacent country on the north, is chiefly formed ; and which plain is but little elevated above the level of the sea." In page 19, he says that the same plain seems as if it had once been covered by the sea ; as well as the desert between the Borysthenes and the Berda, which last is a river that flows into the Mceotis about midway between the Krimea and Azoph. He also supposes that the salt lakes, with which the plain is strewed, were once bays of the sea, whose mouths being first shut up by bars of sand, thrown across them by the surge of the sea, were finally separated by the subsidence of its level, when, by the rupture of the ground at the Bosphorus, and Hellespont, the Euxine discharged its upper level of water into the y^gean sea. He accounts (p. 20) for the formation of the lake of Siwascb (or the muddy lake,) much in the same manner, by the matter * It has so often happened that islands have been joined to the sea by alluvions, as well of the sea, as of rivers, that the former cause alone is sufficient to produce the effect. Herodotus himself gives one instance in the junction of one half of the Echi- nades with the continent, by the alluvions formed by the river Achelous in Acarnania. Euterpe, 10. Others, near Ephesus, have been joined by the Cayster ; the island of Pharos also with the main land of Egypt ; so that the modern Alexandria stands oa the alluvion itself. The instances are very numerous. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 6g thrown up by the waves of the Mseotis, occasioned by the prevalent strong winds at east and north-east.* Thus the opinion of M. Pallas, is at least, in favour of a great change having taken place, in the tract between the Borysthenes and Krimea : which opinion, as we have seen, agrees exactly with the report of Pliny, more than 17 centuries ago. But we are of opinion, that more appearances are yet to be accounted for; and that the courses of the creeks from N to S, across the same plain, and which terminate in lakes ; together with the vast surface of mud, and muddy lakes, spread over the eastern part of the Isthmus ; can only be accounted for, by the presence of a large fresh-water river: and that river can hardly be supposed to be any other than the Borysthenes, which in our idea, formerly gained the sea at the western part of the Mceotis ; and having gradually raised the level too high, for it to run on, retired westward in search of a lov^er level. This progress of things must of course have been posterior to the subsidence of the Euxine. The notices furnished by Baron Tott are by no means unworthy of attention, although arising from a more confined view of things. He mentions the remarkable lowness and flatness of the ground, in front of the Isthmus of the Krimea, and indeed all the way from the Borysthenes ; though without hinting an}' idea of any change * Appearances seem to prove, that the limits of the Mxotis have been much cir- cumscribed ; and its bed, of course, in part filled up, by the depositions of the Tanais, Borysthenes, and other rivers. The large chart of that sea (drawn since 1773,) points out many banks and tongues of land, that have evidently been formed, as well from the currents, generated in the sea, by the discharge of the Tanais, (and whidi run along the north coast, and thence to the S and SE to the Strait of 'Jenieale, J as by the river currents themselves. It was the idea of Polybius (lib. iv. c. 5.) that the filling up of the Maeotis, was no very remote event, in his time. The operation, however, is so slow, that it may reasonably be deemed a very remote event, at present, although nearly 2000 years have elapsed, since the date of his prediction. He had an idea that it -was not much more than 15 to 20 feet deep, generally : but it is at present more than 30 ; and in the deepest parts 40 to 48. 70 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA, having taken place. He says, tliat tlie Isthmus itself, across which the titles of Perekop are drawn, (and which extend about |- of a league,) is a plain ; but overtops the plain without, by about 40 feet ; however, that it joins with so gentle a slope, as if formed artificially. Hence the alluvion must be supposed to terminate with the lower plain. It has been before remarked, that he describes the Plain of Te^ dessan, between the Dneister and Bor3'sthenes, as a perfect level, save only the ravines or vallies which contain the muddy rivulets, terminating in lakes ; and which may probably be the ancient chan- nels of rivers ; perhaps of the Dneister, or the Bog. And as he describes such a country likewise, between the Borysthenes and the Tanais, in which the detailed maps describe the same kind of creeks and lakes ; it is very possible, not to say probable, that other rivers have wandered there also. After this very long dissertation, we return again to the subject that gave rise to it, the course of the Gerrhus, and the other rivers of this part of Scythia. It is proper to note a circumstance in which our Author differs from all others ; and in which, the reason of the thing seems to shew that he was wrong. He says, Melpom. 56, that the Gerrbus finally joins with the Hypacyris. Now, this latter, is allowed on all hands to pass through the country of the Nomades, and to dis- charge itself into the Carcine gulf, which washes the west side of Taurica; whilst the Gerrhus separates the Nomades from the Royal Scythians, and is described by Pliny and Ptolemy* to enter the Palus Mseotis, which shuts up Taurica on the east. ' It is dif- ficult to comprehend, how the Gerrhus, which forms the boundary between the Nomades and Royal Scythians ; which Nomades also lay to the east of Hylaea, and the Husbandmen ; could fall into the gulf of Carcinitis, with the Hypacyris ! A river, or rather several beds of rivers, whose courses fall in * Lib. iv. c, 12 ; andEuropae, Tab. viii. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTIIIA. 7I nearly together, are found in the position, where the Gerrhus may be looked for; but they have at present, no communication with the Borysthenes, and only one of their branches, with the Mseotis : for they terminate in a long and narrow lake, named Molocznoe, very near the western part of the Meeotis, and opposite to a wide gulf, which enters deeply into the land, and appears in ancient times to have joined to the lake ; when both together may have formed an estuarium, pointing to the north. Either of the above- mentioned branches may have been the Gerrhus : but the one that may, from its direction, be more particularly taken for it, is named Tasczenac. The termination of these branches, at the M^otis, is at 1 50 G. miles to the east of the mouth of the Borysthenes ; though less than 80, from the nearest part of its course. Perhaps then, four journies should be read, instead oi fourteen, for the extent of the Nomades, eastward from the Husbaiidmeji (see page 6~,) ; which will allow 7 journies, at a medium, for the breadth of the tracts occupied by the two, collectively.* IV. The Royal Scythians; Nomades also, but of a higher order. These, as we have seen, bordered on the Nomades, properly so called, westward ; and on the Tauri southward : and they are said, Melp. 20, to have spread eastward as far as the Tanais, northward to the Melanchlteni, 20 days' journies, inland. These were the most numerous, as well as the most noble, of the Scytliian nation ; * The course of the Gerrhus appears clear enough in Pliny and Ptolemy. Pliny agrees with Herodotus, in making it the boundary between the Nomades and Royal Scythians; and with Ptolemy in conducting it finally, into the MaJOtis ; the diffe- rence only is, that Pliny leads it into the lake Buges, which communicates with the gulf Corelus and the Mxotis ; whilst Ptolemy leads it wide to the east of the lake Buges, or Byces. Both of them have also a river of Bugcs, but they differ in the place of its embouchure, exactly as they do concerning that of the Gerrhus. They have also a 3d river, which is named Aceshius by Pliny, AxiacHS, by Pto- lemy ; but which is not found in our Author. 72 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. and they regarded all the rest of their countrymen as their slaves ; Melp. 20. According to these notices, the Ro3'al Scythians, who may be considered as the great body o^ freemen of the nation, occupied the tract generall}', between the Maeotis on the south; the Tanais on the east ; the river Gerrhus, and the Nomades on the west ; and the river Desna, and its eastern branch, on the north. They had the Mclanchl^ni, for their northern neiglibours; the Budini and Geloni, on the NE; and the Sauromatae on the east. We shall now turn to the zvest of the Borysthenes. V. The Callipid.^, Melp. 17, ddlipodes of Solinus, appear to have occupied the lower course of the Hypanis; and are called Greek Scythiatis. Beyond these, between the Hypanis and Tyres, were, VI. The Halizones * Both of them were agricultural people. In Melp. 52, it is said that in the district of the latter, the courses of the Tyres and Hypanis incline towards each other, but soon separate again to a considerable distance. From this circumstance, the Halizones must be placed in part of Padolia and Braclaw. See above, page 55. VII. Beyond the Halizones, was another agricultural tribe, not named, Melp. 17 ; and who must have inhabited the frontier of Scythia, to the NW; as the Neuri are said to lie next beyond them, towards the north. VIII. The Tyrit^ (perhaps Tyrigeta)-\- were reckoned a Greek colony, and inhabited the tract at the lower part of the river Tyres ; (Dneiper.) Melp. 51. The inhabitants of the countries on the west of this river, al- though classed in a general way, as Scythians, are not particu- larized by Herodotus.;!; Some authors reckon these to be Getce ; * Alazones, in 52. + See Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12. \ Baron Tott, as we have shewn, found the country on the west of the Borysthenes, possessed by a pastoral people ; and it is highly probable, from the nature of the coun- try, that the same habits prevailed there anciently. Nor is this any impeachment of WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 73 but Herodotus appears to confine the Getce to the south of the Danube. However, as the term Getae may perhaps with propriety be applied to Scythians in general, there might be no great error in the application of it. On the reported Origin of the Scythian Nation. Thus, having enumerated the different tribes of Scythians, we shall next give a few particulars respecting these remarkable people, from our Author, and others. As to the fabulous accounts of the origin of the Scythians, they merit little attention as matters of history ; but there are certain ac- cordances, in respect of names, with the modern traditions amongst the inhabitants of Western Tartary, that appear remarkable. The Scythians, according to Herodotus, Melp. 5, 6, 7, say, that the first patriarch and king of their country, was Targitaus, 1000 years before the invasion of Darius Hystaspes; (or about 1500 before Christ). That he had three sons, from whom the four tribes of Ancbata, Catiari, Traspies, and Paralata are descended. The Paralata were the descendants of the yoimgest son,* who be- came king of Scythia ; but these people were named more com- monly Scoloti, from a surname of the king. The Greeks called them Scythians ; Melp. 6". Now, it is well known that amongst the Orientals, Turk, the reputed son of Japhet, is reckoned the patriarch of the tribes of Turkestan and Tartary ; as also that his original settlement was in Turkestan, that is, the country situated along, and beyond, the river Jaxartes. The Targitaus of Herodotus, has, in its root, some affinity to our Author's accuracy ; for the agricultural tribes above recorded, were situated very high up the country. The Tedessan tribe (of Tott) appear to occupy the place of the Callipida: and Tyrltis of Herodotus. * Diodorus, lib. ii. c. 3, calls the ancestor of the Palians, who seein to answer to the Piiralatie, Pains; and reckons him the son of Jupiter. With Herodotus he is the grandson. L 74 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. the name Turk ; as that of the Paralatse, the tribe descended from the youngest son of Targitaus, has to Perlas or Bcrlas, which de- signed the tribe last in rank, of those descended from Turk. Tar- gitaus was said to be the son of Jupiter; Turk of Japhet. See D'Herbelot, article Turk. Herodotus gives two different accounts of the original settlement of the Scythians, at the Euxine ; and which, whether in their cir- cumstances, true or otherwise, serves to shew that the Greeks re- garded them as new settlers in that tract. The first story is, that " the Scythian Nomades of Asia, having " been harassed by the Massagetce, in war, passed the Araxes, and " settled in Cimmeria ; for it is to be observed, that the country " now possessed by the Scythians, belonged formerly to the Cim- " merians. — There are still to be found in Scythia, walls, &c. " which are termed Cimmeriaji ; the same name is also given to a " whole district, as well as to a itarroxv sea."* Melpom. 1 1 and 12. * The district in question, may be supposed to have been the Chenonesus of Tau- rica (Kr'tmea) ; and the narrow sea, the Bosphorus of the Cimmerians, which is men- tioned by name, in Melpom. loo. How much of Western Scythia, the Cimmerians might have occupied, is un- known ; but it may be inferred from a circumstance mentioned in Melpom. ii, that their possessions extended westward, at least to the river Tyres, or Dneister. Respecting the walls, &c. still found in the time of Herodotus, under the name of Cimmerian, he does not say that they were in the Petiinsula, but the context implies it; and it is not improbable that he had seen them. Baron Tott saw in the moun- . tainous part of the Krimea, ancient castles, and other buildings, a part of which were excavatedirom xhelive rock; together with subterraneous passages from one to the other. These were, he says, always on mountains difficult of access. He refers them to the Genoese, with what justice we know not ; it is possible they might have made use of them: but it is more than probable that these are the works alluded to by our Author : for, it may be remarked, that works of this kind, arc commonly of very ancient date. It appears, that the nature of part of the remains, mentioned by Herodotus, can- not, from a corruption of the text, be understood. Some have supposed that bridges were intended; ox\\txf. gates : may they have been the subterraneous passages above- mentioned ? or, can it allude to a fortified line, and bridge across the Isthmus, as the former of these existed in very early times ? WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. J ^ The second story is from Aristeas, the poet, a native of Procon- nesus, who relates, that " under the influence of Apollo, he came " to the Issedones; that beyond this people he found the Arimaspi, " a nation who have but one eye ; farther on, the Gryphins, the " guardians of the gold ; and beyond these the Hyperboreans, who •' possess the whole country quite to the sea : and that all these na- " tions, except the Hyperboreans, are continually engaged in war " with their neighbours. Of these hostilities, the Arimaspians " were the first authors, for that they drove out the Issedones, the " Issedones the Scythians : and the Scythians compelled the Cim- " merians, who possessed the country towards the south, to aban- " don their native land." Melp. 13. Of these accounts, Herodotus says, that he is more inclined to be- lieve the first, than the story of Hercules and the monster Queen of Scythia, above alluded to ; and of the second, that " it had obtained credit, both with the Greeks and Barbarians." He then proceeds to give a short history of Aristeas, and his Arimaspian verses, in which it appears, he confessed that " he had not penetrated beyond " the Issedo?ies ; and that what he related of the countries more " remote, he learnt of the Issedones themselves." Melp. 14, 16. It may be observed, that the first account makes the Massagetie to be the people who drove out the Scythian Nomades of Asia, to seek a new country, in the west : by the otlier, the Arimaspians drove out the Issedones, wiio were situated next to them ; and who in turn, impelled the Scythians westward to the Euxine; where they dispossessed the Cimmerians. In either case, the question is, who were the Scythians thus dis- possessed, and in what country was their original settlement.^ Whether the cause of migration might have been dread of con- quest, want of room, or of pasturage, or any other matter, the events of more recent times may convince us, that such migrations have frequently happened : and we may quote in particular, the famous migration of the Kabmics in 1770, 1771, when they re- L2 76 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. moved, (or rather took flight) from the west of the river Wolga to the Balcbatz lake ; (called also Palkati Nor* and lake of the Kul- mucs,) a march of even greater length than from the Jaxartes to the AIceotis.-\ But besides this instance, there is every reasonable testimony of the migrations of the Turks and Tartars westward, in all ages; so as even to change the population of the southern countries of Europe and Asia. Indeed, in the present instance, as well as in some few others, in recent times, the western countries appear to be too fully stocked, for the purposes of Nomadic life ; so that the tribes of this description, begin to recoil eastn'ard again. To return to the Scythians of Herodotus. — It will appear, when the countries on the east of the Ma;otis and Tanais are described, that he speaks of a nation of Scythians, who, according to the cir- cuir.stances of the description, should have occupied the Desbt Kipzak, at the head of the Caspian sea, together with a large pro- portion of the Steppe, now in the possession of the Kirgees tribes ; and these he styles the Scythians who had seceded from the Royal Scythians, at the Mzeotis; Melp. 22. It is obvious, however, that if this statement was true, the coun- try assigned by our Author to the Massagetce, on the borders of the Jaxartes, (and Aral, taken by him and others for part of the Caspian,) would be confounded with the space assigned by him to the seceding Royal Scythians : and which error, from his incorrect ideas of relative position, he might not be able to detect. Either then, he erred in extending the lands of these Royal Scythians, too far to the east, or he has confounded them with the Massagetje. And as he wrote from the information of others ; and perhaps also, from very vague notices ; it is not altogether improbable that the Royal Scythians miglit be a tribe of the same nation with the • Nor signifies lake, or sea. t The numbers were said to be 55 to 60 tiiousand families ; perhaps 350,000 per- sons. (Mr. Tooke.) WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. 77 Massagetae at the Jaxartes : in which case, the story of Aristeas which makes the Issedones to drive the Scythians westward, w-ould be more probable than the other story, of the Massagetae driving out the Scythians; since the Massagetae and Scythians would be tribes of the same nation. At all events, the Royal Scythians at the Euxine, and those, who from the description of Herodotus, are placed in the Desht Kipzak and Steppe, are confessedly of the same nation : the doubt remain- ing is, whether they occupied likewise the seats of the Massagetae ? The Desht Kipzak indeed may have been their original seat, in which either apart of the nation remained at the first migration ; or to which a colony might return, after the nation was settled at the Mieotis. The Kalmucs in their late migration, did no more than retinii to their former seats, near the Palkati Nor. It is a question, which perhaps can never be determined, whether the Massagetae, or Scythians of the Jaxartes, and those of the Euxine, were of the same stock; but it appears highly probable that they were : and the seeming doubt of our Author, whether he should class the Massagetae with the Scythians, Clio, 201, 215, 216, furnishes, in our idea, some proof of it. The similitude in point of manners and customs between them, gave occasion to the ancients (though at a somewhat later date than the time of Herodotus,) to apply the name of Scythians to the Massagetae, with whom they became later acquainted. We confess, thaf we cannot help regard- ing these notices on the whole, as tending to a proof that the Mas- sagetan Scythians were the most ancient of the two, and probably the ancestors of those at the Euxine. The story of Targitaus seems to respect Turkestan, rather than Euxine Scytbia ; and Targitaus, if meant for Turk, should have been the common ancestor of all the Scythians.* * Diodorus, lib. ii. c. 3, derives the Massagela, Sacte, and Arimaspt, from the same Scythian stock ; which Scythians were first settled at the Araxes (no doubt. L3 78 ■WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. It is unquestionable that there is a great similarity in many of their customs ; and which can only be referred to imitation. We shall enumerate a few of them. Not to mention the Nomadic life common to both, since it might also have been followed by others in North Asia, we shall only observe, 1. That the clothes and/oor/of the Massagetae resemble those of the Scythians ; Clio, 215. 2. That both nations lived in zvaggons, or carriages ; Clio, 216: Melp. 46', 12 1.* 3. That they fought chiefly on horseback ; Clio, 215; Melp. 46', 136; and, 4. That they sacrificed horses to their deities ; the Massagetae in particular, to the slui. " They sacrifice horses to the sun, their only deity, thinking it right to offer the swiftest of mortal animals, to the swiftest of immortal beings." Clio, at the end. See also Melp. 61. It however happens, unfortunately, that Herodotus is much too brief in his account of the customs of the Massageta^, to allow any great scope of comparison ; otherwise it is probable that more points of resemblance would have been found. -j- yaxartes is meant, as well as by Herodotus}, from uhence they extended themselves ■westward, to the Euxine and Masotis, and finally beyond the Tanais : and eastward to the ocean. This account appears probable. * Justin remarks it also. He describes the Scythians generally, as a pastoral people, living in waggons covered with skins, lib. ii. c. 2. He adds, that " the ig- norance of vice has been of more advantage to them, than the knowledge of virtue has to others." The circumstance of their living in waggons was so familiarly known, that Lucian speaks of it, in his Toxaris. t Herodotus relates of the Mastagetir, who had their wives in common, that the sig- nal of retirement and privacy was the hanging up of the quiver of the individual before his waggon; Clio, 216. Amongst the Nasamones, in Africa, whose habits were nearly the same, a staff was fixed in the ground before the tent; Melpom. 172. WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. JCJ Tlie Persians of the time of Xenophon, and the Parthians of later times, both of whom, but particularly the latter, being to be regarded as descendants of Massagetse ; whatsoever particulars we discover in the Persians and Parthians that are akin to Scythians, serves to shew a common origin between Massaget£e and Scythians. Herodotus says, Melp. 70, " whenever the Scythians (of the " Euxine) form alliances, they observe these ceremonies : a large *' earthen vessel is filled with wine, into this is poured some of the " blood of the contracting parties, obtained by a slight incision of a " knife or sword : in this vessel they dip a scymetar, some arrows, " a hatchet, and a spear. After this, they perform solemn pra3^ers," &c. Xenophon, Anab. lib. ii. says, that the commanders of the Greeks, and Ariseus (the Persian) took an oath not to betray one another, and to become allies, &c. ; which oath " was preceded by " the sacrifice of a boar, a bull, a zvolf, and a ?-am, whose blood " being all mixed together in the hollow of a shield, the Greeks " dipped a sword into it, and the Barbarians a spear." As the Scy- thians refined, by becoming stationary in Persia, one may suppose that the blood of brute animals, was substituted for human blood.* Strabo absolutely calls the Parthians, Scythians, in his account of the origin of the city of Ctesiphon, page 743 ; and, in fact, most of the ancient historians regard the Parthians as descendants of Scythians ; that is, of Massageta. And there is no doubt but that Dowe says, in his dissertation prefixed to his Indian History, p. xxxvii. tliat the Facquirs of some part of India, leave one of their slippers at the door, when engaged in certain visits, in which they are supposed to be privileged, by the sanctity of tht-ir order. Some of our ancestors are accused of the same want of delicacy as the Mas- sageta and the Nasamones ; but we have no particular record of their domestic cus- toms. Herodotus acquits the Western Scythians of this practice, so contrary to de- cency and sentiment. • The above modes are represented as permanent customs, in the above countries. But we find it practised occasionally, and in a more horrible manner, in Egypt, Thalia, 1 1 : and by Catiline, as is told by Sallust. 8o WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. the resemblance of character between the Massagetan race, and the Scythians of the Euxine, led them to regard both as being of the same stock.* Justin, who seems to have known no other Scythians than those at the Euxine, to whom he refers whatsoever regards the Scythians at large, assigns to them a high degree of antiquity : for he makes them more ancient than even the Egyptians. His argu- ment to prove it, is very curious. He says, that the Scythians in- habited an elevated tract, which was therefore fit for the reception of men, at an earlier period than Egypt, which had been covered with water; lib. i. c. i. But although much the same idea of the early state of Egypt was entertained by Herodotus,'|- yet he sup- poses, with much reason, Euterpe, 15, that this circumstance does not make any alteration in the case, as the Egyptians would have migrated lower and lower down, as the newly formed land became habitable ; wherefore the inhabitants of Lower Egypt would have been drawn from Upper Egypt, (or Thebes,) and Ethiopia. And according to him, the Scythians themselves did not pretend to an- tiquity ; since they affirmed that their country was of all others, the last peopled. Melpom. 5. Few tracts could be better suited to a pastoral life, than the seats of the Euxine Scythians, (the Ukraine and its neighbourhood;) in which particular, they had greatly the advantage of the Eastern Scythians. The soil was rich, and abundantly watered ; and the grass, as Herodotus observes, Melp. 58, " is of all that we know, the fullest of moisture, which evidently appears from the dissection ♦ In Melpom. 65, it appears that the Western Scythians (our ancestors probably,) decided certain of their differences by combat, in presence of the king. This agrees exactly with one of our ancient customs : but we arc daily getting rid of our Scythian habit!. t His idea, Euterpe, 4, et seq. bting, that all the tract below the lake oi Morris, which is at the distance of 7 days' journey from the sea, had been formed by the mud of the. Nile ; and was no better than a marsh in the reign of Menes. See also his reasoning, in chapters 10 to 13. WESTERN, OK EUXINE SCYTHIA. 8l of their cattle." * They possessed the greatest abundance of pro- visions, sg, and were of course very populous, 81 ; but were gene- rally destitute of wood, 61. They held in abhorrence foreign cus- toms, 76 ; and like most of the eastern nations, kept no swine ; 6^. Like other Nomadic nations, they were impatient of dependance, and possessed a great share of courage. Having no towns, and few cultivated fields, they could never be conquered. Our Author regarded Scythia, as a country exempt from the character of abso- lute barba?'ism, although surrounded by nations the most barbarous ; and says, " Even of the Scythians I cannot in general speak with extraordinary commendation." Melpom. 46. He has recorded their barbarous sacrifices to their deities, and at their funerals; their practice of scalping, (which more than any other circum- stance, lias fixed the character of barbarism on the American In- dians ; ) their horrid custom of drinking the blood of enemies, and making drinking vessels of their skulls. -f If these are not the acts of Barbarians, what are to be deemed such ? "^ Notwithstanding some ambiguities, and apparent contradictions, in the geography of Scythia, Herodotus had certainly paid uncom- mon attention to the subject ; and by the solemnity of his declara- tion, at setting out, we may suppose that he meant to be very * Bell speaks of tht fertility of the soil, and rich pasturage of the Ukraine. He also says that there are good horses ; and large black cattle, which afford as good beef as any in the world. (Journey from Moscow to Constantinople.) Mr. Bell has (in the same journey,) a curious remark respecting the nature of the river banks, in the line between Moscow, and Ismael, on the Danube. " By what I could observe, (says he) all the great rivers, from the Wolga to this place, have for the most part high lands for their western banks, and low flat ones to the eastward." It should be remarked that his track lay very far inland, and consequently very wide of Baron Tott's. + See Melpomene, 60, 64, 65, and 72. \ Our Author says, Melp. 46, that amongst the Scythians and the bordering nations, there has been found no individual of superior learning and accomplishments, save Anacharsis the Scythian. See more of him in Melpom. 76, and 77. M 82 WESTERN, OR EUXINE SCYTHIA. impressive : for after saying, Melp. 16, that Aristeas had gone no farther than to tlie country of the Issedones, he adds, " for my own part, all the intelligence which the most assiduous researches, and the greatest attention to authenticity, have been able to pro- cure, shall be faithfully related." And perhaps, it has seldorn hap- pened, that a traveller who collected his information concerning the geography of so extensive a tract, in so casual a way, has pro- duced a description in which so many circumstances have been found to agree.* * Scythia, together with the nations bordering on it, and which are included in our Author's description, comprized about half of the length of Europe, in the line be- tween the Tanats and the Bay of Biscay. C 83 3 SECTION V. OF THE COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. Relative Positiojis of the Natioiis bordering on the West, and North of Scythia -^ The Melanchlayii, Androphagi, Neuri, and Aga- thyrsi — their general Character. — Positions of the Tribes on the North-east, and East of Scythia — Sauromatce, or Sarmatians — Amazons — Budini, Geloni, and Thyssagetcv. — The River Oarus taken for the Rha, or Wolga, — Particulars relating to the Eastern Tribes — Forests of the Budini, anszver to those of IFo- ronez — the Czar Peter builds Fleets there, and i?i the Tanais. — Taurica, or Krimea — its Isthmus shut tip, from the earliest Times. — The ancient Tauri highly barbarous ; and subsisted chief y on the Plunder of Wrecks. IdAviNG, by the above statement, shewn the general form, posi- tion, and extent of Western Scythia, both as it was in reahty, and as our Author supposed it to be, we shall next proceed to state, from his descriptions, the positions of the countries said to border on it ; which process, by determining the limits of Scythia itself, will also prove our former statement of them. " As you advance from the Danube, inland," says Herodotus, Melp. 100, " Scythia is terminated first by the Agathyrsi, then by the Neuri, thirdly by the Androphagi, and last of all, by the Melanchl^ni :" none of which, as he observes in other places, are Scythians* These nations shut up Scythia, on the west and * It would appear that some at least, of these names, were purely Grecian: and are therefore the nick-names given by that people, rather than th* proper names of the nations. Or, the Grecians may have given significant Greek names, which in snind resembled the proper ones. Ms 84 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WETERN SCYTHIA. north ; the Melanchlitiii closing the boundary to the Tanais. The SAUROMATiE, BuDiNi, and Geloni, in Hke manner shut it up on the east; Melpom. ai, 22, 58, 108. On the south, it was chiefly bordered by the sea ; so that the Scythians had only for neigh- bours, on that side, the Tauri, inhabitants of the Peninsula of Kri- mea ; and the Getje in the remote corner of Thrace.* The position of the country of the Melanchlasni, which forms a leading point in the determination of the adjoining country of the Androphagi, on the west ; as well as in some measure, of the whole line of the northern frontier; has been already fixed, by the act of determining the limits of Scythia, in pages 60, 61 . For the Me- lanchloeni were situated at 20 journies of 2co stadia each, to the northward of the Palus Meeotis, Melp. 20, and 101 : and it hav- ing appeared, that, in coming from the west, the Melanchlsni were the last people who bordered on the Scythians, inland; conse- quently, as the Tanais formed the eastern boundary of Scythia, the Melanchlseni must have closed up the space, to the west bank of that river. Here it may be proper to mention, that the Melanchlceni are spoken of by Procopius,-f as the same with the Sarmatians ; who are known to have been seated at, and beyond, the Tanais. But M. D'Anville was of opinion that the tribes in general, that bor- dered on Scythia, occupied a more westerly position than we have assigned them : for instance, he places the Budini, who lay to the east of the Melanchlaeni, on both sides of the Borysthenes, where we place the Melanchlaeni and Androphagi. The Androphagi bordered on the zvest of this tribe: because, first, they lay beyond, or to the north of the Borysthenitje, wiio occupied the banks of the river from whence they were denomi- nated, to the extent of 1 1 days' voyage above Hylaea ; beyond which, a vast desert commenced, which extended to the Andro- • The reader is requested to refer to the Map of Scythia, No. III. at page 50. t Vandal War, lib. i. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 85 phagi; Melpom. 18. And secondly, because Darius Hystaspes, on his return westward, passed out of the territory of the Melanch- Iseni, into that of the Androphagi ; Melp. 125. It is probable then, that the Borysthenes might form the common boundary of these nations ; and according to the given breadth of Scytiiia, 4000 stadia, the general course of the river Desna and Sem, may be taken for the line of separation between the Scythians and the Melanchljeni, at the height of the parallel of 51°.* The southern border of the Androphagi, according to the given distance of the frontier of Scythia from the Euxine, must have ad- vanced to the conflux of the rivers Borysthenes and Prypetz; and their extent westward, or rather south-westward, may be gathered from the position of their adjoining neighbours on that side, the Neuri. These then, dwelt near the river Hypanis (or Bog), Melp. 17 ; and, in 51, they are said to be separated from Scylhia, by the river Tyres, (or Dneister). Now, although we cannot exactly un- derstand in what particular part of its course, the Tyres formed the common boundary of the two countries, yet we have at least a proof that the Neuri bordered on the Tyres, and that they were not far from the Hypanis : for, as in order to preserve the given dimen- sions of Scythia, inland, we must extend it to the forks of the Bo- rysthenes, on the one hand ; and to the borders of Poland, and to the source of the river Pruth, on the other ; the Neuri must of course have been situated towards the heads of the Tyres and Hy- panis (Dneister and Bog).-|- Again, as the Neuri joined on the south-west to the Agathyrsi, who appear to have occupied Tran- sylvania and the north-east part of Hungary, they must have touched on the Bastar?iian Alps, which would separate them from the Agathyrsi. For this tribe, as we have seen, is the Jirst that * Herodotus supposed that the tracts to the north of the Melanchlani, and Andro- phagi, that is, Grand Russia and Lithuania, were uninhabited. t Yet Pliny says, lib. iv. c, 12, that the A^euri were situated at the source of the Borysthenes. S6 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. borders on Scythia, in advancing from the Danube, eastward, Melp. 1 GO ; and Scythia, as we have also seen, contained a part of Walachia, (see page 60.) It is also said, Melp. 49, that the river Maris, which joins the Danube, rises amongst the Agathyrsi ; and as this answers clearly to the Maros of modern geography, this tribe should have occupied the province of Transylvania generally ; together with the NE part of Hungary, which bordered on the Neuri. It is said, Melpom. 10^," that " the Agathyrsi, in most respects resembled the Thracians." This adds to the probability of their having possessed Transylvania; which is in the neighbourhood of Thrace, taken at large, according to the ideas of Herodotus ; and therefore the account agrees in the principal points.* Since then, the Agathyrsi possessed the NE part of Hungary (in addition to Transylvania), and had the Neuri adjacent to them on the NE, beyond the heads of tiic Pruth,-f- (which rises within Scythia ; ) and that the same Neuri were also in the neighbourhood of the rivers Hypanis and Tyres,]; we must, of course, place the Neuri in the eastern part of the province of Gallicia, and in part of the adjoining country of Lutzk, or Lusuc ; whilst the Androphagi, who lay between the Neuri and the Melanchla^ni, must have occu- pied Polish Russia, and both banks of the river Prypetz, the west- ern head of the Bor^-sthenes. And finally, the Melanchlaeni them- selves should have possessed the present Russian governments, (either entirely, or in part,) of Nougorud, Orel, Mohilcw, and Kursk ; together with some lesser tracts, towards the Tanais, and the city of Moscow. Thus we arrange the nations bordering on the west and north, of Scythia. * In M. D'AnviHe's ancient geography, the Agathyrsi arc found on the Rubo, or river of Riga. To us, this does not appear to agree, either with the arrangement of Herodotus, or with the circumstances of the march of Darius. In like manner the Rudini, are placed by him at ihc forks of the Borysthenes ! + Melpom. 48. X Melpom. 17 and 51. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. Sf Our Author appears to have known no particulars concerning the countries situated beyond the Androphagi, and Melanchlaeni, northward. In Melp. 18, 20, and 125, he supposes the whole tract to be desert, or marshy; and entirely uninhabited. He characterizes these different nations in the following manner : The Agathyrsi are represented to be a people of effeminate manners, and abounding in gold ; and excepting the strange cus- tom of having their women in common, resemble the Thracians. The character of effeminacy did not, however, apply to them, on occasion of the invasion of the Persians; as will be seen in its place; and in Melp, 104,, 125. The Neuri observe Scythian customs, Melp. 105. There was a ridiculous idea amongst the Scythians, and the Greeks living in Scythia, that once a year, the Neuri were changed into zvolves ; and in the space of a few days returned to their former shapes. " But this," says our Author, " I do not believe, although they swear that it is true." This is also reported in Pomponius Mela, lib. ii. c. 1. As they are said to have once taken refuge amongst the Budini, (beyond the Tanais,) they ought to have been but a small nation, Melp. 105. The Androphagi, or men- eaters, are a separate nation, and by no means Scythian ; Melpom. 18. Again, they are perhaps of all mankind, the rudest : they have no forms of law or justice, their employment is feedirig of cattle : and though their dress is Scy- thian, they have a dialect appropriate to themselves. Melp. 106. The MELANCHLiENi are not Scythians, 20; but their manners are Scythian, 107. They are clothed in black, from whence they derive their name.* He adds, that " they are the only people known to feed on human flesh :" but there can hardly be a doubt * Tamerlane found in the mountains of Kawuci, (a part of the Indian Caucasus J a tribe who are named by his historian Shercfeddin, Sla-posbiaus, or black clothed. The Gctes beyond the Jaxarles, had black ensigns. Sherefcddin's Timur, book iii. c. 6. 88 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. that this should be apphed to the Ajidrophagi in the preceding sen- tence; as the occupation of the Androphagi should probably be applied to the Melancblceni. All is then consistent. We shall next inquire into the positions and circumstances of the nations bordering on the east and north-east of Scythia. The Tanais is said to separate the Royal Scythians from the SAUROMATi^i,* on the east; Melp. 20, and 57. These commenced at the retnote parts of the Palus Mreotis, (speaking in respect of the Danube and Scythia ;) and inhabited a space extending north- ward, equal to 15 days' journey; Melp. 21. Beyond the Sauromatae, (implied of course to be to the north, or north-east,) were the Budini, or Budians, who inhabited a country abounding zcitb zvood : whereas, that of the Sauromatee was quite destitute of trees, and may therefore be taken for part of the Desert of Astrakan, and of the country of the Don Cossacks : as tliat of the Budini, said to be exceedingly woody, Melpom. 21, for the country of IForonez ; which is not only woody, but abounds with forests of fine ship timber; of which more, in the sequel. -f- Amongst the Budini, was a Grecian colony named Geloni ; who possessed a large city, built of wood, apparently the only city in all that quarter. It was named Gelonus. Melp. io8. Beyond the Budini, lay a desert of 7 or 8 days' journey in extent ; to the east of which, were the Thyssaget^e, " a singular but po- pulous nation, who supported themselves by hunting;" Melp. 22, 123. "We shall say nothing at present, concerning the nations * They were named Sauromata by the Greeks ; Sarmata hy the Romans : Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12. t Rubruquis, in A. D. 1253, crossed the countries between the Krimea, and Sara- tow, on the Wolga. He reports that the country between the Tanais and the Wolga, (at a point very high up, as he was about 15 days in travelling across from it to the Wolga,} was very fine, full of rivers, and interspersed with vast forests. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 89 situated further to the east, and extending towards the Isseciones and Massagetce ; because they have no immediate reference to, and would only serve to embarrass, the present subject ; which is exclusively Western Scythia, and the nations immediately bordering on it. The Sauromatize intended by Herodotus, (for his Scythia is the Sauromatia, or Sarmatia of later authors,) may be supposed to liave extended along the eastern side of the Meeotis, and thence up the Tanais, to about the part, where that river and the Wolga approach each other, to form the Isthmus at Zaritzyn ; and on the probable supposition that the lower part of the Donetz was taken for the Do7i, they must have occupied both banks of that river to the same extent; that is, 15 journies, or 3000 stadia. This being admitted, the Budini must necessarily be placed above that Isthmus. To what extent, we are not told ; but as they were " a great and numerous people," Melp. 108, a great space is required for them ; and they may, with probability, be extended up the Tanais, beyond Woronez. The position of the Geloni does not appear ; otherwise than that they were included in the country of the Budini. The Thyssagetse, as has been said, lay to the east of the Budini, separated by a desert of 7 or 8 journies. They also, were a popu- lous nation ; and moreover, subsisted by hunting : consequently, they required a great extent of country also. It is said, in Melp. 123, that from the country of the Thyssagetje, " {our great rivers, after watering the intermediate plains, empty themselves into the Mieotis :" and that their names are "the Lyciis, Oarus, Tanais, and the Syrgis." (This last seems to be the same that is intended by the name Hyrgis, in Melp. 57 ; where it is said to be an adjunct " of the Tanais.) Since the Budini are placed to the east of the Tanais, and the Thyssagetai, or at least a part of their country, to the east of that of the Budini ; and that the country of the Thyssagetic itself is very extensive; it may readily be conceived to extend along the N 9© COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. north and 7iortb-east of the Budini, between the upper part of the Tanais, and the Wolga about Saratow. Nor is that extent of space greater, than is allowed by our Author to the Sauromatse. It is unlikely that the geographers of those days were critically informed, concerning the positions and courses of these rivers; especially as the Tanais is composed of many branches, and one of those (the Medzveditza ) springing from the very neighbourhood of the fVolga : so that it may well be, that although the Thyssagetas had amongst them certain fountains of the Tanais, yet that the Wolga itself might have been one of the rivers intended ; as by its course above Zaritzyn, it must have appeared to a casual observer, to run towards the M^eotis : more especially, when the two great errors respecting the Maeotis and Caspian, are considered : the Mzeotis being supposed to extend a vast way to the east of its actual position, and the Caspian to be much more remote than it really is. Accordingly the Wolga may well be taken for the Oarus ;* and perhaps the Medzveditza and Choper, for the Lycus and Syrgis ; or Hyrgis.f We are told that Darius returned from the banks of the Oarus directly into Scythia ; re-crossing, as it appears, the country of the Budini, and without entering into that of theThyssagetae; Melp. 124,: and that from thence, he followed tlie Scythians into the countr^^ of the Melanchl^ni, situated as we have seen, between the upper Borystbenes and Tanais. This movement accords with the opinion just delivered, concerning the respective positions of the several nations adjoining to Scytliia; and hence it will appear, that the * The Roman name of the Wolga was Rh/i. If the river of ^Voronez be taken for the Oarus, this diHiculty arises, that the Thys- sagette could not then take the relative position assigned them by our Author, to the east of the Budini ; which latter, as well from the position, as the description, of their country, should have occupied the woody tract about fVoroncz, &cc. i There are two or more rivers of the name of /rg/'i, in modern geography, but they are to the east of the Wolga, and in the Steppe. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 9I Scythians, together with the bordering nations above described, must have occupied the whole of that vast tract, situated between the heads of the river Teisse (Tibiscus) on the west, and tlie Wolga on the east; northwards to the borders of Kazan and Moscow ; NW to the heads of the Vistula ; and southwards to the Danube, Euxine, Tanais, and the Desert of Astrakan. It may be proper in this place, to speak a word concerning the just-mentioned tribes bordering on the east of Scythia. The Sauromat^, according to our Author, were a mixed breed of Scythians, and of Amazons, from the banks of the river Ther- modon, in Asia Minor; Melp. no. The story throughout, has doubtless, too much the air of fable. It appears that the language of the Sauromatse was a dialect of the Scythian; 117; and that, on occasion of the Persian invasion, they considered the cause as common to both nations, and joined their arms to those of the Scy- thians accordingly; 119. And as they afterwards formed a sepa- rate body, whose department was to watch the Persian army at the Tanais, and to pursue and harass them, on occasion of their re- treat; they ought to have been a numerous people ; 120. The Sauromatge were then, in effect, Scythians ; who had their language and customs somewhat changed, by intermarrying with women of another nation. Since the story of the Amazons, in the way it is commonly told, is so justly exploded in these times, one is surprised how it came to be so universally believed, as that most of the writers of anti- quity should speak of it as a fact. Nay, even our Author has gone so far, in Calliope 27, as to make the Athenians say, that the Ama- zons had advanced from the river Thermodon to attack Attica ! That a community of women existed for a short time, is not im- probable, since accidents may have deprived them of their hus- bands ; but were there not in that, as in every community, males growing up towards maturity .'' Justin, lib. ii. c. 4, describes the origin of the Amazons to be N2 99 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. this : a colony of exiled Scythians established themselves on the coast of the Euxine sea, in Cappadocia, near the river Tbermodon ; and being exceedingly troublesome to their neighbours, the men were all massacred. This accounts very rationally for the existence of a community of women ; but who can believe that it continued ? Human nature was, no doubt, the same on the banks of the Ther- modon, as elsewhere; and a different state of things could only exist in the descriptions of poets, or of those who followed their authority. It may be remarked, that every authority places the Amazons at the river Thermodo7i, and in the plains of Themiscyra, which it waters. And from hence, Herodotus transports a part of them by sea, to the opposite shore, near Cre?n?iis, a port in the Maeotis, amongst the Royal Scythians ; from whence their new husbands carry them beyond the Tanais, into Sauromatce. The BuDiNi were a great and numerous people : they painted their bodies blue and red; Melp. 108; and Had the character of being magicians ; 105. They are said in one place, 21, to be hus- bandmen, but in another, 109, to be feeders of cattle; in contra- distinction to the Geloni, who were an agricultural people. Their country abounds with timber ; which gave occasion to the building of a large city witli that material, by the Geloni ; who were Greeks, expelled from their commercial towns, (we must suppose, on the coast of the Euxir.e,) and took refuge amongst the Budin''. They had temples built in the Grecian manner, to Gre- cian deities ; with the statues, altars, and shrines, all of wood ; io8. The Greeks were apt to confound both nations imder the name of Geloni, although tliey differed widely in appearance, complexion, and habits. Within their country, amidst tiie thickest woods, there is a large lake, in which (says our Author) are found otters, bea- vers, and other wild animals who have square snouts : and whose skins were used to i or .!er garments ; and their testicles were es- teemed useful in hysteric diseases; icy. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. C;3 It is said, 105, that the Neuri, on a particular occasion, took re- fuge with the Budini : so that there are two instances, in which they afforded an asyhim to distressed strangers. This is a most favourable trait of their character. They had the reputation of being magicians : they were probably an ingenious people, and excelled their neighbours, in arts, as well as in hospitality. To add to their character, they, together with the Geloni, generously joined their arms with the Scythians, and Sauromata^, in repelling the Persian invader; iig. The country of the Budini, has been taken for that, of Woronez, and its neighbourhood (page 89) ; as well from description, as po- sition ; it being, like the other, full of forests. These, in modern times, have been converted to purposes, very different from those, to which the Geloni applied them : for, in 1703, the Czar Peter built a large fleet of ships, almost a navy, at Woronez, and in its neighbourhood ; and which were floated down by the river Don, to Azoph, and the Euxine. The account of it may be seen in Le Brun, who visited Woronez in the train of the Czar.* He relates, that he saw at Stepena, 10 ships; 4.7 others at JForonez ; and 11 others in the river Don, not far below Woronez; which is itself situated on a river of the same name, near its conflux with the Don ; in about the parallel of 52°. It is understood that almost all the above 68 ships, were ships of war of different rates ; and of which, 1(5 are specified to be from 86 1054 guns; and many others are implied to be of considerable force. There were besides, eco brigantines ; mostly built at Woronez. And he adds, that there were at the same time, 4,00 very substantial ones on the Borys- thenes, in the neighbourhood of Krim Tartary ; 300 flat boats in the Wolga; and at Azoph, 18 men of war, and some smaller vessels. Some of these were built after the English mode; others, after the Dutch, Venetian, and Italian ; but whether this variety was a necessary consequence of employing shipwrights of different * See Le Bnin's Travels, Vol. i. 94 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. nations, or was meant for the purpose of experiment, we are not told. Le Briin, however, who had probably no partiality for the English, says, that the ship of 86' guns, built at Woronez under the direction of the Czar himself, and named after him, was built in the English style. Another, under the same insj^ection, was built in the Don ; but neither the rate, nor the fashion of it, are men- tioned. It has been understood that the Czar thought the English the best shipwrights. When we reflect on the various personal labours of this truly GREAT Prince, all tending to produce either an immediate, or a remote, advantage to his countr}' ; now enforcing duty by example, now operating the direct means of national strength, or improve- ment; considering also, the unusual means pursued by him, to obtain the requisite degree of knowledge ; we are struck with ad- miration ; and cannot help exclaiming with Addison, " who be- fore HIM, ever LEFT A THRONE, TO LEARN TO SIT IN IT, WITH A BETTER GRACE .''" The cffcct lias been, not only to humanize, to protect, to enrich, his country ; but to raise it to that sununit of power, as to flatter the friends of order, (and of virtue, of which it is the PARENT,) that its interference in the present aweful con- test, may produce the happy consequences of restoring the lost balance of power in Europe ; by humbling that government, whose views, like those of Lucifer, seem to be no other, than to render mankind wicked, in order to increase the number of its subjects. Concerning the Thyssaget^, neighbours to the Budini, and Geloni, our Author appears to have known but little. This was probably owing to the circumstance of Darius Hystaspes' having stopt short on the borders of their country ; a presumptive proof that the information concerning these countries, was derived from the Persian expedition. Herodotus says nothing more concerning the Thyssagetce than that they were " a singular but populous nation, who support themselves by bunting."* * Pliny mentions the Thyssageta, as well as most of the other nations spoken of COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 95 We shall close this section with some few observations on the Tauri, or inhabitants of the Krimea ; and on the antiquity of the practice of shutting up this remarkable Peninsula, by a wall, or for- tified line, or ditch, across the narrow Isthmus that joins it to the Continent. Herodotus speaks of a trench, which the slaves of the Scythians, who usurped the places of their masters, during their absence in the Median war, had dug, with a view to fortify themselves against those masters, on their return. It is said, in Melpom. 3, that they " intersected the country, by a large and deep trench, which ex- tended from the mountains of Tauris to the Palus Mceotis, and en- camped on the opposite side to dispute the passage." He speaks again of the same trench, in Melpom. 20, as the eastern boundary of the Royal Scythians. No mountains, however, are marked in any position, corresponding to the above idea ; and we have never heard of any mountains of Tauris, save those zvithin the Krimea itself, and which, by their position, seem to be out of the question, here.* Nor does our Author speak of any other Tauris, or Taurica, than what is unequivocally intended for the Krimea. It is pro- bable therefore, that the trench intended, was that, which shut up the just-mentioned Peninsula: and more especially, as such trenches or walls, or both, are clearly pointed out by other historians. In this case therefore, some other word than mountains, should be read: and the trench (which in fortification, always implies a rampart also,) would have been drawn from the Palus Mieotis to in this chapter; as the Jgathyrsi, Budini, Geloni, Neuri, Sauromata, &c. but with- out any discrimination as to position ; see lib. iv. c. 12. He says that the Thyssa- getae have blue hair : this may have been amongst the singularities, alluded to by He- rodotus. * Rubruquis, who travelled from the Krimea to the Wolga, in the line towards Saratow, describes a vast plain, 20 journics in extent, without mountain, tree, or stone ; and with excellent pasturage. He went the first 10 days without seeing an inhabitant. The tract in question, was that inhabited by the Royal Scythians of our Author. 9^ COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. the opposite shore of Tauris. Nothing appears more probable, than that the slaves should have availed themselves of the natural ad- vantages of the situation, to improve their plan of defence. Strabo describes a fortified line; p. 311, 312; and Pliny, al- though he does not mention any work of this kind, says, lib. iv. c. 12, tliat Tdphra, a town, stands on the neck of land, which joins the Peninsula to the Continent ; which name so strongly implies a tirncb, and this last, a rampart also, that it cannot be doubted that the town was named from the fortification ; as Or-kapi, or Perekop, is at present. Pomponius Mela says the same. Ptolemy places Taphros in the same situation : and it is probable that the same is alluded to, in the Toxaris of Lucian, where the BospboriUe are enjoined by the Scythians to keep within the Trachon ; per- haps corrupted from Taphros. The Krimea was denominated by the Romans, the kingdom of Bosphorus. Thus, it may be conceived, that the Krimea has ever been sluit up, since it was first firmly united to the Continent, by the allu- vions, either of the sea, or of the Borysthenes ; or both. The nature of the defences, have, no doubt, varied with the ability of the pos- sessor; and the works now existing, appear to be as much beyond the ability of a community, whose possessions were limited to that Peninsula alone, as the pjTamids of Egypt were beyond a mere so- vereign of that kingdom. The inference, it is conceived, should be, that they were constructed by the Genoese, whilst they continued masters of the Krimea, and of the vast commerce that centered in it, as an emporium ; the profits of which were fully adequate to such an expence. Masters of the shores of the Euxine, and of both the Bos- phori, the Krimea, thus shut up with a rampart, was invulnerable. That the Genoese, then, were the authors of that famous rampart now in existence, we think iiighly probable : and the following cir- cumstances, appear to be in proof of it. Rubruquis, who visited the Krimea, in hi:; way to the court of Mangoukan, in 1253, mentions the narrow Isthmus, but says COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 97 nothing concerning any fortification on it. He compares the Isth- mus to a great ditch, or liollow, between the two seas. This might be meant either to express the remahis of a former ditch, or of a hollow occasioned by the meetitig of the slope, described by Baron Tott, with a plain below. See page 70. This visit of Rubruquis, was made during the reign of Batou Kan, grandson of Jinghis,* and King of Kipzak, &c.; whose re- sidence was at Serai on the Wolga, and whose empire included the Krimea, as well as the adjoining countr}'. Had there been a wall, originally, it is probable that it would have gone to decay, when the country on both sides, belonged to the same sovereign ; as the Picts' wall in our Island, on the change of circumstances that has taken place. It must surely be inferred from the words of Rubruquis, that no rampart existed there, in 1253; and the emperors of Constan- tinople do not appear to have been in a state to execute such a work, posterior to the middle of the 13th century. But it is well known that the Genoese possessed the Krimea, in full power, during the succeeding century, and even to a later period. The passages selected in the note,-(- from the elegant historian of * It is believed, that the descendants of Jinghis Kan, have continued to be sove« reigns, either real, or nominal, of the Krimea, down to the present age. t " The Genoese, who after the recovery of Constantinople, were seated in the suburb of Pcra or Galata, received that honourable fief from the bounty of the em- peror. " From this colony they engaged with superior advantage in the lucrative trade of the Black sea ; and their industry stipplied the Greeks with fish and corn ; two ar- ticles of food almost equally important to a superstitious people. The spontaneous bounty of nature appears to have bestowed the harvests of the Ukraine, the produce of a rude and savage husbandry ; and the endless exportation of salt-fish and caviare, is annually renewed by the enormous sturgeons that arc caught at the mouth of the Don or Tanais, in their last station of the rich mud and shallow water of the Ma:otis. The waters of the Oxus, the Caspian, the Wolga, and the Don, opened a rare and laborious passage for the gems and spices of India; and after three months' march, the caravans of Carizme met the Italian vessels in the harbours of Krimea. These o q8 countries bordering on western scythia. declining Rome, will clearly shew the ability of the Genoese, to perform, not only the work in question, but even greater ones. Baron Tott speaks as follows, concerning these famous lines. He had previously said that they extended three quarters of a French league, or about two British miles. " No pictui"e of this kind can be more respectable. Excepting that the works are rather gigantic, I know of none where nature is better seconded by art. The solidity of the intrenchment is like- wise to be depended on : and will long continue to resist that ig- norance, which neglects every thing. Nothing points out the ara of its construction ; but every thing conspires to prove it of a date anterior to the Tartars ; or if not, that these people were at least, better informed in ancient times than at present." The Baron adds, that these works, were they properly palisadoed and armed, would protect the Krimea against an army of 100,000 men ; but that the tongue of land between the lake Siwasch and the Maeotis, having been neglected, the Russians had twice entered it, that way.* The Tauri, -or inhabitants of the Krimea, one would naturally have expected, to have found ranked amongst the Scythians ; but various branches of trade were monopolized by the diligence and power of the Ge- noese. Their rivals of Venice and Pisa were forcibly expelled : the natives were awed by the castles and cities, which arose on the foundations of their humble fac- tories ; and their principal establishment of CafFa was besieged without effect by the Tartar powers. Destitute of a navy, the Greeks were oppressed by these haughty merchants, who fed, or famished, Constantinople, according to their interest. They proceeded to usurp the customs, the fishery, and even the toll, of the Bosphorus ; and while they derived from these objects a revenue of 200,000 pieces of gold, a remnant of 30,000 was reluctantly allowed to the emperor." — (Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. xi. pages 390, 392, et seq. octavo edition.) * It may not perhaps be going too far, if we were to advance an opinion, that, to Russia, the future value of the Krimea, and province of Taurida (including the embouchure of the Borysthenes), will exceed that of her Asiatic possessions, col- lectively. COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. 59 the matter was otherwise ; for in the consultation held by the Scy- thians, with their neighbours, on occasion of the Persian invasion, the Tauri are classed amongst the latter, and are distinguished by some very peculiar, as well as abominable customs. " All strangers shipwrecked on their coasts, and particularly every Greek who falls into their hands, they sacrifice to a virgin. The sacred personage to whom this sacrifice is offered, the Tau- rians themselves assert to be Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamem- non;" Melpom. 103. Here it appears, that Iphigenia is put in the place of Diana ; to whom she is, by others, represented as the priestess.* Our Author allows that Diana was worshipped by the Thracians; Terpsichore, c. 7. The whole subsistence of the Tauri, according to our Author, was procured by acts of plunder and hostility. One custom alone, marks their savage character : they placed the head of a prisoner, on a stake at the top of their chimnies, to operate as a charm for the protection of their families : as the superstitious amongst us, nail a horse shoe on the threshold, or against the mast of a ship. Our practice, though equally absurd, is at least harmless in itself; and does not blunt the feelings of the rising generation. From this, and other barbarous tribes, along its coasts, we may suppose the Black sea acquired amongst the ancients, the title of inhos- pitable.-f It has pretty generally happened, that the inhabitants of coasts, * " On that inhospitable shore, Euripides, embellishing with exquisite art the tales of antiquity, has placed the scene of one of his most affecting tragedies. The bloody sacrifices of Diana, the arrival of Orestes and Pylades, and the triumph of virtue and religion over savage fierceness, serve to represent an historical truth, that the Tauri, the original inhabitants of the Peninsula, were, in some degree, re- claimed from their brutal manners, by a gradual intercourse with the Grecian colo- nies, which settled along the maritime coast." (Gibbon, Vol. i. p. 421.) t Its ancient name was Axenus: afterwards changed to Euxinus : Plioy, ir. c. 12.; and vi. c. i. Os 100 COUNTRIES BORDERING ON WESTERN SCYTHIA. particularly dangerous to navigation, are exceedingly unfeeling and ferocious ; a habit doubtless acquired by plundering wrecks ; which includes also, occasionally, the stripping and maltreating of those who escape from them; and, by an easy transition, to murder. We shall say nothing concerning certain of our own countrymen, in this respect, as they are growing better : but it is worth remark- ing, that as the Nasamofies at the Greater Syrtis were infamous in ancient times for these practices, so, according to Mr. Bruce, who was shipwrecked there, they are not mended in the present times. (See his Introduction, Vol. i.) Many other instances could be ad- duced; and they absolutely appear to be an effect of geographical situation, combined with adventitious circumstances, on the human mind. c 101 :} SECTION VI. EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. The March of Darius into Scythia, may he traced in a general Way — passes the Danube, and leaves the Jloati?ig Bridge in Charge of the Imiians. — Marches eastward to the Tanais, which he crosses, into Sarmatia ; the Scythiatis retreating before him — advances to the Oarus, where he erects a Chain of Fortresses — the Oarus, (taken for the Wolga,) the Term of his Expedition, East- ward. — Scythians lead him to the Northward, and fVestzcard, into the Territories of the Seceders, the Melanchljeni, Androphagi, and Neuri, in order to save their own Lands. — The Agathyrsi, on whom the same is attempted, resist both Scythians, and Persians. — Losses and Distresses of the Persiati Army — recover their Bridge on the Danube ; which the Scythians could not prevail on the lonians to destroy. — Sepulchres of the Kings of Scythia. — Barbarous Funerals — Gold buried with the Bodies. — Expedition of Darius, compared with that of Cyrus, against the Eastern Scy- thians — The former Invasion of Media, by the Scythians, gave Rise to the Expedition of Darius. — The Scythians, the Gog ajid Magog of the Scriptures. — Idea of the Time consumed in the Ex- pedition. — Ionian and Moliati Fleet attend Darius. — Conjecture about the Supply of Provisions for the Persian Army. — Bridges- of Darius and Xerxes, over the Bosphorus, and Hellespont — more of Fain-glory than Use, in these Works. — Idea of the Breadth of the two Straits. — Difficulties in the Description of Xerxes' Bridge, attempted to be solved. The march of Darius Hystaspes through Scythia, cannot, for want of circumstantial detail, be accurately follozved on the map. But it may, however, be done in a general way ; and we shall 102 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES endeavour to trace it by the aid of those circumstances which pre- sent themselves. The trace itself will be found on the Map, No. III. at page 50. He crossed the Danube over a bridge of boats, at the placfe where it first begins to branch oif, to form the several channels, through which it enters the Euxine;* Melp. 89. The place therefore, may be supposed to have been not far above the site of Ismail, and be- tween that and the conflux of the Pruth with the Danube. The Ionian fleet, which was dispatched from the Bosphorus to perform the service of laying the bridge, sailed two days up from the sea, in order to arrive at the place ; Melp. 89. Having left the lonians in charge of the bridge, he marched through Scythia, eastward to the Tanais ; the Scythian army, which was divided into two bodies, retiring regularly before him, at the distance of a day's march ; filling up the wells, and destroying the produce of the fields ; 120, 121, 122. Their families, together with such of their cattle, as were not necessary to their immediate sub- sistence, were previously sent off to the northern frontier ; 121. Darius, crossing the Tanais, came into the territories of the Sau- romatae; and from thence into those of the Budini, isa; which having also crossed, he finally came to the desert of 7 or 8 journies in breadth, which, as we have seen, page 88, separated the coun- try of the Budini from that of the Thyssagetse; Melp. 22, 123: and here he halted on the banks of the river Oartis, where he con- structed 8 fortresses or redoubts, at the distance of about 6 miles from each other ; the ruins of which, says our Author, " have been visible to my time;" 124. And this was the most distant point of the expedition of Darius, eastward. It has been shewn, that the Thyssagetee lived beyond this de- sert ; and that the river Tanais, as well as the Oarus, and two others, passed through, or by, their country; which, by circum- * Mr. Bell says that it enters the Euxine, by a single channel only : but this is contrary to every other report, ancient and modern. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA, lOg stances, must have been very extensive. And on this ground we have supposed it to lie between the Tanais and the Wolga, con- cluding also this latter to be intended, by the Oarus; as by its course above Zaritzyn, it might be supposed, by an ordinary ob- server, to run towards the Maeotis, rather than towards the Caspian. The Oarus then, was the utmost term of the march of Darius ; and that Oarus we have taken for the Wolga. The desert, on the border of which he halted, we have supposed to begin below Sara- tow ; as the territories of the Thyssagetae were supposed to com- mence near that place ; page 89 ; and hence we fix the term of Darius's expedition, about the great bend of the Wolga, near Sa- ratow.* A more than ordinary cause, must have determined the measure of erecting the chain of fortresses, extending a length of 420 stadia ; that is, 4,0 or more English miles : but that object, whatsoever it was, cannot now be ascertained. Could one suppose that Hero- dotus was inaccurate, in his statement of the particulars of the march, or of the relative positions of the countries, hereabouts, one might suspect that the chain of redoubts extended between the Wolga and Don, at the Isthmus of Zaritzyn ; but by the text, we must look towards Saratow. It is probable, that at whatsoever point it was, the depth and rapidity of the Wolga, opposed the farther progress both of the Persians and Scythians : and the re- trograde movement of the Scythians, circuitously, by the higher parts of the country, into Scylhia (we must suppose, by traversing the northern part of the Budian's territory,) seems to have de- termined the future line of marcli of the Persians ; which was now towards the west, pursuing another division of the Scythians, who regulated their position, at the distance of one day's march before the Persians; Melpom. 124,. It appears that they were * There actually appears in Delisle's Map of Russia (see his Atlas, 2d sheet Rus- sia,) a desert, said to be of 10 days' extent, near that part of the Wolga just mentioned. i04 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES enabled to do this, because their army consisted chiefly of horse ; the Persian army, chiefly of infantry ; 136. In our discussion of the positions of the nations bordering on Scythia, it appeared, pages 88 and Sg, that tlie Sauromatae extended 15 journies to the north, up the course of the Tanais. That the country of the Budini and Geloni began at that point ; and these being each of them a great and numerous people, must have ex- tended a great way to the north, as well as to the east ; and more- over, living in a country full of vast forests, must probably have extended far within the country of Woronez : and finally, that the Thyssagetag lay beyond them, to the east, and also to the north ; as having within their territory, the fountains of the Tanais. From all this it is clear, that the Persians were led very far to the north : and that it had been the intent of the Scythians to entangle them in the desert lying between the Budini and Thyssagetag; from whence they might not have been able easily to escajje. But finding this scheme impracticable, they made the circuit before described, to the 7iorth and zvest, leaving the Persians at fault : in consequence of which, the latter turned zvestzcard, on a supix)sition that the detachment which they had pursued, had retired that way :' but arriving in Scythia, they found, instead of that detachment, tzvo other bodies of Scythians, which retreated before them, in the manner before described; and soon after led them amongst the Melanchlneni, who have been described to lie on the northern fron- tier of the Royal Scythians. See pages 60, 61, 84. Considering the intricate course of the Tanais, and the circum- stance of its having many large adjuncts, it is probable that the Persians might not be correct in their report of its course; and therefore it would be vain to attempt to follow them, in detail. It appears probable, however, that they crossed it at a point, much above its embouchure in the Palus Maeotis ; as the Scythians evi- dently led them up to the northward, in order to draw them with TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 1 05 more ease into the territories of the bordering nations, who had refused to co-operate with them, in the common defence of the country; a system formed from the beginning; Mclp. 120. For, on occasion of the consultation between the Scythians and their neighbours, the Sauromata, Budini, Geloni, Melancblani, Andro- pbagi, Neiiri, Agathyrsi, and Tauri ; the three former alone, en- gaged to join in the general defence; Melpom. 119, 120. Darius then, having been drawn up to the north, nearly to the height of the Thyssagetae, and from whence he must have returned west- ward, through the Budians' country, would finally have but a cor- ner of Scythia to cross, before he was led by the Scythians, amongst the Melanchleeni ; and from thence, successively amongst the An- drophagi, and Neuri; Melpom. 124, 125; all of whom "were harassed by both parties, and fled in alarm to the deserts of the north;" Melp. 125; by which means, the Scythians saved their own lands, and effectually punished their inactive or treacherous neighbours. The same conduct was also intended towards the Agathyrsi, had they not possessed too much wisdom and courage to allow it ;* 125 : perhaps also a strong country, which enabled them to use those advantages ; and which the others might not possess : for the Agathyrsi appear to have held the country of Transylvania, and the NE part of Hungary ; and consequently had a strong frontier towards the east, in the vast ridges, named by the ancients, the Bastarnian Alps, and Carpatbiati Mountains. The Scythians, turning aside from the Agathyrsi, retreated once more into their own country, still followed by the Persians ; who now finding that the nature of the country, and warfare of the Scy- thians was such, as that no impression could be made on them ; and being themselves reduced to distress for provisions, directed * Herodotus styles them efFetninate, in Melpom. 104; but this does not accord with their conduct in this case. V 106 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES their march towards their bridge on the Danube, being now re- turned to that neighbourhood ; Melp. 125, et seq. Meanwhile the Scythians, having accompUshed their principal purpose of creating delay, by compelling the enemy to take so wide a circuit, tried their last project of inducing the lonians to break the bridge, whilst their armies watched opportunities of attacking the Persians with advantage. The time chosen, was during the Persian meals, and at night ; and the Scythians, who were chiefly cavalry, and superior to those of the Persians, were generally suc- cessful in the outset ; but were always beaten back, when the infan- try came to act; Melp. 128. All which appears probable; for the infantry of civilized nations, is ever superior to that of barbarians, whatsoever the comparative state of their cavalry may be. But the Persian as well as the Indian camps, are very liable to surprise, through the remissness and indolence of their guards and centi- nels. It is related by Xenophon, that the Persian army which fol- lowed the Greeks, during their memorable retreat, notwithstand- ing their vast superiority in cavalry, always retired at the close of the day, to the distance of about 60 stadia, for fear of a surprise from the Greeks during the night.* It was not without great loss and disgrace, that the Persians recovered their bridge, which the lonians had preserved for them, in despite of the remonstrances and intreaties of the Scythians; but the motives which induced this conduct, were neither gene- rosity, nor pity towards men in distress ; they were nothing else than the unwarrantable plans of ambition, of some of the petty princes of Ionia ; Melp, 137, 138. • " They (the Persians) never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks, than 60 stadia, for fear these should fall upon them in the night. A Persian army being then subject to great inconveniences : for their horses are tied, and generally shackled, to prevent them from running away," &c. &c. He has besides to equip himself, and his horse j Anab. lib, iii. Exactly the same state of things exists in the East, at present. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. I07 The above inarch and retreat of Darius Hystaspes, agrees so well with our Author's geography of Scythia, and the bordering nations, making some allowances for his misconceptions, that it may be suspected that he drew his materials for the inland part of the geography, scanty as they may be, from the history of this expedition. He might have collected them immediately from the Greeks, who were settled on the coast of the Euxine, and even of Scythia, when he visited it : which might have been within a cen- tury after the events happened. It was during the return of the Persians, but not, according to the order of the events, till they were arrived at the borders of the Agathyrsi, that the king of Scythia bid them beware of doing any injury to the sepulchres of his ancestors; Melpom. 127. But as these sepulchres are described, in 71, to be situated in the extreme northern quarter of Scythia, and at the side of the Borysthenes, there should have intervened, between the Persian army and the sepulchres, at the time of this threat, a space nearly equal to the length of the territories of the Androphagi and Neuri, collectively. " The sepulchres of the kings of Scythia (says our Author, Melpom. 71.) are in the district of the Gerrhi — near the place where the Borysthenes begins to be navigable — and in the remotest part of Scythia." Again, in 53, " The course of this river may be pur- sued as far as the country called Gerrbus, through a voyage of 40 days : and is known to flow from the north." The barbarous customs of Scythia, condemned to the same grave with their deceased prince, one of his favourite women, and several of his domestics ; all of whom were previously strangled. They likewise buried with him, his horses, the choicest of his effects, and finally some golden goblets ; for, says the Historian, " they pos- sess neither silver nor brass." The common grave of these, was " a large quadrangular excavation, which they filled up with earth, and seemed to be emulous in their endeavours to raise as his>:h a mound as possible." Melp. 71. P 2 lo8 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES Modern discoveries abundantly prove the general truth of our Author's report, concerning the sepulchres of the ancient Scythians; if it be allowed that a part of the tumuli, found in the plains to- wards tlie upper branches of the Irtish, Oby, &c. are of so ancient a date : or, on the other hand, if the sepulchres in question are not so ancient, it at least proves, that the same custom prevailed amongst their descendants. It appears, that tumuli are scattered over the whole tract, from the borders of the Wolga and its west- ern branches, to the lake Baikal.* Those amongst them, which have attracted the greatest notice, on the score of the gold and silver (but principally the former) contained in them, lie between the Wolga and the Oby : for those which are farther to the east, and more particularly, at the upper part of the Jenisei, have the utensils contained in them, of copper.-|- It has not come to our knowledge, that any of these monuments have been found in the Ukraine ; where the sepulchres described by Herodotus, should have been : however, it may be conceived, that it is a sufficient testimony of the general truth of his descrip- tion, that they are found so far to the west, as the southern parts of Russia, and on the banks of the Okka, J \^'olga, and Tanais : since much the same sort of customs, may have been supposed to exist, amongst the Scythians and Sarmatians generally : and it is certain that the Sarmatians and seceding Scythians occupied the tracts just mentioned. It is true that Mr. Tooke (from whose writings, our knowledge • These sepulchres are discovered only in plain and extensive deserts, formerly the abode of a nation which seems to have subsisted by pasturage and the produce of the chase. (Mr. Tooke ; Archasologia, Vol. vii. p. 223. j + The £o!d, and copper, found in the different sepulchres, gave occasion to a con- jecture, that mines ot those metals, existed in their respective neighbourhoods; which conjecture was verified by the discovery of the copper mines of Sayane ; and of the gold mines of Kolyvan, in the tract adjoining to the Altaian mountains. X The Okka is the south-west branch of the Wolga, and had its source amongst the Melanchlxni. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. IO9 in tliis matter, as well as other more important ones, is more par- ticularly derived,* and who is therefore entitled to our sincerest thanks,) supposes these monuments to be of a much more modern date : for he refers them to the Tartars of Jinghis Kan and their first successors : and thus much appears certain, that the Kalmucs are still in the habit of burying horses, arms, &c. with their chiefs. But as the Russians and Tartars themselves, appear to regard the articles found in some of the tombs, as being very ancient, and un- like what are now found amongst them ; we should at least be led to conclude, that the monuments are of very different ages ; and that, of course, there may be amongst them, those of the ancient Scythians, as well as of the modern Tartars, who succeeded them. The bodies wrapt in, or placed between, thin sheets of gold, may perhaps be referred to the latter class : but Mr. Tooke speaks also of gold and silver utensils, of skeletons of horses, as well as the bo?ies of meji ; of 7nany bodies deposited in the satne grave ; together with weapons and implements of war, and domestic utensils : so that, of whatsoever age these may have been, they prove the general state- ment of Herodotus, as to the custom of the people oi that country. In some of the tumuli, were found images and idols.-f Many tumuli are found, in, and about, the banks of the Ta- nais, in the quarter towards the Maeotis. One of these, of con- siderable magnitude, and said to be the sepulchre of Gulbedin, is described in the voyage to Tana, by Barbaro, early in the 15th cen- tury. It stood about 60 miles above Tana, (which stood at or near Azoph,) at the side of the Tanais, and consequently on the border ef the Sarmatian territory ; according to the distribution of the space, by Herodotus. It was 80 paces in diameter, by 50 in height. This was dug into, in the expectation of finding a treasure ; for it is related that one of the tumuli towards the Altaian mountains afforded no less than forty pounds weight of gold : ;|; but although much cost and labour were bestowed on the work, Barbaro says, * Archaologia, Vol. vii. ; and Russia. + Archxol. Vol. vii. % Ibid. Vol. ii. 110 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES that they only went to the depth of lo paces; having intersected the tumulus by a trench of 8 paces in breadth, to that depth. Of course it could not be expected that they should have reached the tomb itself. The substances found, were nothing more than the burnt bones of fishes, the remains of burnt wood, and canes ; and of grain, of the juillet kind ; save only, half the handle of a small silver vessel, wrought into the form of the head of a snake. There were no bones of men, or of quadrupedes, found. Mr.Tooke says generall}', that some of the Russian and Siberian sepulchres, are perfect tumuli, raised to an enormous height ; whilst others are almost level with the ground. Some are encompassed with a square wall of large quarry stones, &c. In some, the earth is excavated several fathoms deep ; whilst others are only dug to a sufficient depth for covering the body. After this long digression, we return once more to the narrative. It appears, that on the invasion of the Persians, the Scythians sent away their families, in the carriages in which they usually divelt, together with such a portion of their cattle, as was not ne- cessary to their immediate subsistence, or conveniency; to the northward; Melp. 121. Perhaps they were sent into the neigh- bourhood of the sepulchres, as a place that was meant to be de- fended to the last. The expedition of Darius Hystaspes, although it terminated more fortunately for himself (personally,) than that of his predecessor Cyrus, against the Eastern Scythians (Massagetse), yet, in respect of the wisdom that dictated the two expeditions, as well as in re- spect of their ultimate success, they seem to be nearly on a par. The Persians had nothing to boast of, in either case; any more than in their attack on the Carduchians, as related by Xenophon in the Anabasis, lib. iii. at the end. Our Author assigns as the cause of the invasion of Scythia, by Darius Hystaspes, that " he was desirous of avenging on the Scy- TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. Ill thians, the injuries they had formerly committed, by entering Media, and defeating tliose who opposed them. For during a period of 28 years they retained the sovereignty of Upper Asia, by expelling the Medes, its ancient possessors ;" Melpomene, c. i. A reason is never wanting for doing that, which our inclinations prompt us to. The unsuccessful expedition of Darius, only provoked other at- tacks and menaces, from the Scythians ; such as the attack of the Chersonesus of Thrace, and their alliance with the Spartans, by which it was agreed that the Scythians should invade Media (that is, the empire of Persia) by the way of the Phasis of Colchis, and the Spartans by way of Ephesus, until the two armies should form a junction ; Erato, 4,0, and 84. This negotiation happened during the reign of Cleomenes. The GoG and Magog of Ezekiel, must be understood to be meant for the Scythians, who made the above irruption into Media; and even carried their devastations into Palestine, and to the bor- ders of Egypt. (See Herodotus, Melp. c. 1 ; and Clio, 103, et seq.) We are aware that the chronology as it stands, does not exactly bear us out ; but as the prophecies of Ezekiel are allowed to have begun, at about 595 years before Christ, and the Scythians to have continued in Western Asia till about 603, it may be conceived that a small error in chronology, (and let it be remembered, that Sir Isaac Newton has made it appear probable, that an error of about 120 years, existed in the date of the foundation of Rome), may change the order of the two events. The description of the host of Gog, designed also under the name of Togarmah of the North, is precisely Scythian, or Tar- tarian : " Coming like a storm, and covering the land, like a cloud ;" Ezekiel, ch. xxxviii. verses 9, and 16. " Coming out of the north ; all of them riding on horses ;" ver. 15. " Bows and arrows," a part of their weapons, chap, xxxix. ver. 3. " I will smite thy bow out of thy left hand, and will cause thine arrows to fall out of thy right hand." 112 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES In Genesis, x. 2, Magog is the son of Japhet : as is Gomer,* who is mentioned by Ezekiel ; " Gomer and all his bands." With the Tartars likewise, Gomari, is reckoned one of the sons of Ja- phet, and is also called Kaimak, and held to be the ancestor of the Kaimakians ; that is the Kalmucs.-\- The Orientals have Jajuje and Majuje, for our Gog and Ma- gog : and there can be no doubt, but that the^>-'5 should be sounded soft, in those words. The Arabian geographers place these de- scendants of Japhet, in the remotest known parts of Asia, north- ward : and beyond the Turks and Kalmucs.;J; There existed, in the north-west part of Asia, and no doubt still exists, a rampart or mound, with gates and towers, named by the Eastern writers, from Jajuje and Majuje; and referred, though erroneously, to Alexan- der. § Some may perhaps conclude, that the famous wall of China, is intended, but this idea is completely done away by the authorities for its position ; as will be made appear, during the inquiry con- cerning the nations, situated to the east of Scythia, in the next Section. It will only be necessary to state, in this place, that the country denominated from Jajuje and Majuje, by the Arabians, lay to the north, beyond those of the Turks and Kalmucs ; and that it appears to have been bounded on the SW, by the great ridge of mountains, the continuation of Altai, which runs to the NW and north, through the Great Steppe; separating the northern and southern waters of Asia ; and of which ridge, the mountains of * Some derive the Cimmerians, or rather Kimmerians, from Gomer. + So called by lb Al Wardi, and Edrisi, and explained by D'Herbelot. + lb Al Wardi ; Edrisi, D'Herbelot. § Tliis error mny have arisen from the report of Alexander's having fortified the pass of Derbend, at the Caspian ; and which, perhaps was done by his lieutenants in Media, who might find such a barrier necessary, to keep out the northern hordes. Not that we suppose the Macedonians were the first who fortified it : they probably did no more than render complete, by a well constructed line, what others before them, had done imperfectly. All the works of Alexander bore the stamp oi grandeur, combined with utility. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 110 kJ Ural are a branch, projecting to the west. So tliat the country of Jajuje and Majuje, contained, in the ideas of the people of Arabia and Persia, in the early times of Mahomedanism, the northern part of the Great Steppe, and the course of the river Irtish. There are also notices, (collected from the person sent by the Caliph Wathek in the 9th century, to view the rampart),* which serve to shew, that the people in question, possessed at an earlier period, that part of the Steppe also, towards the Caspian and Aral : and it may thence be inferred, that, in 7nore early times, they were extended over other parts of the Steppe ; that the Arabs applied to the No- mades, generally, the name of Jajuje and Majuje (or Gog and Magog) ; and that Ezekiel was adapting his language to those ideas. The rampart abovementioned, seems to have been about mid- way, between Samarkand and Tobolsk ; and may have been either the inclosure of a deserted city, for it had gates ; or was made for the purpose of defending the passes of the mountains. -f- Herodotus informs us, Melpom. 98, that Darius expected to re- turn to the bridge on the Danube, in 60 days : X and, it is possible he might have supposed, that the Scythians would have been brought to terms, and the expedition completed, within that time: but taking Scythia under the limits assigned by Herodotus himself; that is between the Danube and Tanais ; the extent is such, as to require 60 days, even for an army to march through it : and reckoning to the embouchure of the Tanais only, no less than 50. Indeed, had Scythia been confined within the supposed dimensions, that is, 4000 stadia ; 53 days of coiistant marching, would have sufficed, both for the way out and home. But our Author does not say that it was the intention of the Persian to traverse the whole * Edrisi, Climate VI. Part gth : and Herbelot, article Jagiotige. t M. D'Anville in the Mem. Acad. Inscrip. Vol. x.\xi. places it much more to the east, and near the lake of the Kalmucks. But his general idea agrees with ours. J Darius delivered to the lonians, a cord with 60 knots on it, one ot which they were to untie every day, and had liberty to depart when the knots were all loosened. Mclp. 98, 99. Q 1 14, EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES country of Scythia; and it might have been a fact current amongst the lonians, that a cord with 60 knots on it, had been deUvered to them, by Darius : and equally a fact that he expected to return within that time. The circuit taken by Darius, cannot well be estimated at less than a march of 150 days, or five months : and had he barely gone to the mouth of the Tanais, and back again, we have seen that 100 days were required, although no halts are allowed for; and which could not be dispensed with. Therefore, when it is stated that the 60 days were not expired, after the Persians had passed the borders of the Agathyrsi, on their return; Melp. 132; and had not long expired when Darius came to the bridge, 136", this must surely be an error; although he migiit have expected to return about that time. It is said, Melp. 87, that, " in this expedition he was accompa- nied by all the nations which acknowledged his authorit}^ amount- ing, cavalry included, to 70,000 men,* independent of his fleet, which consisted of 6'oo sliips. The lonians and v^olians, as a part of his new subjects, together with the inhabitants of the Helles- pont, had assembled a fleet to assist in this expedition ; 8c) ; and a bridge had previously been ordered to be thrown across the Thra- cian Bosphoms; 83.'!- The difficulty of supplying such an army with provisions, in an enemy's country, and that country not generally an agricultural one, is but too obvious to practical people ; although the numbers were so small, in comparison with those with which Xerxes invaded Greece We must therefore conceive that tlie principal intention of collecting so large a fleet, was to secure a supply of provisions, whilst the army might remain in the neighbourhood of the Euxine and Masotis ; and which, no doubt, might liave been accomplished, » We are aware that some copies have 700,000 : and Ji:s(in says the same, lib. ii. c. 5. The first number is certainly moderate for a regal Persian army, but the na- ture of the country in which the war was made, must be considered. t The fleet of Xenxes employed in the invasion of Greece consisted of 3000 ships. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 1 I5 SO long as the army could preserve a communication with the coast. The Greek colonists along the Euxine were probably com- pelled to assist in this department; to which it may be supposed, their habits of life rendered them more competent, than the Per- sians themselves. Another use of the fleet, was obviously to waft the army and its equipage across the wide rivers of Thrace and Scythia; which may even be collected from the history of the bridge over the Da- nube. And although this latter was left standing, as has been before related, by which the Persians, must of course have lost the immediate use of the vessels that composed it, yet these unques- tionably were of the smaller kind; as may be inferred from the number used on a subsequent occasion, by Xerxes. Nor could they have been very numerous, either. Perhaps ^ of the whole numbei: might have sufficed. It seems to be clear, by Melpom. 89, that only a detachment of the fleet was sent to the Danube : and that it was sent, whilst the bridge over the Bosphorus yet remained. In effect, no other in- tention can well be supposed, in assembling so large a fleet, but the supply of the army in the enemy's country; nor would the pur- pose have been defeated, by the proportion of vessels left in the Danube. As the bridges thrown across the Bospboms and Hellespont, by Darius Hystaspes and his son and successor Xerxes, have beert very much the subject of history and conversation, we shall men-* tion some circumstances relating to them, in this place. Concerning the Bridges, thrown across the Bosphorus and Helles- pont, by Darius Hystaspes, a7id Xerxes. These bridges, as being intended to serve the purposes of dif- ferent expeditions, were placed in situations, widely distant from O2 Il6 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES each other : that of Darius, which was for the purpose of trans- porting his army into Scythia, through Thrace, by the right, was laid across the Bosphorus, now called the Canal of Constantinople ; whilst that of Xerxes, which was to pass his army into Greece, through the same country of Thrace, by the left, was thrown across the Hellespont ; now the passage of the Dardanelles* The bridges therefore were about 150 miles asunder, and the sea of Marmora (or the Propontis), lay between them : but notwithstand- ing the positions of the bridges, the roads taken by these different princes through Thrace, must have approached within about half that distance of each other : and had it been a matter of indiffe- rence to Xerxes, whether he took the right, or the left hand, road, through Asia Minor, it would have been a measure of greater se- curity, as well as of facility, to have laid his bridge over the Bos- phorus, the narrowest and least exposed of the two straits, than over the Hellespont; since he was determined, at all events, to pass into Europe, over a bridge. See the Map No. IV. opposite. But these works appear to partake infinitely more of vain-glory than of use : like that of cutting through the Isthmus of Mount Athos, instead of drawing the vessels across (if they were dubious of being able to sail round it) ; which is remarked by our Author, in Pol)'m. 24,. Alexander was by no means emulous of the fame of Darius, or of Xerxes, in this point : being content with transporting his army across the Hellespont, in vessels, navigated in the usual way. And it must appear to every person, that, in a strait, narrow enough to admit of a bridge, vessels might be drawn across with ropes, so as to land an army in a mode almost equally effectual, with that af- forded by a bridge : and, considered in respect of delay, and ex- pence, on mucii easier terms, than would be required to place the vessels in a permanent form. • This name was derived from the neighbouring city of Dardanus, which Hero- dotus says was very near to Abydos. Polym. 43. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. II7 If there could be found a reason to justify the project of a bridge, it would have been that o{ expected resistance ; which might make it necessary to pour great numbers at once, on the opposite shore : but circumstances were so totally different, that, whilst Xerxes transported, over a bridge, an army, whose numbers are reported too great to admit of belief, into a country where there were none on the spot to oppose it ; Alexander, on the contrary, transported a comparatively small army, in vessels, into a hostile country, where incredible numbers were prepared to oppose him. In every point of view, then, these magnificent plans occasioned a waste of labour; and of wealth, the means of war; only to accomplish an ordinary purpose, in such a way, as to strike the vulgar in all ages, with astonishment. For Alexander, and after him the Ottomans, crossed these straits with less parade, but with mfinitely more ef- fect, than the Persians. Herodotus, after describing the Bosphorus of Thrace, (as well as the Propontis, Hellespont, and Euxine; Melpom. 85, et seq.) says, that it is about 120 stadia in length, and 4 wide at the entrance (into the Euxine).* He also says, 87, " I conjecture that the bridge was placed nearly midway between Byzantium and the temple at the entrance of the Euxine." And although he seems to speak, in 85, as if the bridge had been at Chalcedon, yet it must only be taken for a loose and general way of speaking ; Chalcedon being the nearest town of note to the bridge. " Darius (says he) marched from Susa to where the bridge had been thrown over the Bosphorus at Chalcedon." Here he spoke generally ; in the other case critically. Besides, Chalcedon- is situated beyond the opening of the Bosphorus, into the Propontis ; and has an expanse of water of more than double the breadth of the Bosphorus, between it and Constantinople. -f- * Polybius, lib. iv. c. 5, says that the narrow part is 5 stadia in breadth : Pliny, iv. c. 12, says 4 stadia. + For the particular geography of the two straits, and the positions of the bridges, the reader is referred to the opposite Map. llS EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES M. Tournefort thought the narrowest part of the canal, was at the old castles ; which appear to be about ^ of the way from Con- stantinople towards the Euxine : but, he adds, that the canal is very nearly as narrow, at a place within a mile and half of the seraglio. Now, he guessed the narrowest part to be 800 paces in breadth : but whether he means double steps, that is, the return of the same foot, or single steps, is not told : it is certain that the latter alone, can be inferred, from the circumstances of the case.* Mr. Gibbon, who may be supposed to have consulted many modern authorities, says 500 paces ; which, being probably meant for those of 5 feet, according to his usual mode of reckoning, give 2500 feet.-f And as we take the 4 stades of Herodotus at about 500 feet each, giving an aggregate of about 2000, the difference be- tween these two accounts is not very great. Many persons may be surprised at finding such differences amongst well informed men ; but the truth is, that guesses concerning the breadth of rivers and straits are so exceedingly vague, that it is difficult to determine what authority to adopt. In the present case it seems that we may adopt the 4 stades of our Author, and fix the place of the bridge at the old castles. By the descriptions of the Bosphorus, it would appear, on the whole, laying out of the question the magnificent scenery on the side towards Constantinople, that it is not ill represented by our Menai, the beautiful arm of the sea that separates Anglesea from the main Island. ^ Concerning the mode of constructing the bridge over this canal, there are no particulars : but as our Historian has given a very par- ticular account of that thrown over the Hellespont, not many years * Vol. ii. letter 8. It is obvious that 800 paces of 2| feet, will agree generally with the reports of Pliny and Herodotus. t Vol. iii. p. 6. :}: This strait appeared to the Author's judgment, from crossing it, as well as from viewing ii from lioih sides, to be about i of a mile broad, at Bangor ferry ; the nar- rowest part that he saw. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 1 19 afterwards, the reader may easily form an idea, how the other was made ; having regard only to this circumstance, that the Hellespont was so much wider and more exposed, particularly to the wind termed Hellespontian,* than the other, that greater precautions were necessary to its preservation : and it may be, that the vessels were placed much nearer to each other. There seems to be no question, that the bridge of Xerxes, or rather bridges (for there were two), over the Hellespont, were placed at the narrowest part of the strait, 14. or 15 miles above the entrance, from the Egean sea; and at no great distance to the northward of the old castles of the Dardanelles ; (as they are called, in contradistinction to the new castles, at the entrance). -j- At this part of the strait stood the city of Sestos, on the European side ; Abydos on that of Asia : but not opposite to each other, be- cause the distance between thera was 30 stadia, Strabo, p. 591 ; and the strait itself not above a mile wide, at the utmost. It seems to be allowed, that the site of Sestos is marked by the ruins of Zemenic, the first town taken by the Turks when they passed over into Europe, under Orkhan, about 1350". (D'Anville Geog. Ancienne, Vol. i. 289; and Tournefort, Vol. ii. letter 4.)^ Abydos is also marked by other ruins, not far from the point of Nagara; Geog. Anc. ii. 13. Again, Maita, situated on the Eu- ropean side, at a few miles from Zemenic, towards the entrance of the Dardanelles, and beyond Abydos, appears to be the Madytis of Herodotus; Polym. 33; where he says that the coast of the Thra- cian Chersonesus, is rough and woody, in that part. The narrowest part of the passage, appears to be nearest to, * That is, a strong easterly wind (Polym. i88), or what seamen call in modern times, a Levanter. t The new castles at the entrance from the Archipelago, arc more than four miles asunder. Tournefort. % Zemenic, in a very useful Map of the Propontis, and the two straits, published by Mr. Fuden, in 1786, is placed about 5 miles above Sestos, and at the wide part of the Hellespont. Wc know not the authority for its position. 120 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES though by no means at, the ruins taken for those of Abydos : but our Author speaks as if one end of the bridge or bridges, had ac- tually been placed there ; for he says, Polym. 34, that the strait is seven stadia in breadth, at Abydos ; and in Melpom. 85, he assigns this breadth to the narrowest part of the strait. Strabo places the bridges where they no doubt stood, between the two cities of Sestos and Abydos; but not adjoining to either; page 591. And we conclude that they extended from different parts of the point, or rather promontory, of Nagara, to the nearest part of the opposite shore. This part is spoken of, by the ancient authors (Polybius in particular), as the ordinary pass over the Hellespont : and it seems to have been equally in use, in modern times, by what is said above, concerning the invasion of Europe by the Ottomans. The ancients agree, almost universally, in representing the breadth of this strait to be 7 stadia, at the Jiarrowest part. Hero- dotus says so, in Melp. 85, and repeats it, Polj'm. 34,. Strabo also, in p. 591 : Pliny, in lib. iv. c. 12 ; and in vi. 1, he gives 875 paces, which are equal to 7 Roman stades, or ^ of a mile. Polybius, lib. xvi. c. 7, allows only two stadia ; but it may be suspected that the text is corrupted. Procopius, who had a good opportunity of view- ing it, is silent. Of the modern authorities, M. Tournefort, Vol. ii. letter 4, without giving any positive notices, appears to allow it the breadth of a mile. Dr. Pococke only gives it on the authority of the an- cients, at 7 stadia ; which, however, implies that he admitted it : and as he seems to consider a stade, at all times, as the eighth part of a mile, this differs but little from the other authorities. (He reckons the Hellespont 26 miles in length.) But Mr. Gibbon allows no more than 500 paces; that is, the same as he allows to the Bosphorus. The ancients evidently meant to describe a broader strait, here, than at the Bosphorus of Thrace.* • If the term Bosphorus has been properly applied to the canal of Constantinople, as the measure of distance which an ox may with facility swim, it cannot have TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 121 It is remarkable that the above celebrated author, should have adopted this idea of the breadth of the strait, against the state- ments of the most celebrated of the ancient geographers, and which are not contradicted by the moderns in general ; and it is also re- markable that he should censure M. D'Anville (perhaps in some instances, justly), for being " too fond oi imaginary measures, for the purpose of rendering ancient writers as accurate as himself," (Vol. iii. page 9,) whilst at the same time, he has in fact, adopted the scale of M. D'Anville's stade, on this very occasion. This great geographer had an idea that the ancients had a stade of 5 1 toises, or about 330 English feet, (Mes. Itin. p. 69, et seq.) and which he has applied to the dimensions of Babylon, &c. It is ob- vious that 7 such stadia are equal to about 500 paces, or half a Roman mile; which is the breadth allowed by Mr. Gibbon. If the number of vessels used in the construction of the bridges, could be depended on, one must suppose the narrow part of the strait to be about an English mile in breadth, which goes but little beyond Pococke's idea, and agrees with that of Tournefort : but goes beyond that of Herodotus, even if he intended a stade of 600 Grecian feet, by more than 1000 feet. It is not likely that ever we shall have a true statement of the breadth of this strait, since any attempt to ascertain it by mea- surement, would subject the operator (who must necessarily be an European) to great hazard : and the guesses of people, as we have said before, are too vague to be depended on ; especially as no op- portunity offers (that we know of), of traversing it from side to side.* been well applied to the Cimmerian strait, which is not only wider than the Darda- nelles, but is even 3 English miles broad, at the place where the lands approach nearest to each other, at Jenikale ; and about i|, where straitened by the chain of islands, opposite to the battery near Kertsch. * One of the best opportunities that has ever occurred, seems to have been neg- lected. Baron Tott, himself an engineer, and entrusted by the Turks wiili the exa- R 1'23 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES The description of the famous bridge of Xerxes, is given in a note from our Author ; but how circumstantially soever given, it is by no means clear.* Two distinct bridges, each consisting of a line of ships, are intended by the description": for one is said to be towards the Euxine, the other towards the Hellespont, or JEgxan sea. They were, moreover, applied to different uses; the first being for the army in general, the other for the followers, and beasts of burthen; Polym. 55. Thus far is clear; as well as the mode of completing the ways, over the vessels on which they rested ; but the disposition of the vessels in ojie of the lines, is am- biguous, because an idea is given that the vessels in it were placed mination of the defences of the Dardanelles, by which he ought to have been pos- sessed of the certain means of determining the question, says, that the narrow part of the strait is 300, or 400 toises broad. How inaccurate, for an engineer 1 The highest evaluation of this distance, is less than half a mile. Since the above was written, a Russian squadron has passed the Dardanelles ? * " They connected together ships of different kinds, some long vessels of 50 oars, others three-banked gallies, to the number of 360 on the side towards the Euxine sea, and 313 on that of the Hellespont. The former of these were placed transversely, but the latter, to diminish the strain upon the cables, in the direction of the current. —When these vessels were firmly connected to each other, they were secured on each side by anchors of great length ; on the upper side, because of the winds which set in from the Eu.vine ; on the lower towards the /Egean sea, on account of the south and south-east winds. They left however, openings in three places, sufficient to afford a passage for light vessels, which might have occasion to sail into the Euxine, or from it : having performed this, they extended cables from the shore, stretching thcni upon large capstans of wood ; for this purpose they did not employ a number of se- parate cables, but united two of white flax with four of biblos. These were alike in thickness, and apparently so in goodness, but those of flax were in proportion much the more solid, weighing not less than a talent to every cubit. When the pass was thus secured, they sawed out rafters of wood, making their length equal to the space required for the bridge ; these they laid in order across upon the extended cables, and then bound them fast together. They next brought unwrought wood, which they placed very regularly upon the rafters ; over all they threw earth, which they raised to a proper height, and finished all by a fence on each side, that the horses and other beasts of burthen might not be terrified by looking down on the sea. Polym. 36. TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. I23 lengthwise, across the strait; whilst those in the other Hne, were placed side by side, or with their length parallel to the strait. The latter appears perfectly rational ; the other highly improbable ; be- cause a strong current prevails for the most part, the water flowing out of the Euxine into the Propontis, and Medilerraneaji ; and more particularly when northerly winds prevail ; so that it would be difficult to keep ships in their stations, when presenting their broadsides to the wind and current.* Besides, it requires little argument to prove, that this arrangement would have been the most inconvenient possible, for a bridge ; could it have been rendered permanent. Some other meaning therefore, must be sought for, not only from the improbability of so flagrant a departure from the dictates of common sense and experience, but because that the numbers in the two lines differ no more than a 7th or 8th part. Now, it is well known, that even the ships of this time, are about four times as long as they are broad, in their upper works : and there is reason to believe, from the dimensions of some ancient ships, left on record, that these were at least^r^, if not Jive and a half, times as long as they were broad. We shall here detain the reader a mo- ment, in order to explain our ideas respecting certain properties of the ancient ships, which apply more particularly to the present argument. It has been said that the ancient ships (of the Greeks, &c.) were * This current, as we have seen, Polymnia, c. 36, is spoken of, in very general terms by Herodotus. It is also mentioned by travellers; and its effect, in preventing ships from entering the Dardanelles from the south, when a contrary wind prevails, is familiarly known to seamen. M. Tournefort thus speaks of it : " The waters that pass through this canal, from out of the Propontis, are as rapid as if they flowed beneath a bridge : when the north wind blows, no ship can enter ; but when it is from the south, you hardly perceive any current." Vol. ii. lett. 4. The current in the canal of Constantinople fBotphorus), is still stronger, as the stream formed of the surplus waters of the Euxine, is more confined there, than in the Hellespont. lb. letter 8. lis 124, EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES very much longer in proportion to their breadth, tlian the modern ones. We would here be understood to mean the ships of war, which from their proportions were styled long ships, in contradis- tinction to the merchant ships, whose swelling forms, which were better adapted to stowage, gave occasion to their being called ROUND ships. It may be conceived that these were of much the same proportional dimensions witii ours, in. respect of length and breadth, but had bottoms nearly flat. But the fighting ships required a degree of velocity at the mo- ment of attack : and, as the mode of warfare, might require it to be exerted in any line of direction, perhaps opposite to that of the wind, nothing could accomplish this velocity, but the application of oars. It therefore became necessary to increase the length of the ship, to the utmost bounds of safety, in order to gain room for such a number of oars, as were required to put so great a body in motion. And hence, doubtless, the origin of the long ship, whose dimensions appeared so singular, as to call for the term, which was with so much propriety applied to it. The proportional dimen- sions would also have the effect of enabling them to divide the fluid, with greater ease, in proportion to the impulse of the oars; or of the sails, when sailing before the wind : but it may be ob- served, by the representations of ancient ships (and which appear to be generally ships of war), that they spread an exceeding small proportion of sail ; which was doubtless owing to tiieir want of breadth. This defect, together with the flatness of the bottom, rendered them unfit to ply to windward : so that when they wanted to proceed in that line of direction, the oars were the only means of accomplishing it. When sailing before the wind, the flatness had its advantages. It may be conceived that no ships, at any period of the world's age, were able to spread so much canvas,* in proportion to their * It may justly be suspected that our ships are very much over-masted : as a proof of it, ships whhjury masts sail as well, under ordinary circumstances, as with what TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. 12.5 length, as at present : a proof that the ancients were very far be- hind, in naval science. The invention of artillery, has certainly increased the dimensions of ships of war; but the progress of im- provement has even far outstripped the increase of bulk. It would be unnecessary to insist any farther on the flatness of those vessels. But it may be remarked, that the long ships of Near- chus, built by Alexander in the Panjab, descended the Indus, and its adjacent rivers, in which there must have been a great many shallow places. They also entered tide harbours on the coast of Persia, in which there is no great depth of water. And moreover, both these, and the ships of Xerxes were frequently draivn ashore ; which circumstance, proves at once the flatness of their bottoms, and their confined dimensions. There is a passage in Polybius (lib. iv. c. 5.) which implies that the large ships of his time (some of which carried 420 men), drew about 15 feet of water, only. We now return to our proper subject. Since the Hellespont, in the neighbourhood of Abydos, has a very considerable bend in its course, first running northward from Abydos towards Sestos, and then taking a pretty sharp turn to the eastward ; may it not have been, that the two lines of ships were disposed on different sides of the angle just mentioned, by which it might truly be said, that the ships in one line presented their heads to the Euxine, the other their sides, although the heads of both were presented to the current ? The different numbers in the are termcdpropcr masts. In light winds, it is certain that too much canvas cannot be spread : but, in this age of improvement, cannot temporary sails be invented, so as, in some measure, to compensate the defect ? The-savings, in point of stores, would be immense ; in the wear of ships, incalculable ! It is well known, that on emergencies, when the wind is light, boats inay be used for towing : and the velocity communicated by the oars of the boats of a ship of war, w'lW far overbalance the loss occasioned by sails of reduced dimensions. Vitruvius has said that it is better to have a house too tmall for fi day than too big for a year : is not this saying, in some measure applicable to the present subject ? 126 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES two lines certainly indicate differefit breadths of the strait, and which can only be accounted for, by their being at some distance from each other : for it cannot be supposed that the line was placed obliquely across the strait. The cables extended from each shore, appear to have been for the sole purpose of supporting the bridge-ways. The ships were kept in their places, by anchors ahead and astern ; by the lateral pres- sure of each other, and by side fastenings. It remains that something should be said, concerning the space occupied by the ships, according to the numbers given in the text; and its supposed proportion to the breadtii of the strait. The numbers given are are 360 in one line, 313, or 314 in the other. Let it be admitted that the difference arises chiefly from the different breadths of the strait, which might be many hundred feet wider at one bridge, than at the other. But if it was no wider at the narrowest part than 7 stadia, say 3500 feet, the vessels ought not to have been broader than 1 1 feet ; in other words, the dimen- sions of a barge : and it appears that the bridge was evidently com- posed of vessels of a larger class than that, altiiough it may be difficult to fix the determinate size of them. In Polym. 21, it is said that " long ships were prepared to serve as bridges ;" which implies that they were of a different kind from the other ships, mentioned in the same article ; which were, ships of war, (implied to be very laige, and of which there were a great number in the fleet) ; transports for cavalry, and troops; and pro- vision vessels. Now, in Polym. 184, tliere is a class of vessels of 50 oars, manned with 80 men only ; and which were the smallest class of fighting ships ; the largest having crews of 230.* These * Perhaps, to bring the matter nearer to our own ideas, the ships, with crews of 230 may be regarded as line of battle ; those of 80, 2iS frigates and shops of war. But the Romans and Carthaginians in the great contest for naval dominion, had crews of 420, of which, 120 were soldiers, or marines. It appears from Polym. 97, that a great proportion of the fleet of Xerxes, which TO WESTERN SCYTHIA. I27 then, we must suppose to have been cliiefly used in the construc- tion of the bridges: for it is expressly said, Polym. 36, that those of 50 oars were made use of: and it is evident, that, if the crews consisted of no more than 80, the oars in general must have been managed single-lianded. And it may be inferred, that a vessel moved by this power, could not have been of very great dimen- sions. Moreover, the ancients crowded their crews into a very small space ; as is shewn by the small depth of water required to float the ships of Nearchus; so that, taking all circumstances into consideration, it may be concluded, that these vessels were of no greater dimensions than 80 to ico tons : that they were very nar- row, in proportion to their length; and might not be more than 15 to 16' feet broad. We are aware that three-banked gallies were also used in the bridge : but as the others are expressly said to be intended for the purpose of bridges, it may be supposed that only a few large ships were used; and that, to accomplish a purpose, which cannot, at this distance of time, be understood : for it appears evident, that, the former size of vessels was fully equal to the superincumbent weight of the bridge-ways, and as many men, horses, or carriages, as could stand on them, at a time ; exclusive of the necessary quantity of ballast to keep them steady : and therefore a larger kind was not required.* The Hellespont has not an expanse of consisted altogether of jooo vessels, were of 30 and 50 oars: and that the fighting ships of this fleet were in number about 1200. Polym. 184. * When boats or pontoons are placed close together, as happened hert, those of a very moderate size will suffice, in respect of any weight that could be required to be laid on them. Witness the ordinary /sn/asn^ used in war, and in bridges of commu- nication. Coal barges are equal to any purpose of this kind, where there is no great agitation of the water, although placed at some distance apart. It may be urged, that, in the present case, the situation required close, or decked vessels ; and it is certain that something must be allowed on this score, where the breadth was a mile, or thereabouts, and, at times, a current ; but we are of opinion notwithstanding, that vessels of the size of the smallest coasting craft, were adequate to such a purpose. 128 EXPEDITION OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, &C. water sufficient to admit of any very great agitation from the winds ; and in particular from the southern quarter, where alone, from its blowing in opposition to the current, a dangerous wave might have been raised, had the conformation of the strait been different.* It is certain that 313 vessels of 15 to 16 feet in breadth w^ould occupy a space, equal to about 4850 feet, or about 400 feet short of an English mile. And if there was any proportion of large ves- sels amongst them, the required space would probably be increased to a full mile. Therefore, at all events, it must be allowed, that there is no great difference between the calculation of the space occupied by the vessels, taken on a reasonable footing, and the allowed breadth of the strait, by those who have seen it ; which ap- pears to be from |^ of a mile, to a mile : for whatsoever the length of the stadium of Herodotus may have been, Dr. Pococke certainly meant by his stade, the eighth of a mile. And thus we close our speculations on this project, which may be classed with many other of the follies, wrought by those, who having at their disposal, the labour of myriads, employed it to a useless purpose. It may well be supposed that the success of Darius Hystaspes, in making his bridge over the Bosphorus, encouraged his son Xerxes, to try a like experiment on the Hellespont; where, the greater breadth of the sea, and the exposure of the situation, rendered it a more difficult task. Of the bridge of Darius across the Danube no description is given. It is probable that it could not have been of less extent than that at the Bosphorus ; but from the regular and constant stream of the river, the vessels could with more ease be kept in their stations, than in a place where the current would often be so slack, as to allow the force of the wind to preponderate. • If the direction of the wind had been mentioned, one might have guessed the position of Xerxes's first bridge, which was destroyed by a tempest. C 129 SECTION VII. OF THE COUNTRIES SITUATED BEYOND THE EUXINE SCYTHIA, TO THE EASTWARD, AND NORTH-EASTWARD. Nations, or Tribes, situated beyojid Scythia. — lyrcae, or Turcae — Seceding Royal Scythians — Argippaei — Issedones, Arimaspians, and Gryphins. — The Issedones answer to the Oigurs, Yugures, or Eluths. — Error of Herodotus, in placing the Issedones opposite to the MassagetEe. — Aral Lake mistaken for a Part of the Cas- pian Sea. — Argippcei and Arimaspi placed: the former at the Moiuitains of the Great Steppe ; the latter at the Altaian, or Golden Mowitains. — The Gold of the Arimaspi derived frotn the Province of Kolyvan, borderiiig on Altai. — Seceding Scythians supposed to have inhabited the Desht Kipzak, and Part of the Great Steppe — Turcae, or lyrcje, taken for the Torgauti — Ri- phsean Mountains. — Altaian Mountai7is, the extreme Boundary of the Knowledge of Herodotus, Eastward. — Particulars respecting the Argippaei and Issedones : the former celebrated for their Pro- bity ; the latter a polished People. — Arimaspian Verses. — Hero- dotus in doubt, concerning the Northern and Eastern Boundary of Europe; and silent concerning the Southern Boundary. — Northern Ocean — Hyperboreans — Country and Rampart of Gog and Magog. — An imputed Error of Herodotus, done away. — Hyperboreans send Offerings to Delos — Melancholy Fate of Tra- vellers , who perish in a foreign Land, zvhilst in Pursuit of Know- ledge — Communication between Individuals of distant Nations, to be encouraged. — Apology for harmless Superstition, in uninformed Minds. — General Observations. W E shall next endeavour to collect the ideas of Herodotus, re- specting the countries situated beyond the Western, or Euxine Scythia ; as also concerning the north part of Europe, generally : S 130 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. a»d the tract, which from its relative situation, was named the country of the Hyperboreans. It must be recollected that, ac- cording to his system, all of the above tracts were included in Europe; since the Colchian Phasis, and the country of the Mas- sagetae, were by him, regarded as the northern frontiers of Asia. It has been suggested, that Herodotus derived his knowledge of Scythia, in a great measure, from the history of the Expedition of Darius, which must then have been fresh in the memories of the Greeks, settled on the borders of the Euxine. And when it is far- ther remarked, that the Thyssagetce are the last people, whose country is particularly described, and placed ; that opinion receives additional strength : for the Thyssagetje were situated at the ex- treme boundary of his expedition, eastward. Beyond the Thyssagetae (eastward; for so it must be under- stood by the context : for immediately afterwards, our Author, speaking of the Royal Scythians wiio had seceded from the others, says, " advancing from this people still nearer to the east"), were the Iyrc^, who, like the Thyssagetse, lived by the chase. Mel- pom. 22.* The Royal Scythians who had seceded from those at the Euxine, established themselves, as we have just seen, on the east of the Jyrca ; but no particulars concerning them are given. " Thus far," continues our Author, Melp. 23, " the whole coun- try is fat, and the soil excellent ; but beyond these Scythians, it becomes barren and stony. After travelling over a considerable space, a people are found living at the foot of some lofty mountains — these are called Argipp^ei." He farther observes, Melp. 24, that, " as far as the Argippasi, the knowledge of the country is clear and satisfactory; and may be obtained from the Scythians, who have frequent communication with them : from the Greeks • The reader is referred to the M^'ps No. II. and V. for an explanation of the actua' geography of this quatter : and to No. I. for our Author's ideas of the relative positions. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I3I of the port on the Borysthenes ; and from many other places of trade on the Euxine. As these nations have seven different lan- guages, the Scythians who communicate with them, have occasion for as many interpreters." " Beyond the Argippgei, no certain intelligence is to be had; a chain of lofty and hiaccessible mountains precluding all discovery. — To the east of the Argippcei, it is beyond all doubt that the country is possessed by the Issedones ; but beyond them, to tiie north, neither the Issedones nor the Argippaei know any tiling more, than I have already related ;" Melpom. 25. " Tlie Issedones themselves affirm, that the country beyond them, (we conclude that to the eastward is meant) is inhabited by a race of men who have but one eye; and by Gryphins, who are guardians of the gold. — Such is the information which the Scythians have from the Isse- dones, and we from tiie Scythians : in the Scythian tongue they are called Arimaspians, from Arima the Scythian word for one ; and spu, an eye." Melpom. 27. Thus we collect the extent of the knowledge of Herodotus, east- ward, in the parallel of Western Scythia ; but as we have no scale of distance, by which to regulate either the positions of the several intermediate nations, or of the most remote one, all is left to con- jecture, in our Author. Others, however, throw some light on the position of the country of the Issedones ; and Ptolemy, in particu- lar. His knowledge of the detail of the eastern geograpliy, was extensive, in this quarter. By him, the Issedones are so placed, as to answer to the Oigurs, or Yugures, who inhabit the proper seat of the Kalmucs ; bordering immediately on the north-east of Casia, which latter is easily recognized in the country of Kashgur. (See Memoir of the Map of Hindoostan, section III.) The (Echardcc of this author, which name designs a nation or people in the region of Serica,* and between the Issedones of Scythia, and • The country from whence the Romans had their silk ; and the silk, its name. See Ptolemy's Asia, Tab. vii. and viii. Sa 132 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. tliose of Scrica, has a near affinity in sound to Oigur, and strengthens tlie supposition. It is certain, that the space between the seats of the Thyssageta?, and of the Issedones, appears on the Map to be much too large to have been occupied by the three nations alone, described by Hero- dotus; it being about 1200 G. miles. But accuracy is not to be expected, in this case ; and it may be, that some tribes are omitted. It must not, however, be forgotten, that they were pastoral tribes, and required a great deal of room. Herodotus himself supposed, that the Issedones were situated opposite to the Massagetce, who were at the east of the Caspian sea, or rather Aral ; * but the Issedones were, as will appear, very much farther to the east. Again, Pliny supposed both tbem, and the Arimaspians to be at no great distance from the Mseotis and Tanais, lib. iv. c. 12 : but probably neither of these authors had any rule for placing them : and it is to be remarked of Pliny, that his geo- graphy carries every thing too far to the west in this quarter. -j- Herodotus, thus expresses himself, respecting the Issedones and MassagetEe ; Clio, 201. " The Massagetae, a great and powerful nation, whose territories extend be3'ond the river Araxes (meaning the Jaxartes), to the extreme parts of the east, — are opposite to the Issedones; and are by some esteemed a Scythian nation." And, in 204, he says that " the Massagetae inhabit a considerable part of a vast plain, which bounds the Caspian (or rather Aral), on the east." So that we fix the Massagetae, in the great plain occupied by the Middle Horde of the KiRGEES, adjacent to the river Sirr, or rather Sirt, which is the • In all the works of the European geographers, as well ancient as modern, to the present century, the Aral sea must be understood to be included in the Caspian : since they knew but of cne expanse of water, in that quarter ; for the Cyrus and Araxes, the Oxus and 'Jaxartes, were all supposed to fall into the same sea. The Arabiaii and Persian geographers, on the contrary, discriminated them, from the earliest times. t More will be said on this subject, in the sequel. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I33 Jaxartes. Our Author, as has been said, supposed the Issedoncs to be situated opposite to the Massageta?, which by the context can only be understood, to the north, or under the same meridian : for, in tracing the chain of tribes, or nations, from the Tanais, to the Issedones, he evidently proceeds eastward, and speaks of the plain of the Massagetae, as a position, opposite to some point in that chain. Moreover, in tracing this chain, he keeps wide to the north of the Caspian; and concludes with saying, that nothing is cer- tainly knozvn, beyond the Issedones. Now, having said that the Massagetae extended eastward, indefinitely, from the borders of the Caspian, and the banks of the Jaxartes, they could not be situated to the east of the Issedones, beyond whom, he had just said, nothing certain was known. The inference clearly is, that, by opposite, was meant in the same meridian : and that, in his idea, the Massagetae lay to the south, along the Aral and Jaxartes ; the Issedones to the NORTH, and about the parallel of the Thyssagetae : and by the obvious result of the statement of his geography of Scythia (page 53, et seq.) the mouth of the Tanais, must, in the idea of Hero- dotus, have been as high as the parallel of 50°, and the Thyssagetae, in 53°, at least. His chain of positions, therefore, may be regarded as extending in an east direction, from the Thyssagetas to the Issedones; so that these latter, could not (in his idea) be lower than 53°. But the Massagetaj, who are said to occupy the same parallel with tlie Caspiaii; must have been several degrees to the south of the Isse- dones. For the Caspian is described in Clio, 203, to have Mount Caucasus on the xvest: and therefore the parallel passing through the centre of that sea, riiay be taken for the same as that of Colchis : that- is, 42 to 43°. Again, -according to the dimensions of the same sea, in 203, it ought not to extend northward, beyond 47° : and the Massagetae, who are stated to be on the east side, must conse- quently have hcen belozv 47°. Such was the idea of our Author; to explain which, is the object in view : but the truth is, that the 134. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. Issedones lay almost directly east from the Massagetce ; and, at a still greater distance from them, than was supposed to intervene. Thus we ascertain a geographical position in the supposed exten- sion of Europe eastwards, by Herodotus, in that of the Issedones; who may be regarded as the ancestors of the people now denomi- nated OiGURs or YuGUREs, by the Tartars ; Eluts, or Eluths, by the Chinese. (They have also a variety of other names ; see Mr. Tooke's Russia, Vol. iv.) Much more will be said of them in the sequel. They are a tribe of Kalmucs; we believe the principal one amongst them : and possess the original and proper seat of the Kalmucs ; subject however to the Emperor of China. And thus the error in distance made by Herodotus, may be appreciated ; and may be reckoned at about 500 G. miles : the Issedones being so much farther to the east, than he supposed. According to this arrangement, the Arimaspiaiis, the most remote nation, eastward, known to Herodotus, may be supposed to be situated in the same meridian with the source of the Indus. We shall now inquire, how far any of the nations above recited, besides the Issedones, are known in history ; and also how far they can be placed in a geographical arrangement. The ARGipPiEi of our Author, whose position is short of the Issedones ; and the Arimaspi, who are situated next beyond them, shall first be considered. The Argippjei, then, are said, Melpom. 23, and 25, to be situated at the foot of certain lofty mountains, which preclude all discovery ; [northward : for the Issedones are known to lie beyond them, to the east ;) and the country is said to he fat, and the soil good, to this point, in coming from the westward ; but now becomes barren and stony : moreover, as we have seen, the Issedones begin on the east of the Argippaei. We regard the Argippasi, then, as the people who inhabited the eastern part of the Great Steppe; bordering northward on the great chain of mountains, that divides the Steppe from SE to NW, COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. 1^5 and whicii separates the northern from the southern waters, in that quarter. It is a marked feature in the geography ; and is described by the Arabian geographers to be remarkably lofty, steep, and dif- ficult of access ; agreeing to the description in our Author.* The Argippsei would also border, eastward, on the mountains that separate the Oigur country from the Steppe : or which per- haps, with more propriety, may be regarded as the western decli- vity of the elevated region inhabited by the Kalmuc Eluths. A part of these mountains are named Arga, and Argia, in Strahlen- berg, and the Map of Russia. According to these suppositions, the Argippoei must have occu- pied the northern part of the tract, now in the possession of the Greater or Eastern Horde of the Kirgees; who are dependant on China, as the Middle and Western Hordes are on Russia. It is certain that in the above adjustment of the situation of the Argippaei, one striking circumstance in the description of our Author, is wanting; namely, the continuation of flat country, from the Thyssagetx', to the situation in question. But, it should be recollected, that no particular accuracy can, in this case, be expected : and that the very great extent of the level Steppe, may be allowed to ju^stify him in the supposition, that the face of the country was the same, throughout. The Arimaspians, who are fabled to have had but one eye (Melpom. 13 and 27; and Thalia, 116"), are said to take the gold violently from the Gryphins, who guarded it; and with which the country was said to abound. These Arimaspians, who are placed by our Author, beyond, that is, to the eastward of, the Issedones, seem to have inhabited Mount Altai (which is to be regarded rather as a region, than a mere ridge of mountains), from whence the rivers • These mountains will be hereafter spoken of, as the southern (or SW) boundary of the country of Jaji/je jnd Majuje (Gog and Magog), according to the Arabian geo- graphers. They appear to be also the continuation, eastward, of the Ri^haan moun- tains of Ptolemy. 136 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. of Irtish and Oby, flow ; and which mountains are at no great dis- tance beyond the Oigitrs, \yhom we have just taken for the Isse- dones. It is possible, that the names of the tribes, in, and about, Mount Ahai, may have been such, as to approach nearly to Ari- inaspia and Grypbin ; and the Greeks or Scythians may have given them the significations above related. Herodotus has given reason to suppose, Melp. 26, that the Issedones, as well as the Arimas- pians, had plenty of gold amongst them : and the modern disco- veries of the Russians, prove, that the ancient people of this part of Tartary, possessed much gold. It has been shewn, page 109, that the ancient sepulchres towards the head of the Irtish, contained much gold ; as also that the gold mines of Kol3'van, and the Altaimi mountains, are situated in that quarter. The latter are so named from Alta, a word which signifies gold in the Mongul and Kalmuc languages :* and there can be no doubt, but that the name has been given, from the quantity of gold found in the neighbourhood. The mountains of Altai appear both in the Map of Strahlenberg, and in the modern Map of Russia. In the former they are named Altai ; in the latter Chaltai, as well as Altai : and they either occupy a great extent of space, or different ranges of mountains are so named ; a seeming proof, that the pre- cious metal is diffused over a considerable extent of country, in this quarter : and from the courses of the waters around it, the region of Altai seems to contain some of the highest ground in the centre of Asia. Now, from all these circumstances, it appears probable, that the country of the Gryphins or Gryphons, which abounded with gold, was that of Kolyvan : and that the Arimaspians were the people of the region of Altai ; and who had the Oigurs or Isse- dones for neighbours, on the south. And thus we have endea- voured to reconcile this part of our Author's chain of positions, eastward. There remain then, to be considered, in the space between the * Mr. Tookc in the Archaeologia, Vol. vii. p. 227. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. 137 Thyssagetse, who are supposed by us, to have been seated on the west side of the Wolga ; and tlie Argippaei, who are supposed to have occupied the eastern part of the Great Steppe, or seat of the Eastern Kir gees ; the tribes of lyrca, and the Seceding Royal Scy- thiaris. The space in reality, seems too vast for two tribes only : and the circumstance of there being only two tribes to be placed in his geography, may have led Herodotus, and after him Pliny, to place the Issedones as they have done, much too far to the west. But we cannot well doubt the position of the Thyssagetce, any more than that of the Issedones ; and therefore may suspect that the information of Herodotus was imperfect ; and that other tribes, not enumerated, were there, also. Certain it is, however, that the Kirgees tribes, do possess at present, the whole space between the Jaik,* and the former seats of the Issedones ; that is, two parts in THREE, of the space between the Thyssagetse and the Issedones. But whether matters were in this respect, the same tbefi, as ?iou', we know not. If the Secedi?ig Royal Scythia?is, who lay to the east of the lyrccr, and between them and the Argippai, can be supposed (as Hero- dotus says), to possess the whole extent of the plain country, east- ward, their possessions would answer as nearly as possible to those of the middle, and lesser (or western) horde of Kirgees; that is to say, the Desht Kipzak, and the western and greater part, of the Steppe ; but as no idea of the space, any more than of the power, possessed by these Scythians, is given, it would be useless to reason on the subject ; especially as we have already spoken fully on the * The proper name of this river is Diaek, although it be more commonly called yaiJt, or yoek. In the geography of Ptolemy, the Daix is the second river from the Rha (the Wolga) towards the Jaxarles ; (Sirr or Sirt) the Rhymn'icus being next to the Wolga. But doubtless the Daix and Rhymnicus should change places ; for it can- not be supposed otherwise than that the Daix is intended for the Diaek. The Rhym- nicus will then answer to the Yemba : and the mountains of that name to those of Ural. T 138 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. supposed connection between these and the Scythians of the Mpo//V> in page 76, et seq. It is probable that our Author might have had no idea of the extent of space that he had left, in the actual geography, to the three tribes of lyrctt, the Seceding Scythians, and Argippai : and hence, doubtless, arose his error in supposing the Issedones to lie opposite to the Massagetse ; for he might perhaps have allowed to those three tribes, much the same space as to the three tribes on the west of them, between the Oarus (taken for the Wolga) and the Danube ; and might have calculated that the space would reach as far eastward as the meridian of the Jaxartes : and on this ground, declare that the Issedones were opposite to, or in the same meridian with, the Massagetae. If we are right, the cause of his error seems to be satisfactorily explained. Since Pliny differs so widely from our Author, in his statement of certain of these positions, whilst he agrees so well in others, we shall offer a word on this part of the subject. After speaking of a number of tribes, who inhabited the tract beyond the Mneotis and Tanais, lib. vi. c. 7, he comes to the Thys- sagetce and Turap ; * apparently the Tbyssageta and lyrca of our Author; which tribes he places next to the deserts and bunting places : and beyond them all, the Arimphai, said to border on the Ripha-an mountains. Now, the ancients appear to have applied the name Riphctan, to different mountains, and perhaps to forests, also. Ptolemy, Pliny, and Mela, placed a part of them at the head of the Tanais, where there seem to be no mountains, but vast forests, only. The two latter, place another part of the same chain, at the head of the Jaik, admitting the Arimphai to be there. But in fact, they do not seem to have had any clear ideas concerning them. The Hyperborean mountains of Ptolemy, beyond , the Wolga, agree better to our idea of the Riphcean : for as the Arim- phaei of Pliny and of Mela are said to border on these mountains, • Pomponius Mela also, has the Turca near the Thyssagela ; lib, i. c. 2i. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I39 eastward; and on the Turae zvestzvard ; and these again, westward on the Thyssagetce ; it should be, that the mountains at the head of the Jaik (now named Ural), are the Riphcean ; since Oren- burgh answers to the country of the Arimph^ei. And this part of the chain must necessarily be very much elevated, and conspicuous ; since, from its neighbourhood, the Tobol flows into the North sea ; the Jaik and Temba into the Caspian. Wc conceive that from this point, the mountains intended by Riphasan, passed to the north, between the waters of the Oby, Kama, Dzvina, and Peczora : and to the ESE, through the Steppe, to a junction with the moun- tains of Arga, on the one hand ; and those of Altai on the other. How much of their course the ancients might know, or to what ramifications of them, the name Riphccan might be applied, is a doubt. It may however be suspected, that the three different names Riphican, Arimphccan, and Rhyvrnican, applied to moun- tains in this quarter, were all intended, either in whole, or in part, for the same, or branches of the same, mountains.* Taking therefore the Riphagan mountains (as far as they were known), for those which, in the first instance, separate on the north-east, the waters of Asia, from those of Europe ; and after- wards the northern, from the southern, waters of Asia ; and which extend through the Great Steppe to Oigur; in effect, the moun- tains of the Argippaei, beforementioned : we shall find the Turc^, in the Torgauti, or Torgots, a Kalmuc tribe situated between the Wolga and Jaik, in the government of Saratow : and tiie ArimpHvEI, adjoining to, and beyond them, in the province of Orenburgh, and government of Ufa. Pliny is riglit in saying that the Turcae bordered on the Desert (Steppe). Herodotus says that the country of the lyrca is woody; Melpom. 22 : and Mela says the same of that of the Turca. The * Can Rlphcean have any relation to Riphath, or Riphah, who is the son of Gomer, and brother of Togarmab " of the north ;" (in Genesis, x. ver. 3.) since wc find Magog in the same quarter ? Ts 14.0 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA, knowledge of Pliny, as to detail, appears to end at the Riphaean mountains. The Torgots are spoken of, largely, by Mr. Tooke, Vol. i.; as a tribe of Kalmucs, seated between the abovementioned rivers : and there, Strahlenberg also places the Torgauti. We are aware that exceptions may be taken to this supposition : as the Kalmucs are said to have migrated westward, in modern times : so that it may be reckoned idle, to place the Torgot tribe of Kalmucs, at the Wolga, in the time of Herodotus. But it is possible that the tract itself may have given name to the tribes that have successively occupied it : and the reader may perhaps regard it as an example in point, that the Begdelly tribe actually inhabit that part of Mesopotamia which is called the Plain of Bectileth, m the book of Judith; ch. ii. ver. 21. The natural inference, to be drawn, is, that in both cases, the tribes have taken their names from the tracts themselves. And may not Torgot itself, be one reading of Turk, or Tourk ? In support of the above opinion we may also quote Mr. Tooke (Vol. ii. p. 72.), who says of the tribes of the Nogayan Tartars, that " several of them have frequently changed their station in the vast deserts they inhabit, and as often changed their Jiame ; one •while taking that of the river of the place they stop at, at another that of the leader who heads them, and again at other times, accord- ing to other circumstances." With respect to the positions occupied by the Issedones, Ari- maspians, &c. no opinions can be more at variance, than those of Herodotus and Pliny. It has been already remarked that the latter confines liis geography of this quarter, within very narrow limits : for that he supposed even the Issedones and Arimaspians, the most remote of the nations spoken of by Herodotus, to be situated near the Maotis and Tanais ; lib. iv. c. 12 : in which Mela, hb. ii. c. 1, agrees. But if Herodotus is to be regarded as faulty in excess, an error however, that we do not admit, these authors have surely COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. 14,1 gone into the opposite extreme; and we cannot help suspecting that Mela, in particular, was led into this error by his ignorance of the distinction that ought to have been made, between the Scy- thians of the Euxine, and those of the Caspian ; referring what concerned the neighbourhood of the latter, to that of the former : and it is probable that Pliny may have made some mistakes of the same kind. If this opinion be founded, it will account for their ideas respecting the Issedones, &c. Herodotus, as we have seen, extended them to the meridian of the Jaxartes, 2.5 degrees to the east of the Maeotis : and was still very far short of the truth : for their relative position is very clearly pointed out, by Ptolemy, and is easily referred to modern geo- graphy. And hence, whatsoever errors there may be, in the in- termediate positions, given by our Author, (if such there are) we ought to receive that of the Issedones as just ; and to lay out of the question the systems of Pliny and Mela. One particular is, however, very remarkable. The Argippai of Herodotus, situated next the Issedones, answer in point of de- scription to the Arimphcei of Pliny and of Mela, situated at Mount Riphaas, near the head of the Jaik. The description is remark- ably pointed, and cannot be mistaken, as will appear presently. Having shewn (as we trust) that the extreme boundary of the knowledge of our Author, eastward, was the mountainous region of Altai, at the head of the river Irtish, we shall conclude this head of inquiry ; and proceed to select some particulars respecting cer- tain of the principal nations abovementioned ; such as the Ar- gippai, Issedones, and Arimaspians. 1. The ARGiPPiEi, whom we have supposed to be the people near Mount Arga, and the mountains of the Steppe, are oddly- spoken of by Herodotus. Melp. 23. " They are (says he) bald from their birth, having large chins and nostrils like the ape spe- cies. They have a language of their own, but their dress is Sc}'- thian ; they live chiefly on the produce of a tree which is called 1 42 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. Ponticus; it is as large as a fig, and has a kernel not unlike a bean : when it is ripe, they press it through a cloth ; it produces a thick black liquor which they call aschy ; this they drink, mix- ing it with milk; the grosser parts which remain, they form into balls, and eat. — They live unmolested, being considered as sacred, and liaving amongst them no offensive weapon. Their neighbours apply to them in matters of private controversy, and whoever ■seeks an asylum amongst them, is secure from injury." The Argipp^ei agree in description to tlie Arimphcei of Pliny, and of Mela, just spoken of. " Tliey are (says Pliny,) not much unlike the Hyperboreans in tlieir manner of life, (these are said to have lived, immediately beyond them.] They live in forests, and feed on berries. Neither men or women leave any hair on their heads. They are courteous in their behaviour, and are held inviolable by their neighbours, w^ho leave them undisturbed : and moreover, do the same by those who take refuge amongst them ;" lib. vi. c. 13. They are described to live at the foot of the Riphcean mountains; as the Argippasi at others, which are not named. Mela speaks much the same of the Arimpheei, lib, i. c. 21. 2. Concerning the Issedones, the Greeks seem to have known but few particulars. These we have already spoken of, as the Oigurs or Elutbs of the present times, and the QLchardce of the Romans. Some of their customs are represented as the most abominable, whilst others shew them to be a refined people. " They venerate (says our Author) the principles of justice ; and allow their females to enjoy equal authority with the men ;" Melp. 26. By this, we should naturally understand that the women were in possession of those privileges, which nature seems to have intended ; and which they so deservedly hold, in civilized societies ; namely, those of superintending the domestic depart- ments, and of participating the comforts of society, without re- straint. This marked a degree of refinement so much above the COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I43 Standard of Scythian nations, that it was given to Herodotus as a characteristic feature of their national manners. But as we learn that the Oigiirs were a lettered nation, and that they alone fur- nished the conqueror Jinghis Kan with secretaries, we are the less surprised at the refinements of their ancestors ; as the physical geography of their country is such (being one of the most elevated tracts in the centre of Asia) as is likely to preserve national man- ners through a long course of ages. After this, how can we give credit to the following description, which belong to the Issedones .'' " As often as any one loses his father, his relations severally provide some cattle ; these they kill, and having cut them in pieces, they dismember also the body of the deceased, and, mixing the whole together, feast upon it. The head alone is preserved ; from this they carefully remove the hair, and cleansing it thoroughly, set it in gold : it is afterwards esteemed sacred, and produced in their solemn annual sacrifices." Melp. 26. As to the feast, we apprehend there is some mistake : but it is certain that Herodotus relates much the same of their neighbours the Massagetie, in Clio, 216; but with the addition of />a/-m/W^ ; for they are said to eat those only, whom they kill* " As soon as any one becomes infirm through age, his assembled relations put him to death, boiling along with the body, the flesh of sheep, and other animals, upon which they feast; esteeming universally this mode of death the happiest. Of those who die from any disease, they never eat ; they bury them in the earth, and esteem their fate a matter to be lamented, because they have not lived to be sacri- ficed. They sow no grain," &c. We feel the same difficulty in believing this story of the Mus- sageta ; or indeed, of any other people. But that people have killed, or at least accelerated the death of, their aged and infirm parents, or friends, we believe, because we have see7i somctiiing * Slrabo relates much the same of ilie Massage/a, in page ^r;^. 144 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. very much like it iii Bengal : but eating tliem, is a quite diflferent matter!* It appears that the Issedones do the same by the skulls of tlieir friends, as the Scythians and others, with those of their imeterate enemies. The Author has seen, brought from Bootan, nearly in the same region with Oigur, (or the country of tlie Issedones) skulls that were taken out of temples or places of worship ; but it is not known, whetlier the motive to their preservation, was friendship, or enmity. It might, very probably, be the former. They were formed into drinking bowls, in the manner described by our Author ; Melp. 6^, by " cutting them off belozv the eyebrows ;" and they were neatly varnished all over. Herodotus says, tlie Scythians, if Ix>or, covered them with leather ; if rich, in addition to that, they decorated them with gold. It would be satisfactory to know some more particulars respect- ing the Issedones. Concerning their supjxjsed descendants, the OiGURs, or Eluths, much more is known : and the subject camiot but be interesting to the reader. The conquest of the Eluths, as they are called by the Chinese, forms a prominent feature in the military history of the Ciiinese, during the late emperor's reign ; when they subjugated the whole tract, westAvard, to the ridge of Imaus, which separated the two eastern Scythias.-f The Eluths, previous to this conquest, possessed a kingdom of considerable extent ; fornied of tlie two great provinces of Terfan and Hami, (or Kamil), which are situated in the very centre of • Our Author says that one tribe of the East Indians, also killed and eat their parents. Thalia, 99. Of this, more under the head of Asia. t The narrative of the conquests of the Eluths, occurs in Vol. i. of the Memo'ires sur les Chlnoises : and is said to be translated from an inscription, in Chinese verse, written by the emperor Kien-long, and engraven on an obelisk, or monument, in one of the public places, in Pekin. The conquest was made about, the year 1757 ; and the monument erected four years afterwards. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTIHA. I45 Asia. They are said to have been masters of the country as far northward, as the springs of the Irtish, and the mountains of Altai, beforementioned : and on the south-\\est, they bordered on Kashgur.* At the commencement of the power of Jinghis, early in the 13th century, the prince of this country was tributary to the king of Turkestan, who resided at Kashgur; and being oppressed, solicited the protection of Jinghis ; wliich led to the conquest of Turkestan, by the latter. -f It seems to be understood in Asia, that the Oigurs furnished the Moguls, not only with their learning and science, but even with their alphabet ; although some difference of opinion, has arisen, whether the Moguls might not have had one of their own, and might only adopt that of the Oigurs, as being the more useful. It is the remark of M. Souciet,X that no Tartar nation besides the Oigurs, had the use of letters, in the time of Jinghis Kan : and he also says, that the characters used by the Eluths, were the same with those in use in Thibet ; where tliey are denominated Tangusian. Jinghis is said to have been the first of the Moguls, who made use of the Oigurs, as secretaries ; a custom which was followed by many of his successors. Abulgazi Kan, in his history of the Turks and Tartars, bears testimony to the fact of Jinghis and his descendants, having em- ployed the Eluths as secretaries. So does M. Petis de la Croix; || who says, " the Moguls were indebted to the Tugures for the art * See the above Mcmoircs. According to tlic tables of latitude and longitude of the places in the kingdom of the Eluths, given in the same Memoires, the kingdom should be about 5! degrees of latitude in breadth, and 16 of longitude in length, in the parallel of 40". The Ehith of the Chinese is pronounced Oiral, by the western people. t History of Jinghis Kan, by M. Petis de la Croix, lib. ii. c. 7. X In his Observations Mathematical, Astronomical, &c. p. 146, quoted in Astley's Coll. iv. p. 416. The v/ork itself we have not been able to meet with. II Hist. Jinghis K. lib. ii. cap. 7. u 14,6 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. of writing they now use, which was wanting, before their union witli this people. Whether they found the manner of the Yugure's writing more convenient than their ozcm, we know not; but they adopted it, and have used it ever since." A note in tlie same book from Rubruquis, says, that the letter written by Mangou Kan, son of Jingliis, to St. Louis of France (A. D. 1254-), was in the Mogul language, but in the Yugurian character : and that the lines were written from top to bottom, like the Chinese. Tliis, we apprehend, contradicts the former state- ment of the Thibetan characters being in use amongst these people. Rubruquis who visited the court of Mangou Kan, in 1254,, ought to have known what the Yugure character and manner of writing was. He say& that they write from top to bottom, and he also describes alphabetical characters. TJTus the fact of the Yugures being the only people in Tartary, who had written characters, does not appear to be clearly made out: and M. Petis de la Croix, who knew enough of Tartarian history, to be enabled to compile a history of Jingliis Kan, did not believe it. 3. The Arimaspians should have been a considerable people, since they are represented as the aggressors in the war, by which the Issedones were driven westward on the Scythians ; and if they were, as has been conjectured above, the inhabitants of the elevated region of Mount Altai, they would probably have been a very hardy people. But so much of fable enters into the very description of their persons, that little truth could be expected, had more parti- culars been given ; Melp. 13. Aristcas had only heard of them, 17, We must supix)se that the poem written by him, and called by the Greeks the Arimaspian Verses, related not only to tliis {leople, but to his travels generally.* (14,, 16.) * Mr. Beloe has the following note on Aristeas. Melpom. 13. " This person is mentioned also by Pliny and Aulus Gellius : it is probable that COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I47 We shall now return again to the geography, and conclude our inquiry concerning the general ideas of Herodotus respecting the extent and boundaries of Europe, by a recapitulation of the principal points that have been determined ; and by adding a few remarks on their bearing on each other. It has been shewn, that Herodotus does not assign an eastern, any more tlian a nortbeni boundary, to Europe ; altliougli, in the opinion of the succeeding Greek geographers, such an eastern boundary is implied, in that of Scythia ; namely, the course of the river Tanais. But, it is clear, that he not only overleaps this boundary, but extends Europe to the utmost verge of his geogra- phical knowledge, north-eastzvard ; and still says that " it is un- certain whether it be bounded on the north and east by the ocean." The Arimaspi, the most remote nation known to him (for it is a doubt whether the Gryphins lay to the nortli or east of them) are certainly meant to be included in Europe ; because he says, Thalia, 116, " It is certain, that in the north of Europe, there is a prodigious quantity of gold — and it is affirmed that the Arimaspi take this gold away by violence from the Gryphins, &c." * Cer- tainly then, as the place in wliich the gold was found, and which was contiguous to, or beyond the Arimaspi, was situated in Europe, these people also must be situated, either in Europe, or on tlie imme- diate borders of it : and, at all events, the Issedojies are here classed he lived in the time of Cyrus and Croesus. Longinus has preserved six of his verses : see chap, x.; of which he remarks, that they are rather florid, than sublime. Tzctzes has preserved six more. The account given of liim by Herodotus, is far from satis- factory." We may add, that Herodotus attributes the verses to Aristeas, in Mel- pom. 14. * Our Author, although he retails the improbable stories told him, often takes care to shew that he disbelieves them ; as on the present occasion. Says he, '♦ I can never persuade myself, that there are any men, who, having but one eye, enjoy in all other respects, the nature and qualities of other human beings. Thus much seems unquestionable, that these extreme parts of the world, contain within them- selves things the most beautiful, as well as rare." Thalia, c. 1 16. Us 148 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. as belonging to Europe; and of course, all the nations between them and the Tanais. No other interpretation can Avell be given to the passages above quoted, than that Europe extended eastward, beyond the limits of our Author's knowledge ; that its limits were in effect, indefnite ; and that it remained to be determined, whether it was bounded by the sea, on the north, and east. That he be- lieved this to be the case, to the jiorthzcard, appears certain ; ;be- cause he says, in Mel pom. 13, that " the Hyperboreans lie beyond tlie Issedones, &c. and possess the whole country, quite to the sea." This is given on the report of Aristeas, who is said to have pene- trated as far as to the Issedones ; * Melpom. 16. In 32, the Hyper- boreans are represented to be 7ieighbours to the Issedones and Arimaspians. But Herodotus seems to have Iselieved that there was no sea, on the east, either of Europe, or of the earth at large. For he scouts such opinions, altogether, in Melp. 8, where he says, " the ocean, they say, commencing at the east, flows all round the earth : this, however, they affirm, without proving it." And again, (36.) '•' they pretend without the smallest reason, or probability, that the ocean encompasses the earth." Now, as he has adinitted that tlie ocean does really bound the habitable earth, on the west, the south, and the north, it is clear that it could be only on the easty that he disputed its existence. It has appeared (page 133) that our Author placed the Issedones and Arimaspians very far to the north, perhaps in 53°, whilst the Massagetse, and other nations at the Caspian sea, were many de- grees farther to the south. These latter also were assigned to the division of Asia, whilst the former, were in that of Europe. But he nevertheless omits to say, where the southern boundary of Europe, or tlie opposite one of Asia, passes, in the quarter be- yond the Euxine and Maeotis. Now, as the river Phasis, is by him reckoned the common boundary of the two divisions, one must * Sec above, pages 75, and 146. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I49 conceive that, in his idea, it passed thence to the eastward, by Cau- casus, and the Jiorth of the Caspian : and that afterwards it remained ijidejinite : for although he places the Issedones and Massagetae, OPPOSITE to each other, he does not appear to have estimated the distance between them. It is probable liowever, that he thought it to be very great. The idea of a northern ocean occupied the minds of all the ancient geographers, but none of them seem to have had any just ideas concerning its position. Since it appears, that our Author must have supposed, that the northern tribes described by him, such as tiie Thyssagetas, Issedones, Arimaspi, &c. extended as far north as 53° at least, and the Hyperboreans far beyond these, one cannot imagine his northern ocean to be lower than 60°: that is, several degrees above the country of Amber, on the Baltic. It is probable, by his saying that the Danube ran through the centre of Europe, that he had estimated the parallel of the Amber country (Prussia), by sup- posing it to be situated as far to the north of the Danube, as this last was from the southern shores of Europe, that lay opjxjsite to Prussia : and then, reasoning from analogy, he might sujipose the shore of the northern ocean to continue eastward, much in the same line of bear- ing, as it does on the whole, from the north coast of Gaul, to Prussia ; that is, a few points to the northward of east. For, it must be recol- lected, that, all the tract to the north-west of the Baltic sea, is not sup- posed to have existed, in his imagination, otherwise than as Islands : perhaps like the Cassiterides, or Britain.* We need only to look. * Eratosthenes and Ptolemy believed that the countries beyond the Baltic sea (Sweden, Norway, &c.), were insulated from the main land of Europe : and that the Baltic was a strait. This Island is named Baltia by the former, Scandia by the latter. Some moderns have indeed believed, that such a state of things existed, in early times : and that the lakes Ladoga and Onega were a continuation of the strait, between the gulf of Finland and the White sea. We have no doubt but it might have been so, but doubtless it was long before the time of Eratosthenes ; and the idea of the Baltic being a strait, is more likely to have arisen from appearances, and Irom their ignorance of the geography of the northern part of it. Ptolemy's knowledge \. 150 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. back, to our own ideas of the northern ocean, beyond America, when only certain points in the line of its coast, were marked, by the early discoverers. Such kind of analogies the mind ever has recourse to, when necessitated to create a sensible object to reason on. It appears then, that Herodotus placed the shore of the northern ocean, much the same as Eratosthenes; but more distant than Strabo (see Gos- selin) ; only, that being free from one cajiital error of theirs, that of supposing the Caspian sea to be a gulf of the ocean in question, lie felt no necessity for bringing the ocean nearer to it, in order to shorten the supposed strait ; so as to bring it within the bounds of probability. Pliny seems to have thought it more to the south, than any one of Jiis predecessors ; and Ptolemy, by omitting to place it at all, has left tlie matter at large. The Hyperboreans may be regarded as the Incognitce of Hero- dotus : for he says, Melp. 32, that " of the Hyperboreans, neither the ScytWans, nor any of the neighbouring people, the Issedones alone excepted, have any knowledge ; and indeed zvhat they say, merits but little attention." But he observes that the Delians knew more of the subject. It ajipears that the Hyperboreans had transmitted sacred offerings to Delos, progressively through the hands of the Scytliians, and other intermediate nations, Melpom. 33 ; and the route of these offerings is traced, to the borders of the Adriatic, and thence to Delos, in the following order : First through Scythia, and thence " regularly through every con- tiguous nation, till they arrived at the Adriatic. From thence, trans- ported towards the south, they were first of all received by tlie Dodo- 7ieans of Greece" — thence to the gulf of Melis, through Eubcea to Tenos (passing Andros), and finally to Delos. From the context, it may be supposed, that, as no part of Scythia lay to the west of appears not to have extended to the gulf of Finland. Strabo's ended at the mouth of the Elbe : and he disbelieved the fact of the existence of Baltia, altogether ; as well as of Thttk. Tluis, geography lost ground in this quarter also, between the times of Eratosthenes and Strabo. COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I5I Transylvania; and the route from Scythia to Dodona lay considerabl}' to the west of south ; that the country of the Hyperboreatis must at least be situated to the north-eastward of the Borystbejies : and to speak, more critically, it is probable that no part of it extended, in the idea of Herodotus, further to the west than tiie source of the Tanais ; since he says, Melp. 18 and 20, that beyond the Androphagi and the Melanchlceni, the country was uniyihabited : and the latter of these people, adjoined, as we have seen, to the tvest of the Tanais. It may be concluded then, that, in the idea of Herodotus, the country of the Hyperboreans began about the meridian of the Tanais, and extended indefinitely, eastward. In Melp. 32, the Issedones as well as the Scytliians, are said to be neighbours to the Hyperboreans : and as in 13, these last are said to lie beyond (i. e. to tlie north, we conclude, of) the Issedones, it is clear that they extended eastward as far as the Issedones, at least. Whence it should follow, of course, that the Russians and Siberians, and particularly such of the latter, as are situated on the upper parts of the rivers Oby and Irtish, repre- sent the Hyperboreans of He?-odotus. They occupied the country, quite to the sea, in the extreme part of the north ; Melp. 13, and 36 ; and if we may credit Herodotus, were the only nation who were not continually engaged in war with their neighboars. This might pos- sibly be, from their having no nation beyond them ; and their own country might be too cold to tempt the people of the south, to invade them, in an age of the world, when there was not so much want of room. We may add, that according to our Author's extended dimen- sions of Europe, he certainly meant to include the Hyperboreans in it. There is reason conclude, that the term Hyperborean, amongst the Greeks, had different applications, in different ages, according to the progress of geographical knowledge; as Thule had, at a later time, Botli meant the remotest tracts that they had any knowledge of: and of which, the knowledge was too limited, to admit of any clear, or determinate apphcation. Britain, according to Diodorus,. was the Hyperborean country of more ancient times : and after tliat, 1J3 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. the remote parts of Europe and Asia, wliich the Greeks knew only by report. Pliny, lib. iv. c. 12, is more particular in his description of the Hyperboreans, than any other author. He places them beyond the Riphsean mountains ; and these, according to his descriptions, are to to be looked for, at the heads of the Tanais and Jaik. (See above, p. 138). But, he remarks that some have placed them in Asia, at the shore of tlie ocean ; whilst he includes them in Europe. Here it is proijer to observe, that, althougli the western part of the country in question, was in Europe, 3'et it extended very far into Asia, also. Pliny was probably ignorant of the true course of the Tanais, and believed it to come from the N, or NE, instead of the N W, as it really does. And this belief would have occasioned him to misplace botli the Riph^an mountains, and the country in question. He speaks of the country, as being woody ; and of the climate, as very severe ; in fact, much in the same terms with Herodotus. The people he describes to be peaceful, pious, happy, and long lived. Ptolemy places the Hyperboreans beyond the borders of Europe. Diodorus (lib. ii. c. 3.) speaks of them, from some ancient traditions, but which he regarded as fabulous. Some circumstances of this report, point evidently to our Island; others to the country de- scribed by Herodotus, beyond Scythia. In the first place, an island is described to lie opposite to Gaul, and to be of equal extent to Sicily. (They might only have known a part of it.) In this island stood a famous temple, of a circular form, with a stately grove belonging to it : and tliere were priests who played on harps. But it is also said that the Hyperboreans and Grecians communicated with each other, and that the former had a particular kindness for tlic Delians. Thus far Diodorus. Strabo, p. 62, and in other places, appears to consider the term Hyperborean, as merely relative. The Gog and Magog, or rather Jajuje and Majuje, of the Orien- tals, seem to occupy nearly the place of the Hyperboreans of Ptolemy COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXfNE SCYTHTA. I53 and the Romans. Of the eastern geographers, Edrisi is the most particular, in the description of this tract. Ibn Al Wardi is more general; and Abulfeda much too general, to be clearly under- stood, Edrisi places the country of Jagog and Magog (as his Maronitc ti-anslator writes it), beyond those of the Turks and Kalmucs ; and extends it to the northern ocean ; which, it appears, he supposed to be situated at no great distance, northward, beyond the bounds of his Vllth climate. This climate included Great Britain, Sweden, the northern parts of Russia, and the corresponding parts of the country of Jagog and Magog ; which last, was supposed to be bounded on the east, by the continuation of the same ocean. This climate, more- over, like the rest, is divided into lo parts ; of which the Qth, reckon- ing progressively from the west, is occupied by the countrj' in ques- tion; and the loth is supposed to be a part of the ocean itself. From tliis jxjsition of the northern ocean, given by Edrisi, it must of course be inferred, that he supposed its nearest shore to lie in the same parallel with Sweden, and the northern part of Russia; so that he was under a very great error, as to the position of those countries, on the globe; which may be regarded as being in the parallel of 60°, whilst the Vllth climate of Alfraganius reaches no farther to the north, tlian ^o°^. (See his Elements of Astronomy, chap. viii. P- 34 ) It is certain that Edrisi, in common with the ancient, as well as the Arabian, geographers, supposed tliis ocean to be much more to the south, than it really is. And, it is also pretty certain, that the Arabian geographers supposed the Continent of Asia to terminate on the north-east, at a line drawn from the northern part of the Yellow sea, to the mouth of the Oby ; whose principal branch, the Irtish, seems to be designed by the river Almashar, said to pass through the interior part of the tiact, assigned by Edrisi to Jagog and Magog. Whence, it appears, that the gi-eat body of Siberia, and Eastern Tartary, were unknown to Edrisi and Abulfeda, as well X 354 COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. as to the Greek geographers : for the ideas of Eratosthenes aiid Strabo, are, in effect, the same with theirs. Thus, the northern extremity of the country of Jagog and Magog, which Edrisi places in the Vllth climate, or below 50^ degrees, should, by his own arrangement of the other regions, placed in the same climate, be in about 60 degrees. Much the same kind of error, tliough less in quantity, appears in the arrangement of the countries, in the IVth and Vth climates; the Kalmucs (Kaimakiens) being placed bet^veen the parallels of 33°! and 43°4-, altliough they are really between 40° and 47"; (see again Alfraganius. ) Again, the country of Samarkand, with part of Kowarezm, and the course of the river Sirr (Jaxartes), are placed in the IVth, although they occupy, rather, the parallels assigned to the Vth climate. We therefore place the country in question, in reference to the absolute geography, and not to the climates assigned; since they prove to be so erroneously conceived. A reference to the sketch in No. IV. page 116, will save much discussion: for, the reader will there perceive, the relative positions of the several divisions of the climates, that contain the country of Jagog and Magog, together with those bordering on it ; collected from Edrisi. There it will be seen, that it borders southzcard, and south-westward, on the Elutb Kalmucs, on Turkestan, the Desbt Kipzak, and the country of the Baskiriatis : and consequently, that it contained the tract, situated to the north of the mountains, so often mentioned, which divide the Great Steppe, now possessed by tiie Kirgees tribes : so that the Steppe of Issim, and the course of the Irtish izi particular, belonged to the people of Gog and Magog ; but what other tracts beyond these, are not particularized. Thus, as has been said before, it may be regarded as the Hyperborean country, of Ptolemy. Ibn Al Wardi (as well as Edrisi), says, that the people of Jagog and Magog occupied the remote northern part of Asia, beyond the Kalmucs, &c. (Herbelot.) Abulfeda mentions the rampart only, and that, without any dis- COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHfA. I55 crimination of jwsition, otherwise than that it lies to the jiorth, and also to the west, of China. His words are these : " The ocean bends northzvard , and in its progress, shuts up the eastern quarter of China, till \t faces the mound or rampart of Jajuje and Majuje. Thence it bends westward," &c. (Prolegomena). It is obvious, that this may relate to the wall of China, as much as to the other ; and it is possible that Abulfeda may have confounded both together. The Caliph Wathek, about A. D. 842, sent a person from Ser- menrai, on the Tigris, to examine the rampart, and report on it. He travelled by way of Derbend, and thence jiorthxvard (i^erhaps north-eastward also, after he passed the Wolga); and having tra- velled ^6 days, came to some ruined towns, in the Stepjje ; and at the end of about two months' journey came to the rampart itself. It is said, that he was also two months in going from the rampart to Samarkand; by which route he returned to Sermcnrai, after being absent 28 months. It is certain that if any reliance can be placed on the number of journies given, this rampart ought to be at the north part of the Stepije, near the fortified line drawn by the Russians from the Tobol to the Irtish, to keep out the Kirgees from the lands of Tobolsk. But we do not expect any accuracy in the report of the numbers ; especially as Edrisi himself places the rampart in the 9th division of the Vlth climate, and on the borders of Turkestan : so that it should rather be about 40 journies to the north, somewhat east of Samar- kand ; in the parallel of 50° ; and nearly south from Tobolsk. The great cham passes the Steppe, there : and as the travellers are said to have passed a great extent of desert, in the way to it ; in which were the ruins of towns formerly occupied by Jajuje, &c. ; and this being actually the state of the desert now occupied by the Kirgees, in the quarter, between the Aral and the mountams just mentioned ; it must be allowed to corroborate the above statement.* * Mr. Tooke says, Russia, Vol. ii. p. 14, that " the desert of Kirguis, abounds in the relics of opulent cities." Xa JjS COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. Some have sup{x)sed the rampart in question to mean a wall between the Euxine and Caspiiui ; but if tlie statements of the Arabian authors, are not to be regarded as mere fables, it must be looked for, very far to the 7iorth, and even to the east also, of the Caspian sea: since the person sent by the caliph, set off from Derbend, in quest of it, and travelled northward 26 or 27 days ; a part of which journey lay through the country of the Baskirians ( Besegert of Edrisi), which by the position assigned, should be to the N, some^\'hat east, of the Caspian : * and by every modern account, the Baskirians are seated to the east of the Wolga. Moreover, he was at this time, advanced but half way to the rampart. Again, he returned by way of Lokmaii, a city pointed out by Edrisi, whose jx)sition appears to be in the Great Steppe, on the banks of a river that falls into the lake of Turgai, or Aksokal ; and may be supjxDsed to be situated 8 or 10 degrees to the northward of Samarkand. -j- From the description of the rampart and its gates, one is led to suppose that they either belonged to some ancient city, or were part of the fortifications of the passes of the mountains, before spoken of. It is related, that the whole Steppe, although now devoid of habita- tions, and peopled only with the Nomadic tribes of the Kirgees, was, even during the Tartar government, in certain parts, thickly sown with towns and cities; of which the remains, now visible, furnish the most ample proof. ;Jl It may be remarked, that remains composed of large masses, such as the gates of the above rampart, continue longer in their collective state, in the East, than in Europe ; because the materials are not con- vertible to ordinary purposes, as with us. The vast palace of • Edrisi, climate VI. part g. t lb. dim. VI. part 8. % Mr. Tooke, Vol. ii. page ii, el uq. says, that " the countries which formed the Tartarian empire, abound in monuments of former power. The remains of ditches and ramparts are frequently met with. — The ramparts of Sibir, the ancient capital of Tartary, are still seen about Tobolsk on the Irtish. The lofty walls of Tontoura appear yet in the Baraba — not to mention the sepulchres and ruins in the deserts of the Kirguis, which abounds in the relics of opulent cities " COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXtNE SCYTHIA. I57 Chosroes remains on the banks of the Tigris, because a great col- lective strength, is required to dcmohsh it : and also the stately gates of the citadel of Gour ; botli for this reason, and because they are in part formed of large component parts. In Europe, means would readily be found to reduce them to smaller parts, if there was no demand for them, in their original state. The whole East aboimds with ruins of ancient structures, which are so much unlike any, in use, at the present day, that the vulgar often refer their origin, as well as their uses, to superior beings. The miserable clay huts attached to the walls of the temples and palaces, at Athens, Palmyra, or Thebes, do certainly exhibit the strongest contrast, between the wants and dispositions of men in different ages, in the same spot : but as we regard public monimients, as faithful indexes of the state of industry, and taste ; as well as of the ease and plenty that must necessarily iiave reigned, previous to their execution, we do not, with M. Volney's pliilosopher,* feel a secret pleasure in contemplating MAN in that state of debasement, which leads him to destroy, rather than to admire, an exquisite work of art. After this long digression, we return to the geography of our Author.-f- Much is said concerning the severity of the winters, not only amongst the Hyperboreans (where it might naturally be looked for), but even amongst the Cimmerians on the Euxine, situated in the 45th degree, only. The winters, our Author says, " continue eight months, and are intolerably severe and cold, and the remaining four, sufficiently cold. The sea itself (meaning, it may be supposed, the * Volney's Travels, Vol. i. chapter 19. t The reader will find in the Mem. Acad. Inscrip. Vol. xxxi. a memoir on the position of the rampart of Gog and Magog. The result of M. D'Anville's investi- gation, is, in a general view, much the same with ours, since it places the rampart near the mountains of the Steppe : but, critically speaking, we have assumed a posi- tion 8 or 9 degrees of longitude more to the west, 2| of latitude more to the north, having obtained from the new Russian charts, some notices that were unknown to M. D'Anville. Moreover, we regard some of the positions given by Edrisi In a somewhat different view from M. D'Anville. I3S COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. Mccotis), and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, are congealed ; and the Scy- thians make hostile incursions on the ice, and penetrate with their waggons, as far as India." Melpom. 28. Here, by an error, no doubt of the copyists, our Author is made to advance a very extraordinary fact, if not an absurdity; since India is not only removed to a vast distance from the Mieotis, but the greatest part of the intervening space is land. In effect he meant Sindica ; whicii is, by his own statement, somewhere near the Mceotis ; for in Melpom. 86, he says, that the broadest part of the Euxine is between the river Thermodon and Sindica : which latter must there- fore of course, be looked for, opposite to the river Thermodon. Pliny says, lib. iv. c. 12, that in winter, the Cimmerian Bosphorus is frozen, and may be crossed by foot passengers. But he is vague in his application of Sindica. Strabo and Ptolemy are very pointed. The former, p. 4^2, 495, places Sindica beyond the river Hypanis (Kuban), in respect of Taurica: and Ptolemy has Sinda in that position, together with the port of Sindica, answering precisely to the pfesent Sindjik, in the Russian and other maps ; at no great distance to the eastward of the mouth of the river Kuban. Our Author moreover says, Melpom. 7, and 31, speaking of Scy- thia, that the snow falls so thick, as to obstruct the view ; and it was also his opinion that the regions remotely situated to the north, were uninhabitable from the unremitting severity of the climate; 31.* Concerning the jjeople of whom he says, in 25, that they sleep away six months of the year, it may mean, that by the severity of the cli- mate, they are compelled to stay mostly within doors during that period ; which actually happens to those who winter in very remote northern latitudes. Or, had lie heard of the long absence of the sun, in winter, within the polar circle .'' * Can the phrase Cimmerian darkness, arise from the darkness of the air occa« sioned by the thick and frequent falls of snow, and by the general state of the atmo- sphere in winter, in the region beyond the Euxine ; as Scythia itself was originally Cimmerian p COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. I59 It appears that the Hyperboreans above spoken of, had been in the habit of sending their offerings to Delos, by the hands of two virgins. On one occasion of this kind, these died at Delos; and the men who accompanied them as a guard, never returned. The Hyper- boreans to prevent a repetition of this evil, adopted the method of sending their offerings, in the manner above related, through the hands of the intermediate nations;* Melpom. 33. In honour of these virgins, the Delian youth of both sexes celebrated certain rites ; particularly cutting off' their hair, and oflfering it on the tomb.-f (34.). There is something more than ordinarily melancholy, in the fate of those, who, visiting a distant country on some specific errand, and with a view to an immediate return, perish untimely in a strange land. Hov^ often this has happened in our own times I In particu- lar, the fate of Tupia, and Lee Boo, interests us, from their amiable dispositions, and the grief of their friends who awaited their return. How adventurous soever the spirit that leads men to brave dangers on distant shores, may be, yet, during intervals of leisure, the mind is strongly called back to the place it left ; and for which, a passion is implanted by. nature, in every mind that is rightly formed. Whatsoever has a tendency to link mankind together, in peace- ful society, is pleasing to liberal mmds ; and therefore we feel a degree of sorrow for such accidents. For whether tlie object of the visit be rational curiosity, or harmless superstition, or both, the effect produced on the mind, may be good ; and the benefits that ivhole communities may derive from the inquiries of such travellers, are in some cases, incalculable. However trifling therefore, such matters may appear to some minds, we are by no means inclined to * Pliny also mentions this circumstance, lib. iv. c. I2 ; and speaks as if the Hy- perboreans suspected some unfair proceedings. He says that the offerings were of the first fruits of their grain : and Herodotus, that they were carefully folded in straw. Mclp. 33. t Lucian remarks that the same kind of offerings were made at the temple of the Syrian goddess, at Hierapolis. l6o COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. blanic, much less to ridicule, the opinions of those, at whose in- stance the above offerings were sent. The human mind, softened by present distress, or terrified at dangers, which it feels that it cannot avert, becomes conscious of its own i;nhecility ; and looks for support to a Superior Power, a belief of whose existence, is strongly impressed on every mind (which is either not sottish, or not conceited), by seeing around it, an order of things, which ap- pears to be upheld by superior wisdom and power. Homage and supplication are accordingly offered, but the ignorance or weak- ness of human nature, often refers them to mistaken objects. But if it happens that certain couimunities in the world, are blessed with more enlarged, and rational ideas of the Deity, they ought to pity, but not to deride, the conduct of those, who do no iiiore than act naturally, according to the state of their knowledge. If in minds prepared for it, superstition can give composure, when nothing else could effect it, it must be allowed to be a real good. And to take this away, without making an adequate return for it, would be like endeavouring to persuade a person that lie was unhappy, when he felt himself otherwise. The physician, either of tlie mind or body, who can cheat us into ease, has rendered us a certain good. Whilst fears or doubts invade the minds of the ig- norant, they will ever have recourse to the oi^erations of supersti- tion ; and people of education have no right to blame them, until they have prepared a remedy for such doubts and fears. But the truth is, that the labouring part of the community (that is, the bulk of it), could not, if they wished it, get rid of their prejudices and superstitions, for want of leisure to reason on them ; nor might they be happier, by the change. We appeal to the liistory of man- kind. With regard to travelling, on the score of rational curiosity and improvement, it ought at least to command the respect, and appro- bation of mankind. To what is the rapid advancement in those arts, which administer to the comforts of common life, in Europe, under COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. l6l an increased, and increasing population, to be ascribed, but to the importation of useful inventions, and products, from other countries ; adopting from amongst them, that which is useful and applicable, either as a new discovery, or, as a rnodification of a former practice ? Thus the communities of the earth have insensibly improved, even from a period so remote, that the names of tlieir early benefactors have been lost ; or perhaps, in some instances, they have only lost their mortal distinctions, to become gods, or demi-gods. The. world lias seen a Pythagoras, an Anacharsis, an Herodotus, a Peter Alexiowitz, a Banks, forego, either the exercise of unlimited power, tlie blandishments of elegant society, or at least,^the comforts of ease and security ; to brave the dangers of the deep, or those greater dangers, whicli often arise from an intercourse with man, in his savage state ; in quest of knowledge, or of useful productions. Nor that kind of knowledge, alone, which merely administers to tiie pleasure of the traveller ; but that, which is derived from inquiries, concerning what useful customs or institutions amongst men, and what products of the earth, or sea, might be imported into their own countries, or their colonies. The interchange of useful vegetable ])roductions, between tiie dif- ferent countries of the earth, with a view to cultivation, is alone an object which commands the gratitude of the world ; and happy the man whose fame rests on this solid foundation: a foundation that ojjinion cannot shake, since all feel, and participate in the benefits ; whilst systems of politics, and the fame of their authors, vanish ; and are, in comparison with the other, like unsubstantial clouds, that vary their form and colour, with every change of position, or circumstance.* To return to the proper subject of the work. — In the above geo- * " And he gave it for his opinion, that whoever would make two ears of corn, or TWO blades of grass, to grow upon a spot of ground, where only one grew be- fore, would deserve better of mankind, and do more essential service to his country, •ban the whole race of politicians put together." (Swift's Gulliver's Travels.) Y l6a COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXINE SCYTHIA. graphical discussion, we have attempted to give a sketch of the ex- tent of Europe, and tiie distribution of its parts, according to the ideas of Herodotus. The Greek writers of succeeding times hmited it generally to the Tanais and M«otis, and thereby reduced its length to about -j of that, allowed by our Author. But whatsoever he miglit add to it in length, was more than overbalanced by tlie quantity of actual space unknowii to him, and consequently omitted, in Scandinavia, tlie northern part of Russia, and the British islands. It is certain that the ideas, either of Annan, or of the Journalists of Alexander's expedition, from whom he collected liis infonnation, were not perfectly clear, concerning the extent of Europe eastwai*d. For Arrian says (lib. iv. c. i.) that very soon after tlie arrival of Alexander, at the Jaxartes, he received ambassadors from the Eu- ropean Scythians. Now, when it is considered that it is two months journey from the Tanais to Alexander's ]X)st on tlie Jaxartes, the sudden appearance of the ambassadors there, proves, either that they could not have come from so distant a quarter, or that they were already in the neighbourliood, on some otlier errand. It is therefore probable, that Alexander, following the ideas of Herodotus, and other Greeks, extended Europe very far to the east of the Masotis, and to the supposed strait that led from the northern ocean to the Caspian ; which latter, it appears, he believed to be a gulf of that ocean ; as Eratosthenes, Strabo, and others did, after him. And thus he miglit class some of the Asiatic Scythians, as belonging to Europe. We are told, that Alexander sent back some confidential persons, with these Scythians (denominated European : and Arrian himself allows that thei-e was a great nation of Scythians ui Europe), who returned again to him afterwards, whilst in his winter quarters in Bactria, and previous to his second visit to Sogdia. Arrian, Ub. iv. c. 15. If we are to credit the report of Arrian, respecting the opinion of Alexander, on this matter, he was in doubt whether the Euxine and Caspian seas, did not communicate with each other ; for, he is said COUNTRIES BEYOND EUXFNE SCYTHIA. 163 to have projected the equipment of a fleet, for the purpose of de- ciding the question ; lib. vii. c. 1, and 16. He remarks also, that at this time, the limits of the Caspian sea, were unknown. Be it as it will, Alexander told the king of Chorasmia, who affirmed that his territories bordered on the Euxine, that, after he had made himself master of Asia, and was returned to Greece, he would pass through the Hellesix)nt and Propontis, into the Euxine sea. Lib. iv. c. 15. And in lib. vii. c. i , it is said tliat tliis expedition was intended against the Scythians of the Mteotis, Should die reader be inclined to censure either our decisions, or our prolixity, it may be stated in apology, that it is a very difficult task to follow the geography of persons wiio describe the relative positions of countries, without putting the description to the test, by reducing it to geometrical construction. The same may be said equally of Strabo and Eratosthenes, as of Herodotus. [[end of the geography of EUROJ'E.^ Yb c 164 :\ SECTION VIII. OF ASIA, ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. Extent and Boundaries of Asia, according to Herodotus. — Arabia, the last inhabited Country towards the South, India to the East — the Space beyond India, supposed to be a Desert. — Asia of less Extent than Europe, in our Author's Idea. — Cliina, 7iot known to the ancient Persians : and India, a recent Discovery. — The Visit of Alexander to India, bad the Effect of contracting the Limits of the Earth, in the ancient Systems of Geography ; as well as of falsifying certain Par- ticulars of it. — India supposed by him, to be shut up by the Eastern Ocean. — Longitiidifial Extent of Asia, a?id of the Earth, according, to the Ideas of Eratosthe?ies, Strabo, and Pliny. — Scope of the geo- graphical Knowledge of Herodotus, in Asia — deficient, in respect of his Description of the physical Geography. — Idea of the Chain of Taurus, amongst the Greeks — their System failed to express the Levels of the different Regions. — Caspian Strait, and Mount Argzeus — the Mediterranean and Euxine Seas, both seen from the Summit of the latter. — General Idea of the Levels, and of the Courses of the Waters; through Western Asia. — Hollow Tract which con- tains Assyria, Babylonia, Arabia, Cs?c. — Of Imaus, and Emodus, the elevated Region of Eastern Asia ; and the Courses of its Waters. — The whole of Eastern Asia on a higher Level than the Western. On the subject of Asia, Herodotus has said a great deal ; for this division of the globe, next to Greece and Egypt, formed tlie chief theatre of his history. His knowledge of Asia extended from the shores of the Arabian gulf, and of the Mediterranean and Euxine seas, its acknowledged boundaries on the west and south-west; to the country of the Oigurs (or Eluths), the sandy desert of Kobi, ASIA, 165 and India, inclusive, on tlie east. Southward, it extended to the Erythrcean sea, the proper boundary of Asia, on the side of Arabia and Persia : but there is reason to believe, that he, in idea, allowed to the Peninsula of India, far less extent than the truth. Northwards, he seems to have known (as has already been proved) tlie whole extent of the Great Steppe, or territory of the Kirgees ; the Desht Kipzak ; and other tracts, as far as the mountains of Altai, and the heads of the Irtish. This space, however, is hardly equal to one third of Asia ; but it is all that is described by him. He had beard of the Hyperboreans, as well as of the vast deserts that extended to the east, beyond India; and also of the Issedones ; however, we cannot fix any limits to his ideas of the extent of space, in these two directions ; although we may pretty confidently believe that they went but little beyond India, on the one hand; or beyond the tribes specified in his description of Europe, on the other. Here it is necessary to remind the reader, that, in order to adjust the extent of Asia, to the ideas of Herodotus, one must deduct, as belonging to Europe, all the tract lying to the north of Caucasus, the Caspian sea, and the Massagetse. And, in effect, his Asia, with the exception of Arabia, the Massagetae, and a part of India, was little more than that part of it, which was subject to Darius Hystaspes. The Asia of Herodotus, was in his own idea even less than Europe ; Melpomene, 36. The Hellespont, Propontis, and Bosphorus of Thrace, are parti- cularized, as portions of its western boundary ; Mel pom. 85, 86', 87. That the Isthmus of Suez, or border of Egypt, was intended for a part of the boundary, likewise, is certain ; but it is not so clear whe- ther in his idea, Egypt was reckoned a part of Africa ; and conse- quently whether Asia joined to Africa. When he says, Melpom. 42, that " Africa is surrounded by the sea, except in that particular part, which is contiguous to Asia," we ought to imderstand that they cer- tainly joined. Nor is this opinion weakened by what he previously says, in 41, after speaking of the breadth of the Isthmus of Suez: j66 ASIA. " Here, the country expands, and takes the name of Lybia." But it aj)j5ears from Euterpe, i6\ 17, that an opinion prevailed in Greece and Ionia, that Eg>'pt was distinct from the two continents : and our Author himself says, " I myself am of opinion that the land of Egypt alone, constitutes the natural and proper limits of Asia and Africa." This will be farther considered, under the head of Africa: but, at all events, there is no question that either the Isthmus of Suez, itself, or the eastern boundary of Egypt, constituted tiie west- ern boundary of Asia ; and not the course of the Nile. Arabia is said to be " the last inhabited country towards tlie south ;" Thalia, 107 : but this i.5 explained, in 1 15, where it is said that Arabia and Ethiopia " are the two extremes of Asia and Africa :" and in 114, where " Ethiopia, which is the extremity of the habitable world, is contiguous to Arabia, on the south-west :" thus marking his idea of the relative positions of the tvvo countries to each otlier, and to the earth in general. The extent of Arabia southward, is marked by the length of the Red sea, which is said to be 40 days of navigation; Euterpe, 11 : and it being about 1230 G. miles in direct distance, this is no mean approximation to the truth ; respect being had to the rate of sailing of ancient ships ; of wliich, more in its place. But it will be found, that he makes it too narrow, and its line of direction, according to the result from the general data, too near the meridian. Concerning the Erythraean sea, the southern boundary of Asia, he seems to have known few particulars : for he evidently did not know that the sea which bordered on Persia proper, was a gulf, like that which separates Arabia from Egypt and Ethiopia. All appears to be described as one continuous open sea, from the Indus to the Euphrates. Towards the north, no idea of any positive boundary of Asia is given, beyond the Colcbian Pbasis : * but the boundary is implied to pass between the territories of the Massagetag and the Issedones ; * Herodotus and Procopius are the only persons who assign this boundary to Asia. See page 35. ASIA. 167 tiie latter of which people were, erroneously, supposed to lie to the 7iorth of the former. This has been already exploded in the dissei- tation on the boundaries of Euroj^e ; ( page 1 33 ) . This part of Hero- dotus's geography is therefore remarkably deficient ; perhaps from the difficulty which he found in arranging the relative positions, after having assumed such false principles. India was reckoned " the last inhabited country towards the east ;" Thalia, 107. And, in 98, " the Indians are the people of Asia who are nearest the east, and the place of the 71 sing sun." But his ideas of India, whether respecting its geography, or the state of society, were very limited indeed, and no less erroneous. Nor is it extraor- dinary that it should be so ; since he informs us that, as to particu- lars, India was a recent discovery, even to the Persians, in the time of Darius Hystaspes, who caused the Indus to be navigated through- out, and the coasts of the ocean, and of the Arabian gulf, to be explored ; after which he subdued the Indians, and made himself master of the sea that borders on their coast. Melpom. 44,. Beyond India, Herodotus confesses that he knew nothing. " As far as India (says he, Melp. 40), Asia is well inhabited; but from India, eastzvard, the whole country is one vast desert, unknozvn, and unexplored." That the tract was unknown, and unexplored, by those who held converse with the Persians and Greeks, appears likely: but that it was one vast desert, is n.ow knowTi to be an error ; since the vast empire of China, and its dependencies, together with the Peninsula beyond the Ganges, &c. &c. lie to the east of India. It is certain, however, that a vast barrier of mountainous country, shuts up on the East, the quarter of India, possessed by Darius (his 20th Satrapy) ; the part to which the Persians may be supposed to have ix)inted their inquiries ; and wiiich appears to be the part here intended. And moreover, that to this mountainous tract, there suc- ceeds the extensive sandy desert of Kobi (or Shamo), and other Tar- tarian deserts, of almost immeasurable extent. It may therefore perhaps be inferred, that the desert of Kobi, \\as l68 ASIA. the remotest part of the East, that Herodotus had lieard of; and that wlien he spoke of the deserts beyond India, it was of this desert : and although to us, to whom the form, the quality, and relative posi- tions of the different tracts arc known, it may appear a great error, to place a desert adjoinbig to India, eastward; yet we must regard Herodotus, as a person who was ignorant of the true state of the matter, as to particulars ; and that, hearing of a desert, beyond India, he thouglit himself justified in shutting up that country entirely, on that side, with a desert. Those to whom the geograpliy of North America and New Hol- land, has been gradually unfolded, during the latter half of the pre- sent century, may recollect how crude their ideas were, respecting the form and extent of the unexplored parts of those continents ; and that every discovery, was a refutation of some former error. With a recollection of these ideas in the mind (if they can be retraced), we ought to follow Herodotus, in his descriptions of tlie remote parts c f the earth. According to the above ideas, therefore, Asia, as known to Hero- dotus, was more contracted in point of length, than Europe; or rather what is designed by him under that name ; for from Cape St. Vincent to the supposed seat of the Issedones (that is, opposite to the Massagetce), is much more than equal to the length of Asia, from the JEgean sea to the Tartarian deserts. And hence it must also be inferred, tiiat the Persians of those days, had no commercial intercourse eitlier with China or Catbai, as in latter times ; otherwise, either Herodotus, Alexander, or the Seleficidse, would at least have heard of Cliina, and Eratosthenes would have noticed it. But it has appeared that India itself was nnv ground to the Persians (we mean those, who formed the original empire of Cyrus), and much more the countries beyond it: and indeed, judging by later events, it must have been the particular policy of the Indians to keep their people at home ; which has at least some effect towards shutting out strangers : and whatsoever ASIA. 16*9 applies in this way to India, applies perhaps in a yet greater degree to China. It may appear very extraordinary, but was nevertheless true, that the visit of Alexander to India, was the means of contracting, in some degree, the limits that had been assigned by the geographers of preceding times, to Asia ; and, of course, to the earth itself: for the system of Alexander admitted of «o tract of land whatsoever, beyond India ; making India the most eastern country of Asia, although Herodotus had extended a vast desert beyond it. How is this change to be accounted for ? It could not well be, that the Indians had not heard of any country beyond them, and that they believed theirs to be shut up by the sea, on the east; or that Alexander should have neglected to make the proper inquiries : but it might have been owing to bad interpreters ; or Alexander may have mis- conceived the scope of their information. It is possible, too, that vanity may have had some share in it, by its causbig a wish that there should be no other country beyond the one he had explored ; in other words, that he had gone to the end of the earth. It is cer- tain that something of this kind appears, also, in the conduct of Poly- bius, with respect to Africa, as will appear in its place: and we suspect that this conduct is on the whole, natural.* There is however, a very striking fact that we shall mention, and which might have had a considerable share in determining the opi- nion of Alexander: and who but is ready to believe the thing he wishes .'' He would have learnt from the Indians, of course, that the Ganges had an easterly course towards the sea ; and this, doubtless, * Strabo, who wrote in the 5th century after Herodotus, believed that there was no country beyond India: so that China, ahhough at that time perhaps, one of the most populous and interesting countries in the world, had escaped the knowledge both of the Greeks and Romans, to that time. It is uncertain when the tables called Theodosian were formed, but it is generally supposed about the second century. The state of knowledge appears to have been much the same, at that time. Nor was China distinctly known in Europe, till the 13th century. z 1 yo ASIA. iixed in his mind the idea of an eastern ocean, which in its nature, must have shut up the Continent on that side ; and also joined to tlie northern ocean, which Herodotus and others believed to terminate the habitable earth, at the embouchure of the Ganges. This deduction was certainly very plausible; and might well have deceived those, who were unable, from want of language, either to make themselves understood, or to understand others, critically : for few would have conceived that the mouth of the Ganges, which river itself had a general easterly course, was situated in a gulf of the southern ocean. The opinions of Eratosthenes, Strabo, Pliny, and Arrian, were all to the former effect: so that, no doubt, it was the commonly received opinion, from the date of Alexander's expedition.* Herodotus gives no intimation concerning the measure of the extent t)f Asia, beyond Susa, eastward : nor was it, probably known to him. Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Pliny, each have given it: nor are their reports so far different from the truth, as miglit have been expected ; all circumstances taken into the account. For, in the first place, the distance must be supposed to be calculated on the measure of the road: the mode by which it was, in all probabihty, obtained. It must also have been reckoned on many different lines of beainng, the inflexions of which, could not well be ascertained : and lastly, the distance between the Indus and the mouth of the Ganges, was, in a great measure, taken on report. As then the actual distance, in a direct line from Cape St. Vincent to Issus, and thence to the mouth of the Ganges, is about 4970 G. miles ;-f we shall, by adding ^ for inflexions (621 miles), be • Pliny, lib. ii. c. io8, after setting forth, that the Ganges discharged itself into the Eastern ocean ; marks this position as the eastern extremity of the world, by opposing it to the gulf of Issus, and the Promontory of Sacrum (Cape St. Vincent) on the west ; and then goes into a curious calculation of the measure of the habitable earth. t That is, 2150 between the Promontory of Sacrum (Cape St. Vincent) and Issus ; 2820 between Issus and the mouth of the Ganges, or supposed eastern extremity of Asia. ASIA. 171 enabled to assume 5591 for the road distance. Now, Eratosthenes allows 70,000 stades; Strabo, 67,500; and Pliny, about 70,100; and as Pliny, no doubt, copied the Greek numbers, the ratio may be taken at 700 to a degree, throughout.* Hence the distances will be severally, 6000, .5786, and 6008 G. miles ; and the greatest diffe- rence between the calculations and the actual distance, 417 miles; the least, that is, the calculation of Strabo, 195 only. And, it is pro- bable, that a greater proportion of inflexion ought to be allowed ; which might bring the two accounts very near together.-}- • The reports of the distances by Eratosthenes and Strabo, lib. i. and ii. are col- lected by M. Gosselin, pages 12 and 13. The numbers in Pliny (lib. ii. c. 108.} are from Artemldorus, who calculates the distance from Cadiz through Cyprus, Rhodes, Sicily, and Sardinia, to Issus, and thence to the mouth of the Ganges, at 8578 MP.; and on a second line, through Cappa- docla, Ephesus, Rome, and Spain, &c. at 8685. The 8578 multiplied by 8, give 68,624 stades : and adding 1458 for the distance between Cadiz and Cape St. Vincent, the total is 70,082. t The 67,500 stades of Strabo, agree to the ratio of 724} to a degree, reckoned on the road distance of 5591 G. miles. This furnishes another example of the fact, advanced in page 23, et seq. that th« ancients gave the distances across Asia, in road measure ; and not in direct distance. The record of distance in Pliny (lib. ii. 108.), between the supposed extremities of the earth. Cape St. Vincent, and the point at the mouth of the Ganges, is well worth remarking, even from the accordance of the two intervals of space, between Cadiz and Issus, Issus and the Ganges, in the calculation ; with those on the actual geo- graphy. He reckons 5215 MP. between Myriandrus, at the gulf of Issus, and the Ganges ; and the whole distance from the Ganges to Cadiz, being 8578, leaves 3363 between Issus and Cadiz. Hence the proportions will be as follows: the distance between Cadiz and Issus, will be to that between the latter, and the mouth of the Ganges, as 27 to 42 ; and on the actual geography it is as 27 to 38 : a near approxi- ination for those times. It must be recollected, that the Promontory of Cape St. Vin- cent is about 125 G. miles to the westward of Cadiz. Pliny, in the same book, c. 109, gives, although in a whimsical way, the idea of Dlonysldorus, a mathematician of Mells, on the semidiamcter of the earth. He sup- posed it to be 42,000 stadia ; giving a circumference of 263,894 : consequently a degree should have consisted of 733 stades; whilst our mean result is 718: that of Strabo, given above, 734]. Z2 J73 ASIA. To return to Alexander — it appears that his expedition had the effect of falsifying the geography of Asia, in more than one capital point, although it added so much to it, in others. It would have afforded some triumph to Herodotus, could he have known, that per- sons of so much acuteness, and whose errand was almost as much discovery, as conquest, should, after visiting India," have left the geo- graphy of the East, as to outline, nearly as they found it ; and should besides, have falsified it in point of detail ; that is in respect of the Caspian sea, which Herodotus rightly described as a lake; but the followers of Alexander, as a gulf of the Northern ocean ! In assigning the limits of the knowledge of Herodotus, in Asia, we must therefore, leave out, on the chart of modem geography, all China, the Chinese and Western Tartary, Thibet, and the Peninsula beyond the Ganges ; together with the greater part of Siberia, and its appendages : that is to say, by far the largest part of that vast con- tinent. Such are the outlines of the Asia of our Author, as described in his work, as it now stands : and before we proceed to quote his 6r/^ description of the several regions of it (knov^ii to him), it will be proper to give a sketch of the natural division of the country, as to its levels, and the courses of its principal waters, between the Hel- lespont and India, the extreme limit of our Author's knowledge: for, it may be remarked, that ( through whatsoever cause it may have been), he is singularly deficient, in respect of his description of the physical geography of Western Asia ; in that he has totally omitted the chains of mountains from which it derives its chief character. It may have been, that too httle was known of the physical geo- graphy, to enable Herodotus, to furnish out a description of it; and it must be acknowledged, that, if a judgment may be formed from what passed between Aristagoras and the King of Sparta, respecting the countries between Sardis and Susa, there is much ground for the above supposition: but then, Herodotus himself had travelled across a considerable part of Western Asia ; and therefore tlie surface of it ought in some degree to have been known to him. ASIA. 173 It is pretty generally known, that the Greeks, after that the expe- ditions of Alexander and Xenophon, had furnished so great a num- ber of routes across Asia; conceived an idea that the chain of Taurus, which originated at the shore of the ^gean sea, in Asia Minor, extended in a narrow, straight, belt, keeping nearly in the same parallel, throughout the whole continent of Asia ; and that it terminated on the shore of a supposed Eastern ocean, which washed the extreme border of India.* Taurus, amongst the latter Greeks, and the Romans, was famous both as a natural, and as a political boundary. It was a line of separation, as it were, between two worlds ; and was to the Roman empire, in latter times, what the Alps were at an earlier period. Properly speaking, it was the collective term for that great ridge, which was supposed to divide Asia into two climates ; and which, although broken, at times, into two, or more distinct cliains, and occasionally varying in its general direction, yet, either through the want of a clear knowledge of particulars, or for the sake of express- ing a collective idea, the xvhole was called Taurus; at the same time that different portions of it, had distinct names. Its separation, and divergence, however, often rendered the application of these names, difficult : and, upon the whole, it can only be supposed that the ancients originally formed their ideas of the nature and dii-ection of Taurus at large, from that part of it which lies within Asia Minor; where it indeed preserves a greater degree of unity than elsewhere. This was the part most familiarly knoxNTi to them : and they might (as is not unusual) extend the idea to the parts which they had not seen. The Taurus of the ancients, then, under the particular names of Taurus, Niphates, Caspius, Paropaniisus, Caucasus, Emodus, &c. originated in the SW extremity of Asia Minor, through which tract * See Strabo, lib. xi. xii. and xvi. : but more particularly the latter end of the xith and beginning of the xiith. 174 ASIA. it passed at no great distance from the shores of the Levant : and thence, in its course eastward, separated Armenia from Mesopotamia ; the two Medias from each other : and the Greater Media from the narrow tract, along the southern border of the Caspian sea. Opposite to the south end of the Caspian, it was partly divided by a vast chasm, denominated the Caspian Strait; through which lay the best passage from Media, Mesopotamia, and the zees tern kingdoms in general, to Parthia, Hyrcania, Aria, and the remainder of those in the East;* as by it, the great deserts to the soutli, were avoided. Passing the south-east corner of the Caspian sea, Taurus was understood to separate in its eastern course, the countries of Parthia, Margiana, and Bactria, from those of Aria,-]' Drangiana, and the western provinces of India, watered by the beads of the Indus. Here their knowledge of the detail, ended ; and beyond this point, it was supposed to divide Scythia from hidia ; taking both these coun- • The Caspian strait, was with the ancients a geographical point of importance, and was supposed to be in the same parallel with Issus and Rhodes. This remarkable chasm is now called the Strait or Passage of Khowar (Choara of the ancients), from a town or district in the neighbourhood. It is situated at the termination of the great Salt Desert, almost due north from Ispahan, and about 50 miles to the eastward of the ruins of Rey (or Rages. J Alexander passed through it in his way from Rages towards Aria and Bactria. Delia Valle and Herbert amongst the moderns, Pliny amongst the ancients, have described it particularly. It is eight miles through, and generally forty yards in breadth. Pliny says, lib. vi. c. 14, that it is only wide enough for a carriage ; and Delia Valle, Vol. iii. that in places where it is narrowest, and winds withal, a litter can scarce pass. The mountains are very high on each side. The bottom is gene- rally flat ; and at certain seasons, a considerable stream of salt water flows towards the desert on the south. It must be remarked, that the chasm docs not intersect the great body of the Caspian mountains, but only the inferior ridges. t Eratosthenes and Strabo supposed that Aria lay to the south, of the continua- tion of Taurus. This appears to be a mistake, as far as our information goes. Ptolemy had the same idea : but then he includes in Aria, the lake of Zurrah, which is really in Drangiana ; a country separated from Aria, by the mountains in question. ASIA. 175 tries at large, and as occupying the remainder of the space, in the habitable world, eastward. We have here endeavoured to express the general ideas of Eratos- thenes, Strabo, and Ptolemy ; and they were so far right, as that certain high ridges of mountains ( though differing exceedingly in the scale of height), are found in these positions; but neither do the highest chains of summits follow the direction supposed, nor is the termination of the high region in the same parallel with its com- mencement, but much more to the north. As a proof of the first assertion, the Euphrates (the principal drain of Armenia), springs from the neighbourhood of the Euxine sea, and after a considerable length of course southward, penetrates Taurus* which must there- fore of course be lower than tlic region towards the Euxine. And, in fact, it seems to be proved, by the course of the river Melas, that the superiority of level at the source of the Euphrates, near Trebi- zonde, is continued obliquely across the Isthmus of Natolia from Caucasus to Taurus, passing above the heads of the Phasis, Cyrus, Araxes, Euphrates, &c. by Casaria (Mazaca) ; and of which, mount Argaus was a part.-f- And hence it may be concluded, that in the application of the name, to the continuation of Taurus, the ancients were influenced more by the apparent, than the actual ele- vation: for there is no question that the highest level lies to the north, yet Taurus rises from the plains of Mesopotamia, with more apparent altitude, than the mountains of Armenia, from tlie plain of Erzeroum. Such was the system of the ancients, respecting Taurus : but it conveys no idea of the general levels of the countries, since the ridges alone, had they been ever so correctly described, are no more than the higher parts of elevated regions; which regions • This is particularly described by Pliny ; lib. v. c. 24. He says that the base of Taurus is 12 miles in breadth. t The ancients had an idea that from the summit of mount Argaus both of the seas could be seen. Strabo, page 538. lyS ASIA. themselves, and not merely their summits, are the marked features of the continent. To begin with the Penbisula of Asia, or Asia Minor, inclosed between the Mediterranean, ^gean, and Euxine seas, on three sides, and on the fourth, by an imaginary line, drawn across the Isthmus from Amisus to Issus — this is an elevated tract, of which the southern part, towards the Mediterranean, is by far the highest, being the proper Taurus itself, which rises abruptly from the neigh- bourhood of the sea coast, turning the courses of the principal waters, towards the Euxine and i^gean seas, and leaving a suc- cession of narrow tracts between it and the sea : that is, Cilicia, Pamphylia, &c. Tlie next portion of space, is yet more elevated ; and is properly an extension of the former, to the Caspian sea, and to the space between it, and the Euxine, generally; it being bounded on the south, by an imaginary line, drawn from the north-east corner of the Mediterranean, to the south part of the Caspian. On the north, it terminates in the region of Caucasus, which overlooks the Sarmatian plains ; in other words, the desert of Astrakan, and the country of the Don Cossacks. And hence it happens, that the northern parts, both of the Euxine and Caspian, are situated in a low tract of country.* Southward, the region in question overlooks the vast hollow space, in which are contained, the countries of Syria, Mesopotamia, Assyria, and Babylonia (in * It may be remarked, that this low tract, is, in effect, a part of a zone of low land, that extends generally through Europe and IVestern Asia. That, in like manner, a zone of elevated ground, corresponding with that, now under discussion, runs parallel to the above ; and that moreover, it is bordered on the south, by another zone of a lower level, if we admit the Mediterranean and Persian seas to form a part of it. These different levels must necessarily have a considerable effect on the winds, and weather. Can it be supposed, that the hollow zone, to the north of Caucasus, the Bastarnian Alps, the Carpathian, and Hercynian mountains, has any share in con- ducting the cast wind of the Steppe, to the west of Europe ? ASIA. 177 effect the Assyria of our Author, and of Strabo) ; and finally, tlie Great Arabian Desert. The political divisions of this region, arc, the eastern part of Cappadocia, Armenia, Pontus, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, the country of the Carduchians, and Media Airopatia* It appears to be the highest level of Western Asia; giving rise to the Euphrates, Tigris, Cyrus; Araxes, Hypanis (or Kuban), Phasis, &c. which flow in different directions, and discharge themselves into the Euxine, Palus Masotis, Caspian, and Persian gulf: and the Euphrates itself, flows towards the Mediterranean till it is turned aside by Amanus, within ICO B. miles of the gulf of Issus.-j- On the higher parts of this region, are the two great salt lakes of Arsissa and Spaiita (Van and Maraga.) Pursuing the course of the high level, from the quarter in which we left it, that is. Media Atropatia, it is found to extend eastward, till it joins with mount hnaus, which is situated beyond the foun- tains of the Oxus and Jaxartes; and which forms the western border of a yet higher and 7nore extensive region, than either of the former. This THIRD portion of the elevated region of Asia, is very une- qual in point of breadth. In the western quarter, it is necessarily limited by the approach of the Caspian and Persian seas, towards each other; but expands to a much greater breadth, beyond the * Now Aderhigian. It is probable that the name Atropatia, which Strabo (page 522) says, was derived from Atropatus, a Macedonimi general, was rather a corrup- tion, or an imitation of the other ; which is said to be derived from the word fire ; there having been a celebrated temple of the followers of Zoroaster, or the worship- pers of fire, in the province. t Ammianus Marcellinus, lib. iii. c. 9, says, that if Taurus (Amanus, it should be), did not prevent it, the Euphrates would have ran into the Mediterranean. But, as it afterwards runs about 800 miles before it reaches the Persian gulf, and in its way descends a vast number of rapids, which prevent the navigation upwards, it must needs be on an exceeding high level above the Mediterranean, at the plate where it approaches nearest, to that sea. Aa 178 ASIA. Caspian, till again narrowed into a kind of Isthmus, by the vallies througli which the Oxus and Indus flow ; and whose fountains are separated only by the high ridge of Caucasus, or Hindoo-Kbo. Media (the present Al Jebal or Irak Ajami) is contained within that part, situated between the Caspian sea, and the Persian gulf; and is bordered on each side, towards the sea coasts, and towards Assyria (taken at large, according to our Author) by lower tracts of land; those towards tlie west and south-west, comprizing Babylonia and Susiana ; and on the north, the provinces of the Cadusi, Tapuri, and Hyrcani, along the winding shores of the Caspian. But, of the part between the iivo seas, the low country forms only an inconsiderable proportion. The highest ground in this tract lies towards the Caspian sea, as is shewn by the course of the waters of Media, which generally flow southward, into the Persian gulf, through Susiana.* From Media, and the Caspian and Persian seas, eastward, the high level, as we have said, expands, witli the country in general ; but we are not in possession of the knowledge, requisite to mark its borders, with the same precision as on the west. It appears, however, to be very irregular in its form ; and has many deep cavities in it : in particular, that which contains the course of the Heermund river, and the lake of Zurrah, in which it terminates ; the beautiful valley of Soghd (the Sogdiana of the ancients, and one of the earthly paradises of the Orientals) ; and the plain of Rey (Rages) which terminates eastward in the great salt desert situated between Media and Aria. The particulars known for certain, respecting the extent and boundaries of this portion of the high level, are the following: That the northern part, between the Caspian sea, and mount Imaus, contains the ancient Parthia, Margiana, and Sogdiana ; • It must necessarily be much elevated, for Delia Valle says, that at Hamadan, the ancient Ecbatana, the \nk froze in the room in which he was sitting. ASIA. ly^ whicli, collectively, overlook towards the north, the low countries of Chorasmia, and the seats of the Mussageta, at the Jaxartes. That the middle part contains Aria, and Bactriana : the latter of which has within it, the heads of the river Oxus ; and adjoins on the east, to hnaus. And lastly, that the southern part contains Persia proper, Carmania, Aracbosia, &c. ; which are bordered to- wards the Persian gulf, and the Erythrcean sea, by the low tract of Maritime Persia (now Giirramseer ) , and by that of Gedrosia, or Makran. The highest conti?iuous ridge of this part, appears to be that, which passes by the south-east of the Caspian sea, and Hyrcania, between Aria on the north, and Dra?igiana on the south : * and from thence between Bactriana and the Indian provinces ; where, as it approaches towards Imaus, which (as has been said) forms a part of a yet more elevated region, it swells to a great bulk and height, and is covered with snow till the mojith of August. This is properly the Indian Caucasus of the Greeks : in modern language Hindoo-Kho. Thus, we have extended our view of the levels, eastward, to the extent of the space within the knowledge of Herodotus : and before we complete our view of the subject, by extending it to the shores of the Eastern ocean, we shall say a word concerning the lateral ridges, which project southward, from the great Eastern chain, so as to form a kind of vast bason, or hollow, inclosing Assyria-f and Arabia, the Persian gulf , and the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, whicli it receives : for the inequalities within this space, are trifling in height, in respect of the mountains that surround it : particularly on the nortli. From the body of Taurus, near tlie place where tlie Euphrates forces itself- //j/-o«^/j it, at the northern extremity of Syria, a great ridge strikes to the south, inclining to the west, and first falling in * See the note in page 174, t That is, according to the ideas of Herodotus and Strabo, above quoted. A a 2 l8o ASIA. with the Mediterranean, at the gulf of Issus, it continues to skirt the eastern shore of that sea (hke a mound or dam), under the names of Amanus, Lebanon, &c. to the southern border of Pales- tine. There, quitting the Mediterranean, it strikes towards the eastern coast of the Red sea, which it also shuts up, though at a greater distance than that, at which it skirted the former, and with a less elevation : and finally terminates in Arabia Felix. Again, from another part of Taurus, in the north-east quarter of Assyria, a second ridge projects to the south, forming the eastern side of the great baso7i (as Amanus and Lebanon the western, and Taurus itself, the northern). This was named by the Greeks Zagros : it has been before described (in page 178) as the western descent of the elevated region of Media ; and as shutting up As- syria, Babylonia, and Susiana, on the east and north-east. At the eastern border of Susiana, it approaches near the Persian gulf, which it shuts up on the side towards Persia ; leaving only a nar- row tract of lower land between; (that is Gurrumseer : see the last page) ; and also occasionally detaching lateral branches to the sea coast. It finally terminates at the necl^, or entrance of the Persian gulf; which entrance, between the ancient Harmoza (Ormus) and the Promontory of Maceta (Mussendom) seems to be nothing more than a breach in this w-all of mountains ; which is known to con- tinue its course southward, through Omman, to a considerable dis- tance: but Vviiich we have no authority for describing. It may possibly join to the mountains of Arabia Felix. Thus the Persian gulf, and the courses of the Mesopotamian rivers, occupy the NE part of this bason : and independently of the irrefragable proofs of the declining of the level, eastward, from the Mediterranean to the Persian gulf, in the position of the latter sea, and in the courses of the waters; the travellers across the desert from Aleppo to Bussorah, remark the sinking of the levels, eastward; and that, not by a gradual slope (which might escape ASIA. 18: their observation), but by distinct steps, or degi-ees; of which one remarkable one is at Taiba, and another opposite to Hit. They remark also, a tract of deep sand, in the quarter towards Bussorah ; together with what appears to be the ancient line of the sea coast, at the termination of this sandy tract, in the Chaldean desert. It is not improbable that the same kind of slope extends all the way, across the Arabian desert, between the upper part of the Red sea, and the Persian gulf. We shall now pursue in a general way, the trace of the high level, from the place where we left it, to the Eastern ocean; in order that the subject may not be concluded too abruptly. The ridge of Imaus abovementioned (page 177) is properly the crest of the mountains that form the western declivity of a prodi- gious high level, which may be regarded as the firm body of Eastern Asia. It occupies a vast space in the central part of Asia, between Persia, India, Chifia, and Tartary ; and from the borders of which, the great rivers of that continent descend, in every direction ; from the Oxus and Jaxartes on the west, to the Amur on the east ; and from the Gajiges and Burrampooter on the south, to the Oby and Jenisea on the north. This vast upland tract (the highest region perhaps, of the old hemisphere), contains generally, the country of the Kalmucs, of the Motiguls, Thibet, and Eastern Turkestan. The countries that surround this tract, taken in a very general view, may be regarded as placed on a kind of hanging levels, or descents, along the skirts of it ; since the waters flow so uninterruptedly from every side, to the surrounding seas or lakes. Those amongst them, which flow through the parallels subject to the periodical rainy sea- son, have, by their alluvions, added vast plains, equal themselves to kingdoms, near the sea coasts ; but the operation of alluvion pro- ceeds but slowly, by such rivers as do not undergo very great alterations in their bulk, at different seasons ; and such are those to the north. The greatest alluvions in Asia, therefore, are formed by those streams which descend from the southern part of the elevated region in question; that is, between Persia and China; which are iSs ASIA. SO situated, as to receive tlie supplies of rain brouglit by the southerly monsoons.* To conclude tlie subject of the high level — there are several rami- fications of it, that extend eastward, and north-eastward, to the Eastern ocean ; in particular one, at the gulf of Korea, above Pekin : and another at the gulf, or sea of Ocliotz, opposite Kamschatka : one of these may be taken for the final termination of Taurus, east- ward. That point, however, in the idea of tlie ancients, occupied the same parallel with Rhodes, and the Caspian strait ; and nearly the same meridian with the mouth of the Ganges ; the continent of Asia being supposed to terminate there. The reader will naturally conclude, that, in the above description, a very general idea, only, is intended ; and that many tracts of high land, as well as plains, are purposely omitted ; as being of little importance to the general result, whilst they inight render it less intelligible. Such is the tract of high land in the south of India, separated from the high region, by the great valley of the Ganges ; that also, which divides hidia from China ; and others in China, and Siberia. Our aim, was chiefly to explain the circumstances of Western Asia ; and particularly that part, which was the most rele- vant to the subject of our Author. It may not, however, be useless to account for the opposite courses of the great waters of Siberia, and those of Russia, between the parallels of 45° and 60° : that is, the Siberian waters run to the north, the Russian to the south. In effect, the Siberian waters not only originate from a higher level than the others, but continue their courses along a descent, which is in every part higher, until it aproaches the frozen sea. So that the whole of Siberia occupies a higher level than Russia, and the Southern Steppe ; whilst the declivities of the two levels are in opposite directions, and would, if produced, intersect each other's plane : tiie Siberian level * This ought not to excite suprise, when it is known that the quantity of rain which falls within the tract of the monsoons, is in most insUnces tfouble, and in some triple, the quantity that falls in England. ASIA, 183 declining to the north, the Russian to the south ( from the parallel of 60°) ; so that the former is exposed throughout its whole extent, to the northern blasts ; the latter is in part, sheltered. Another circumstance respecting this level, appears worthy of con- sideration. It has already appeared, in this, and other parts of the work, that the whole body of Eastern Asia, from the southern front of mount Emoclus, which overlooks India, to the neighbourhood of the frozen sea, stands on a higher level than the wester?! part ; and that the western border of this high level, is mount Imaus, which is continued under various names, through the Great Steppe;* and thence northward to the coast opposite Nova-Zembla (which may itself, be regarded as a contijiuation of the chain). So that the border of this level, lies in a direction not very far from the meri- dian, for the space of 40 degrees at least, from the heads of the Ganges, to Way gat's straits. There is also reason to suspect, that China is on a higher level, than the lands on the west. It is well known, from the improve- ments in modern geography, that the high region of Thibet, &c. adjoins to China, on the west ; and that from it, a mountainous ridge, or rc^on, extends south or soutii-eastwards, sejiarating the Peninsula of India, beyond tiie Ganges, from China. The great waters of China all run to the east ; those of the Peninsula to the south ; a strong indication of different levels, and it cannot well be supposed that China is the lowest of the two, when the astonishing length of course of the Kian Keii, is considered ; and moreover that China is a colder region than India, in corresponding parallels, * The rampart of Gog and Magog was near the foot of these mountains. SECTION IX. THE SUBJECT OF ASIA, CONTINUED. Brief Description of the four Regions of Asia, by Herodotus. — Obser- vatio?is on bis Arrangement — His Error in the relative Positions of the four Seas, the Mediterranean, Euxine, Caspian, and Persian, to each other — co?itinued to the Time of Straho — Source of it. — This Error, one principal Cause of the JVajiderings of the Ten Thousand. — Error of Herodotus, in appreciating the Breadth of the Isthmus of Natolia. — His Ideas respecting the Positions of Persia, Media, Assyria, and Arabia — The latter give7i under too co7ifined Limits, by most of the Ancients. — Aria, Bactriana, Parthia — Caspian Sea, properly described as a Lake — its Hydrography corrected. — Great Plain, in Asia, described. — Aria Palus, the Lake o/'Zurrah. — Sarangsans, or People of Sigistan. — Erythrsean, or Indian Sea — Arabian attd Persian Gulfs, Members of it. — Arabian Gulf first took the Name of Erythraean, or Red ; and the last that has preserved it. — Erythrseans, the same as Tyrians. — Euxine Sea — Errors of Herodotus, respecting its Dimensions — compared in Fonn to a Scythian Bow. — Its Hydrography corrected. — Principal Rivers in Western Asia. — Gyndes divided by Cyrus. — The Araxes of Herodotus, meant for the Jaxartes. After the long digression from the immediate matter of our Author's work, at the conclusion of the last section, we proceed to give his short description of the several regions of Asia, known to him : reserving however, the detail of the twenty Satrapies of Darius Hystaspes, for a separate investigation. Herodotus sets out with describing four regions in Asia; Mel- pom. 37, et seq. ASIA. 185 I. The FIRST region included tlie space between the tzvo seas, the gulf of Persia and the eastern part of the Eiixine; and contained " the region occupied by tlie Persians, which extends southw ard to tlie Red sea : (i. e. the Erythr8ean or Indian sea. ) Beyond tliese, to the north, are tlie Medes : and next to them the Sapirians. Conti- guous to the latter, and where the Phasis empties itself into the northern sea (Euxine), are the Colchians. These four nations occupy the space between the two seas."* II. " From hence to the west, two tracts of land stretch tliem- selves towards the sea : the one on the north side, commences at the PhasiSf'f and extends to the sea, along the Euxine and the Hel- lespont, as far as the Sigeiim of Troy. On the south side, it begins at the Marandynian bay,]] contiguous to Phoenicia ; and is continued to the sea, as far as the Triopian Promontory. § This space of coun- try is inhabited by 30 different nations." MeljxDm. 38. III. " The other district (of the two abovementioned ) commences in Persia, and is continued to the Red sea.|| Besides Persia, it con- tains Assyria and Arabia, naturally terminating in the Arabian gulf, into which Darius introduced a channel of the Nile. The interval from Persia to Phceiiicia is very extensive. From Phoenicia it again continues beyond Syria of Palestine, as far as Egypt, where it tcr- * It may be proper to advertise the reader, in this place, that Herodotus supposes the Phasis to be nearly under the same meridian as the head of the gulf of Persia. t Here we have a proof that the Asia of Herodotus did not extend to the north- ward of the river Phasis. The proof is rendered more strong by the whole context of tlie chapters 37, 38, 39. J This ought to be the Myriandrian bay, or bay of Myriandrus : in other words, the gulf of Issus. Maraudynla was a part of Bithynia, and extended along tlie Euxine. § This was the Promontory of Asia Minor, opposite to the Island of Coos. Tiic territory of Ciiidus was named Triopium: Clio, 174. There was a temple conse- crated to Apollo, on the Promontory of Trlope, where games were celebrated ; Clio, 144. |] That is, the Erythraaii sea at large, or the sea between India and Arabia: not the Arabian gulf, Bb iSS ASIA. minates. The whole of this region is occupied by three nations, bnly. Such is the' division of Asia, from Persia, westward." Mel- pom. 39. IV. " To the east, beyond Persia, Media, the Sapiniatis,* and Colchians, the country is bounded by the Red sea ; -f to the north by the Caspian and the river Araxes, which directs its course towards the east-X As far as India, Asia is well inhabited: but from India, eastward, the whole country is one vast desert, unknown and unex- plored." Melp. 40. Thus we have the subdivisions of Asia, as known to Herodotus. The first remark that arises, on a view of this statement, is, that the Author had not a just idea of the relative positions of the Euxine and Caspian seas, to the Mediterranean sea, and Persian gulf (or rather sea, as he did not know that it formed 3. gulf , there). For, he supposes the Caspian sea to be situated to the east of the meridian of Persia ; in Melpom. 40 ; whence, the position oi Colchis, in respect of Persia and Media, is inferred to be opposite to, or in the same meridian with them: for such a position, the description evidently intends. (The reader is requested to turn to the Maps No. I. and II.) Not that the space between Ionia and Susa (a route well known to our Author, as will appear in a future discussion), was contracted by this arrangement ; for, the prolongation of the Euxine, westward, beyond the truth, made up in space, for the false adjust- ment of the east end of that sea. But, on the other hand, the breadth * These are called Sapinians, Sapirians, and Saspires (or Saspirians), in different places ; but all have a reference to the same people, who were situated between Media and Colchis. t He can hardly mean, that the sea in question bounded this tract on the east, because it contradicts the rest of the statement ; which implies, that India lies to the east of this tract. He must have meant " the country on the east of Persia," &c. X We must read west; because by implication, in Clio, 202, 204, the Araxes, on "which the Massageta; are situated, runs into the east side of the Caspian. It will appear, in the sequel, that he confounds the Eastern Araxes (meaning the JaxarttsJ with the Araxes of Armenia. ASIA. 187 of Arabia, and Assyria, were contracted very far within their proper bounds, by the error of supposing the mouth of the Nile, and Cilicia, to stand opposite to each other ; Euterjje, 34 ; but more particularly by the deficiency of distance between Egypt and Babylon ; as will appear presently. The consequences of these errors, were, that a more northerly direction was given, both to the Arabian gulf, and the eastern side of the Mediterranean. Several of these errors remained to the days of Strabo ; for even the materials collected during Alexander's expedition, did not enable geographers to correct the zvhole error in the relative positions of the Caspian, Euxine, and Persian, seas, to each other, and to the Mediterranean. The true cause appears to have been, that no direct line of distance, from Canopus to Babylon, could be obtained ; because the nature of the intervening ground (the Arabian desert) prevented it : and although the meridians of Canopus and the Sacrum Promon- tory (of Lycia) were pretty well adjusted, in respect of each other,* yet, as the line to Babylon, from the former, passed circuitously through Thaspacus and Arbela, a vast error in the direct distance (almost unavoidably) arose; through the default of means, to ascer- tain the various inflexions of the line of distance. Hence, Eratos- thenes allowed no more than 5600 stadia, of 700 to a degree, between Heroopolis and Babylon: which is short of the truth by about one fourth. So that, although Babylon was really more than 3° of longitude to tlie eastward of the mouth of the Phasis, in Colchis, yet the just mentioned error, which amounted to 3° 3' (it being 156 G. miles), threw it somewhat to the west of tiie Phasis, on the Map.f * It was understood that these places were situated under the same meridian. t But it is, perhaps, yet more remarkable that an error in the relative positions of the Caspian and Persian seas, should have existed to the present times. M. D'An- ville placed the NW part of the Caspian fwo degrees of longitude too far to the east, in respect of the Persian gulf; by means of an error in the reported longitude af Astrakan. And yet the Arabian and Persian Tables have it right. The above error Bb 2 l8S ASIA. An error of the like kind, or jierhaps, a continuation, or exten- sion, of the former one, by Eratosthenes and Strabo, was, the act of placing the Caspian strait (the pass through the continualion of mount Taurus: see above, page 174) in about the same meridian with the entrance of the Persian gulf; although it is really 4. or 5 degrees to the xvest of it. We have no doubt but that tlie 8000 stadia, allowed by Strabo, page 727, between that strait and the southern extremity of Persia, w as meant for difference of latitude ; in like manner as those lines between Canopus and the Sacrum Pro- montory (of Lycia) ; hsiis and Amisms. An additional proof of the supposed easterly position of the Cas- pian sea, even to tlie tiine of Strabo, is, the distance given by him, between Seleucia (at the Tigris) and Hyrcania, through Artemita (in Babylonia), which is 8500 stadia (compare Strabo, page 529, and 744) ; although 6coo appear more than sufficient. We liave given these instances of the errors of the Greeks, which were continued to the period of the writings of Eratosthenes and Strabo ; and although they do not absolutely prove, that Herodotus lay under the same error, yet the context of his geography, has the same kind of derangement; and apparently to an equal extent; but as he gives no measures in this place, the quantity of his error can- not be ascertained, although it may be inferred. The source of these errors, was, the difficulty of adjusting the meridians of different places, previous to the discovery of the polarity of the magnet ; and of the improved and facile mode of taking obser- vations of longitude. To these causes, the rapid improvements in modern geography, have been owing ; and to the absence of them, that ancient geography has at all times been more deficient in the adjustment of the meridians, than of the parallels. It is not at all improbable, that the error in the meridional dis- tance, between the Persian gulf and the Euxine, was the cause of had the effect of distorting the space, generally, between the Caspian sea and Con- stantinople. ASIA. 189 Xenophon's keeping too far to the east, in his way through Armenia, towards Trebizonde. He, no doubt, adhered to the geographical system then in vogue in Greece (such as is given by Herodotus); and expected to find Trebizonde nearly in the same meridian with Babylon and Nineveh, although it bore about N 30° W from the latter. Alexander, by the same rule, must have supix>sed himself nearer to the Euxine, than he really was, when at the Jaxartes; which some of the Greeks actually took for the Tanais.* The next error of magnitude in Herodotus, but which, however, had no material effect on the general system, was his supposing the Isthmus of Natolia (between the gulfs of Issus and Amissus) to be narrower than it really is, by near one half. He says, Clio, 72, that " an active man could not travel in less than fve days, over this space :" and, in Euterpe, 34, that " a good traveller 7nay pass from the mountains of Cilicia (Taurus) to Sinope, m five days." Now, it appears from the late observations of M. Beauchamp, who found the latitude of Sinope to be 42° 2', instead of 4,1° 4', as M. D'Anville places \t,'\- that the Isthmus is not less than 4° of latitude across ; or 240 G. miles. This would require a rate of 554- British miles, in direct distance, and certainly more than 60 by the road, for eacli day ; a rate of travelling, ow foot, which our Author certainly had not in contemplation. And, it may be conceived that, little more than half of this rate, that is 33 miles, by the road, is an ample * Besides the mistake of 5° of longitude, in the first instance, it mav be conceived that the geography of Alexander's land march, which had so many inflexions in it, might be very erroneous, when they had no guide for the line of direction, save the sun and stars. It is therefore possible, that they might suppose themselves to be no farther distant from the Maotis, than the space occupied by the course of the Tanais. t It is in justice due to Mr. Arrowsmith, geographer, to mention, that in his Map of Europe lately published; and drawn before the observation of M. Beauchamp at Sinope, was known ; he had actually placed Sinope within •^ or 4 minutes of the observation in question. ' We understand that he was led to this determination, by some surveys taken by Mr. Eaton (author of the View of the Turkish Empire), between Constantinople and Karempi Boroun, or the Promontory of Carambis. igO ASIA. allowance for a courier, on foot, when the journey is continued five days : and this is the rate at wliich the Indian couriers do actually travel.* In consequence, Herodotus could not suppose the Isthmus to be more than 125 G. miles in breadth: that is, 115 less than tlie truth. Eratosthenes allows 3000 stadia,-f- or 257 G. miles ; which is not greatly beyond the truth, if taken as direct distance, and at the standard of 700 to a degree : and if as road distance, somewhat less than the truth, as 228 would be the result, allowing -i for inflexions. So that, Eratosthenes, at any rate was not far from tlie truth. Ptolemy, at a later date than Eratosthenes, gives a breadtli of 6^ degrees, to the Isthmus, in the line between tlie gulfs of Tarsus and Amissus. Pliny has 200 MP. only ; vi. c. 2 ; which falls below Herodotus. Concerning a part so well known, one is surprised to find such a variety of statements : for it seems, that the breadth was ■well known from tlie marches of Alexander ; as the statement of Eratosthenes may be supposed to be founded on it. Of the length of Asia Minor, and generally speaking, of the pro- portions of its parts, bating the above error, Herodotus was probably well informed. He was at home, in Ionia (as well as on the opposite side of the Mgean sea) : for his account of the Satrapies of Darius, shews, that he knew Asia Minor in detail ; although he might never have crossed the Isthmus. He, as well as some others, called it the Asiatic Cbersonesus, or Peninsula; which name the supposed fonn, warranted. In Mel pom. 12, he places Sinope in this Cbersonesus. With respect to his four grand divisions of Asia,J we shall offer the following general remarks, and corrections : meaning how- ever, to be more particular in the account of the Satrapies. In the first division or region, the Author obviously meant to include in Persia, the fertile part of Carmania, under the name of Germania ; and apparently Susiana also, under the name of Cissia, or * See the Memoir of the Map of Hindoostan, section vii. t Strabo, page 68. ;}: See above, page 184. ASIA. igi Kissia. Media includes both the countries of that name (Major and Atropatia), together with Elymais, Matiene, the Saspires, or eastern part of Armenia, and part of Iberia. Also Colchis ; and with it, many of the Caucasian nations. It would have been more correct, to have called this, the tract between the three seas, Euxine, Ery- thraean, and Caspian ; instead of thq two seas, by which the two former are intended. The second region comprized the Western Armenia, and Asia Minor ; as is evident from the context. The Eastern Armenia, we have seen included in the Saspires. In Terpsichore, 52, the Eu- phrates divides Armenia from Cilicia, in the road from Sardis to Susa.* Consequently, Upper Mesopotamia, is reckoned here, as in some other places, to Armenia ; for instance, in Clio, 194, where the boats are said to " descend from Armenia to the province of Babylonia," by the Tigris. We must regard mount Taurus as the southern boun- dary of this region, although not expressed as such.'l^ It has already been said, that our Author is deficient in his attention to this prin- cipal feature in the geography of Asia ; as lie only mentions it inci- dentally : that is, he calls Taurus the mountains of Cilicia, in Euterpe, 34 ; the mountains above Ecbatana, in Media, in another place ; and those above the sources of the Euphrates and Tigris, in a third. The THIRD region contained the south-west part of Asia, included between the different seas, on all quarters except the north, where it was shut up by mount Taurus; and on the north-east, by Media, and Susiana. The Isthmus of Suez forms a trifling exception on the west, also. Within this division, imder the name of Assyrfa, are comprized not only Assyria, proper, situated beyond the Tigris ; but Babylonia, * It -will be explained hereafter, that his Cilicia included the northern provinces of Syria : that is Cyrhestica, Killis, &c. as well as Cilicia within Amanus. t Or, more critically, mount Masius, the southernmost branch of Taurus. igi ASIA. the tract between the Euphrates and Tigris (aftenvards called Meso- potamia), and Syria. There was also included in it, Arabia, more extensive in itself than all the rest, collectively : and moreover, the small, but interesting and important states of Pbcenicia, and Syria of Palestine. And yet this vast extent of space, was said to compre- hend three nations only. There is no question but tliat our Author supposed Arabia to be much less than the truth : in the first place, because he believed tliat the Persian gulf did not exist, and consequently might suppose that the sea coast ran in a direct line from the mouth of the Euphrates, to the entrance of the Red sea : and secondly, because he supposed the head of the Red sea to be nearer to the Persian sea. But of the length of Arabia, he was apprized, because he knew the extent of the Arabian gulf; and that Arabia bordered on it, throughout. The ancients in general thought Arabia of much less extent than it is. Pliny, vi. c. 28, compares the Peninsula of Arabia, with that of Italy, in point o{ form, and size; and o{ position, in respect of the heavens. He was right only in the last particular. The Arabian gulf is about txvice the length of Italy: and one is surprised that Pliny should have been under so great a mistake. But the context serves to shew, that it was the common opinion, that Arabia was less than it really is. Assyria is tlie same with Babylonia, in Clio, 106, 178; Thalia, 155; and in otlier places. Both Babyloji and Nineveh were rec- koned Assyrian cities. Syria, in the contemplation of Herodotus, was only a portion of Assyria. He distinguished the Syrians of Palestine from the Syrians of Cappadocia ; but we do not find that he any where distinguislics Syria proper, as a separate country from Assyria. Strabo reckons it a part of Assyria. The remarkable fact of there being but three nations within this space, which includes Assyria, Persia, and Phoenicia, as well as Arabia, shews tliat the Arabians must have extended over the ASIA. 193 greater part of Assyria and Babylonia. Part of Mesopotamia was called Arabia, by Xenophon and Pliny. Perhaps we may regard the whole of this region, except what lies to the east of the Tigris, as Arabia, on an extended scale. The FOURTH, and last region of Asia, lay to the east of Persia and Media, and was bounded on the north by the Caspian sea, and river Araxes (meaning the Jaxartes ; or possibly there may be some con- fusion, between it, and the lower part of the Oxus) ; on the south, by the Erythrcean sea ; and on the east, by the utmost known part of India. The countries situated within these limits, our Author does not specify : but it is obvious by his account of the Satrapies, that most of the principal sub-divisions were familiar to him : these were, Hyrcania, Parthia, Aria, Bactria, Sogdia, Chorasmia, Saca, Zaranga, the countries of the Parycanians, and Ethiopians of Asia (under which are designed the Gedrosians) ; and other southern tribes: and finally, the Indians on both sides of the river Indus. The Caspian sea is a principal feature in this region. This, he rightly describes as a sea, distinct from all others : tiiat is, a lake ; Clio, 203. The dimensions given, are not very different from the truth; only that tlie width is made too great, if meant of the Caspian alone : but as Alexander, and all the geographers from his time, to that of Delisle, included the Aral, as a part of the Caspian, it is probable that Herodotus did the same, since he conducts the Jaxartes into the Caspian, and not into a separate lake. Tlie length assigned to the Caspian, by our Author, is 15 days' navigation for a szvijt oared vessel ; and the breadth 8. The former, according to the idea that may be formed of the rate of sailing of ancient vessels, appears consistent ; but the breadth is too irregular to be reduced to rule. The real length of this sea, which may now be regarded as pretty well known, is about 640 G. miles, in a N by W, and S by E direc- tion; and it contracts to less than 130 miles at the northern neck, Cc 194 ASIA. and to about lOO at the southern neck.* The 15 days' voyage of our Author, may perhaps approach towards 600. Eratosthenes and Strabo supposed it to be 6000 stadia, equal to 515 miles. Like the Euxine, and other narrow seas, it has always been represented too wide. By the description, we must understand that the position of its length was supposed to be nearly north and south ; which, generally speaking, is pretty much the case : he says " Caucasus bounds it on the WW/; the largest, and perhaps, highest, mountain in the world; and inhabited by various nations ;" Clio, 303. x\nd, " it is bounded on the east, by a plain of prodigious extent, a considerable part of which forms the country of the Massageto", (204..) — a great and powerful nation, whose territories extend beyond the river Araxes (Jaxartes) to the extreme parts of the East." (201.) This knowledge concerning the unconnected state of the Caspian, in respect of other seas, was lost in the time of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Pliny ; but regained in that of Ptolemy, who restored its form of a lake, but under such dimensions and proportions, as shew that the Aral was mistaken for a part of it.-f- As the subject of the Massageta and Suae is intended to be spoken of fully, in a separate chapter, under the head of Eastern Scythians, of which they are members, we shall speak very gene- rally of them, in this place. To the Massagetas are assigned the vast plains to the N and NE of the Sirr or Sirt river (the Jaxartes )»^ the Caspian, and Aral ; and to the west of the mountains of Imaus, or Kashgur : in other words, the principal seats of the Kirgees tribes in the present times. • In the Map No. V. theiorm and dimensions of the Caspian sea (as well as of the Euxine) are given according to the latest observations, and most improved construction. t One is surprised to find in M. Gosselin, page 103, an idea that the Caspian was once joined to the North sea by a strait, according to the opinions of the Greek geo- graphers ! ASIA. 1^5 The Sacse were situated towards the upper parts of the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, by the testimony of authors who wrote posterior to Herodotus ; but he places them in and about Baclriana, Saca* was a term apphed to Scythians in general, although it belonged in strictness to a ti-ibe, subject, as it would appear, to the Persians; since they filled a conspicuous place amongst the crews in the naval armament of Xerxes. Thus the Massagetae and Sacae occupied the north-eastern extreme of the habitable part of Asia, according to the system of our Author ; but the former of the two, were entirely independent of the Persian empire. Herodotus gives rather a confused account of a large plain, in this part of Asia. It was surrounded on every side by a ndge of bills, through which there were five different apertures: Thalia, 117. This plain, he says, belonged formerly to the Chorasmians, who inhabited those hills, in common with the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Saiangaeans, and Thomaneans : but that after the subjection of these nations, to Persia, it became the projierty of the great king. A great river named Aces, flows from these hills ; and was formerly conducted through the openings of the mountains, to water the abovementioned countries. That, on the Persians taking possession, they stopt up the passages, and thus formed the plain into a sea, or great lake, depriving the nations around of their accustomed share of water ; who were therefore reduced to the most extreme distress ; but were afterwards, on application to the king, supplied with the necessary quantity of water, for their cultivation ; after which the passages were again shut. And thus he compelled the payment of an additional tribute. This story, so improbably told, seems to relate either to the river Oxus, or to the Ochus, both of which have undergone considerable changes in their courses ; partly by the management of dams, partly by their own depositions. For they certainly flow near the coun- tries of tlie Chorasmians, the Hyrcanians, and Parthians; but the *C c 2 196 ASIA. Sarangaeans, if taken for the people of Zarang* that is, SigisUm (as, no doubt, they ought to be) are out of the question, as to any connection with these rivers. But the country of Sigistan, (which is of a singular nature, as be- ing a hollow tract surrounded by mountains, and having a river of considerable bulk (the Hindmend) flowing through it, and terminat- ing in a lake, after forming vast alluvions) may have been confounded with those, through which the Oxus and Ochus flow. It seems, how- ever, to be clearly understood that there is no outlet for the waters of the Hindmend : since the level of Sigistan is lower than that of Korasan and Aria, through which the Oxus and Ochus flow. The lake of Zurrah, into which the Hindmend discharges itself, is about lOo miles in length, and 20 broad at the widest part: and is said to be fresh. -j^ The country through which the Hindmend flows, has all the characteristics of the alluvial tracts, at the mouths of great rivers ; as Egypt, Bengal, &c. This was the celebrated tract which is said to have formed the appanage of Rustum •,X *^^^ whose inhabitants, from the relief which they afforded to Cyrus, after his Eastern expedition, were named Euergeta, or benefactors ; and had considerable privileges and immunities granted them, which Alexander had the generosity to confirm. Much more will be said on this subject, under the heads of Sarangceans and Sacce, in the detail of the Satrapies. Of the general form and extent of the Erythrcean sea, (which, according to our Author, is that which washes the coasts of Arabia, Persia, and fVestern India, and terminates southward, at the extre- mities of Arabia and India) he seems to have had some idea ; by assigning a due length to the Arabian gulf, which opened into it ; * Zarang appears in the Tables of Nasereddtn and Vlugbeig ; and no doubt repre- sents the ancient capital of the Zarangai. It is reckoned a very ancient city. t The Jria Palus of Ptolemy. :f D'Herbelot, article Segestan. Rustum resided there ; as it is said the kings of Persia did, previous to their establishment at Estakar, meant for Penepolis. ASIA. ip7 and by describing the land of India to extend a gi-eat way to the southward of the Indus; Thaha, ici. But as, on the other hand, he supposed Arabia to be the most southerly land of Asia, Thalia, 107, 115, he, of course had no idea that India projected so far to tiie south, as it really does. The boundary of the Erythraean sea, would therefore be a line drawn from the outlet of the Red sea, or Arabian gulf, to the south extremity of India. All beyond this line, south- ward, was by him called the Soiithem ocean : and that with strict propriety ; for he must have supposed it to embrace South Africa, and afterwards to join the Atlantic ; according to his own words, in Clio, 203 ; " the sea frequented by the Greeks (i. e. the Mediterra- nean), the Erythrcean, and that beyond the Pillars, called the Atlantic, are all one ocean." The Southern ocean is ix)intedly marked, in Melpom. 42, where " the ships of Nechao (destined to surround Africa) took their course from the Red sea, and entered the Soiitheni ocean." Another indication of this ocean is in Thalia, 17, where " the Macrobian ^tbiop/ans inhabit that part of Lybia, which lies towards the Southern ocean." Herodotus, as we have seen, denominates Erythncan, or Red, the whole of that sea which lies between India, Persia, and Arabia (our sea of Omman) ; together with its gulfs or bays. But he, notwith- standing, distinguishes the Arabian gulf very pointedly; as in Euterpe, 159, " that part of the Arabian gulf which is near the Red sea." In the preceding chapter, the Arabian gulf \s said to be 1000 stadia from the North sea, at mount Casius. It is also called Red sea in the same place. Again, in Melpom. 39, and 42, the Arabian gulf is discriminated. But the Persian gulf, he no where discriminates in tiiis manner ; and there is every reason to believe, that the same man, who knew better than Strabo and others, what were the circumstances of the Caspian sea, did not believe that the Euphrates emptied itself into a gulf, closely shut up by a narrow strait, like the Arabian gulf, but into a comer, or bay, of the greater ocean. For, he makes no 198 ASIA. distinction, as Strabo and others did (who derived their information from the expedition of Alexander, or the voyage of Nearchus), betvs^een a Persian gulf, and an Erythraean sea ; although he makes so clear a distinction between the Erythraean sea and the Arabian gulf. For he says, in Clio, 180, " the Euphrates pours itself into the Red sea :" the same is said of the Tigris, in Erato, 20. In Mel- pom. 37, " the region occupied by the Persians, extends soutbzvard to the Red sea." When he speaks of tlie Islands of the Red sea (to which exiles were sent, and whose inhabitants accompanied Xerxes in his expedition to Greece), he could only, from circumstances, mean the Islands of the Persian gulf. See Thalia, q'^, and Polym. 80. In Melp. 40, the Red sea bounds the country on the east of Media and Persia. Nothing but an ope7i sea, is here expressed ; and it is probable that Herodotus knew of no distinction of this kind. At the same time, the Persian gulf ought to have been kno\\'n to those, who knew the detail of the voyage of Scylax of Caiyandra, from the Indus to the liead of the Arabian gulf, as mentioned in Melpomene, 44. As the Arabian gulf is the only part of this ocean that has retained, in modem times, the name of Red sea, so we conceive it to have been the first that received it. The country of Edom, or Idumea, bordered on the upper part of the Arabian gulf, and pro- bably gave name to it, amongst the neighbouring people of Palestine and Plxenicia : and the Greeks, no doubt, obtained from tlie latter, both the knowledge of this sea, and its name Edom, or Red; which they translated into Erythraan.* Pliny says that the Tyrians were called Erythraans from their former place of abode near the Red sea: that is, the Arabian gulf; lib. iv. c. 22. This, then, may readily be conceived to have been the origin of the name, as well amongst the Greeks, as the Phoenicians, and people of Palestine. Amongst the Jews, we find " the Red sea in the land of Edom," • We have here the support of the venerable Nisbuhr. Arabia, p. 360, French edition. ASIA, 1()9 (i Kings, ix. 26.) and of " the sea shore in the land of Edom" (2 Chron. viii. 17.) The Greeks would naturally extend the name to as much of tiie adjoining seas, as they became acquainted with : as for instance, to the sea of Omman, and the gulf of Persia, as parts of it. The story of King Erythras and his tomb, in one of the islands of that gulf, may have been invented afterwards. Arrian, whose ideas of the geography of this quarter of Asia, seem to have been collected from the voyage of Nearchus, calls the Persian gulf, the Erythraean sea : and if the story told by Nearchus could be credited, the name was first of all applied to this gulf; for he says, that the tomb of King Erythras, which was situated in one of its islands, gave occasion to the gulf being named from that king. This, however, we regard as a tale. But Arrian, in other places seems to regard the sea of Omman, at large, as the proper Erythraean sea : and speaks of the Persian and Arabian gulfs, merely as sucb ; and as being distinct from tlie Erythraean sea, itself. Concerning the Euxine, or Black sea, it has already been stated (page 53), that our Autlior gives it much too extended dimensions; and that it was occasioned by his following an erroneous calculation of the Egyptian schoene (page 19). For he reckons it 1 1 ,100 stades in length, between the Bosphorus, and the river Phasis ; 3200, or 3300 in breadth, between Themiscyra and Sindica ; Melp. 85, 86. But according to the Map of M. Zach, founded on the latest obser- vations, this sea cannot be more than 6co G. miles in length, or about 7200 stades, of our mean scale, 718.* Its greatest breadth is * In M. Zach's Geographical Ephemeris (for July, 1798), there is a new Map of the Euxine, constructed on the authority of the observations of M. Beauchamp, and those in the Mem. of the Academy of Petersburgh, &c. This publication by M. Zach, commenced with the present year; and promises to be of the greatest advantage to geography, as well physical as political, by its sending forth to the world, for the use of the present age, or preserving for that of a future one, a great collection of valuable materials. 200 ASIA. about half as much, in the line between Amastris and Odessus, near the mouth of the Borysthenes ; and not in the place, Herodotus mentions. However, he is not much out in the breadth itself, which may be taken at 3600 stades. But he was Nvrong in his ideas of the relative positions of its coasts to each other, for he thought that the mouth of the Danube was opposite to Sinope ; Sindica to the Ther- modon river ; and the Bosphorus of Thrace to the river Phasis. Notwithstanding tlie opportunities that have occurred to Euro- peans, in latter times, the form and dimensions of this sea, have been left to the present time, more incorrect even than those of the Caspian. To give a few instances — the town of Sinope, and Pro- montory of Carambis, have been placed one degree of latitude too far to the south. The eastern bason of the Euxine has been repre- sented 100 G. miles too wide, between the mouth of the Halys river, and the nearest opposite coast. And lastly, the narrowest part, between Carambis and the Krimea, is 30 too wide, where the whole width is no more than 113. The high land of the Krimea is visible from Carambis.* Some of the ancients had an idea, that the form of the Euxine was that of a Scythian bow, when bent.-\- The idea was not a bad one, if the Scythian bows were like those of the modern Turks : but then, it is to be considered, that the ancients supposed the south coast to form nearly a right line; in which they were mistaken. The principal rivers of Western Asia, have been already spoken of^ as known to Herodotus ; in the course of our remarks. The * The error of Strabo was much greater ; p. 125. He reckons the distance across 2500 stadia, or 214 G. miles. It is wonderful how such a mistake could have hap- pened, when one of the lands can be seen from the other. t Strabo, p. 125. He supposed the circumference of this sea to be 25,000 stadia ; which was too high a calculation, by one-fourth. In No. V. its form and dimensions may be seen, agreeably to M. Zach's idea. Its area cannot differ much from that of the Caspian sea ; with which the reader may have an opportunity of comparing it, in the same Map. ASIA. 801 Indus is said to be the second river that produces crocodiles (the Nile, the first, we may suppose) ; but as he also mentions the great African river (our Niger), as producing abundance of these animals, this is of course the third river of the same kind. The Ganges he knew not. The source of the Euphrates he places in Armenia ; but that of the Tigris he does not point out : although he speaks of the sources of two of its adjuncts (the greater and lesser Zab, under the same name of Tigris), which flow from Anneiiia and Matiene. The Euphrates and Tigris, are both said to fall into the Red sea ; Clio, 180 and 189: and from the mode of expression, it may be under- stood, that they kept distinct courses, to the sea, as they are known to have done in the time of Alexander ; although, at no great dis- tance of time afterwards, they became united, and joined the sea, in a collective stream.* The Euphrates and Tigris spring from opposite sides of mount Taurus, in Armenia: the former from the upper level, before described ; the latter from the southern declivity ; and certain of the sources of the two rivers, are only separated by the summits of Taurus. And yet, notwithstanding this vicinity, the sources of the Tigris, by being in a southern exposure, (where the snow melts much earlier than at the back of the mountains, and in a more elevated situation,) occasion the periodical swellings of this river, to happen many weeks earlier than those of the Euphrates. Of the two, the Tigris seems to be the largest body of water. The river Gyndes, by the description given by Aristagoras, Terp- sichore, 52, answers to the Diala, which joins the Tigris, just above Modain (the ancient Ctesiphon and Scleucia, collectively) ; but this will not agree with the circumstance of Cyrus' crossing it, in his way from Susa to Babylon ; Clio, 1 89 : for the Diala does not lie * These facts are very clearly collected from the history of Nearchus's voyage, and from the testimonies of the ancient geographers. The Cyrus and Araxes, likewise, kept distinct courses in ancient times. Dd 202 ASIA. in the way. The Gjndes, which was divided by Cynis, should ratlier be the river of Mendeli, which descends from the quarter of mount Zagros, and passes by the country of Deme, or Dema* probably the Damea of Herodotus ; for he says, Clio, 189, that the Gyndes rises in the mountains oi Matiene, and runs through the country of the Dameans, in its way to join the Tigris. (M. D'An- ville supposed Dainawar to be meant, but in our idea, the waters of Dainawar descend to Susiana. ) Considering the imperfect state of the Grecian geography in this quarter, it is not at all improbable that some error or confusion may have arisen, concerning this river. To shew that our Author was not clear in his ideas of the relative positions, here, we need only mention that the city of Opis is by him implied to stand in a situation helozv the confluence of the Tigris and Gyndes. Now, according to tlie history of the retreat of the Ten Thousand, Opis cannot stand so low even as the mouth of the Diala, for it was no less than 20 parasangas above Sitace ; -f which city appears pretty clearly to have ■stood abo7^e the mouth of the Diala, since the Greeks did not cross it in their way. The reader is here referred to the Map of Babylon and its environs. No. VI. As to the story of Cyrus's dividing the Gyndes, into 360 channels, it is a very childish one, in the manner in w hich it is told : as, that Cyrus was displeased vdth the river for being the occasion of drowning one of the sacred horses ; and therefore destroyed its cha- racter, as a river, by dispersing it into 360 artificial canals. The motive however, might possibly be this : Cyrus, unexpect- edly found the river swoln, and too deep to be forded, and might be unprovided with embarkations, by which his army might cross it. • The country of Derna according to Niehuhr, adjoins to Persia, but belongs to the Turks ; and forms a part of Kurdistan. Otter, i. 155, speaks'of the river Derne, which falls into the river Diala : and in p. 175, of x\\tfort of the same naire. t Anabasis, lib. ii. ASIA. 203- The remedy was the most natural imaginable, when so vast a multi- tude was assembled, by drawing oft" a large proportion of the water from its channel, in order to render it fordable. It was equally natural to employ at once, as many people as possible, on the work ; which would ^ve occasion to marking out a vast number of chan- nels, on which they might all be employed at the same instant. The absurdity then, will only lie, in the manner of accounting for the action itself. But if the reason of the thing, will not account for it, we may quote an example in point, from our Author himself ; in that of Croesus dividing the stream of the Halys, during his exi>cdition to Cappadocia, and previous to that of Cyrus against Babylon.* The Choaspes, which passes by the city of Susa,-\ has a deep channel. It is the only river of Siisiana, spoken of by our Author; and this being a country of rivers, in effect, the drain of Media, Ely- mais, Cossea, &c. and formed chiefly from alluvions, it may be col- lected from his silence, that the Greeks of his time, knew httle concerning it. The waters of the Choaspes, are particularly cele- brated, on the score of their being the particular beverage of the Persian kings ;| Clio, 188. Here it may be remarked, that the Asiatics are more pailicular in their choice of water, than Europeans : perhaps it may be, because they drink more of the pure element, • Clio, 75. " Whilst Croesus was hesitating over what part of the river he should attempt a passage, as there was no bridge constructed, Thales (the Milesian) divided it into two branches," &c. + It is proper to remark, that the position of this ancient, and celebrated city, has been hitherto fixed at the present Tostar, or Suster; but differing from our brethren, we have placed it at Sus, 44 G. miles more to the NW, or nearer to Babylon. The reason for this alteration, cannot, with propriety, be detailed in this work ; but belongs to another, on the subject of Persia, &c. The supposed Choaspes will then be the river that descends from the countries of Dainawar and Kirmanshah in Al Jebal, or Media. X Our Milton, who seldom falls into errors, in matters of history, has confined the use of the waters of the Choaspes, as a beverage, to kings, alone ; instead of con- fining the kings, to the use of those waters. Dd 2 204, ASIA. Several rivers of Asia Minor, are mentioned, but witliout any particulars relatina; to tliem. It may be supix)sed, that all the prin- cipal streams of tliis region were known to our Author, although there was no necessity for introducing them. The Theitnodon is mentioned as being the seat of the Amazons ; Calliope, 27 ; Melp. 110 ; and the Parthenius, in Euterpe, 104, togetlier with the former, as bordering on the Syrians of.Cappadocia; the Halys, in Clio, 7. and 72, as the line of separation between the einpire of Lydia, sub- ject to Croesus, and that of the Medes. It is described in Clio, 72, to flow from tlie mountains of Armenia, passing througli Cilicia, and dividmg the Malienians* on Xheiigbt (east) from Phrygia on the left; and then stretching towards the north, it is described to sepa- rate the Syrians of Cappadocia from Paphlagonia ; which latter is situated to tlie left of the stream. Arrian seems to dispute this account of its course ; saying, that it flows from the east, not from the south : however, the report of Herodotus, is certainly just. Herodotus falls into a great mistake respecting the source of the river Jaxartes, which he calls Arojces. Strabo, in one place, calls it by the same name, as will be seen in the sequel, but he was too well informed, to fall into the error respectuig its source. Our Author speaks of the Araxes as the only considerable one, known to him on the east of the Caspian sea. The following are the passages relating to it, collected from his history of the expedi- tion of Cyrus the Great, against the Massagetas ; Clio, ^01, et seq. " The nation of the Massagetce lay beyond the Araxes — some reckoned this river less, others greater, than the Danube. There are many islands scattered up and down in it, some of which are nearly equal to Lesbos in extent — like tlie Gyndes, it rises amongst the Matienian liills. It separates itself into 40 mouths, all of which, except one, lose themselves in the fens and marshes- — the larger sti-eam of the Araxes continues its even course to the Caspian." t The reader must not confound thfs Maticnc with that of Media. See the xviiith Satrapy of Darius Hystaspes, and also section xiii. ASIA. 205 " The Caspian is bounded on the east, by a plain of prodigious extent, a considerable part of which formed the country of the Massagetce, against whom Cyrus meditated an attack — he advanced to the Araxes, threw a bridge of boats over it — passed it with his army, from his own territories into those of the enejny, and advanced beyond it," &c. Clio, 204, 205, 206, 208, 211. In this description, the Jaxartes and Oxiis (Sin; and Jihon) appear to be confounded together; (he had perhaps heard certain particu- lars of both rivers, but might refer them to one, only) ; for there are circumstances that may be applied to each, respectively; although most of them are applicable only to the former. It may be observed, that our Author mentions only one large river in this part of the empire of Cyrus ; that is, the river which separates it from the Mas- sagetae, and which was unquestionably the SiiT or Jaxartes ; for there is no question that Sogdia was included in the empire of Cyrus;* and it lay hetzueen the Oxus and Jaxartes. The Oxus therefore, has no distinct place, in the geography of our Author, although a river of much greater bulk and importance than the Jax- artes. But that the Oxus was intended, when he says that the larger stream continued its even course to the Caspian, appears probable ; although the numerous branches that formed the large islands, and were afterwards lost in bogs and marshes, agrees rather to the description of the J)-al lake, and lower part of the Sirr. It is indeed possible, that the Jaxartes may, at some period have sent a branch into the Oxiis ; or, vice versa, the Oxus into the Jaxartes ; but no such idea is warranted by the ancient descriptions. Strabo, as we have said, describes it under the name of Araxes, p. 512; and seems in this place to follow Herodotus, both in the name and description of it : as, that it borders on the country of the Massagetae, and affords a retreat to them, in the islands formed by * Alexander saw a city, or cities, that had been founded by Cyrus, in Sogdia, near the Jaxartes, and one of them bore his name. But the modern empire of Persia, or Iran, is properly bounded by the Jihon, or Oxus. 206 ASIA, the division of its streams ; and in its marshes : as also, that one branch of it, alone, ran into the Hyrcanian sea (Caspian). As Strabo describes this river in another place, under the name of Jaxartes, P- 5io> 514.. 518, and the Oxus also in its place, it appears that he must have taken the Araxes for a distinct river: and, it is not improbable that he copied the passage from Herodotus, Avithout rightly understanding the subject of it. The remarkable mistake of our Author's deriving this Araxes from the mountains of Matiene, and giving it an easterly course (Melp. 40), must have arisen from his having heard of the Arme- nian Araxes, and confounded it with the other. There is no possi- bility of getting rid of his error, in this matter ; for he refers the source of the Massagastan Araxes to the same quarter witli that of the Gyndes. It can only be said, that it is a prodigious mistake.* Such was the Asia of Herodotus, in respect of its general extent and subdivision. We shall next proceed to illustrate such of the sub- divisions, as tlie authorities afford the means of describing. • It is proper to observe, that there is much confusion in some of the ancient authors, between the proper Tanais at the Masotis, and the Jaxartes, which was improperly called Tanais, by the followers of Alexander ; from a supposition, pro- bably, that it was the head of the other river : and there is little doubt but that they supposed their station on the Jaxartes to be much nearer the Mxotis than it really was. It has appeared that the Araxes was also confounded with the Tanais and Jaxartes: particularly in Diodorus, lib. ii. c.3. C 207 3 SECTION X. OF EASTERN SCYTHIA ; OR THE COUNTRY OF THE MASSAGET/E. Herodotus in Doubt whether the Massaget^e were to be classed as Scythians — regarded as such, by succeeding Greek Writers. — Dis- tinction of Scythia, within, and beyond, Imaus — Limits of both Countries, respectively. — The Imaus of Ptolemy, recognized in mo- dem Geography — Fast Error of Ptolemy, and the modem Geo- graphers, in the Extent of hither Scythia. — The ancient Geographers had a very litnited Knowledge of Eastern Scythia ; and of these y Herodotus perhaps, the most limited — extended by the E.xpedition of Alexander; and still more, by the Commerce with Serica,/or Silk. — Issedonians, the first Nation beyond Scythia. — By the Massa- getae, Herodotus intended the Eastern Scythians, collectively. — Opinions of different Authors, respecting the Tribes of Eastern Scy- thians : Arrian, Diodonis, Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, Justin — It may he collected, that they reckoned Three great Tribes ; the Massagetae, Sacas, and Dahae; besides many lesser ones — Sac^, although the Name of a particular Tribe, was extended by the Persians, to all the Scythians. — Geographers overcome, by the Number and Names, of Scythian Tribes. — Authorities for the geographical Positions of the several Tribes of Massagetae, Sacje, Dahae, Jaxartae, Abii, Pasiani, and Tochari. — Conjectures respecting the Name of the Kossacks ; a7id of the Names of the Rivers Jaxartes and Oxiis. — Remarks on the Expedition of Cyrus against the Massagetae. — Justin more circumstantial than Herodotus. It has been stated in page 47, et seq. that Herodotus was in doubt, whether to regard the Massaget^ as Scythians ; but that the sub- sequent Greek writers, universally reckoned them sucli. It may 208 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, be added, that the people, thus collectively denominated Massagetae, by Herodotus, who had himself only heard of tliem in the gross, w ere in later times found to consist of many tribes, or nations, which had each of them a distinct appellation. We propose to treat the subject, not merely according to the ideas of our Autlior, but rather according to those of the ancients, at large: in which disquisition, however, the ideas of Herodotus will be made fully to ap{Xiar. Eastern Scythia, which is the country of the Massagetae, according to Herodotus, was formed into two natural divisions, by the chain of mount Imaiis. Scythia intra Imaum commenced on' the west, either at the river Daix (Jaik, or Daek), or at the mountains of Rhymfiicus ( Ural) : and extended eastward to the great chain, that divides in the first instance, the two Bucharias ; and in its course farther northward, the countries of Ferganah and Western Turkestan, from Kasiigur ; it being, in effect, tlie Imaiis in question ; concerning wliich, as well as the adjacent countries and levels, we have fully spoken in page 176, et seq. Accordingly, Scythia xvitlmi Imaus, contained the coim- tries since known by the names of Desht Kipzak, TVestem Turkes- tan, and the northern part of Ferganah. Tiie Caspian and Aral seas, and the river Sirr ( Sirt, or Jaxartes ) formed its general boun- dary on the soutli. Northwards, its boundary is not clearly ascer- tained ; but Scythia probably extended very far into the Steppe : and may be conceived to liave been bounded by the continuation of the Imaus of Ptolemy, on the north-west. Hence, it will appear, on a reference to Mr. Tooke's Russia, Vol. ii. that Scythia within Imaus, is at present in the possession of the tribes of the Kirgees, the KipzAKs, and the Karakalpaks. The Imaus of Ptolemy just mentioned, is extended northward, beyond the parallel of 60°; and from it, two different branches, namely, Ascatuncas and Anarci, are described to strike off to the N W ; the one from about tlie parallel of 43', the other from that of OR MASSAGET^. JO9 50". There appear also in the Map of the Russian empire, two chains of mountains ; the most extensive of which runs through the Steppe to the NW, and seems to represent the Imaus in question. These mountains, moreover, inclose the great lake of the Kalmucs (or Palkati Nor), and adjoin, on the east, to mount Altai. (See above, pages 177, and i8i.) The description of Ptolemy is less exact; and indeed, it is un- likely that he should have knov^i its line of direction, critically ; since the information communicated to him, may be supjx^sed to relate rather to tlie line of progress of the caravans ; that is, of the course of trade between Sogdia and Serica ; * than to the bearing of the mountains. The hither Scythia, of Ptolemy, then, extended eastward to the neighbourhood of the Palkati Nor, and the moun- tains of Kashgur, in our geography : and northward, to the great chain of mountains, in the Steppe. But the space allowed by him, between the head of the Jaxartcs and mount Imaus (independent of his faulty scale of longitude), is prodigiously exaggerated: and this error has been copied into the modern maps, even those of M. D'An- ville, as we have shewn in the Memoir of the Map of Hindoostan.-f Scythia beyond Imaus, extended eastward, according to Ptolemy, to the neighbourhood of the CEcharda, which we have recognized in the Oigurs or Tugures of the present times ; J southward to mount Emodus, the great ridge of Thibet; and northward to the parallel of 55"- These limits, however, must needs have been very vague ; but taken as they are, they include generally, the country usually called Eastern Turkestan ; comprehending Kashgur, Koten, Acsou, &:c. And herein Ptolemy agrees generally with Herodotus; who says, that the Massageta (who are our Eastern Scythians) extended to the neighbouriiood of the Issedones ; since these may unquestion- ably be taken for the Oigurs, or (Ecbarda. It is proper to remind * That is, the country between Kashgur and China ; as Oigur, Tangut, 6iC. + See that Memoir, pages 97, and 191, el stq. X See above, page 131. Ee 2 10 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, the reader, tliat the further Scythia, must of course, be situated on the liigh level mentioned in page 181, et seq.: so tliat the two Scy- thias occupied very different degrees of level ; and, of course, were widely di Cerent, in respect of temperature and productions. Towards the nortli, Ptolemy places the Hippophagi, who seem to have been a nation of Tiirtars, situated near the Palkati Nor. The name, doubtless, will suit the Tartar nations in general. Beyond these again, nortli ward, were the Abii Scythce (of the same name with those so much celebrated by Homer, and other writers), and who may possibly have been the same with the Ablai; a tribe of such note, as to give name to that part of the Steppe, which borders on the SW of the river Irtish ; though not altogetlier in the relative position that Ptolemy places them. But it may be conceived, that he knew little in detail, concerning this quarter, beyond the regions of Kashgur and Acsou ; tliat is, Casia and Aiixacia. See his Asia, Tab. vii. and viii. It appears pretty clearly, that neither the Greeks, nor the Romans, kiiew many particulars respecting the geography, or di\"ision, of the tribes belonging to the Scythians ; at least, such discriminations are not expressed in their writings. This being the case, we can only treat the subject in a general way : or, according to Mr. Pinkerton, " estimate ancient geography, by ancient opinions."* In the time of Herodotus, the knowledge of the Greeks respectiiig Eastern Scythia, even as a general subject, was exceedingly limited ; being derived either from the report of the Persians, or from Greeks who had visited Persia. Their sphere of knowledge was enlarged by the expedition of Alexander, and by the communication which was opened with Eastern Asia, in consequence ; but still there was no great stock of materials collected, for tlie improvement, either of the history, or of the geography, of Scythia ; which, therefore, con- tinued in a very imperfect state, down to the times of Strabo and • Sec his excellent dissertation on the Scythians, or Goths, p. 225. OR MASSAGET^. ' 211 Plin}'.* This is very forcibly expressed by the latter; who says, lib. vi. c. 71, " there is no region in which geographers vary more, than in this (Scythia); which, as I conceive, is occasioned by the infinite number of those nations, that wander to and fro:" a remark that will apply no less to the geographers of the present day. In effect, the inhabitants of this tract, were so oftai changed, by migrations, southward, and westward, into Persia, &c. that it is no wonder, that authors who wrote in different periods, should describe different tribes in the same place. It would therefore require a his- tory, instead of a geographical dissertation, to note the different tribes that occupied the southern frontier of Scythia, between the times of Herodotus and Ptolemy. Herodotus, from whom we have our first ideas of the Massageta?, or Eastern Scythians, places them along the northern bank of the •Jaxartes (he calls it Araxes ) ,-\- and also extends them east\\ard, far into the country, since denominated from the Kalmucs. For he places them " beyond the Araxes ;" and extends their territories " to the extreme parts oi the East," and " opposite to the hsedonians ;" Clio, 201. In effect, he knew the subject but imperfectly: for it has been shewn (page 132, 133), that he supposed the Issedones and Massagetas to occupy very different parallels on the globe : and that the former were very much to the northward of the latter. The Issedonians, as we learn from Ptolemy, were divided between the bordering countries of Scythia and Serica : that is, there were Issedonians of Scythia, and Issedonians of Serica : and as the latter are placed, in, or about, the country of the (Echarda, or Oigurs (as we have said before), we must regard the tract between Turke- stan and China, as the Serica of Ptolemy ; and of course, place the eastern boundary of Scythia extra Imaum, at the western border of the Oigur country. This also agrees with a striking circumstance, above related, in the history of the Oigurs ; namely, their being a * During tliis interval, a commerce appears to have been opened, between the Roman empire, and Serica. t See above, p. 204, et seq. E e 2 »12 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, lettered nation, whilst all, or most, of their neighbours, were illi- terate barbarians : and where sliould the termination of Scyihia be so properly placed, as at tlie commencement of civilization and letters ? * The Massagetse then, in the opinion of Herodotus, and of the early Greeks, must have constituted the bulk of the Eastern Scy- thians : but he also says, Polym. 64, that Sac^e was a name given, by the Persians, indiscriminately to all Scytliians; in wliich he is supported by Pliny, at least : of which, more in the sequel. Arrian, who appears to have written solely from materials fur- nished by the followers of Alexander (and more particularly by Ptolemy and Aristobulus), who describe the state of things about a century after the time of Herodotus, places the Massageta along the north of Sogdia : agreeing, so far as he goes, with Herodotus. But he also speaks of the Dahce, as a very considerable tribe, seated on, • It is impossible to ascertain the extent of Ptolemy's knowledge of the Tartarian nations, and of the course of trade, between the Roman empire, and those of China and Tartary (that is, of the Sina: and Seres J, However, as there may be traced, in his geography, a general idea of the countries, in the line between Sogdiana and the western frontier of China; it may be supposed that this information was collected from the travellers in the caravans, which brought silk and other articles from China, or Serica; or both. This commerce is spoken of by Pliny, lib. vi. c. 17, about half a century before the time of Ptolemy : but Pliny knew so little concerning the nature of silk, that he supposed it to be the produce of a tree ; nor does it appear that the silk-worm was accurately known, till the time of Justinian. The same degree of ignorance seems to have prevailed, respecting the extent of China and Serica. According to Mr. Gibbon, " the Romans did not entertain a suspicion that the Seres or SinjE possessed an empire, not inferior to their own." The reader will find in the 7th Vol. of his great work, p. 90, et seq. a curious his- tory of the introduction of silk into Europe, by Justinian ; prefaced with much information respecting that curious and valuable production. In the course of this dissertation, he remarks, that, " in the vain capital of China, the Sogdian caravans were entertained, as ihe suppliant embassies of tributary kingdoms;" which shews, that the customs of China have undergone little change, down to the present moment. The reader may receive full conviction on this head (if he doubted it before), by a perusal of M. Van Eraam's account of the late Dutch Embassy to China. OR MASSAGET^E. Slg or near the Jaxartes : and, by circumstances, near the lower part of its course. But he omits the Sacce, altogether ; which is worthy of remark. They are, however, spoken of, by Curtius, who might have had recourse to materials, that had not been examined by Arrian. Curtius also, mentions the Daba : but seems to intend those only, who were seated on the Caspian sea, adjoining to Hyr- cania ; lib. iii. and iv. Diodorus speaks of tlie Massageta;, Saca, and Arimaspii, as tlie principal tribes, or nations of Scythians, beyond the Tanais (mean- ing the Jaxartes) ; lib. ii. c. 3. Strabo and Pliny appear to have examined a greater number of authorities, than either Arrian, or Curtius. Strabo thus speaks of the positions of the Scythian nations, gene- rally : " Certain of the ancient Greek writers, called all those nations which lay towards the north, Scythians, and Celto-Scythians, without distinction : but, at a still earlier period, they were divided into classes, or tribes ; those who dwelt above the Euxine, the Danube, and the Adriatic, were named Hyperboreans, Sauromat.'e, and Arimaspi ; but of those beyond the Caspian sea, some were called Sac/e, others Massageta ; not being able to speak accurately of them, although they had written a history of the war of Cyrus, with the Massaget^e." Page 507. After this, he gives in the succeeding pages, a detail of the posi- tions of several of the principal tribes of Eastern Scythians. In page 511, he speaks of the Massageta, Daha, and Saccv, as the principal Scythian tribes : but says, that there are other tribes also, who have individual names, but pass under the general deno- mination of Scythians: all of which (says he) are true Nomades. The Daba, he says, begin at the Caspian sea ;* the Massageta and Saca lie more to the east. Here we find an agreement between Strabo and Curtius, respecting the Daba : and as tlie Massageta • He explains in the same pages, and also in 508, that these Daha were of a par- ticular tiibe named Parni, or Apanii. 214 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, and Saca lie more to the east, we are to look for them, at, or near the Jaxartes, of course. Strabo moreover tells us, p. 514, that the Jaxartes separated the Sogdii and Saca, in like manner as the Oxus did the Sogdii and Bactriani. Again, page 512, he describes the seats of the Massugeta to be towards the lower part of the course of the Jaxartes, and its lakes, (admitting, as we can hardly do less, that the river which he as well as Herodotus, Diodorus, and Justin, calls Araxes, is meant for the former.) In page 513, he also says that the Chorasmii are Massa- geta, and Saca. Whether tliese tribes possessed Chorasmia at the date of Alexander's cxi>edition, we have no means of knowing ; but as Strabo says, page 511, that the Pasiaiii, Tocbari, and Sac(C, dis- possessed the Macedonians of the empire of Bactria, it is not impro- bable that the progress of the Massagetce in Chorasmia, was also subsequent to the time of Alexander. Not but that such migrations from Scythia, must have happened in earlier times ; only that the Scythians miglit have been so long established, as to pass witli the Greeks for aborigines. Justin informs us, lib. ii. c. 1, and 3, that the kingdoms of Bactria and Parthia were founded by the Scythians; which, as he makes no distinction of tribes, agrees with Strabo.* And, in fact, there is little doubt that the Scythians have, in the course of ages, over-run all the southern and western countries of Asia. We may trace the Turks, from their original country, Turkestan (a part of Scythia, inliabited by the Massagetas), to the shores of the Hellespont, in an age subsequent to Strabo. The incursions of Monguls under Jinghis Khan and Tamerlane, into Persia and Lower Asia, are to be consi- dered as Scythian invasions : aild Persia is at the present moment over-run with modern Sc}'thians, who are actually in a Nomadic state, in that country. Pliny, vi. 17, says, " Beyond Sogdiana are the Scythian nations. The * We learn from Strabo, 515, that Anaces, who conquered Parthia, was a Sty- thian, and of the tribe of FcrnZ-Div/;*?. OR MASSAGET/-E. 215 Persians were accustomed to call these in general, Sacje, from a tribe which bordered on them.* And, on the other hand, the Scy- thians called the Persians, Cborsan'."-f He speaks moreover of the Massagetee, Dahse, and various other Scythian tribes. Pliny had a comprehensive knowledge of geography : and there- fore we may place some dependance on his statements ; and these express generally, that the subject was little understood, by reason of the frequent migrations of the tribes, in the quarter towards the Jaxartes and Imaus ; as also, that Sacte was a general term in Persia for ALL Scythians, although there were various tribes of them: in which, as has been already shewn, he agrees with Herodotus. Ptolemy places a great number of tribes along the Jaxartes and mount Imaus ; amongst whom are found the Massagetae, near the fountains of tlie Jaxartes *. and the Sacae, a great nation, beyond the fountains both of the Jaxartes and Oxus ; but on this side of Imaus, and Casia (Kashgur). A third tribe occupies generally the whole northern bank of the Jaxartes, opposite to Sogdiana ; and this tribe is named Jaxartes, of which we suppose the Sartes ]; to be the remains. The Daha of Ptolemy, are placed in the country to the NE of Hyr- cania, and adjacent to the Caspian sea ; in effect, Dahestan ; agreeing with Strabo : and are out of all question, with respect to Scythia : although they, no doubt, drew their origin from thence. It appears that Justin understood so imperfectly, the geography of Scythia at large, that he supposed it to be wholly comprized in the country adjacent to the Euxine and Palus Maeotis : this, at least, his descriptions (lib. ii. c. i. and 2.) shew: he says, that the Scy- thians dwelt along the rivers that fall into the Maeotis — and, that Scythia extended in length towards the east ; and had Pontus on * Doubtless the Sahlta (or Sacqita, in the Maronite edition) of Edrisi, in page 141 : said to be situated in Turkestan, adjoining to Kilan, Vachan, &c. provinces of Bath, or Bactriana ; and in the quarter of Saganlaii. t Probably the same word with the modern Kozar or Khajar. % This will be further explained, in the sequel. 2l6 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, one side; on the others, the Ripbaan mountains, and the river Phasis. Of course, he knew Western Scythia alone (the Scythia of our Author) ; and referred all the Scythian history to that quarter. He supposed the warfare of Alexander's anny with the Scythians,* to have been in the quarter of the Euxine (lib. xii. c. 2.) ; he also describes the passing of the Araxes (Jaxartes) by Cyrus, to attack Tomyris (lib. ii. c. 8.) ; but it is uncertain what his idea of its posi- tion, was ; it is not impossible, that he took it for the Araxes of Armenia. From the above authorities, taken generally, it appears, that the ancients reckoned three great tribes of Scytliians towards the Jaxartes : namely, the Massageta, Sacce, and Daha; besides a great many lesser tribes ; (or possibly, only of lesser note, from their being far- ther removed from the seat of warfare with the Greeks.) They might, indeed, have been subdivisions of the greater tribes ; a state of things existing at the present day. In the early times of Hero- dotus, it appears that only the Saue and Massageta were known to the Greeks ; and that by report only : and Herodotus, who is supported in the asseition by Pliny, says, that Sacce, although it was the name of a particular tribe, bordering on the Persians, yet that it was by them, extended to all the Scythians. Strabo, in effect, says the same, page 514, by giving the Jaxartes as the general boundary between the Sogdians and tlie Saae ; for, as in the other descrip- tions, the Massageta were said to be the people who bordered on the 7wrth of Sogdiana, and consequently on the Jaxartes ; the Saca of Strabo, must stand in the place of the Massageta of others. To this must be added, that Arrian, who made use of the materials fur- nished by Ptolemy and Aristobulus, never mentions the Saca at all : a plain proof that these journalists had not made use of the term ; although tliey fought with those very Scytliians, who are called Saccc by Strabo and Pliny; but Massageta, by Arrian and Hero- dotus. • He caJls them Scythians simply : not Massagetit, like Herodotus. OR MASSAGET,^. 217 This therefore can no otherwise be accounted for, than by sup- posing ( as we have said before ) that MassageUe was a term in\'ented and appHed by the Greeks to the Eastern Get.e, or Scytliians, beyond the Caspian and Jaxartes ; in contradistinction to the Gcta; or Scythians of the Euxine ; who were the first and most familiarly known to the Greeks.* We must then regard the term Sac^e, as that in use, amongst the Persians, to denote the Eastern Scythians : and MASsAGETiE, as of the same import amongst tlie Greeks. And indeed, in perusing Arrian's history of Alexander's campaigns in Sogdia, we can understand no other than that Massaget* was a general term for all the Scythians, with whom Alexander fought. And, it is not improbable, that the name Massagetce, being fami- liarized to the Greeks by their historians at home, was ap))lied by them, on their arrival in Sogdia, without any farther inquiry, con- cerning the justness of the application. This may also account for the seeming contradictions, in the ancient geographers, respecting the seats of the different tribes, wlien their names came to be im- folded, as the progress of geographical knowledge increased, under the Macedonian empire in Asia : for instance, Strabo places the Massagetse very lozv down the Jaxartes ; Ptolemy very high up the same river; whilst Herodotus and Arrian, extend them along it, generally, tliroughout its whole course. Again, Strabo and Pliny place the Saca in tlie room of these Massagetce of Herodotus and Arrian. To what is tliis owing, but that, in the first instance, Mas- SAGET^ was regarded by some, as a general name ; and by others, as a particular one : and in the second place, that the names Sac.e t The like has happened in a variety of instances: the country beyond India, was named the further India, because a collective name was wanted for it ; and it was accordingly denominated from its relative position to the other : although it might as well have been named the hither China. The continents of Asia and Africa were also denominated from provinces of those continents ; that is, Asia at Large, from Asia Minor: Africa, from the Carthaginian province so named. Ff '-llB EASTERN SCYTHIANS, and MASSAGETiE were used by two different nations, respectively, to denote one and the same people ? It may be owing to the same cause, that the Chorasmians were reckoned both Sacce and Massagetce, as we learn from Strabo. Geographers seem to have been overcome by the number of names of Scythian tribes ; but many, or perhaps most, of these, were no more than the names of chiefs ; of which we have many examples in Western Asia.* We shall therefore only attempt to fix the local positions of the principal tribes, amongst those known to the Greeks ; that is, the Massagetce, Saca, Dahce, Jaxarta, Abii, Pasiani, and Tochari. And this we hope to accomplish, by drawing into one ]5oint of view, the different authorities foimd in ancient his- tory : in the course of which, some repetitions will occur, that were in the nature of things, unavoidable. I. Massaget^. Herodotus. A great and powerful nation, whose territories extend beyond the river Araxes (Jaxartes) to the extreme parts of the East. They are opposite to the Issedonians ; Clio, 201. The Cas- pian (or rather Aral .'' ) sea is bounded on the east, by a plain of prodi- gious extent, a considerable part of which, forms the country of the Massageta ; ib. 204. Cyrus advanced beyond the Araxes (Jaxartes) into the land of the Massageta ; 209. They subsist upon cattle, and uix)n fish, which the Araxes abundantly supplies; 216. Strabo. The Massageta border on the Araxes (Jaxartes) p. 512, and 513. The Massagetce and Sacce are situated to the eastward of the Dahct, who border on the Caspian sea; 511. The Massagetce were adjacent to the Badrians, towards the Oxus : and the inhabi- tants of Chorasmia were partly Massageta ; 513. • The reader will find in page 140, a quotation from Mr. Tooke, illustrative of this matter. OR MASSAGETJE. Uig Diodorus. The Massageta are beyond the Tanais ( Jaxartes ) ; lib. ii. c. 3. Arrian. The Massagetce are situated to the north of Sogdia ; hb. iv. c. 17. Plolemy. Massage ta, a tribe towards the liead of the Jaxartes ; Asia, vii. Justin makes no distinction between the dilierent tribes of Scy- thians ; in hb. i. and ii. Thus, the Massagetce, if taken according to the idea of Hero- dotus, as the whole nation of Eastern Scythians, must have inha- bited the tract between the east side of the Caspian sea, and the territories of the Oigurs ( since these can only be taken for the Isse- donians) ; that is, they inhabited Scythia, both on this side, and beyond, Imaus. But this appears too great a range for them, ac- cording to the ideas of subsequent geographers, who were better informed : and it apjiears more probable, that the proper country of the Massagetje was confined between the Caspian sea, and Imaus, on the east and w'est ; and the Jaxartes, on tlie south.* So that it may be taken generally for Scythia within Imaus ; and may have comprehended the vast plains situated beyond the Caspian and Jaxartes ; that is, the Desht Kipzak, the Western Turkestan, and the proper country ofGeie ; which latter, from Shercfeddin's history of Timur, we should conclude to be situated tcholly within Imaus. -f Thus they must have occupied the seats of the Kirgees tribes in the l)resent times. Herodotus spoke of them as one nation ; but Alexander, about a century and half after the invasion of the Massagetas, by Cyrus, found the Scythians at the Jaxartes, divided into several tribes. Doubtless, the fact was, that the former had only heard of them * At the date of Alexander's expedition, tlierc were some tracts on the south of the Jaxartes, in possession of the Scythians. + One cannot reasonably doubt, that this name Gete, has remained in that coun- try from very early times. See Shercfeddin's Timur, lib. i. and ii. Ff 3 220 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, collectively ; but Alexander, having an intercourse with them, disco- vered that they were divided into different nations. All which was perfectly natural, II. Sac^. Herodotus. " A Scythian nation — and though really the Amyrgii of Scytliia, were called Saca, the name given by the Persians, indis- criminately to all Scythians." Polym. 64. Pliny. A tribe which bordered on the Persian empire, and from whence the whole nation of the ( Eastern ) Scythians was denomi- nated; lib. vi. c. 17. This seems to have been the Sakita of Edrisi. Strabo. The Jaxartes separates the Saca from the Sogdii ; page 514 ; in like manner as the Oxus separates the Sogdii from the Bac- triani ; and again, p. 517. Diodonis. One of the principal tribes of Scythians, beyond the Tanais — (Jaxartes) ; lib. ii. c. 3. Curtius. The Sacte sent ambassadors to Alexander, on occasion of his defeating the Scythians at the Jaxartes ; lib. vii. c. 9. Alex- ander, afterwards invaded the country of the Sacce ; lib. viii. c. 4. Curtius gives no intimation concerning its position ; but it is infen'ed from other notices. Ptolemy. A great people, situated between Casia, Bylta, and the head of the Jaxartes. Bylta, is the modern Baltistan; or Little Thibet ; Asia, Tab. vii. It has been said (in page 2 15), that there is a tract named Sackita m Edrisi. This must be looked for, between the upper parts of the courses of the Jihon, and Sirr (Oxus and Jaxartes), and the Indus; and adjoining to the mountains of Kashgur : agreeing perfectly with the ideas derived from the ancients, and also with the expedition of Alexander, amongst the Sacce; who seem therefore to have pos- sessed the countries of Kotlan and Saganian, &c. The tract assigned them by Ptolemy, iuiswers to this ; it being situated between Bactria, Sogdia, and the hiiber Scythia. Ammianus Marccllinus speaks of a OR MASSAGETiE. 221 city of Saga, in this quarter, which name has probably a reference to the Saae, and may be that of Saganian itself; which is situated between the Oxus and Jaxartes.* As the Sacce are said to have extended their name to the Scythians in general, it must naturally be supposed, that they were a formi- dable and populous tribe ; or rather nation ; and tliat a part of them only, had established themselves within the dominions of Persia. That they were good warriors, is proved by the history of the expe- dition of Xerxes. Cyrus is even said, Clio, 153, " to have prepared for serious resistance from them :" and the frequent recurrence of the root Saca, in so many countries, shews that their conquests and establishments have been extensive. Such is Sacastana by Sigistan ; Saganian ; Sacacene, and Sacapene, in the quarter of Armenia. But it may be su])posed, that these settlements were made posterior to the Macedonian conquest ; as they had a share in the overthrow of their empire in Bactria, as we have shewn from Strabo, in page 2i4.-f * Ammianus describes the seats of the Saca to be under the mountains Ascanimia and Comedus : and joining to Drepsa, which may be taken for Anderah, a province of Balk, or Bactria ; lib. xxiii. The mountains Aualancas and Comedi, appear also in Ptolemy, in the same situation. (.Asia, vii.) The road of the caravans led by, or through, the Saca; there was tl town called the Stone Tower (perhaps a military post on a scarped rock), by which the caravans passed ; noted both by Ammianus and Ptolemy. There was also near it, a itation or emporium frequented by the merchants, who trafficked to Serica ; and which seems to have been at the passage of the mountains, from Balk into Kashgur. This appears to have been the route followed by Marco Polo, in 1272; for he went from Badakshan, by Btlur, to Kashgur ; crossing a vast elevated plain, named Pamer, which answers to the Comedi, and Saca of Ptolemy ; and the Sakita of Edrisi. \ Strabo, p. 511, traces the Saca; into Bactria, Cimmeria, Eastern Armenia, and even Cappadocia ; where they were destroyed by the Persians. But they gave their name to the tract, through which the Cyrus and Araxes flow, between Georgia and the Caspian sea ; that is, the beautiful vallics of Karabaug and Ganja. The name Kosahi still remains in a part of the tract. It is not improbable, that the Assacieni of Alexander, had their name from the same origin : and it is certain that their coun- try, Sowhad, borders on the Sacae of Ptolemy. 222 rASTEUN SCYTHIANS, It is possible, that the general denomination of Saca, was of the same import, pcrhnps even a part of, the very same name, with the Kossaki of modern times : that is, wanderers, freebooters, or banditti* Other particulars relating to the Sac«, and especially those which were subjected to Persia, and who served in the army of Xerxes, will be given in the account of the Satrapies. III. Dah^, or T)a!e. The Dah^ are mentioned by Strabo, Pliny, Cuitius, Justin, Arrian, and Ptolemy. Their name occurs very often in the history of Alexander's exix^ditions to Sogdia, &c. ; and they appear to have been a numerous tribe. They were leagued with the Massageta ; and from circumstances, they appear to have been seated chiefly, at the lower part of the Jaxartes : perhaps on both sides of it. Curtius says, that the Chorasmians lay between tlie Dah<^ and the Massa- getce : so tliat he must mean, in this place, the Dahce of the present Dahestan ; who agree to the Aparni or Parni of Strabo, a tribe of Daha situated at the Caspian : -f- but the Dabce amongst whom Spi- tamenes took refuge, seem evidently to liave been situated in the neighbourhood of Sogdia, and of the Massageta;. In order therefore to allow any degree of consistency to the ancient accounts, there must have been two countries in which the Dahce were settled, at the date of Alexander's expedition : one, at * Captain Kirkpatrick says, *' I think I recognize the Cossacks, in the Oriental term or appellation of Cazach, or Cuzzack, which is applied generally to any banditti or freebooters : but which I have also met with, in a restrained sense, and applied to a particular tribe, or nation ; though I cannot at present recollect the passage." (Kirk. MSS. Vol. v. p. 44.) Mr. Tooke also remarks, Russia, Vol. ii. p. 242, that the term Kasack is generally taken in a bad sense. Capt. Kirkpatrick mentions a tribe of the name of Allemans, with whom some of the Mogul princes of India warred, beyond the Oxus. We mention this, as an additional proof of the progress of the Scythian names westward, whilst they also keep their ground in the East. t The Doha of Justin, lib. xli. c. i, were also near Hyrcania and Aria. OK MASSAC ETiE. 223 the Jaxartes, and at the east of the Aral (taken for a part of the Caspian) ; the other farther down the Caspian, and adjoining to Hyr- cania. In proof of the former, we have, ist, the circumstances of the war of Alexander with tiie Scythians, in Arrian, and in Curtius. 2d, Arrian mentions the Dahce, at, and beyond the Tanais ; lib. iii. 28. Strabo, mentions the Dahcc beyond the Tanais, as well as at the Caspian, p. 511 : and according to him (same page), it would appear, that the original seat of the Dabce, was at, or beyond, the Tanais (meaning the Jaxartes). That the Daha were settled at the Caspian, to the north of Hyr- cania, we have abundant proof: and the present name of that very tract, Dahestan (or country of the Dabce), adjoining on the north, to Korkan, or Hynania, is no contemptible one. Strabo says, that the Dahce lay on the left of the Caspian sea, in coming from the north ; p. 508. He also, p. 508, and 511, speaks of a tribe of Dabce named Parni, or Apanii, who lived in the tract adjoining to Hyr- cania, and had a desert to the northward of them ; clearly referring to Dahestan. Again, 511, he speaks of the Dahae, as the most western tribe of Scythians ; and bordering on the Caspian sea : and in 515, of the Parni by the river Ochus. It is certain, that he supposed the Parni Dahag in this place, to have come from the Palus Maeotis ; but it is more likely that Strabo should have been guilty of an error, in the supposed geography of the Mseotis, than that the Dahae should have made the tour of the Caspian sea, from their seat at the Jaxartes. His ignorance of the particulars of the Caspian sea, led him also into the error of placing the Dahag so high up, on the coast of that sea. Ptolemy has both Daha and Parni, on the NE of Hynania, agreeing with Strabo. (Asia, vii.) He also places Massagetce and Derbicce, nearly in the same situation : that is, along the river, which in fact represents the Ochus, but is there named Margiis : and vice versa, the Margus is named Ochus: (there being in his geography, a complete transposition of these two rivers, as well as 224 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, of some places on tlieir banks. ) The Masscigeta just mentioned, maj' be meant for tliose spoken of by Strabo, in Chorasmia. It may be remarked, that Arrian never once mentions the Dahtx, during the warfare of Alexander, amongst the Eastem Scythians : but constantly calls these Scythians, Massageta, as a general term ; although he had previously mentioned the tribe of Dabce, at, or beyond, the Jaxartes. But Curtius, in describing the same events, speaks both of Daha and Massagetce ; as in the affair of Maracanda, and in the last expedition of Spitamenes ; so that, in the idea of Arrian, the tribe of Dabce should be included in the greater tribe, or nation of the Massagetce : which, we shall once more repeat, seems to have included (amongst the early Greeks,) the whole body of Eastern Scythians collectively.* It is probable that the Daritce of Herodotus, in Thalia, 92, are the Dahae, at the Caspian sea. In Clio, 1 25, the Dai, a pastoral tribe of Persia, proper, is mentioned. Can these be the Dabce f' More will be said of these, in the account of the Sati-apies. IV. Jakarta. Ptolemy mentions the Jaxartce : placing them along the northern bank of tlie Jaxartes, throughout the lozver half of its course. These, consequently, occupy the place of the Massagetce of Herodotus, and Arrian ; and of the Sacce of Strabo. Ptolemy may, jxjssibly, have named them arbiti-arily : but as there is a remnant of a tribe named Sartes, now existing between the Oxus and Jaxartes, and which are reported to be the remains of the ancient inhabitants of the country, it is possible that this was one of the tribes of the Massagetce or Sacce ; which, as we have seen, were no more than general names, bestowed by the Greeks and Persians ; whilst Jaxartce may have been the true name, in the country itself: and, very probably, gave * It has been remarked on a former occasion, p. 213, that Curtius appears to have made use of certain materials that Arrian had not seen. Here seems to be another institnce of it. PR MASSAGET/E. 8^5 name to the river Jaxarles, at that period ; of which Sirr, and Sirt, which are in use at present, may be the remains, Ammianus speaks of the Jaxarta, as a tribe ; and of good account, in hb, xxiii. The Sartes are mentioned by Abulgazi Kan : and also by Mr Tooke (Russia, Vol. ii. p. 128, 150, 153.), under the name of Sarti. As we have supposed the name of the Jaxartes to be derived from this tribe ; so we suspect that the river Oxus had its name from the ancient tribe of Outzi. Mr. Tooke says, (same volume, p. 130.) " The Bokhariaiis (these inhabit the banks of the Oxus, now called Jihon ;) assert that they are the unmixed descendants of the Out- zians; and the real Turkomans." Now, there is a town and district at the side of the Indus, (where the waters of the Panjab join it,) named Outch, or Utch ; and which is evidently the tract, whose mhabitants were by the Greeks, named Oxydrac/e. See Arrian, lib. vi. ; and Ay in Acbaree, Vol. ii. p. 136. Ptolemy not only places the city, and lake of the Oxians, in Sog- diana, the latter of which answers to the lake near Bokhara, but the Oxydrac^ also; (Asia, Tab. vii.) It may be supposed that both of these tribes had anciently the same name of Outzi, or Outcbi: and which the one has preserved, but the other lost, as it respects common use. V. Abii. This api)ears to have been a respectable tribe, both in point ol national character, and of numbers. Ptolemy places them far to the NE of the Jaxartes ; and, as we have said in p. 210, in the position that we should assign to tlie Sleppe, or desert of Ablai ; on the SW bank of the upper part of the river Irtish. Some of the historians of Alexander mention the Abii, as having sent ambassadors to him, during his stay at the Jaxartes.* The people of Ablai, appear to have been too far distant from the Jax- artes (that is five weeks' journey, or more), to be the i)eople * Arrian, lib. iv. — Curtius, vii. c. 6. 226 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, intended ; but then, the European Scythians, by ^vhich those of Kip- zak appear to be meant, also came. The Abii are celebrated for their justice and forbearance; never entering into wars, but when comjx^lled. This is a trait of the Hyperborean character also; (see page 152;) and the Ablai dwelt beyond the chain of moimtains which seems intended for the boundary of the Hyperboreans. It is a curious circumstance, and well worth notice, that the Abian Scythians were known, and celebrated by Homer, as the best and justest people on earth : and could it be supposed that he intended the same Abians, with those seen by Alexander, it would prove that the Greeks had a very early knowledge of the Eastern Scythians.* But the Greeks carried with them into Asia, and sometimes applietl, the names of nations and tribes found in their historians, or poets, without much regard to accuracy; and we rather conceive, that Homer meant some tribe of the Western Scythians ; as also, that the Greeks applied to a tribe of Eastern Scythians, this name, wliich might have had some affinity' in sound, with the other. VI. Pasiani, Aspasiac.i:, or Pasic.e. Ptolemy places the Pasica; on the north of the Oxus, below Sog- diana ; but above the mountains of the Oxii : or in a position answer- ing to that, in modeiTi geography, between Bokhara and Khowarezm. This tribe answers in point of position, to the Aspasians of Polybius, who are placed between the Oxus and Jaxartes ; and who occasion- ally crossed the fornier, in order to invade Hyrcania, &c. ; of which passage, a curious description is given by Polybius, in lib. x. Exc. 8. These may also be taken for the Pasiani of Strabo, 511; who, with the Saca and Toihari conquered Bactria from the Greeks : as well as for the Aspasiaca of the same author, in p. 513. We can find no traces of this name, in modern geography, except in that quarter of Armenia, towards the river Aras, or Araxes. • Iliad, xiii. v. 6. See also Strabo, lib. vii. p. 296, el seq. and 311 ; and Ammian. Marc. lib> xxiii. OR MASSAGET.E. 227 VII. TOCHARI, or TACHORr. The place of this tribe is given in Ptolemy, Asia, vii. at the south of the Jaxartes (perhaps in, or near, Fergana) : and the Tbocari, perhaps meant for a part of the same tribe, on the south of the Oxus, belozu Bactria. We have just seen that the Tochari was one of the tribes who conquered Bactria ; and at the present day, the coun- try on the east of Balk is called Tocharestan. Ptolemy should there- fore have placed liis Thocari higher up the Oxus. The Jaxartes may have been the original seat of this tribe. It is worthy of remark, that two tribes of the names of Taochari and Pasiajii are 7iow seated near the Araxes, in Armenia : the first answering to the Taocbi of Xenophon ; the other probably giving its name to the Araxes ; as Xenophon calls it Pbasis : so that they seem to have penetrated southward, on botji sides of the Caspian. We shall close the observations on the Eastern Scythians, with a few remarks on the expedition of Cyrus against them, under the name of Massaget^e. The history of this transaction is very briefly related, both in Herodotus and Justin : so that little can be collected concerning his military progress. The fonner barely states, that he threw a bridge over the river, and advanced about a day's marcii beyond it, into Scythia; Clio, 206, 211 ; when the stratagem of alluring the Scy- thians to feasting and drunkenness, was practised, by which about one-third of the Scythian army was destroyed. See also Justin, lib. 1. c. 8.* After this, Herodotus says, Tomyris collected all her remaining forces, and gave battle to Cyrus : a battle the most obstinately * Strabo, who likewise mentions the warfare of Cyru?, with tlic Massageta, refers this story to his war with the Saca ; page 512. Gg 2 «28 EASTERN SCYTHIANS, OR MASSAGET^. fought, of any on record : and which terminated in the destruction of C3TUS himself, and the greater part of his army. Cho, 214. Justin is somewhat more circumstantial. He says that Tomyris artfully dre^\• Cyrus, into the sti-aits of the mountains, where ambus- cades being laid, the king and his whole army were slain. Lib. i. c. 8. If it be supposed that C^^rus advanced by the usual road from Sogdianq into Scythia ; that is, from Mawuralnabr* into Turkestan, he would naturally have crossed the Jaxartes (Sirr) at Kojend, the great pass into Turkestan; where, it appears clearly, Alexander crossed it, to attack the Scythians ; and in which neighbourhood, he found the city or cities that had been built by Cyrus ; one of which bears the name of Cyreschata, or Cyropolis, in Ptolemy. The narrative of Justin is rendered probable, by the circumstances of the geography : for there are mountainous chains, which approach very close to the farther bank of tiie Sirr; although, according to Herodotus, we should expect one continuous plain throughout the country of the Massagetje. One of tliese chains commences directly opposite to the pass of Kojend, and extends far to the north, into Turkestan ; (Kirk. MSS.) another commences opjwsite to Otrar (a famous pass over the same river towards Kipzak, and much nearer to the lake Aral), and contains some strong posts ; as we learn from Sherefeddin's History of Timur. But the former is the most likely to have been the scene of the defeat and death of Cyrus. • Literally, the country beyond the river : that is, the Jihon, or Oxus. Thus the Persians and Arabians, are accustomed to express the country of Samarkand, or Sogdiana. i: 229 3 SECTION XI. OF THE TWENTY SATRAPIES OF DARIUS HYSTASPES ; CONSIDERED GEOGRAPHICALLY, AND ALSO WITH A REFERENCE TO THE CATA- LOGUE OF THE ARMY OF XERXES. The Persian Empire cojitamed most of the hiown Part of Asia. — Much geographical Knowledge may be derived, from the Account of the Satrapies — Arratigement of this Dissertation. — Asia Minor divided into Four Satrapies ; and arranged by the Persians, with a Viezv to a Concentration of its naval Force. — Lydia, and Empire of Croesus — Gold of the Pactolus. — Phrygia, aticiently the great Body of Asia Minor. — Syrians of Cappadocia, or Leuco-syri — Troy, and the Troade. — Strength and Importance o/^Cilicia, in a military Viezv. — Phoenicia and Palestine — Jerusalem, under the Name of Cady- tis. — Monuments of the Conquests o/^Sesostris — Jews intended, by the Syrians of Palestine. Herodotus, ignorant of their History. — Plioe- nician Letters, arid Commerce. — Egypt, the Conquest of Cambyses — Greatness of its Tribute — Ethiopians present Gold Dust, Ivory, and Ebony — Egyptian Forces sent to Xerxes, consisted of Ships ; but the Crews fought also on Shore. — Arabian Auxiliaries. — Desert between Egy^. aihd Syn^ — Arrangeinent of. Cambyses to procure Water, in his Passage through it, to Egypt — Similar Arrangement 0/ Nadir Shah, in Persia. — Assyria included the Countries in gene- ral, below Taurus. — Babylonia — A Proof of the Ferocity of oiw Author. — Sensible Custom respecting diseased Persons. — Nineveh — Cissia, or Susiana — Susa. — Disposal of the Captive Eretrians, and Boeotians, by the Persians. — Agreement of sacred and profane His- tory, in several Instances. — Media, a beautiful and extensive Tract. — fiigO THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Niseean Horses, and Pastures. — The Term Median, employed to express both Medians and Persians, collectively. — Cities q/^Ecbatana and Rages. Of that portion of Asia, known in detail to Herodotus, and, as may be supposed, to the Greeks in general of his day, the Persian empire under Darius Hystaspes formed by far the greatest part. Accordingly, our Autlior's account of the distribution of the Persian empire into twenty Satrapies, is particularly curious, and no less useful ; as it points out the particulars, as well as the extent, of the geographical knowledge of the times. And although there are some errors in the description, as there must necessarily be, where the subject is so very extensive, yet it is on the whole, so remarkably consistent, that one is surprised how the Greeks found means to acquire so much knowledge, respecting so distant a part. It is pos- sible, that we have been in the habit of doing them injustice, by allowing them a less degree of knowledge of the geography of Asia, down to the expedition of Alexander, than they really possessed : that is, we have, in some instances, ascribed to Alexander, certain geographical discoveries, wliich perhaps were made, long anterior to his expedition. Tliis arrangement of the Satrapies, is not to be regarded as a mere list of names of countries ; for, aided by the catalogue, and the description of the army of Xerxes, and some other notices ; it fur- nishes us with much information, relative to the manners and cus- toms of their inhabitants. The date of Darius's arrangement, differs so little from that of the expedition of Xerxes, which succeeded it, that matters may be considered as continuing much in the same state. Of the wiiole number of Satrapies, one only was situated beyond the boundary of Asia ; and that one, in Africa : and so extensive was this empire 6f Persia, that Alexander, from the time he first crossed over into Asia, scarcely ever overstept the boundary of it, OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 23I constituted as it then was. We are even told by Herodotus, Clio, 4, that the Persians esteemed Asia, their own peculiar possession * But Asia, however, is to be understood in a limited sense : for the parts beyond India, and Turkestan, were, as we have seen, unknown. The conquests made on the continent of Europe, and in its islands, although subjected to regular tribute, were not erected into Satrapies. Indeed, the measure of dividing the empire, was anterior to the Eurojjean conquests. Our Author informs us, Thalia, 89, that one of the first acts of authority of Darius Hystaspes, was to divide Persia into 20 pro- vinces, which they called Satrapies ; to each of which, a governor under the title of Satrap, was appointed. -{- That he then ascertained the tribute they were severally to pay, connecting sometimes, many nations together, which were near each other, under one district; and that sometimes he passed over many, which were adjacent; forming one government of various remote, and scattered nations. He adds, tliat during the reign of Cyrus, and indeed of Cambyses, there were no specific tributes, but presents were made to the sove- reign. That, in these innovations, Darius seemed to have no object in view, but the acquisition of gain : Cambyses was negligent and severe; whilst Cyrus was of a mild and gentle temper, ever studious of the good of his subjects : and from this difference of disix).sition, the Persians called Darius a merchant ; Cambyses, a despot : but Cyrus (that which should be the ambition of all princes to gain), a PARENT. The Persians (inhabitants of Persia proper), and the Colchians, together with their Caucasian neighbours, were the only provinces, situated zvithin the boundary of the empire, that were not classed in * And, in Calliope, 116: " the Persians considered all Asia as their own, and the property of the reigning monarch." + In Daniel, ch. vi. ver. i. Darius the Mede (taken for Cyaxares II.) divides his empire, which consisted of the territories of Babylon and Media, united, into 120 provinces, subject to three presidents, of whom Daniel was one. 222 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Satrapies, and subjected to tribute. They jxjssessed the singular privilege of taxing themselves, and presenting the produce, in the form of a gratuity. The origui of this pri\ilege, in Persia, may obviously be referred to its superiority in rank and command. How the Colchians and Caucasians obtained it, we know not. The Ethio- pians who bordered on Egypt, and were subdued by Cambyses, were similarly circumstanced : and the Arabians adjacent to Egypt, ever independent of a foreign yoke, presented a gift of frankincense. Although Herodotus has said, that one ]?art of the arrangement was to join together in one government, provinces that lay remote from each other ; yet, it is certain, that on a review of the geogra- phical positions, as far as we are able to determine them, there scarcely appears any thing of this kind : for though in some instances, the component districts may form a Satrapy of an incon- venient form, and not at all concentrated, yet they are almost inva- riably found to lie contiguous to each other. In the enumeration of them, our Author does not observe in general any kind of geographical connection. For instance, although he begins in Asia Minor, and proceeds pretty regularly to Egypt, yet he then goes off at once, beyond the Caspian ; and, moreover, in the course of his description, wanders from one side of the empire to the other ; so tliat he steps at once from Bactria to Amienia, and from the Euxine to the Indus. As it will be a saving of fatigue to the reader, to jjreserve a geographical connection, we shall adopt such an arrangement of our own, as may effect that purpose: in which however, we shall add the origijial number likewise, for the sake of reference to the original statement. Following the example of our Author, we begin in Asia Minor, which was divided into four Satrapies : and ])roceed thence into the two succeeding ones of Phoenicia and Egypt. By this mode of arrangement, the whole tract of sea coast, which furnished that im- portant aid, towards the invasion of Greece, a maritime force ; will be given in a connected form. Even in another point of view, they OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 233 form a distinct species of territory, as they comprize generally the Oreek colonies, and the establishments raised by their industry, arts, ■and courage, in Asia ; a wonderful instance of exertion, in states so drcumscribed in point of physical extent and means ; compared with the rest of the world. To these, must be added, Egypt, the vene- rable parent of Grecian arts and suix}rstition ; but, whose geographi- cal situation having denied her the protection aflforded to Greece, occasioned her early fall, to the increased power of Persia. Proceeding thence from tlie Syrian and Phoenician shores of the Mediterranean, we trace the countries between it and the head of the Persian gulf; and which have Arabia on the south, the Euxine, Caspian, and mount Caucasus, on the north. Within this space are seven other Satrapies ; so that 13 of the 20, lay to the west of Persia proper, the original kingdom of Cyrus. Of course seven others must lie to the east of the same country. Some of the names of the countries, were probably such as the Greeks, alone, applied to them ; and which might not be those used in the countries themselves. Others, such as Aiia, Chorasmia, Za- ixmg, Sogdiana, &c. are kilo^^^^ to have been used in the countries themselves ; and are in use there, at present. It is therefore pro- bable, that Media, Colchis, Bactria, &c. might be names in use there also, though now lost. Bactria, indeed, is likely to have been the* same with the Ba-lk of the present time. We now proceed to the discussion of the geographical positions of the Satrapies. The first /oM/-, as we have said, are contained within the limits usually assigned to A.sia Minor, and little difficulty occurs in arrange- ing their limits: but they are disproportioned m \x>h\t of extent, and the t\No first, very irregular in point of form. Hh •'34, "^HE TWENTY SATRAPIES THE SATRAPIES * I. " The Idnians-f- aiid Magnesians of Asia, the ^Eolians, Carians, Lyciaiis, Meleyans, and Pamphylians, were comprized under one dis- trict ; and jointly, paid a tribute of 4,00 talents of silver." Thalia, 90. These subdi\isions are all well known; and include the sea coast of Asia Minor, from the gulf of Adramyttium, and the Troade, on the north, round by Cnidiis, and the Triopian Promontory ,;|; to Cilicia, on the east : an extent of coast equal to about 450 G. miles. The province of Doris, as well as those islands of the Arcliipelago which shelter this deeply indented coast, are, of course, included. No doubt, the long extended, and inconvenient form, of this Satrapy, as far as respected the purposes of internal regulation, was calculated to obtain some advantages in the disposition, and distribu- tion, of the naval armaments intended against Greece: for tiie whole of the fleet of Asia Mijior (save that of the Hellespont and CiUcia) was furnished by the first Satrapy : and consisted of 357 ships, out of 1207, wliich formed the strength of the whole naval armament of Xerxes; and which included also the fleets of Phoenicia and Egypt. In the catalogue of the nations who composed the armament of Xerxes, all of the above, save the inland province of Melius or My lias, served in the Jleet ; and formed no part of the land force. The Milya, in the army of Xerxes, (Polym. 77,) carried short spears ; and some of them had Lycian bows. The whole country of the Lycians (says our Author) was for- merly called Milyas. The Lycians were of Cretan origin, but derived their present name from Lycus, son of Pandion; Clio, 173. Milyas was afterwards applied to the inland part of Lycia, • The reader is referred to the Map, No. V. at page 229, for the geography of the Satrapies, t Ionia began at the gulf of Jasius : Pliny, lib. v, c. 29. X See above, page 185 ; note. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. B35 from whence springs the Lycus river, the southern branch of the Meander. Our Author frequently derives the names of countries in Asia, from those individuals, who either colonized or reduced it. We find the like in modern times; as Pennsylvania; Maryland; Caroli?ia; Georgia ; &c. II. " The second Satrapy, which paid 500 talents, was composed of the Mysians, Lydians, Alysonians, Cabalians, and Hygennians." Thalia, go. This division, which is by far the smallest of all the 20, does not appear to have touched on the sea, in any part : for although Mysia in later times included the coast of the Troade, and the south coast of the Propontis and Hellespont; yet we find in the arrangement of our Author, that the right side of the Hellespont forms a part of the third Satrapy, together with Bithynia and Asiatic Thrace. The greatness of the tribute paid by this Satrapy, in proportion to its very confined limits, calls for an explanation ; and none appears more satisfactory than that the sources from whence the vast riches of Crcesus, king of Lydia, were derived, were contained in it. These were said to consist of mines, of gold and silver; and of gold sand, brought down by the small river Pactolus, which flowed from mount Tmolus* It appears the more probable, as the arrange- ment of the Satrapies was made, at no great distance of time, from the period, in which the riches of Ci-oesus were proverbial. -j- It is however, remarkable, that although the bulk of these trea- sures is understood to have consisted of gold, yet that, in the calcu- * Terpsichore, 10 1. This source of wealth is said to have been exhausted, before the time of Augustus. Larcher. t The history of Crcesus, and of his fall, by disputing the empire of Western Asia, with the Medes and Persians, is well known. His empire consisted of the greatest part of Asia Minor ; for it was bounded on the east by the river Halys, on the south by Taurus (gencrallyj, and extended to the sea, on every other side. There seldom has been a more compact empire : and had he made a right use of the friend- ship of the Greeks, he might probably have possessed all Asia Minor, and held it in Hh 2 93<) THE TWENTY SATRAPrES lation of the whole sum of the tribute of tlie empire (Tlialia, g^}, India alone, is said to have paid its quota, in gold.* In the list of the army, Polym. 74, are found the LydianSy anciently called Meonia7is ; and the Nysians, no doubt intended for Mysia?is, who are said to be a colony of Lydians. Tire latter were also called Oly)npians, from mount Olympus, which was situated within their country ; and which was a marked feature of it, to those who sailed along the ProixDntis. The Lydians and Mysians had the same commander ; and, it would appear, are to be regarded as tlte same people.-f In Polym. 77, the Cahalian Meonians are said to be tlie same with the Lysonians, and these must also be taken for the Alysonians, just mentioned; which, in Ptolemy, are found under the name of Lycaones,;}] between Caria and Pisidia. The Cabalians therefore, should be regarded as Meonians or Lydians, like the Mysians. They formed a part of the same command, \\\\h the Milyans, their neigh- bours ; who, notwithstanding, belonged to a different Satrapy, as we despite of the Persians. The fable of the dig and the shadow, applies with all its force, to this monarch. " After Croesus had extended the power of the Lydians, Sardis (his capital) became the resort of the great and the affluent ; as well as of such, as were cele- brated in Greece, for their talents and their wisdom. Among these was Solon," &c. ; Clio, 28. The anecdotes of this great legislator, at the court of Croesus, which follow, are well worth the attention of the reader. Much consolation may be drawn from them ; and, as a matter of curiosity, we find wisdom and true philo- sophy, contrasted with folly and weakness, in a very striking manner. * Aristagoras (in his report of the countries between Ionia and Susa), speaking of the Lydians, says, that •' they possess a fertile territory, and a profusion of silver ;" Terp. 49. Nothing is said concerning gold. + Amongst a number of other motlern discoveries, which serve to prove the truth of our Author's descriptions, is the sepulchre oi Alyattes, king of Lydia, (the father of Croesus,) described in Clio, 93. Herodotus says, that it is second to no monument of art, save those of the Egyptians and Babylonians. Dr. Chandler saw it, and has described the remains of it, in his Travels in Asia Minor, p. 263. X This country is perfectly distinct from Lycaonia, which forms the eastern extre- mity of Phrygia. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 237 have shewn above ; for the arrangement of the Satrapies of Darius, and the military commanderies of his son Xerxes, are to be consi- dered as perfectly distinct. Of the Hygenjans, we know nothing. On the whole, the second Satrajjy appears to be an inland tract, extending from north to south, between mount Olympus and mount Taurus ; bordered by the maritime provinces ( which compose the first Satrapy) on the west, and south ; and by Phrygia on the east. III. " A tribute of 360 talents was paid by those who inhabit the right side of the Hellespont; by the Phrygians, and Thracians of Asia; by the Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, and Syriaiis : and these nations constituted the third Satrapy." Thalia, 90. This, compared with the two former, is a very extensive province : although the whole three, collectively, fall short of some of the largest divisions, or Satrapies. It includes the great body of Asia Minor, situated to the north of Taurus, and east of Lydia : as well as the whole northern coast, from the Troade, to the river Thermodon, in Pontus. It is, however, to be remarkcd,^ that in all this extent of coast, the Hellesjxjntians and those of Pontus, were the only people who furnished ships ; and the Hellespontians appear to have sent four-jijths of these. This serves to shew, that the Euxine, then, as well as in latter times, possessed but little commerce of its own. So that it either had no materials which were in request, in the com- merce of that day, or no consumption of foreign productions. The southern shores of the Euxine, are said to abound with naval stores ; as timber, iron, and hemp, in the present times ; and, as it would appear from ancient notices, timber and iron were then in great plenty ; since two of the nations mentioned by Xenoj^hon, the Cha- lybes and Mosyncecians, were evidently denominated, the one from their being workers in iron or steel, the other from the materials of their habitations. However, these naval stores might not have been in request amongst the commercial nations in the west, because they m\^ht 238 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES have had enough of their own, to serve their purix)ses. For we are not to judge of the consumption of naval stores, at that day, by that of the present ; when the coasts of the whole world are i-ansacked for timber, either for the purposes of war, or commerce ; and when tlie forests of Asia, as well as of Europe, and America, float on the bosom of the Atlantic. The country of Phrygia occupied the central parts of Asia Minor ; and was a country of very great extent. It included, amongst others, the tract afterwards named Galatia, from the conquests and settlements made in it, by the Gaids. Armenia is said to have been colonized by the Phrygians: the Armenians were anned like the Phrygians, and both nations were commanded by one general, in Polym. 73. And hence it may be inferred, that the intermediate country of Cappadocia, also, was filled with the same race. Our Author says, in the same place, that, according to the Macedojiians, the Phrygians, as long as they were tbeir neighbours, and lived in Europe, were called Bijges ; but that, in passing over into Asia, they took the name of Phrygians.^ So that their progress was east- ward, and from Europe into Asia, hke the Thracians of Asia (or Bithynians), who are said, in Polym. J5, to have come from the banks of the Strymoji. So that the course of migration and con- quest, on the south of the Euxine, seems to have been opposite to that on the north. By the Synans, are meant the Cappadocians : for it appears from several passages in our Author, ( as Clio, 6, 76 ; Euterpe, 1 04 ; Terp- sich. 49 ; and Polym. 72.) that the people of Cappadocia, and at the Euxine sea, at Sinope, and along its coasts, from the river Parthenius, on the west, to the Tbermodon on the east, were called Syrians. Strabo confirms it generally ; calling them Leuco-syri, or white Sy- rians ; in contradistinction to the Syrians on the south of mount Taurus.-f- But although the Syrians are placed at the river Parthe- * In Erato, 45, the Bry^l of Thrace, attack Mardonius, in Macedonia, t Page 736. Pliny also, lib. vi. c. 3. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 239 nius, in Euterpe, 1 04, yet Paplilagonia, which therefore ought also to have been inhabited by Syrians, is arranged under its proper name in this Satrapy ; and tlie Paphlagonians are classed as a distinct people, in the list of the army, in Polym. 72. But Sinope is in Paphlagonia, and its inhabitants, Syna7is, in Clio, 72. Hence we must allot, not only Cappadocia, but all the tract between it and the Euxine, to the Leuco-syri* The Manandy7iians, the only remaining people to be spoken of, in this Satrapy ,-f- occupied a part of the coast of the Euxine, between Bithynia and Paphlagonia. In the army of Xerxes, the Paphlago- nians are joined in one command with the Matieni; whilst the Mari- afidyni, are joined with the Syrians, and others. One might have suspected tliat Matiene was an error, especially as there is another country of Matiejie in Media. But Herodotus says, in Clio, 72, that the river Halys divides Matiejie on the right, from Phrygia, on the left; thus pointing out the western part of Cappadocia, for the Ma- iiene in question. No traces of such a name can, however, be found there, but the description is certainly consistent.|" It appears then, that the third Satrapy extended eastward along the Euxine to the river Tbermodon, in Pontiis; where it met with the district of the Tibareni, belonging to the ic)th Satrapy. Also, that it extended to the course of the Euphrates, inland ; or it may be, only to the Anti-Tuiirus, which might divide it from Armenia: and southwards, to mount Taurus. If we except the Tbracians of Asia, there is scarcely any diversity * It is to be remarked, that Strabo, p. 534, divides Cappadocia into two Satrapies. + We cannot find the Ligyes. Could they be meant for the people of Lyeatnia ? Neither these, nor the Pisidians arc classed, either in the Satrapies, or in the army, under those names. 4: It is possible that the province of Tyana, may be the Matiene here spoken of, as- the situation agrees. Or Tyana, as a part, may have given name to the whole. It is- in effect, a part of Cilicia : but has sometimes been reckoned to Cappadocia^ 64-0 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES of dress or weapons, throughout this extensive Satrapy, mentioned in the history of Xerxes' expedition. Tlie dress of these Thracians (Bithynians) consisted chiefly of skins of deer and foxes ; (Polym. 75. ) The Paphlagonians, Vvith tlieir neighbours the Mariandynians, the Phrygians, and Syrians (by which are meant Cappadocians), wore hehnets of network, with buskins, which readied to the middle of the leg ; and had for weapons, small spears and bucklers, besides javelins and daggers. The Thracians had a general of tlieir own ; the Mariandynians and Ligyes had a commander in common; and tlie Phrygians, as has been said, were joined with the Armenians, their colo?iists. The Hellespontians, in conjunction with the |>eople of Pontus, sent 100 ships (triremes); Polym. q^; and the people of Jbydos liad the charge of defending the bridge, at the Hellespont. The pro- portion of ships sent by die Politics, should be 20, of the loo; as Diodorus states that the others sent 80. The Troade, although not six?cified, here, is included in this divi- sion. The siege of Troy, and the circumstances that led to it, are, however, spoken of, in other parts of Iiis work.* * Doubts have been recently started, not only whether the Trojan war ever hap- pened, but even whether such a city as Troy, ever existed. It may however, be said, that most of the ancients, believed both : and Thuci- dydcs, who is no mean authority, marks it as one of the historical facts that is worthy of credit ; doubtless from having considered all the different authorities, many of which may now have ceased to exist. Frequent allusions to the Trojan war, occur in Herodotus ; and the original cause of the enmity of the Persians to the Greeks, is said to have been the destruction of Troy: Clio, 5. See also, Polym, 161 ; and Calliope, 27. Xerxes is said to have ascended the citadel of Priam : that he sacrificed to the Trojan Minerva ; and offered libations to the manes of the heroes ; Polym, 43. He, then, believed the above facts ; and the same may be said of Alexander ; judging by his conduct. We must consider, how much nearer to the date of the event, these personages lived : for in respect of the times of Xerxes and Alexander, the event of the taking of Troy, would be much the same, as the conquests of Tamerlane, or the Norman conquest, to us, Alexander bcHiaed that he saw the tombs of Achilles and Patroclus, at Troy ; and OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 2^1 IV. " The.Cilicians were obliged to produce every day, a white horse; that is to say, 360 annually; with 500* talents of silver. Of these, 14,0 were appointed for the payment of the cavalry, sta- tioned for the guard of the country; the remaining 360 were received by Darius : these formed the fourth Satrapy." Thalia, 90. In this statement we have notices of an arrangement, different from that, throughout the rest of the empire ; and which might have grown out of the importance of Cilicia, considered ui a mili- tary point of view ; as being a post, that, according to the hands s the consecrated armour, in the temple of Minerva ; Arrian, lib. i. ; and Curtius, lib. ii. Herodotus was informed by the Egyptian priests, that the Greeks had certainly taken and destroyed the city of Troy ; but that, mstead of finding Helen there, as they expected, she was at the same moment, in Egypt ; being detained by King Proteus, who afterwards restored her to her husband, Menelaus : t Euterpe, 116, et seq.: and particularly 120. This event is supposed by Sir Isaac Newton, to have happened about goo years before our era ; and consequently about 450 years, or more, before the visit of our Author to Egypt. It may perhaps be allowed, that the tradition preserved by the priests, was of equal authority to the Iliad ; in point of history : and, at all events, the prominent facts, of the rape of Helen, and the siege and destruction of Troy, remain exactly as they were.. The matter then, may perhaps be reduced simply to this : that the above facts may be received, but that the poem of Homer has been ornamented with fictions, in order to render it more interesting ! Who, ever thought it necessary, to receive as facts, all the matter of an epic poem ? It appears also, that too much accuracy is looked for, in Homer's description of the ground of the Troade ; for why should he be expected to be more accurate in that, than Virgil in his description of the strait of Messina ; with its Scylla and Cha- ryhdii? And yet the latter is known to be merely a poetical fiction. Herodotus had an idea, Euterpe, 53, that Homer lived 400 years, and no more, before him. * The same number is given by Aristagoras, in Terpsichore, 49. t It is proper to remark, that, in Clio, 3, the aggressor is named Alexander ; but in Euterpe, 113, et seq. Paris; the name by which he is more commonly known, although both may equally belong to him. Ii • 4.3 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES into which it fell, either connected, or separated, the tvm countries of Asia Minor and Persia, on the one hand ; Asia Minor, Syria, and Eg}'pt, on the other. Of tiiis much more will be said in a future work, which is to treat, amongst other subjects, of tlie Cilician passes. Be it as it will, the force sent to Xerxes, cwisisted entirely of ships ; loo in number; as probably they were in greater request at that time, than cavalry. Polym. gi. The boundaries of Cilicia, being of the natural kind, and very strongly marked, it may be supposed that they have not greatly varied, at any time. The fertile and capacious valley of Cataonia, formed by the separation of the ridges of Taurus, may, at times, have been included, and at others, excluded. But, it is certain, that Herodotus extends Cilicia to the Euphrates, (in Terpsich. 5a,) where he makes that river the boundary between Cilicia and Arme- nia, in the line of the great road leading from Sardis to Susa. If this was really so, the Northern Syria (or perhaps Comagena only), must have been reckoned to Cilicia ; as the northern part of Meso- potamia, between mount Masius and Taurus, really was to Armenia ; of which several proofs appear; but more particularly in Clio, 194, where boats are said to descend from Armenia, above Assyria, to Babylon. By a passage in tlie book of Judith, (ch. ii. ver. 21.) it also appears, as if Cilicia extended to the east of Amanus. V. " The tribute levied from the fifth Satrapy \fzs 350 talents. Under this district, was comprehended the tract of country, which extended from the city of Posideiiim (built on the frontiers of Cilicia and Syria, by Amphilochus, son oi Ampbiaraus), as far as Egypt; part of Arabia alone excluded, which paid no tribute.* The same Satrapy, moreover, included all Phcenicia, the Syriati Palestine, and the Island of Cyprus." Thalia, 91, Thus, Phcenicia and Palestine formed the body of this Satrapy, * More will be said concerning this tract, in the sequel. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 34,5 and both were included in Syria; (regarded as synonymous with Assyria; for this is to be collected from various places in our Author:) and, it appears, that in order to complete the boundaries of tliis division, we have only to find those of Pbcenicia and Palestine. In Thalia, 91, " Posideium" is said to lie on " the frontiers of CJlicia and Syria." Palestine and Phoenicia are parts of Syria, in Euterpe, 116, and 158: " Syria borders upon Egypt; and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon belongs, inhabit part of Syria" — and, " Syria is divided from Egypt by mount Casius." Again, Polym, 89 : " The Phoenicians, by their own account, once inhabited tiie coasts of the Red sea ; but emigrated from thence to the maritime parts of Syria : all which district, as far as Egypt, is denomi n ated Palestine." * Thus, it api^ears, that our Author clearly discriminated Phcvtiicia and Palestine, from Syria at large : and that the name by which he denominates Palestine, is usually Syria of Palestine. The boundaries of this Satrapy, are by no means difficult to be Tiscertained: Posideium occasions the only difficulty. This city, which is said to have stood on the common frontier of Cilicia and Syria; and consequently on the northern frontier of the /*?//?/-, and of the Satrapy, in course ; was situated on the sea coast of Syria, nearly opposite to mount Casius (of Antioch). Now, this api:)ears contrary to all the geographical arrangements of the Greeks, and Romans ; because Cilicia terminated, and Syria began, at the pass, situated at the shore of the gulf of Issiis : and Posideium stood about 50 miles to the southward of that pass ; and could have no relation to the Cilicia of the Greek and Roman systems. * The reader may perhaps, be apprized, that the country named Palestine by the Greeks, is called Falastin by the Arabs ; and that tliis last is the Philistine of the Scriptures. The land of the Philistines, was that quarter of Palestine towards the coast, left in possession of the original iuhabitants. li 2 244< THE TWENTY SATRAPIES It is certain however, that die reported situation of Posideium, on the northern frontier of the Satrapy, may possibly be true, since Herodotus, who had himself been in Palestine, might, perhaps, have travelled by land to it, from Natolia, in his way to Egypt; and tlius might have ascertaitjed the fact, himself: in which case, however, Cilicia must then have included a great part of what was afterwards reckoned to Syria. And it is certain, that Cilicia is extended to the Euphrates, in Terpsichore, 52, where it meets Armenia; as has been shewn in pages 191, and 242. This therefore agrees witii what is said concerning Posideium ; although it does not agree with the geography of the times of Xenophon and of Alexander. As to the real northern boundary of Phoenicia, it is difficult to fix it, although it would seem that Posideium was intended for it, by Herodotus. Xenophon calls Mytiandrus in the gulf of Issus, (which is the Marandynian bay, or more properly Myria?idinian bay of our Author, in Mel pom. 38,) a Pba'nician city: and as Hero- dotus also says, that this bay is contiguous to Phcenicia, this should be decisive of its boundary, if Posideium did not stand a good way to the south, of the gulf in question ; and was, notwithstanding, the northern extremity of the Satrapy that was said to include all Phce- nicia. Perhaps, as Herodotus and Xenophon appear to concur in the report of the northern boundary of Phcenicia, placed at the southern part of the gulf of Issus ; whilst Posideium was the northern point of the Satrapy, and was also reckoned contiguous to Cilicia ; it may be, that the Phoenicians possessed certain insulated tracts, or townships along the coast, beyond the extent of their con- tinuous territory : and Mytiandrus might be one of these.* Phcenicia extended along the coast of the Mediterranean, south- ward, to the termination of the ridges of Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon, near Tyre; where it met the border of Palestine. In breadth, it comprehended only the narrow tract between the continuation of * This has happened continually in modern times, as well as in ancient. The European factories on the coast of Africa, and India, are in point. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 24,5 mount Lebanon and the sea; with the deep valley between the two ridges, named Ccele-Syria ; now the valley of Bekaa. Palestine, Syria of Palestine, or Syrian Palestine, has its boun- daries too familiarly known to need description, here. It extended from Pbcenicia and Ccvle-Syria to the borders of Egypt, fixed by our Author at mount Casius (of Arabia), in Euterpe, 158; but in Thalia, 5, at the Sirbonic lake, a little to the eastward of that mount. The Arabian territory lying between it and Egypt, and which, in common with Arabia in general, was exempted from tribute, com- prized Idumea, (or Edom,) the original seat of the Ishmaelites. Herodotus, as we have said, had visited Palestine, if not Pbcenicia also. The city of Jerusalem he names Cadytis, doubtless meant for the Arabian name Al Kads, the holy : in effect, a translation of the other. He says, Thalia, 5, " that it is a city belonging to the Syrians of Palestine; and in his opinion, equal to Sardis." It is mentioned a second time in Euterpe, 159, on occasion of its being taken possession of by Necos, king of Egypt, after his victory over the Syrians at Magdolum (Megiddo). He had seen in Palestine some of the pillars, or jnonuments, erected by Sesostris, in token of conquest ; and which had disaj)- peared for the most part, in the countries that had been conquered by him. See Euterpe, 102, and 106. Perhaps these monuments remained longer in the parts adjoining to Egypt, which might be in some degree subject to its influence, or domination, than in distant parts. Our Author believes that Sesostris over-ran Asia, and passing into Europe, conquered Scythia and Thrace : and that thus far, the monuments of his victories are discovered. Also that he left a detachment in Colchis : the relation of which circumstance, has given occasion to suppose, that the Egyptians were black, and had crisped and curling hair, like the Negroes. The context, surely, leads to a belief of the fact ; although zue may not be prepared to receive it. But at the same time, it is to be remarked, that he classes Egypt, 246 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES geographically, as a country quite distinct from Lybia (or Africa) : that is, he does not allow the Egyptians to be AJncans. See Euterpe, 16, and 17. To return to the Syrians of Palestine. — He remarks that these, as well as the Pbcenicians, acknowledged that they borrowed the cus- tom of circumcision, from Egypt: and says, that it can be traced, both in Egypt and i^thiopia, to the remotest antiquity ; so that, it is not possible to say, which of the two, first introduced it ; but that the Egyptians unquestionably communicated it to other nations, by means of their commercial intercourse; Euterpe, 104. Without entering into tiie question concerning the origin of this custom, one may be allowed to remark, that, if our Author had made the inquiry amongst the Je-n's themselves (who should be meant by the Syrians of Palestine), they would surely have told him otherwise: and, it is probable, therefore, that lie took his information from the Egyptians. He seems to have known but little concerning tlie history of the Jews. The date of his visit to Palestine and Jerusalem (which latter, one must conclude by his expression above quoted, in page 245, he had certainly seen,) was short of a century after tlie re- establishment of the temple and worship, after the Babylonish cap- tivity. But he is, notwithstanding, quite silent respecting the Jewish customs and \\orship, althougli he says so much concerning those of the Egyptians. He is equally silent, concerning the revolutions in this celebrated, and highly interesting spot. This appears very remarkable: for though the captivity must have greatly changed the face of things in Palestine,* yet the singular institutions, and modes of life of the Jev^'s, not only drew forth the most pointed remarks, from the Roman writers, at a much later period, but are • Palestine had, since the flourishing tinvcs of David and Solomon, suffered from the JDvasioiis of the Assyrians and Babylonians, the Egyptians and Scythians: and those classes of people which determine the national character, and weight, in the eyes of foreigners, had either been removed, or annihilated. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 247 acknowledged at the present day, to constitute a kind of standing miracle.* No man whatsoever, was a truer friend to the interests of the human race, than Herodotus : had he therefore been endowed w ith a prophetic spirit, to have foreseen that from Palestine there was to arise a Light to guide the footsteps of men to the highest state of happiness that this world affords, by humanizing them, and making them fitter for the purposes of society; and moreover by giving them hopes of a better state hereafter ; he would have thought it a spot of much more importance than he attaches to it. He refers to this quarter of the world, the important invention of letters : and there seems to be no doubt, that the alphabets of the Western world, w^ere derived from this source, alone. He observes, Terpsichore, 58, that " the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus (into Boeotia) introduced during their residence in Greece, various articles of science ; and amongst other things, letters ; with which, as I conceive, the Greeks were before unacquainted. These were at first, such as the Phoenicians themselves indiscriminately use; in process of time, however, they were changed both in sound and form. At that time, the Greeks most contiguous to this people, were the lonians, who learnt these letters of the Phoenicians, and with some trifling variations, received them into common use. As the Phoenicians first made them known in Greece, they called them, as justice required, Phcenician letters." -f * See in particular Diodorus, lib. i. c. 8 i and the remains of the xxxivth and xlth. These passages will also be considered in a future section, in which we shall touch slightly on the subject of the first captivity of the Israelites, by the king of Nineveh. + Herodotus adds, Terps. 58, that, " by a very ancient custom, the lonians call their baoks, diphteRjE, or skins ; because at a time when the plant of the biblos was scarce, they used instead of it, the skins of goats and sheep. Many of the Bar- barians have used these skins, for this purpose, within my recollection." The Persians name a record, 01 writing, dufter. Is it not probable, that the 24,8 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES The extended scale of the Phoenician commerce, is a theme of ancient history, as well sacred as profane. The amber of Prussia, and the tin of Britain : the linen of Egypt, and the spices of Arabia ; the slaves of Caucasus ; and the horses of Scythia ; appear to have centered in their emporium.* There is, however, no intima- tion of Indian productions, in the catalogue of merchandizes just mentioned, although they appear to have possessed two islands in the Persian gulf, whose names, Tyrus and Aradus, mark them for Phoenician jxDSsessions. These seem to have been two of the smaller islands, near the entrance of the gulf, and not those of Bahrein, as M. D'Anville has supposed ; for they are placed by Strabo, p. 766, at 1 o days' voyage from the mouth of the Eu])hrates ; one only, from the Promontory of Maceta (Massendon). Ptolemy, Tab. vi. Asia, places them exactly in the same ix)sition, and marks the Bahrein Islands (or those which represent them), also. According to our Author, India had been recently explored, by the orders of Darius Hystaspes, and seems to have been little known to the Persians before his time. Ezekiel prophesied concerning the destruction of Tyre, only 60 or 70 years before Darius : and, as we have said, no traces of Indian products or manufactures appear hi his catalogue. The two accounts therefore, agree : and impress an idea, that the Plioenicians did not trade to India, at that period. Had they known, and traded to, India, through the Persian empire, the Persians doubtless would not have been ignorant of India : which, if we are to credit our Author, they were, previous to the expedition set on foot by Darius, and conducted by Scylax ; who first explored the Indus, and the coasts between it and Persia, &c. loiiians borrowed the term from ihe Persians, together with the use of the skin itself, the name of which may perhaps be rendered parchment ? * These last, we should understand, by the merchants of Ivan, Tubal, and Mesheck, " who iraded in the persons of men, and vessels of brass, in the markets:" and the house of Togarmah, " who traded in the fairs with horses," &c. Ezekiel, ch. xxvii. ver. 13, and 14. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 249 It may therefore have been, that these discoveries, and the conse- quent union of JVesteni India, with the empire of Persia, laid the foundation of a commerce between those countries, although the communication between Egypt and India might iiave existed much earlier. And, it is not impossible, that the visit of Darius to Egj^-pt, which was in the train of Cambyses,* and little more than a century after the date of the splendid discoveries of the Egyptians in the Southern ocean, might have given him the idea of prosecuting dis- ■coveries in the East, from the gulf of Persia. He might also have learnt at the same time, that the Egyptians had a commerce \\\\\\ India, by sea. The Phoenicians hov\'ever, are said to have traded, in the produce ef Assyria ( meaning the empire of that name ; Clio, c. i . ) , ajid which probably, included not only that of Assyria, but of Persia and Arabia also ; transmitted through Assyria. The inland carrying trade, was, no doubt effected by the camels of Palmyra ; which jilace therefore formed an important link in the chain of communication.-!' It miglit not have suited the convenience, perhaps not the dignity, of the Phoenician merchants, to become the camel keepers of the desert. The Phoenicians, who, although at one period denominated Ery- thrseans, either from their real, or supposed, origin, from the shores of the Red sea, were, no doubt, an assemblage of industrious and enterprising adventurers, from all the neighbouring countries, at least ; and perhaps, from very distant ones, also. Great wages of labour, and great profits of trade, would invite the different classes of inankind ; and with such a people, gain must have been the prime object. Our Author gives, at the very opening of his history, a curious anecdote of Phoenician commerce, and Phoenician perjxdy. • He was one of the guards of Cambyses, and, although of royal descent, being of the family ot the AchxmeniJes, was at that time of no particular consideration. Sec a very curious anecdote of Darius Hystaspcs, in Egypt, in Thalia, 139: and an account of his parentage and descent, in Clio, 209. + More will be said concerning this subject, in a future work. Kk S^^O THE TWENTY SATRAPIES They traded, amongst other places, to Argos, whicli was at the period spoken of, tlie most famous of all those states, which were afterwards comprehended under the general appellation of Greece. A Phoenician ship lying at the shore, so that people could walk to and fro, exposes her merchandizes to sale, on the shore, close to the ship. The kuig's daughter. Id, comes, with many other females, either as a visitor, or a purchaser. " Whilst (says the liistorian), these females, standing near the stem of the vessel, amused tliem- selves with bargaining for such things as attracted their curiosity, the Phoenicians, in conjunction, made an attempt to seize their persons. The greater part of them escaped, but lo remained a captive, with many others. They carried them on board, and directed their course for Egypt ;" Clio, c. i. It is to be remarked, that these Phoenicians, like true traders, did not venture to commit this act of violence, until they had nearly disposed of their cargo, and were paid for it. A commander of a slave ship, on the coast of Africa, could not have acted \\ ith more worldly pmdcnce ! The aid furnished by this Satrapy to the armament of Xerxes, was composed entirely of ships : and consisted of the amazing force of 450 triremes ; 300 of which, were from the continent, 150 from the Island of Cyprus. This was more than i of the whole fleet of triremes ; and more than double the quota furnished by Egypt. But then it was the combined force of Phcenicia, Palestine, and Cyprus : the boasted fleets of Tyre, Sidon, Aradus, and the nume- rous ports of Syria, from Egypt to Cilicia. It has been said, in tiie geographical description of this Satrapy, page 242, that a portion of Arabia intervened, between Palestine and Egypt : and that, in common with the rest of Arabia, it remained independent of Persia. The tract in question, consists of Idumea (or Edom), and the desert which bordered on the sea coast, between Gaza and P el u slum ; and which affects in a material degree, the act of communication between the two countries. But, as it appears to belong as much to the subject of Egypt, as of Syria, we shall post- OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 2^1 pone the consideration of it, till that of Egypt has been discussed, since tliat will contribute in a considerable degree, to its elucidation. VI. "Seven hundred talents were exacted from Egypt; from the Africans which border upon Egypt; and from Cyrene and Barce, which are comprehended in the Egyptian district. The pro- duce of the fishery of the lake Moeris was not included in this, nei- ther was the corn, to the amount of 700 talents more; 120,000 measures of whicli were applied to the maintenance of the Persians and their auxiliary troops, garrisoned within the zvhite castle of Memphis: this was the sixth Satrapy." Thalia, 91.* This Satrapy, then, consisted of the entire country of Egypt, together with certain tracts of Lybia adjacent to it, on the west ; and which, extended along the sea coast of the MediteiTanean, to the utmost Umit of Cyrenaka : for Herodotus says, Melpom. 204, that " the farthest progress of the Persian army, was to the country of the Euesperidce;" by which is intended the xuestem limit of Cyre- naica, near the garden of the Hesperides : of which more in the sequel, under the head of Africa. Cyrene, Barce, and other Lybian provinces, had been nominally surrendered to Cambyses (Thalia, 13.) ; but were not, we believe, taken possession of: it was during die reign of Darius Hystaspes, that the Persiaiis abovementioned, made the expedition to the westward.-]' As to the Africans, who are said to border on Egypt, and were subject to Persia, they w ere probably the people of the Oases in that • Egypt and Cyrene, although parts of Africa, and therefore belonging to a dif- ferent division from that, now under consideration ; yet, as forming a part of the twenty Satrapies, they could not, in point of regularity, be omitted, in this place. However, they are here considered merely as political divisions ; and will be spoken of, more at large in their proper places, under the head of Africa. t The conquest of Egypt had been left to Cambyses, by Cyrus, It is said iu Clio, 153, that Cyrus was prepared for serious resistance, from the Sara and Egyp- tians. The first he reduced ; the latter it is said, in another place, was left to his successor. Kk 2 1^52 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES neighbourhood ; and perhaps also, those bordering immediately on Upjx^r Egypt, between Syene and the great cataract (of Jan Adel) : allhougli these, in effect, constituted a part of Egypt, at large. They could not be meant for the people of Atnmon, since the army of Cambyses perished in the attempt to reach their country ; so that both Aminon and Angela must be regarded as independant. Mucli less could the Ethiopians be intended : for they are expressly said to be independant. It is said, in Thalia, 97, that even the Ethiopians, who were subdued by Cambyses, in his expedition against the Ma- crobian Ethiopians, were not included in the tribute levied on the Egyptian Satrapy ; but presented, like the Persians, and some few others, a regular gratuity. As the progress of Cambyses towards the Macrohians (whom we regard as the Abyssinians), was said to be less than one-fifth of the whole way (Thalia, 25.), it must be sup- posed that he never got through the desert of Selima : that is, on a supposition that Thebes was the place of outset, and Sennar the entrance into the country of the Macrohians. Of course, the con- quests made in this quarter, could have been but trifling; and the sum of the present, seems to shew it. It consisted of two cbcvnixes of gold, iinrefned; 200 blocks of ebony wood; 20 large elephants' teeth, and five Ethiopian youtlis. It was relocated once in three years: and the custom ^^■as continued to the time of Herodotus. Thalia, 97. The choenix of Attica, is reckoned by Arbuthnot the 48th part of a medimnus, which being about 70 English pints, of Q^-^i^: ^^^'^ inches, a cliocnix may be taken at somewhat less than a pint and half. Hence, the value of the gold dust presented once in three years, might be about 80 guineas. It may clearly be collected, that the gold, which constituted a part of tliis present, was sent in the form of dust (as it is commonly called) ; because the quantity was ascertained by the chcvnix, which was a measure for dry goods, amongst the Greeks; and not by OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 253 weiglit, as in other cases. Moreover, it was said to be imrefned; which, no doubt meant exactly in the state in which it was, and is still, collected, in the African rivers. The Egyptian force originally* sent to Xerxes, consisted, like that of Cilicia, entirely of ships, and of whicli they sent no less than 200 triremes :-f but the other districts of this Satrapy, sent land forces ; having, it may be concluded, no ships to send. It appears that Xerxes, collecting the naval force of the Mediter- ranean, from the Hellespont inclusive, to Lybia; had a fleet of somewhat more than 1 200 triremes : for he wisely fixed the con- tingencies of the maritime provinces, in ships, in order to collect the greatest possible force, by sea ; having his choice of land troops from every other quarter of his vast empire.]; It is said, Polym. 96, that amongst the mariners, the Phamicians, (as might have been expected) were the best; and of the Pha-ni- cians, the Sidonians were tiie most select.^ The crews of the ships, c. 184,, are said to have consisted generally of 200 (these were triremes) : to which were added 30 others, eitlier Persians, Medes, * Tills will presently be explained. t The maritime force of Egypt was equal to y of that of all Phoenicia, at this time. \ Besides the triremes, there were 3000 vessels, of 30 and 50 oars ; of long trans- ports for cavalry, and of a particular kind of vessel,, invented by the Cyprians ; Polym. 97. Thus the whole fleet consisted of about 4200 vessels. (The reader is requested to correct accordingly, the note in page 127, where 3000 is stated to be the number of the whole fleet.) § In Polym. 128, it is said, that Xerxes preferred the Sidonian ships, when he had occasion to make an excursion by sea. This fully proves his opinion of them. The like occurs in c. 100, on occasion of the naval z^nA military review at Doriscus. See also, c. 59. The naval review is described in c. loo: the 1200 triremes were moored in one uniform line, at 400 feet from the shore, with their sterns towards the sea, and their crews under arms, as if prepared for battle. Xerxes, sitting on the deck of a Sidonian vessel, beneath a golden canopy, passed slowly, the heads of the ships. The crews of the ships of war, alone, amounted to nearly 280,000 men : and of the whole fleet collectively (4200 ships) near 520,000. 254 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES or Saca (i. e. Siythia?is, subject to Persia).* This last description of men, may perhaps be considered in the nature of marines ; and it is ^\'orthy of remark, that the proportion of them, to the rest of the crew, does not differ much from the proportion of marines to our crews, in tliese times. As the Medes and Persians were esteemed tlie best troops of the empire ; and the Saca, as Scythians, some of the best archers ; it may be concluded, that some services of a dif- ferent kind, and requiring more skill in certain modes of combat, were exix;cted from them, than from the crews in general ; and it is not improbable, that this skill might be exerted in the manage- ment of missile weapons, in distant fight. More of tliis, when we S]>eak of the Sacce themselves.-f The Egyptians wore helmets made of neixvork (like the nations of Asia Minor). Their shields were of a convex form, having large bosses : their spears were calculated for sea service,;}; and tliey had huge battle axes, besides large swords. § For defensive armour, they had breast-plates. Polym. 89. The Lybians were dressed in ski?is, and liad tlie points of their wooden spears hardened in the fire; Polym. 81. These were, in jxjint of weapons, the most contemptibly furnished of any, through- oirt tlie whole army ; in which were every kind of offensive weapon, from ix)lished steel, to wood hardened in tlie fire ; witli all the inter- * The ships of Chios, in number 100, had each a crew of 400, in the preceding reign, Erato, 15. This agrees very nearly with tlie numbers in the contending fleets of the Romans and Carthaginians, in their most improved times of naval warfare. t The whole crew of the ship, was 230, of which 30 were Sac^, 6cc. Such of our ships, as have crews of 240 men, have 37 marines ; and, according to the same pro- portion, the Persian ships should have had 35 to 230. The Author feels a particular degree of satisfaction, in finding the same term, MARINES, employed by his friend Dr. Gillies, in his excellent History of Greece. The idea had been recorded by both, without the previous knowledge of the other. J Spears have been universally used at all times, in sea service; to prevent board- ing, no doubt. Some of these mariners had ttvo spears. § Littlebury translates this, bill, or bill-hook. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 255 mediate varieties, of fob hone, horn, and stones; and of defensive armour, from coats of mail of burnished steel, formed in scales, like those of fishes (which the Persians wore, Polym. 61.), to the raw hides of animals. The Ethiopians (of Africa) were clad in skins of panthers and lions, and had bows of palm wood, four cubits in length. Their arrows were short, and made of reeds, and were pointed with stone;* (6g.) They had also, spears pointed with goats' horn, and knotty^ clubs. They painted their bodies half red, half white ; and had hair more crisp and airlmg than any other men ; 70. They are said to come from above Egypt; (69.) and are to be regarded, not as sub- jects but as allies, of Persia; in common with the Arabians and some few others. The Arabians were joined in the same command with these Ethio- pians ; and a brother of Xerxes commanded them ; Polym. 6g. The Arabians were probably Idumeans and Nabatheans; and not of Arabia Felix. There were of these, cavalry, as well as infantry : the former, who had many camels belonging to them, were said to place these animals in tlie rear, tiiat the horses might not be fright- ened at them ; -I- 87. The dresses of the Arabians were longfoxving vests, called zir^e : their bows were long, flexible, and crooked ; 69. The Africans are said to have fought in ciiariots ; Polym. 86". These were probably from the quarter of Cyrene ; for our Author observes of the Ashystce, ( Melpom. 1 70. ) that they are beyond all the Africans remarkable for their use of chariots, drawn by four horses : and in 1 89, he says that the Greeks themseh'es borrowed from the Africans, the custom of harnessing four horses to a car- riage. It is proper to explain the cause of the appearance of Egyptian land forces at the battle of Plataa, after it has been stated, tiiat they sent a naval force only; and that their spears were calculated for * Said to be stones of the kind used for engraving seals. t This was an error of long standing, but is now quite exploded. 2 ffi THE TWENTY SATRAPIES 'J sea service. It appears, then, CalliojTe, 32, that ^Tardonius had landed, at Phalenun (one of the ix)rts o{ Attica), that part of the Egyptian force, which had been originally disciplined for land ser- vice ; and which was drawn from the tribes or classes of Hennoty- bians and Calasirians ; who alone of that country, follo\\ed the yirofession of arms. (See an account of the districts of these tribes, &c. in Euterpe, 164, 165, and 168.) The pilots, or seamen, consti- tuted a distinct class. It may be inferred from the above, that the proportion of seamen ■was very small indeed, in the ancient ships ; as also that the ma- ricftivres, and general duty of the ships of war, were so far from being complicated, that landmen who had got rid of their sea-sickness, were very soon, and easily trained to it. The sails were probably iurled on the deck. We shall now perform our promise, respecting the tract lying between Palestine and the borders of Egypt ; which is become more particularly interesting at this time, when Egypt, and its communi- cations with Syria, occupy so much of the public attention. Herodotus observes, Thalia, 4, et seq. that the only avenue by Avhicli Egypt can be entered, from the side of Palestine, is by a dty and parched desert, where very little water can be procured.* That Cambyses, who meditated the conquest of Egypt, was deterred by this difficulty, until he obtained permission of tlie king of Arabia, to pass through his territories (that is, Idumea, and the desert of Pelu- sium) ; which seems to have implied also, the service of supplying water for the army ; by his raeans.-f- A treaty was accordingly • The southern part of Palestine bordering on the desert, is also very sandy ; so that water can only be procured from deep wells. See the contests between the Patriarchs and the Philistines, about the wells, in Genesis, ch. xxi. and xxvi. Beer Shel>a, or the well of Sheba, and Gerar, were situated on the edge of the desert in question. t " The Arabians were never reduced to the subjection of Persia (or indeed, to any foreign power}, but were in its alliance ; they afforded Cambyses the means of OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 257 made, and the ceremonies of its ratification are given : * (Thalia, 8. ) afterwhich, water was provided, in tlie desert, for the Persian anny, in its march from Palestine to Pelusium, the frontier garrison of Egypt ; situated at the embouchure of the then eastern branch of the Nile : but this celebrated river, has so far deviated from its former course, that Damietta, situated at the branch which forms the pre- sent eastern limit of the Delta, is between 60 and 70 British miles to the westward of Pelusium : and much of the intermediate space is returned to its ancient condition, of a desert.-f Our Author observes, that ther© were two stories in circulation, respecting the mode of conveying the water : the one, and whicii he thought the most probable, was, by transporting it on camels, in skins (of camels) ; which is the mode used at the present day, in the caravans. The other, that it was conducted in pipes, made of the skins of animals, into reservoirs, at three distinct places. It was added, that the water was brought from a river (Coiys), which emptied itself into the Red sea, and was 1 2 joumies distant. This jvas, however, the marvellous part of the story : but perhaps the truth might have been, that water was conducted through pipes into reservoirs, either from small running springs, whose waters were ordinarily absorbed by the sands of the desert (which is the case in many places) ; or from draiv-wells. It appears morally impossible to have supplied a Persian army, and its followers, and beasts of penetrating into Egypt, without which he could never have accomplished his purpose." Thalia, 88. * It is there said that Bacchus and Urania were the only deities, whom they venerated ; and that they called Bacchus, Urotalt ; Urania, Alilat. The latter must be taken for Allah ; the name of God, amongst the Arabs. t Damietta, was the Tamiathis of ancient geography ; and the branch of the Nile that runs by it, was the Phatmetic ; the fourth in order of the seven branches, in going westward from Pelusium. It appears to be the deepest of the modern branches; and ought to have been deep anciently; since the fleet of Antigonus was ordered to shelter itself there. Diodorus, lib. xx. c. 4. LI 258 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES burthen with water, by means of skins, during the whole march. Arabia could scarcely have supplied skins enough.* If we may judge of the nature of the Idumean and Pelusiac deserts, by those of Syria, Arabia, &c. there should be in the inland tract, (although not in the line followed by the caravans, which passes very near the sea,) both wells and springs ; and it was easy for the army to make a detour, for that purpose. From the jour- nals of passengers across the Arabian desert, it appears, that the Arabs well know where to obtain water; and that they have, in * An arrangement somewhat similar to the former, made by Nadir Shah (Kouli Kan), is related by Abdul Kurreem, translated by Mr. Gladwin ; p. 51, et sej. Whilst employed in the conquest of Khowarezm, (1740) he informed the governor oi Meru-Shahjehan, that on his return, he should march from Charjoo on the Jihon, by way of Mem and Kelat, to Meshed, his capital ; and gave him the following infor- mation and instructions : " That from the river yihon (OxusJ to the borders of Meru, being a sandy desert, the army could not march above 1 1 farsangs a day (cosses of two British miles are probably meant ; a farsang is nearer four), so that it would take them up four dayst to go from Charjoo to Meru. That, for the first day's march, they would carry sufficient water from the Jihon, That although at the second stage, there is a large lake called Ab Issar, yet for fear it should not be sufficient for so large an army, the governor should order about 30 Baghleyeh wells to be sunk there. (The well so called, and which is used in all sandy soils, is made by sinking a frame of wood, stuiFed with straw, or grass, to line the inside of the well, and prevent the sand from falling into it.) At the third stage, 18 such wells were to be made. For the fourth day, he was ordered to dig a large reservoir, and to supply it with water, by making a canal three farsangs in length from the river of Meru. This last stage was 15 farsangs. X Finally, he directed him to make a great number oi water bags for camels and mules, and to borrow as many more as he could find ; which were to be filled at the new reservoir, and sent onwards five farsangs, that the men might be able to allay their thirst on the march. The governor of Meru punctually executed these several commands." Notwithstanding these precautions, we learn (p. 69.) that many died on the march. Thus the tyrants of the earth command the labour of man, in order to rivet, more firmly, the chains of his fellows. t It should be five, by the sequel. Such inaccuracies perpetually occur in the writings of the Orientalists. \ More probably «j«j. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, 259 many places, stopt up the wells, in order the more easily to arrange their schemes of depredation. But, as it happens, that camels will go several days without water, the caravans are content with a very few watering places ; and disregard personal inconveniences. It is a strong presumptive proof, of there being water to be hsid, gejterally, in the Arabian desert, that the caravans if they please, make a direct line of course, across it.* Herodotus says, Thalia, 5, that the Syrian city of Jenysus is three joumies from mount Casius (of Egypt) ; or rather perhaps, the dis- tance should be understood, to be- meant from the lake Serbonis ; to a part of vvhich, it is nearly adjacent. Thus, the text allows us to place Jenysus at no great distance to the SW of Gaza ( and between it and Raphia) ; and to this circumstance of geographical position, others will be found to agree : so as to leave very little doubt that Jenysus was situated on the Syrian edge of the desert ; and that it may be identified with the Kaji, or caravanserai, of Io?ies (Kan Tones) , situated at five or six hours travelling to the S W of Gaza.-f The modem travellers across the desert in question, represent it, in the line of the caravan route, from Egypt to Syria, to be formed of loose sand, and destitute of good water ; corresponding with tiie " dry and parched desert," of our Author.]; The route leads from Cairo, which is situated near the banks of the Nile, to Salahiah, the eastern frontier of the habitable part of Egypt (anciently Sela) ; and thence, leaving the site of Pelusium about three miles to the north, it soon after approaches the sea coast, which it afterwards skirts, the • The reader is referred to the very curious narratives of the joumies of English travellers, from Aleppo to Palmyra, in the years 1678, and 1691, in the Philoso- phical Transactions, Vol. xix. Their guides found both springs and wells. See also the journal of Mr. Eyles Irwin across the Syrian and Arabian deserts : of Mr. Car- michael, in Grose's Voyages, &c. t With respect to the position of Jenysus, Mr. Beloe is unquestionably right, in his note to Thalia, 5. M. D'Anvillc was of the same opinion. % See M. Thevenot, Delia Vallc, &c. LI 2 26o THE TWENTY SATRAPIES whole way to Gaza, at the distance of a few miles. At, or near, Kan lones the country begins again to have verdure, trees, and good water, being-the first of those productions that are to be seen, after leaving Sa/ahiab* The distance appears to be 107 G. miles direct, from Salaliiah to Kan Jones; and this is the extent of the desert: that is, a space equal to 10 ordinary marches of an army, and not, at any rate to be performed in less than seven days ; if water could be procured. This was the interval of time that the caravan, in which M. The- venot travelled, was in motion ; although they halted two or three days by the way. The space bet^veen mount Casius and Kan lones, is about 60 G. miles direct ; but the lake of Sirbonis approaches many miles nearer to Kan Jones, and therefore the three joumies allowed by Herodotus between Jenysus and the lake, may be allowed to accord with that, between the lake and Tones ; taking a day's journey at 17 G. miles in direct distance. Hence, Kan lones may ^^■ell be taken for Jenysus. But from Jenysus to Peliisiiim, the distance was about 90 such miles ; or, Pclusium was 30 miles farther than mount Casius, from Jenysus. Herodotus is silent concerning this part of tlie road, as if the desert had been confined to the first three days. This must remain unexplained ; but, in the present day, it appears to be one continued desert, from Kan lones to the borders of Egypt ; and the history of the march of Antigonus seems to prove the same state of things, then. * Salahlah may be regarded as the pass, on the side of Egypt towards Syria ; as Gaza is on the Syrian side. Therefore, in respect to its use, it stands in the place of the ancient Pelusium, which was reckoned the key of Egypt ; possessing, like Sala.. hiah, the first drinkable water, in coming from the side of the desert. By the retreat of the Nile, westward, Salahiah, although more to the west than Pelusium, becomes the most advanced watering place towards Syria. The use of establishing a post here, by the French, lately, is therefore manifest. Geographically, it lies about i8 G. miles to the SW of the site of Pelusium : and about the same distance inland from the Mediterranean. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 261 Thus, it appears, that in order to pass an army from Syria into Egypt, or vice versa, either the friendship and assistance of the Arabs must be secured, or a supply of water must be carried by the army itself; or in ships or boats, to the coast of the desert. Since the time of Cyrus, at least, Egypt and Syria have generally been subject to one master, which has served to facilitate tiie communi- cation between them. The expedition of Antigonus, against Ptolemy king of Egypt (B. C. 304,.), although pretty much detailed in Diodorus (lib. xx. c. 4.), affords no explanations relative to the mode of procuring water. It appears that he sent his fleet, which consisted of 150 ships of war, and 100 transports, or store ships, from Gaza, under the com- mand of his son Demetrius : and marched himself, at the head of the army, from the same place, for Pelusium, with a view to sur- prise Ptolemy. The fleet was directed to arrange its motions, so as to communicate with the army ; and the army, kept very close to the sea shore, or to that of the lake Sirbonis. It was said to consist of 80,000 foot, 8000 horse, and above 80 elephants. Antigonus had collected an incredible number of camels, from Arabia ; and makuig use of these, and other beasts of burthen, aiid a great number of carnages, he took witii him, through the desert, provisions and forage. The soldiers also carried with them 1 o days' provisions : but nothing is said respecting the provision of water ; whether it made a part of the lading of the camels ; whether the soldiers took it with them ; or whether there was any arrangement for a supply, from the Arabs of the desert ; according to the method employed by Cambyses. The fleet, either through bad weather, or calms, was often separated from the army, so that no regular sujiply could be derived from the ships ; although, by the nature of tlie original disposition, one might conclude that it had been intended. Nothing therefore can be gathered, respecting the mode by which 262 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Antigonus supplied his vast army with water. It is certain that the historian does not record any complaint, of the want of it : and it might be, that he was not aware of the difficulty of procuring it. It ajipears that Ptolemy was well provided for the reception of An- tigonus. He had lined the banks of the river of Pelusium, which was at that season very deep, with fortilications : and had also provided a fiotilla in each of the mouths of the Nile ; so that the enemy was foiled in every attempt to land from his fleet : and he was finally compelled to retreat with disgrace, to Syria.* IX. We are now compelled to depart from the numerical arrange- ment of Herodotus, for the reasons stated at the outset ( page 232 ) ; and to enter next on his ninth Satrapy, Assyria, &c. ; although no more than the seventh, in our geographical arrangement ; his seventh Satrapy being situated beyond the Caspian sea. " Babylon, and the other paHs of Assyria, constituted the nintli Satrapy, and paid 1000 talents of silver, with 500 young eunuchs." Thalia, 92. This Satrapy is one of the most extensive and rich, of any, Assyria, in the idea of Herodotus (and which is further explained by Strabo), comprehended not only Assyria proper, by which is to be understood the country beyond the Tigris, and of which, Nineveh was the capital, but Syria and Mesopotamia -\- likewise; as well as Babylonia: for our Author says, " Babylon, and tlie rest of the * Herodotus relates (in Thalia, 6, 7.) a curious particular concerning the disposal of the jars, in which wine was sent to Egypt, from Greece and Phoenicia. These jars were collected by the Persians (after the conquest of Egypt, by Cambyses) at Memphis, and sent, full of Nile water, to the desert, to aid the communication across it, when Egypt and Syria were both in their hands. This was certainly a very useful arrangement. Diodorus, lib. xix. c. 6, reports, that the Nabatheans of the adjoining desert, kept stores of rain water in earthen vessels, concealed in the ground, from whence, as from a grand magazine, they drew forth sufficient quantities for their ordinary expenditure. + The term Mesopotamia seems to be of a later date than the time of Herodotus. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 263 Assyrians :" and Assyrians and Babylonians are synonymous terms, in Clio, 106, 178 : and Thalia, 155.* In effect, Syria, in the contemplation of our Author, as well as of Strabo, was a member of Assyria ; and appears to be only the same name, a little abridged ; perhaps without the article. In the enumeration of the army of Xerxes, Polym. 63, speaking of the As' Syrians, " These people the Greeks call Syrians, the Barbarians Assyrians ; mixt with these, were the Chaldeans." And in his descrip- tion of the regions of Asia, Melpom. 39, no country is mentioned between Persia and Phoenicia, save Assyria and Arabia : and he adds, that " the whole of this region is occupied by three nations only :" these therefore we must suppose to be the Assyrians, Ara- bians, and Phcenicians. However, it is certain that he also uses the term Syria, to express collectively, Syria properly so called, together with Syria of Palestine, and Phcenicia ; as we have already shewn in page 243 ; although the two latter are not classed as belonging to the Satrapy of Assyria, but to that of Phcenicia. The Syrians, north of Taurus, or the Leuco-syri, have been already spoken of ; and are totally dis- tinct from these. This Satrapy then, extended in length, from the Mediterranean sea, opposite Cyprus,-!- to the head of the Persian gulf; and in breadth from mount Taurus to the Arabian desert ; having Cissia (Susiana), Media, and Matiefie, on the east; Armenia and Cappa- docia, on the north (the former of which seems to have commenced at mount Masius) ; Arabia on the south ; and on the west Cilicia, the Mediterranean sea, Phcenicia, and Palestine^ According to our Author, Clio, 192, Babylonia was reckoned * Strabo, as well as others, extend Assyria in like manner. See the xvith book of Strabo, particularly. + Posideium, which stood on the borders of Cilicia and Syria (Thalia, gi.) was nearly opposite to Cyprus. See above, pages 242, and 243. X The physical geography of this tract has been spoken of in section VIII. 264, THE TWENTY SATRAPIES equal to ^ of Asia, in point of revenue ; previous (as we understand it,) to the time of Cyrus ; and its government was deemed by much the noblest in the empire. It must be conceived that by Babylonia, Assyria in general was meant. Herodotus speaks of its fertility and produce, in terms of admiration : the Euphrates was the principal agent of this fertility, but he remarks that it does not, like the Egyptian Nile, enrich the country by overflowing its banks, but by the dispersion of its waters by manual labour, or by hydraulic en- gines : the country, like Egypt, being intersected by a number of canals ; Clio, 193. It appears evidently, that he had himself visited Babylonia : he speaks of the palm, as abounding there (as Xenophon after him) ; and was no stranger to the distinction of sexes in these trees ; but seems to be mistaken in certain parts of the oeconomy of nature, in this matter.* He has collected a number of curious particulars respecting Babylon, and its province ; which would occupy too much room, in this place ; and therefore we refer the reader to the book itself: but as the reader will no doubt be gratified at finding that any custom described by Herodotus, exists in the present times, either wholly, or in part, we shall not pass over in silence his description of a parti- cular kind of boat, seen by him on the rivers of Babylon. These were of a circular form, and composed of willows, covered with skins. They were constructed in Armenia (Upper Mesopotamia), in the parts above Assyria, and on their arrival at Babylon, the owners having disposed of their cargoes, they also sold all the mate- rials of the boats, save the skins, which they carried again into Armenia, in order to use them in the construction of other boats. But the rapidity of tlie stream being too great to render their return by water practicable, they loaded the skins on the backs of asses, which were brought in the boats for that j)urjx)se. Some of these boats carried 5000 talents. Clio, 194. * See Clio, 194. He says that the palm produces bread, wine, and honey, Xeno- phon also speaks of the palms of Babylonia much in the same manner. b OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, 265 The same kind of embarkation is now in use in the lower parts of the same river, under the name of kufah (that is a round vessel) : but they are most commonly daubed over with bitumen, skins being very seldom used ; being perhajjs much scarcer than for- merly.* These kiifahs are exactly in the form of a sieve, and require only a few inches depth of water to float in. The reader will imme- diately recollect the Welch corricles, and tlie boats of reeds and willows made in other parts of the world. The ark, that is the cradle, or boat, or both, of Moses, was formed of the bulnisb, or reed of the Nile, and daubed over with pitch : that is, we may sup- pose, bitumen. Exodus, ii. ver. 3. We have reserved our remarks on the description of the city of Babylon, for a separate section, as they are too long for this place.-f- * My friend Mr. John Sullivan, in his progress to India by land (through Natolia, and Mesopotamia), saw some of the kufahs covered with skins, in the manner which Herodotus relates. Although Babylon was situated at the Euphrates, yet the canals of communication between that river and the Tigris, rendered matters much the same, as if the boats had come all the way, with the stream. They could not have descended from Armenia by the Euphrates, because of the interruption of the navigation, at the pas- sage of mount Taurus. t^ t Herodotus promises to give the particulars of the capture of Nineveh, by the Medes : perhaps a description and history of it, likewise ; but it no where appears. See Clio, 106. He mentions Nineveh, however, in several places; particularly in Clio, io2, 103, 178 ; and Euterpe, 150 : but without any description. He speaks of its Jirst siege by Cyaxares : and of the raising of that siege, by the Scythians of the Mxotis, on their irruption into Asia, as before related; page ill. Moreover, he calls it an Assyrian city ; the royal residence of Sardanapalus ; and speaks of its capture and destruction, by the Medes, after the retreat of the Scythians. Both Diodorus and Strabo, attribute its foundation to NiNus, king of Assyria. The former, lib. ii. c. i, describes its form and dimensions, to be an oblong figure, 150 stadia by 90 ; the longest side, being parallel to, and at, the bank of the Euphrates f Tigris is meant). He also speaks of its destruction, by the Medes. Strabo (p. 737.) says, that it was larger than Babylon ; which the above dimen- sions shew : and that it was totally in ruins. From these notices, the first city of Nineveh should have been destroyed in the M m t>66 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES One institution at Babylon we cannot forbear mentioning, for the good sense of it. " Such as are diseased, they carry into some pubhc square: they have no professors of medicine, but the pas- sengers in general interrogate the sick person concerning his malady ; that if any person has either been afflicted with a similar disease himself, or seen its operation on another, he may commiuii- cate the process, &c. No one may pass by the afflicted person in silence, or without inquiry into the nature of his complaint." Clio, ■^97- In the army of Xerxes (Polym. 63), the Assyrian forces " had brazen helmets of a strange form, and difficult to describe. Their shields, spears, and daggers, were like those of tlie Egyptians : they had also large clubs pointed with iron, and linen cuirasses* With these, whom the Greeks call Syrians, the Barbarians Assyrians, were seventh century before Christ. § Its situation is well known to be at the caster;i side of the Tigris, opposite the city of Mosul. Strabo places it in the country of Aluria: and Dion Cassius says, lib. Ixviii. that Attyria is the same with Assyria, the Barbarians having changed the s into /. Certain it is that both of the names Assur and Nineveh, arc^now found in that country ; and the latter, is pointedly applied to the site opposite Mosul ; where, according to travellers of the highest authority (Nie- buhr amongst the rest), traces of the remains of a city are found ; such as mounds of earth, and heaps which indicate the rubbish of buildings, as at Babylon. It appears remarkable that Xenophon, whose fifth encampment from the Zabatus, must have been near to, or on its site ; and Alexander, who passed so near it, in his way to the field of Gaugamela (Arbela) : should neither of them have taken any notice of its ruins : the former especially, who notes the remains of two cities (Larissa and MespylaJ in his way towards the site of Nineveh, from the Zabatus. According to Tacitus, there was a city named Nineveh, in this quarter, perhaps on the same site, in the reign of the Emperor Claudius. • Perhaps vests quilted with cotton, or some such substance, to resist the ordinary cut of a sabre — war jackets. — These are worn at present by the soldiery, in the ser- vice of the petty princes of India. § This was previous to t!ie captivity of the tribe of Judah. Tobias lived to hear of its destruction : (Tobit, at the end). OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 867 mixed the Chaldeans : all were commanded by one general. It may be remarked, that the Assyrians were far behind the Persians and Susians, both in dress and weapons. VIII. " The eighth Satrapy (here we return again to our Author's progressive number) furnished 300 talents, and consisted of Susa, and the rest of the Cissiatis." Thalia, 91. This division answers to the modem Khuzistan ; and was situated between Babylonia, Media, Persia, and the gulf of that name. Next to the Lydian Satrapy, it is the smallest of the whole : but as it contained the then capital of the empire, Susa,* and possessed a rich alluvial soil, and valuable products, (and perhaps, as at the present day, rich manufactures also,) it was enabled to pay so considerable a proportion of tribute. -f Aristagoras makes use of this remarkable saying, when he spoke to Cleomenes, king of Sparta, concerning Susa, called also the royal city and residence of Memnon,;|; " Susa, where the Persian monarch occasionally resides, and where his trea- sures are deposited — make yourselves masters of this city, and you may vie in affluence with Jupiter himself." Terp. 49. There were of the Cissians, or Susians, both cavalry and infantry, in the army of Xerxes ;^Polym. 62, and 86. Their armour, arms, and accoutrements, appear to have been like those of the Persians ; only that they wore jnitres instead of tiara : and from circumstances in general, they appear to have been a rich, and a civilized people. It was in this country of Cissia, or Susiana, that the Eretrians of the Island of Eubxa, (who were taken during the first invasion * It is well known that the Persian monarchs had more than one capital. Ecba- tana, from the coolness of its situation, (see the note, page 178.) was the summer capital ; Susa, and Babylon, seem to have been their winter residences. Persepolis was also a distinguished place of residence. In the time of Herodotus, Susa was the capital. + See the description of this country, and of Its cities, in Otter, Vol. ii. p. 49, et seq. X The foundation of Susa is by some referred to Memnon / by others to Tithomus. Herodotus always calls it the city of Memnon. M m 2 268 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES of Greece, by the Persians, during the reign of Darius Hystaspes,) were placed, after having been first passed into the small Island of Mgilea ; Erato, 101,107. After the memorable battle of Marathon, such of the Eretrians as had not contrived to escajie, about 400 in number, including 10 women, were carried to Susa, by Datis and Artaphernes, as (it would appear) the principal trophy obtained in the expedition. Darius, much to his honour (as Herodotus admits tliat the Eretrians were the first aggressors), took compassion on them, and appointed them a residence at Ardericca, in the district of Cissia; one of the royal stations, situated at the distance of 210 stadia from Susa. It cannot be recognized in the geography: but if, by the circumstance of its being a royal station, is meant that it was one of those bet\\'een Sardis and Susa,* it should lie to the westward of the latter. Herodotus says that they remained there, to his tim£, and preserved their ancient language. Erato, 119. These Eretrians are again heard of, in the life of Apollonius of Tyana, by Philostratus. On a visit to the king of Parthia, Arsaces Bardanus, at Ctesiphon, he is said to have petitioned the king, in favour of the Eretrians carried away by Darius Hystaspes ; and that the king promised redress. This visit being made 50 years after our era, woidd necessarily have been 540 after their captivity. The Bcvotians (Tbebans) carried away by Xerxes, Polym. 233, were placed in the country of Assyria, at Celome (now Ghilanee), near the ascent of the pass of mount Zagros. This is collected from Diodorus, lib. xvii. c. ii. Alexander saw them at Celonae in his way from Susa and Sittacene, to Ecbatana ; after his return from India. Diodorus says, that they had not altogether forgot their language, laws, or customs ; although they had learnt the language of the natives : doubtless, by intermarrying with them. This was no more than 150 years, or thereabouts, after their removal from Greece. Polybius speaks of the district of Chalonitis at the ascent of * See an account of these stations in Terp. 52, and also in section XIII. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. o6g Zagros, in lib. v. c. 5. : and both the pass, and Ghilanee are well known, from the travels of Thevenot, Otter, and Abdulkurreem. The pass in question leads from the country of Irak into Al Jebal, or Kurdistan. Certain persons amongst the Jews, who were carried into capti- vity by the Babylonians, were afterwards removed from Babylon, to the province of Susiana. Daniel was one of them. One of his visions was in the palace of Sushan, or Susa; ch. viii. It is worthy of remark, that the practice of the Persian, Median, and Babyloniiin kings, of referring their dreams to the soothsayers, as we find it repeatedly in the book of Daniel, is also sjx)ken of by Herodotus, as a system.* In Polym. 19, the Magi (who appear to be the magi- cians of Daniel, ch. iv. ver. 7.), deliver their opinions concerning the meaning of Xerxes' dream, respecting the invasion of Greece: and the interpretation was made known to the national assembly of the Persians. In like manner, the extraordinary dream of Mandane, the mother of Cyrus, and her father's dream respecting her; were referred to the Magi, who are said to be " the usual interpreters ;" Clio, 107, 108. Again in c. 110, their opinions are resorted to, on occasion of the disposal of Cyrus. And in a variety of other cases. The practice of removing tribes of people from one country to another, to accomplish political purposes, has prevailed in all ages. Perhaps, there can hardly be devised a more cruel act of tyranny, when attended with compulsion ; since every human creature has an attachment to its native soil and atmosphere; however bad they * We have a pleasure in remarking, that there are a number of coincidences, between the historical facts in the Old Testament, and in our Author ; if we make such allowances, as, from the experience of our own times, are requisite, on the score of misapprehension, and misinformation. Such, amongst other facts, are, the story of Senacherib king of Assyria, and the mice (Euterpe, 141.), which is a different reading of that in 2 Kings^ xix. and 2 Chron. xxxiii. : the battle oi Mag. dolum (Eut. 159.), instead of M'^/Vi/*, 2 Chron. xxxv. in which the king of Judah, was conquered by the king of Egypt. 27© THE TWENTY SATRAPIES may be, in the estimation of those, wlio, from observation, are enabled to judge of their qualities. In modem times, Tamerlane and Nadir Shah practised it, with great rigour: and, considering how numerous the instances are, in all ages, one ought not to be surprised at finding dialects of languages in situations very remote from their original seats. X. " The loth Satrapy* furnished 450 talents ; and consisted of Ecbatana, the rest of Media, the Parycanii, and tlie Orthocory- hatites." Thalia, 92. It is well known, that there were two countries of the name of Media, at the time of the Macedonian conquest ; and that they were called the greater and lesser. The greater answers to the modern division oi Al Jebal, or Irak Ajami; the lesser to Aderhigian, which was called by the Greeks Atropatia, perhaps meaning to imitate the former.-f We conclude that Herodotus intended by Media, the greater Media, only ; because he classes Matiene, which lay between the tzvo, as distinct from Media ; and because also, that Aderbigian appears to form a part of the Saspires and Caspians, wlaich are also classed distinctly from Media, Ecbatana, which will naturally be imderstood to mean the countiy that lay around that capital, w^U then form the northern part of the Satrapy in question. The Ortbocorybayites may be taken for the people of Corbiana, now Cunimabad, the southern part of Media, towards Susiana : and by the Parycanii, we conclude are meant the Paretaccefii, the people of the eastern province of Media, which extended from Persis to the Caspian straits. ;{] Media magna, or Media proper, occupies the midland and elevated tract, between the approximating parts of the Caspian sea, and the Persian gulf; having the low lands of Susia?ia on the south, and * The ninth only, in this series. t See above, page 177, note. % The Paretacani were one of the tribes of Media; in Clio, loi. Pliny says, that the Pratita, or Paredonl, kept possession of the Caspian strait. Lib. vi. c. 15. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 27I the hollow semicircular tract, which embraces the south part of the Caspian sea, (and which contains the provinces that may with pro- priety be termed Caspian,) on the opposite side. It formed also the central part of the great Persian empire, of that day ; and was, from climate, verdnre, and richness of soil, the most beautiful of its provinces. In the descriptions of modern travellers, and geogra- phers. Media is more commonly reckoned the ivestern part of Persia ; it being in reality its most western province ; mount Zagros forming the common boundary between Persia and Turkey. Ispahan, the present capital, is situated in the south-east corner of the division of ancient Media. Thus, occupying the space between the two seas, on the north and south, and forming a kind of pass between the cultivated parts of Eastern and Western Asia, Media, no less from its geographical position, than from its fertihty and temperature, was one of the most important and interesting tracts in Asia. Media may be deemed the cradle of what was afterwards deno- minated the Persian power : for, it produced not only a hardy race of men, but also a numerous breed of the finest horses, from whence was formed the best cavalry of Asia ; which were in fact, Median, although the superior fortime of Persia, communicated its name to those, in common with the empire at large. It is also well known, that the Medes held the sovereignty of Asia, previous to the Per- sians. The horses in question were those bred in the Niscean pas- tures ; and which were so much famed for size, and for beauty and swiftness, in almost every ancient historian and geographer. These pastures are recognized in the beautiful country above mount Zagros, between GInlanee and Kermanshah* * See the Travels of M. Otter, Vol. i. p. 178, e/ seg. ; Vol. ii. p. 11, et seq. Nisaus, was a district in Media, remarkable for producing liorses of an extraordi- nary size. Xerxes' chariot was drawn by them — and the sacred horses in the pro- cession were Nisaan ; Polym. 40. Alexander gave a Nisasan horse to Calanus, to carry him to the funeral pile. The king of Parthia sacrificed one to the sun, when 272 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES The Medes had both cavalry and infantry in the army of Xerxes : and tliey were armed and clothed like the Persians. Herodotus indeed says, that the military dress of the Persians, was, pro- perly speaking, Median, and not Persian; Polym. 61, 62.* With the Greeks of his time. Median was applied generally to the united empire of Medes and Persians, as having from habit been applied to the power which held the sovereignty of Asia. This appears throughout his work. He says moreover, that in ancient times the Medes were universally named Arii (Polym. 62.) ; which agrees with Strabo ; for by him, it appears, as if the whole tract between Assyria and India, had originally been called Aria, by the Greeks. Media boasted of the splendid city of Ecbatana, the summer capital of the Persian monarchs ; now Hamadan.~\- Also that of Rages, perhaps of equal antiquity : afterwards revived under the modern Apollonius of Tyana visited his court. Masistius rode a Nisaean horse at the deci- sive battle of Plat^a. The Nisxan pastures are spoken of in Diodorus, lib. xvii. c. II. ; and in Arrian, lib. vii. Ghilanee has been already mentioned, as the Celona of Diodorus, where the Boeo- tians were placed by Xerxes. See above, page 268. * This ascendancy of the Median fashions, in so important an article as the mili- tary habit, serves to shew, that, although the fortune of Persia, under Cyrus, had risen superior to that of the Medea, yet that the latter were far more advanced in the arts. t The city of Ecbatana was unquestionably on or near the site of Hamadan, in Al jfebal. A great number of authorities concur in proving this, although many refer it to Tauris, or Tebriz, in Aderbigian : Mr. Gibbon, and Sir W. Jones, amongst the rest. Tlie authorities are too numerous to be adduced here : we shall only mention that Isidore of Charax places it on the road from Sekucia to Parlhia : that Pliny says, that Susa is equidistant from Selcucia and Ecbatana; and that the capital of Alropatla (Aderbigian) is midway between Artaxata and Ecbatana. And finally, that it lay in the road from Nineveh to Rages, or Rey. (Tobit, ch. v. and \i.) For the account of the foundation, as well as the description, of Ecbatana, the reader is referred to Hefodotus, Clio, 98 ; Polybius, lib. x. Ex. 4.; Diodorus, lib. ii. c. I. ; and to the book of Judith, ch. i. ver. 2. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 273 name of Rey, by the Mahomedans ; and which was one of the largest and finest cities of the East; but is now a mass of ruins.* This province is moreover, famous for being the place of captivity of the ten tribes, or rather that part of them which was carried away by the Assyrians of Nineveh.-f * The ruins of two cities of the name of Rey are noticed by travellers, in the plain, at about 50 miles to the west of the Caspian strait ; which was the position of Ra^es. For Rages, see Tobit, throughout : Strabo, 524, 525 ; and Polybius, lib. x. Ex. 4. t See section XV. Nn n 274 1 SECTION XII. THE SATRAPIES CONTINUED. Caspian and Hyrcanian Pmvinces ; mid Dahestan. — Bows made of Bamboo. — Eastern Anneyiia and Matiejie. — Colchians not subjected to Tribute, but present Gratuities — attend Xerxes as Auxiliaries. — Caucasus, the Limit of the Persian Power — contains an infinite Number of Languages. — Western Armenia, peopled by Phrygians. — Mines of Gold, Silver, Lead, Copper, and Iron, in Mount Taurus. — Vallies of Sophene and Diarbekir. — Tribes along the South-east Coast of the Euxine — Chalybes and Mosynoecians — Mardi, or Anthropophagi. — Persia Proper; its Tribes emancipated from Tribute, by Cyrus. — Pasagardse and Persepolis. — Artaei, a Name of the Persians. — Germanians, or Carmanians. — Sagartii, taken for a Tribe from Zagatai. — Sarangeeans, the Euerget^e o/" Cyrus and the Greeks. — Utians, or Uxians. — The Persians, — the Flower of the Army of Xerxes. — Islands of the Persian Gulf, their various Uses. — Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdians, and Arians. — Bactrians — Sacae, distinguished JVarriors; cotiquered by Cyrus — Ethiopians of Asia. — Indians — vast Tribute levied on them; and in Gold. — Herodotus knew few Particulars of India, and misrepresented the Natives of it — Vindication of their Characters ; as well fivm ancient Authors, as from the Conduct of Alexander. — The Ganges not known to Herodotus — his Padai, the same with the Gangaridae of others. — Calanus, the Friend and Companion of Alexander — Death of Calanus, on a Funeral Pile. — Indian Widow burns herself with the Body of her Husband; in the Camp o/'Eumenes. — Aggi'e- gate Sum of the Tribute — Proportions of Gold to Silver. — The Southern Nations recruited from Caucasus, from ranote Times. — Population of Egypt. — General Observations. — Cause of the Assem- THE TWENTY SATRAPIES OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 275 blage of so many Nations, by Xerxes — entire Conquest of Europe, intended. — Rendezvous of the Fleet and Army of Xerxes. — Our Author's History, favourable to Liberty. XI. 1 HE Caspians, the Pausicce, the Pant/mathi, and the Darita, contributed amongst them 200 talents, and formed the 1 ith Satrapy." Thalia, 92.* Of these, we find only the Caspians in the army of Xerxes ; in which they formed one entire and distinct command: and there were of them, both cavalry and infantry ; Polym. Qy, and 86. The infantry wore vests of skins ; had bows made of reeds (bamboos it may be conceived), and scymctars. In effect, they resembled the Bactrians, and Arians, their neighbours; 86': and there was a general resemblance in tlie armour of the Bactrians, Caspians, Par- thiajis, Chorasmians, Sogdians, Gardarians, and Dadiae : see Polym. 64, 65, 66', 86 ; so that all the nations situated to the east and north of Media, had so many points of resemblance to each otlier, as to shew that they had a common origin ; that is doubtless from Scv- thia: and this is shewn also from many passages in Strabo and Pliny. It may be observed, that although the Hyrcanians appear in tlie list of the army, with dresses like the Persians ; Polym. 62 ; they are not classed in any Satrapy; and on the contrary, the Daritce, and other nations who are classed in the same Satrapy with the Cas- pians, do not appear in the army. It is possible, however, tliat the Daritce may be meant for the Daha, of whom we have spoken so fully under the head of Scythia ; and who effected a settlement in Dabestan at the south-east part of the Caspian sea, between Hyr- cania and the ancient course of the river Oxus. See p. 222, et seq. There are found in Strabo and Ptolemy, some notices respecting the Pasic(S and Aspasiaca, who appear to be the Pausica of our * The tenth only, in this arrangement. Nn 2 276 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Author. (See Strabo, p. 513: Ptolemy, Asia, Tab. vii.) They are placed near to, or bordering on the Chorasmians ; whence of course, tlie Caspian Satrapy should border north-eastward, on Chorasmia. On the other hand , the nation of the Caspians inhabited the shore of the sea of that name (and which they appear to have communicated to it, in that quarter at least, ) from the mouth of the river Cyrus, southward ; Pliny, vi. 13. Strabo, p. 514, places them nearly in the same situa- tion ; and Ptolemy, between the mouths of the Cyrus and Araxes ; which rivers, in ancient times, gained the sea by separate channels. We may therefore conceive the Caspians to liave possessed the east- ern part of Aderbigian, with the province of Ghilan, &c. The name ho^^'ever, was obsolete before the time of Strabo. Thus, then, the 11th Satrapy seems to have extended at least from the mouth of the Cyrus, to that of the Oxus ; occupying the semicircular tract, which embraces the south part of the Caspian sea ; and which is shut up on tlie inland side, by a great ridge of moun- tains, fonning a most romantic and beautiful amphitiicatre, described by modern travellers, and also slightly mentioned by Quintus Curtius.* So that this Satrapy constitutes one vast natural division of country, and that of the most fertile and productive kind ; being the modern i)rovinces of Ghilan, Mazanderan (or Taheristan), Kor- kan, Dabestan, &c. known in ancient geography by the names of Gela, Maxere, Tapuri, Hyrcania, and the countiy of the Daha. In effect then, Hyrcania should have been included in this division,, although omitted in the statement of Herodotus ; since it . fells geographically between the Caspians and the Pausic« ; which latter, bordered, as we have seen, on Cliorasmia, and marked the north- eastern extremity of the Satrapy. The Pantimatbi may likewise be included, and may represent one or more of the provinces above enumerated. * See Delia Valle, Vol. iii. ; Olearius's Travels, lib, vii. ; Hanway's, Vol. i. ; and Quintus Curtius, lib. vi. c. 4. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, 277 XVIII. " The iSth Satrapy was taxed at 200 talents, and was composed of the Matieni, the Suspires, and Alarodians." Thalia, 94,.* The position of Matiene is well known. It was, properly speak- ing, the north-west part of Media major, lying above the ascent of mount Zagros ; and between Ecbatana and the lake bf Maraga. In Terpsichore, 49, Aristagoras describes it as lying between Armenia and Cissia : and, in 52, the Gyndes is described to flow from it, in its course to the Tigris. According to our idea, although it borders on the SE of Armenia, yet it does not extend near so far to the south, as the province of Cissia, or Susiana.-\' For the S a spires, or Saspirians, we have the following authorities : but it is proper to observe, that although this nation has different names in different places ; as Saspires, Saspines, Sapinians, and Sapi- rians ; yet they are all doubtless meant for the same people, as they are every one of them, connected geograpliically with the Ala- rodians. '<' Beyond the Persians, to the north, are the Medes ; and next to them, are the Saspirians. Contiguous to these, and where the Pbasis empties itself into the northern sea, are the Colchians," &c. ; Mel- pom. 37. Again, " the Saspirians separate Media from Colchis ;" Clio, 104,: and in 110, speaking of the mountains that lay to the north of Ecba- tana (near the Eiixine, it is said, but this must be a mistake), " this part of Media towards the Saspires, is high and mountainous, and abounds with forests ; the rest of the country is a spacious plain." And again, Melp. 40, " To the east, beyond Persia, Media, the Sapinians, and Colchians," &c. As the mountainous tract just alluded to, is clearly the province of Matiene, so the Saspires (or whatsoever may be their proper * The eleventh only, in this arrangement. t More will be said respecting Matiene, in the remarks on the road from Sardis to Susa, in section XIII. ; which see. The Matiene of Cappadocia has already beca discriminated, in the account of the third Satrapy, pages 204, and 239. ^y8 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES name) must occupy the space in the line between Matiene and Col- chis; and, regard being had to the position of the Caspians' country ; to that of the Caucasian provinces, of the Moschi, and of Armenia ; all of which lay beyond it ; the Saspires must have extended through the space between the western bank of the river Cyrus, and the mountains o{ Armenia ; the Araxes and its branches passing through it, to the point, where it descends into the plain of Mogan, a part of the country of the Caspians. The Saspires then, should have occupied in modem geography, the eastern part of Armenia. The Alarodians, or third division of this Satrapy, we cannot find any authority for placing ; but may suppose their country to be parts of Iberia, and Albajiia, bordering on the Colchians and Saspires : for the Alarodes and Saspires were joined in one command, and both were dressed like the Colchians ; implying neighbourhood and con- nection. Polym. 79. The Colchians themselves, as well as their neighbours, the Cau- casian nations, were not classed as belonging to any Satrapy, but imposed a tribute on themselves, in like manner as the Arabiajis, and some other nations ; Thalia, gy : and to this mountain of Caucasus, only, according to our Author, " the Persian authority extends. Northward of it, their name inspires no regard." The Colchians, however, attended the army of Xerxes, as auxiliaries; together with the Mares. These, we can only take for one of the tribes of Caucasus ; auxiliaries also : for of these tribes there were, as in the present times, a great number.* * The incredible number of tribes and languages, in, and about, mount Caucasus, is spoken of, as well by the ancients, as the moderns. See Mr. Tooke's Russia, Vol. ii. ; and t)ie Memoir of the Map of the countries between the Euxine and Caspian, published in 1788. This remarkable tract, which forms an Islhmut between the nations of the nor/h and of the south, seems to have retained a specimen of each passing tribe, from the date of the earliest migration. The Mares, or Marians, might be intended for the Mardi of the 19th Satrapy> adjoining to the one in question. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 279 Concerning the Matienian ti'oops, we have already spoken, as well as of tlie confusion arising between the different countries of that name. Tiie troops spoken of in Polym. 72, evidently belonged to the Matiene of Cappadocia. XIII. " From the i3tli Satrapy,* 400 talents were levied. This comprehended Pactyica, the Armetiians, with the contiguous nations, as far as the Euxhie." Thalia, 93. In the description of Xerxes' army, the Armeniayis are said to be a colony of Phtygiatis ; they were armed like ihem, and were sub- ject to the same commander; Polym. 73. \Vc hear of Pactyaus also, Polym. 6-j ; but they were armed like the Utii, Myci, and Parkajiii, who were situated towards the southern sea ; and were quite unlike the people of the quarter towards the Euxine and Cau- casus. Moreover, the Sagartii, who were said to be of Persian descent, and appear to have been seated on the borders of Persia proper, were habited somewhat betxveen the Persians and Pactyans ; Polym, 85. We should therefore take these Pactyans to be the Baciearis, seated in the mountains on tlie west of Ispahan ; and the Pactyans of Armenia must be a different people; and are quite unknown to us. When our Author extends this Satrajjy to the Euxine, he appears to contradict himself. For, the nations along the Euxine, from the Syria?is of Cappadocia, to the Colchiajis, and which are shut up on the land side, by the Armenian mountains, are all allotted to the XlXth Satrapy; as will presently appear. And the Colchians themselves, who are not included in any Satrapy, occupy the remainder of the coast, bordering on Armenia; so that no part of this Satrapy can possibly touch on the Euxine. The Armenia of Herodotus (in Terpsichore 52.), extended west- ward to the Euphrates, in the quarter towards Cilicia; and south- ward to mount Masiiis in Mesopotamia ; as may be inferred from the same chapter. Northwards it included the sources of the * The 1 2th only, in this arrangement. s8o THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Euphrates ; Clio, 180 ; and from the position given to the SaapireSf it sliould be confined on the east, by tlic mountains which separate the course of the Araxes, from the eastern sources of the Euphrates ; amongst which is mount Ararat. Thus, the Armenia of our Author, has very circumscribed Hmits, compared with the geography of more modern times ; which adds to it, the valley traversed by the Araxes, which Herodotus assigns to the Suspires. From the moderate amount of the sum collected in this Satrapy, there is little reason to suppose, that any considerable projxjrtion of it, arose from the produce of the mines, that are wrought with so much profit, at the present day. The mines alluded to, are those situated in the two branches of mount Taurus, that inclose the val- ley of Soph en e ; through wliich the Euphrates passes, in its way from Armenia to Syria.* These are two in number, Kehhan, and Argana ; and a third, Arabkir, is situated on the western, or Cappa- docian side, of the Euphrates. Kebban, or Mdden Kebban (Mdden signifies mine), is situated in the very heart of the northern ridge of Taurus (apparently that intended by Anti-Taurus), and imjiends over the Euphrates, which has here forced itself a passage through the ridge, leaving a vast chasm.-f The bed of the river is iiere about 200 yards in breadth, and very deep. The Argana mine is at the front of the southern branch of the same mountains, overlooking the great valley of Diar- bekir, through which runs the Tigris.]; These two mines are about ♦ Now called the valley of Karfoot, from a fortress and town, within it. It lies opposite to the valley of Malatia (anciently Melitena), of which it is, in fact, a con- tinuation ; the Euphrates alone, separating the two vallies. t The two great branches of the Euphrates from Erzeroum and Bayazid, form a junction at no great distance above Kebban. It is below this place, and in its passage through Taurus, that the Euphrates forms the rapids which interrupt the navigation to and from, Syria. % This is a more extensive valley than that of Sophene, from whence it is divided by the principal ridge of Taurus. Northwards it is bounded by mount N'iphates, the continuation of the last ridge ; southwards by Matins, its southern branch. These OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 28 1 70 road miles asunder; and are respectively, 50 and 120 from the city of Diarbekir, to the NW. Aribkir is about 20 to the N of Kebban ; or 140 from Diarbekir. The two former of these, were visited by Mr. J. Sullivan in liis way through Lower Asia, in 1781 ; and by M, Otter, in 1739. Mr. Sullivan reports, that they were rich in gold and silver, zwd also produced lead and iron. M. Sestini, who accompanied him, says, that the mine of Argana, yielded copper, also ; and by die different accounts, taken together, Argana seems to have been the most pro- ductive. Mr. Sullivan was told, that the mine of Arabkir had a richer vein oi gold, than the others. M. Otter, although he stopt at Aribkir, does not mention the mine ; whicli seems to shew that it was little regarded, at that time. He says that tiie works at Argana had very much declined ; and those at Kebban, still more. Gold and silver, are the only metals, spoken of by him. Dr. Howel was at Argana and Kebban, in 1788. He says of the former, tliat the only metals found there, are silver and iron.* He is silent, respecting Kebban. It may be observed, that Sestini mentions copper at Argana ; and no copper is spoken of elsewhere. Since that time, however, the Armenian mines have produced vast abundance of excellent copper, which has been dispersed in all directbns, and tlireatcns a revolu- unite, and shut up the valley on the east. Within it, the numerous heads of the Tigris, ^re collected into one stream, which forcing its way through mount Masius, forms the steep cliffs, which compelled the ten thousand to quit the bank of the river, in their ascent from the plains of Babylon. The valley of Diarbekir is about 140 British miles in length, and very wide, forming a great oval ; and may not improperly be named, the hollow Mesopotamia. It is to be noted, that although some of the ancients reckoned it to Armenia, it is in reality, inclosed between the Euphrates and Tigris. * ChalybeSf or workers in iron, are spoken of, amongst the people conquered by Croesus in Cappadocia. Xenophon, Anab. lib. v. found theni at the shore of the Euxine, in Pontus ; and here they are found midway bct\yecn the two seas. Oo 282 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES tion in the trade of this valuable article. From Diarbekir, the water carriage is continuous, to the gulf of Persia, either by means of boats, or rafts : but tliere is no water carriage in any other direction. The Mediterranean is about 1 o journies distant, by caravans ; the Euxiiie, rather less. XIX. " The Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mosyncvci, and Mar- dians, provided 300 talents, and were the 19th Satrapy." Thalia, 94* Xenophon, in his way westward, passed successively through tlie territories of the Macrones,-f the Mosyncecians, Ciialybians, and Tibarenians, between the rivers Phasis and Thermodon : and the Moschi were said to be situated between the heads of the Pliasis, and the river Cyrus. Hence, the 19th Satrapy of our Author must have extended along the SE coast of the Euxine sea ; and was con- fined on the inland, or southern side, by the lofty chain of Arme- nian mountains. On the east it was bounded by the heads of the Phasis and Cyrus; and on the west, by the Thennodon. The Tibareni appear to have bordered on the east of the Thermodon, and the Mosynoeci, Macrones, and Moschi, to follow in succession, eastward.;^; Hence, it may clearly be perceived, that no part of the Armenian Satrapy, could extend to the Euxine. See above, p. 279.) This Satrapy is one of the smallest ; for the Armenian mountains which rise very suddenly from the north, and form the elevated level from whence the Euphrates, the Araxes, and the Cyrus, spring, are at no great distance from the sea ; as may be seen more particularly, by the instructive and entertaining Travels of M. Tour- nefort. The Satrapy is therefore a narrow stripe, or border of land, forming an intermediate level, between the high country of Armenia, and the Euxine sea; but containing some very hardy and warlike * The 13th, in the order here placed. + The Macrones were afterwards called Sanni. Strabo, p. 548. :J: Herodotus, Euterpe, 34, says that the Macrones, are neighbours to the Syrians of Cappadocia. But this should rather be said of the Tibareni, whom Xenophon found near the river Thermodon. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, 285 tribes ; as the Ten Thousand experienced, in their troublesome land march from the borders of Colchis to Cotyora. It is every where intersected by small rivers, the neighbourhood of the mountains to the sea, preventing the waters from collecting into larger streams. The Mardi of this Satrapy cannot be recognized, unless they may be the Mares, or Marians, who were joined in the same command with the Colcbians ; in Polym. 79. It may be remarked, that there are several tribes of this name : one in particular in the country adja- cent to the SW of the Caspian sea ; another in the south of Media ; and a third near Bactria (Pliny, vi. 16.) ; apparently in Gaur. They were all raoiuitaineers ; hardy and warlike : and those at the Caspian occasioned much trouble to Alexander, Perliaps Mardi might design such kind of mountaineers, in general; and the Mardi who are joined witli the Colchians, might have been the mountaineers adja- cent to them.* The Moscbi and Tibarem (in Polym. 78.), formed one command ; the Macrones and Mosynceci, another : however, it may be seen, that the tivo former were situated at the opposite extremes of the pro- vince; and it is therefore more probable that the Mosynceci and Moscbi should change places in the text. All these tribes, save the Mardi (if the Mares may be taken for them,) were equipped alike : that is, they had helmets of wood, small bucklers, and short spears, with long iron points. They lived in a country abounding with iron ; for Xenophon found, amongst the Mosynoecians, and subject to them, a tribe named Cbalybians. " These (he says) are few in number, and the greatest part of them subsist by the manufacture of ii-on ;" Anab. lib. v. Iron ore seems to be spread throughout the • The reader is referred to M. D'An\illes Antlquili Gt'ograpkique de I'lnde, page 96, et seq. for some curious observations respecting the term AlarJi-anra, taken to be equivalent to cannibal, or man-eater; in India. M. D'Anville quotes Photius, who says as much : and also M. Thevenot, who says that certain people near Baroach, in Guzerat, were formerly named Mard't-aura, or man-catcr?. See his Indian Tra- vels, chapter iv. Oo 2 eS^j THE TWENTY SATRAPIES whole tract along the Euphrates, in Cappadocia, Pontus, and Western Armenia. The city and colony of Trebizonde was situated within this Satrapy: and hence the geography of it was well known to the Greeks. So that when Xenophon gives the names of Mosynariivis, Macrofies, Cbalybes, &c. in his retreat, it apjjears that their names, at least, were not new to him, on his arrival amongst them ; although such an idea might arise, unless regard is had to these passages, in Herodotus. - XIV. " The 14th Satrapy* consisted of the Sangatia7is,-\- the Sarangaans, the Thamameans, Utians, and Mencians ; | with those who inhabit the islands of the Red sea, where the king sends those whom he banishes: these jointl}^ contributed 600 talents." Thalia, 93. Although the Sara7igcrans , by which must be understood the people of Zarang, or Sigistan, and the people of the Islands of the Red sea, (that is of the Persian gulf,^) were included in this Satrapy, yet it is not to be supposed that the whole intermediate country, or even any great proportion of it, was included. For, the country of Persia proper, is out of the question ; since it enjoyed the privilege of exemption from the arrangement, which is the sub- ject of this inquiry. " They were not compelled to pay any specific taxes, but presented a regular gratuity;" Thalia, 97. It may be conceived that this privilege was extended to all the tribes of Persia * Here we return again to the progressive numeration of our Author ; and also commence the examination of the easlern division of the empire ; supposing it to be divided by a line drawn from the Caspian sea, to the head of the Persian gulf; when Media would form the central province. This division, although much the largest, contains seven Satrapies only. t Littlebury translates Sagartians ; i, 307. If he is right, these should be the Sag»rtii hereafter mentioned. X Littlebury has this variation : Mtci, for Menci / and which seem to be the Myci hereafter mentioned with the Ulii. § No other islands could be meant ; becatise none but ihescy could contain a popu- lation, sufficient to form a body of troops, equal to a commandery. OP DARIUS HYSTASPES. 285 proper, which are enumerated by the historian, on occasion of their emancipation by Cyrus, Clio, 125; namely, the Arteatce, Persa, Pasargadce, Maraphii, and Maspians, who are the principal ones: and the Panthiala,* Denisice, and Germanians, who follow laborious employments ; the Dai, Mardi, Dropki, and Sagartians, who were feeders of cattle. Of all these, the Pasargada were the most con- siderable. Here the natne of Pasargad^ is represented to exist, before the time of Cyrus, and also to belong to a populous tribe. History, moreover, represents, that Cyrus founded a city of the name of Pasargada, or Pasagarda (for it is written both ways), on occasion of a great victory which he obtained on that spot ; and which appears to have established him in his new empire. It must of course, be inferred, that this city was founded in the province of Pasargada : and as the Persian tenn gherd signifies a district or province (as Darab-ghcrd, which signifies the king's province), it may be supposed that the garda or gada, is the same ^\•itll gherd ; and then Pasa, or Pasar, will represent the name itself; and Pasa or Fasa, is actually the name of a town and district of some consi- deration, in Pers'm proper, at this day.-j- The Persa appear also, as one of the principal tribes ; and the city of Persepolis, although omitted by Herodotus, is spoken of by most of the succeeding writers ; but not we believe till after the Macedonian conquest. This we should regard as the capital of the Persa. Some have supposed, that Persepolis and Pasagarda were names for the same place ; but we are strongly of opinion, from the authorities, that they were distinct places (although the discussion • Littlebury has these variations, Meraphii, Riasians, and Pdnthelians. + Strabo says (p. 730, 731), that " Cyrus respected Pasargada, because this was the place wliere he gained his decisive victory over Astyages the Median, and wliicli gave him the empire of Asia : and that he built a city, and a palace for himself, in commemoration of the victory ; hut removed all the treasure in Persia, to Susa." 286 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES would be too long for this place) ; and conclude that Cbe/minar, was tlie ancient Persepolis : and that Pasagarda was situated more to the south-east ; perhaps at Pasa, or Fasa. At the saine time, it is but fair to acknow ledge, that we do not know of there being any remains of antiquity, either at Fasa, or any other place, save those of Estakar, which is known to have been a Mahomedan foundation, not far from Chelminar; and those of Naksbi Rustum (in tlie same 4ieighbourhood) ; which however are regarded as sepulchres only, excavated from the front of a perjiendicular rock, or cliff. But it may possibly be, that the remains of Pasagardas, are not known to Europeans ; for we should bear in mind, that the ruins of Gour, in Bengal, were unknown to the English and other Europeans, until they had been settled there a very long time ; and imtil the year 1764* Herodotus observes, that the Persians originally called themselves, and were called by their neighbours, Artai ; Polym. 61. These might be the same with the Arteatd- just mentioned ; and their country may be expressed by the Artacene of Ptolemy, and the Ardistan of modern geography ; a province situated to the NE of • In a future work on the geography of Persia, it is intended to give the autho- rities at large, for the positions of these places. Persepolis was no doubt, a name given by the Greeks, to denote the capital of the Persian empire ; and, according to the expression of Justin, lib. i. c. 6, it should have existed before the revolt of the the Persians from the Medes, in the time of Cyru«. What Strabo says respecting Persepolis and Pasagarda:, in pages 729, 730, proves most clearly that he believed ihem to be distinct places: and it is equally certain, that, the description of the sepulchre of Cyrus, both in Strabo and Arrian, does not suit either those of Chelminar, or Nakshi Rustum. For it was in a garden, in the midst of a thick grove of trees ; and rose like a tower from the ground. It was also of small dimensions ; for its basis was composed of a single stone. (See Strabo, p. 730 ; and Arrian, lib. vii. at the end.) Now the sepulchres at Nakshi Rustum are (as we have said) excavated from xht front of a steep high rock, or cliff, and could not be surrounded by a grove : and those at Chelminar have a very broad base, more like a pyramid than a tower. So that there is no one point of resemblance. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 287 Ispahan. The Maraphi may be the same with the Marrashnn of Ptolemy, situated to the NE of Persepolis.* Tiie Maspians (or Masians), the remaining principal tribe, we cannot place. Of tiie inferior tribes, we agree with otliers, in believing that the Germanians are intended for the people of that part of Carmania, bordering on Persia : and which was by the ancients sometimes con- founded with it. The Dai, a pastoral people, of Persia, were very probably a tribe of Dabce ; as these were much scattered about : and even appear to have served in the army of Eumenes, as soldiers of fortune. The Mardi were a tribe of mountaineers, lying between Media and Persia, on whom Alexander warred, at his first coming into Persia,-f- and before his expedition to the Caspian provinces; where he met with another tribe of the same name.;|l The Sagar- tians, a pastoral people, are also mentioned in the army of Xerxes ; Polym. 85. ; and fonned a body of 8000 cavalry. Herodotus says that originally they were of Persian descent, and used the Persian language: and that their dress was between Persian and Pactyan. They are marked by a very singular mode of attack : that is, by throwing out a noose of leather, or hide, by which they endeavoured to entangle the enemy, or their horses. Their weapons were dag- gers only : with which, having entangled their enemy, they easily put him to death. Could we trace out such a modern custom in Asia, it might lead to a discovery of the descendants of the Sagarlii. The same mode prevails amongst the native tribes in some parts of South America. It savours very much of uncivilized life : and as the Sagartii are said to have been a pastoral people, they were pro- bably much on a par with the Tartar tribes, dispersed at present over Persia, at large. If the term Zagatai was so ancient, and one could suppose a mistake in the report of the origin of the Sagartii, one might suspect that Zagati were meant. This tribe is at present dispersed over the north-eastern quarter of Persia ; they are of Scy- thian, or Tartar, origin, and were long settled in Sogdia, wiiiqli at * Asia, Tab. v. t Strabo, p. 524. % See above, page 283. 288 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES one time took the name of Zagatai* As to the other tribes of Pan- thiala, Demsicr, and Dropici, we can find no traces of them. If it be admitted that all the tribes of proper Persia, mentioned on occasion of the revolt of Cyrus, were ejcempted from tribute ; which means also, that they were not classed in any Satrapy: it will be required that we should include, in the same exemption with Persia, a part of Carmania, and the provinces of Lar and Sir- jan ; in which case, the 14th Satrapy, a tract that supplied 600 talents, annually, must be looked for, elsewhere. From the extent, fertility, and general riches of tlie province of the Sarafiga-ans, (the people of Zarang, or Sig7stan,-\-) it might be expected that this alone furnished a considerable proportion of tlie 600 talents, since so confined a country as Susiana, paid 300. j! For Sigistan^ as we have said before, page ^g6, is a rich alluvial tract, situated inland ; it being a vast hollow, surrounded by hiJAs and mountains ; so that its rivers have from time immemorial, deposited in it, the earth brought from tlie surrounding country, and formed a rich soil like that of Egypt and Bengal. And although the rivers terminate finally in a lake, yet much more of their depositions must remain on the land, than if, like the Ni/e and Ganges, they disem- bogued their waters into the sea. The Sarangaans in Xerxes' army, Polym. 67, " had beautiful * Some have supposed that Zagatai, the second son of J inch is Xa>j £ave -his name to the. country of Mawur-al-Nahr ; but it appears jnorc probable that he received his name /"raw it. His portion of the empire of Jinghis, extended from Balk to O'igur. + The present name, Sigistan, seems to be derived from Sacastana, as it is found in Isidore of Charax ; and which last is doubtless derived from the Saca; who, according to the same authority, possessed the province in question. This, of course, was subsequent to the Macedonian conquest. It should be remembered, that Saca was, amongst the Persians, a general term for Scythians, Isidore places Sacastana to the south of Bactria and Paropamisus. fSec Hudson's Min«JGeog. Vol. ii.) X Sigistan is much more than double the area of Susiana. j -i^^ OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 289 habits of different and sphnidid colours ; buskins reaching to their, knees, bows and javclines, like the Medcs." Some of these parti- culars characterize a civilized, rich, and industrious people. In effect, they were the EuergeLe of the Greeks, whose bounty to Cyrus, proved the fertility and wealth of the country, as well as the generous dispositions of the natives of it. Diodorus thus relates the transaction; lib. xvii. c. 8. " Cyrus, during a certain expedition which he had undertaken, was brought into great extremity, in a barren country, through the want of pro- visions. The Energetic (before named Arimaspi*) brought to his anny 30,000 carriages laden with provisions. Cyrus being thus unexpectedly relieved, not only declared them free of tribute, for the future, but bestowed on them other privileges, and changed their former name into Euergetce."-\ It is not known on what particular occasion this circumstance happened; but it appears, from the Persian histories, that, during the time of RusTUM, who is supposed to be the general of Cyrus, the Empire of Persia was attacked by the king of Turkestan (that is, by the Scythians on tlie NE frontier). This seems to have given occasion to the establishment of the capital of Persia, at Balk ( Bac- (ria) ; and of Rustum, in the j^^ of Sigistan, or Ziwang.X It also api^ears, from Herodotus, that Cyrus undertook in person, an expe- dition against the Scytbiafis and other nations in the east ; and more particularly the Saccc and Bactricms,^ in which he was completely successful ; at least in respect of its final termination. But never- * Arrian and Curtius call them Agrlaspa ; Pliny, Argeta ; Plolemy has Ariasp^r. t Or rather, we may presume, some name which had tlie same meaning in the Persian language. X Memorials of Rustum still existed in Sigistan, at the end of the r4th century. In particular, a remarkable Dam or Dyke, denominated from him ; and which, the historian of Tamerlane relates, was destroyed by his army. (Sherefcddin, lib. ii. c- 45-) § More of this subject will be found under the head of Saca. Pp 2C)0 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES theless he might have encountered many difficulties in the execution of the enterprize. Zarang lies midway between Persia and the SacK : and is sepa- rated from tlie former by a very extensive desert, which is noted in the journals of our early travellers, between Kandahar and Ispahan. It might |K>ssibly have been in crossing this desert, that Cyrus' army was distressed for provisions, and where the supply from the Zarangceans so opportunely came. There are, indeed, extensive de- serts also beyond Zarang, in the way to Sogdia, and the Jaxartes : but they are too far removed from Zarang, to render it probable that the relief was sent thither. The Thamanceans, we cannot place. In Thalia, 117, they are mentioned with the Sarangaans, Chorasmians, Parthians, and Hyrca- nians, as inhabiting the hills around the great plain, through which the river Aces flows ; and concerning which we have given our opi- nion in page 195. There is, probably, some confusion between the Hhidmend, the river of Sigistan ; and that of Ocbus, m Aria ; since the above nations are not so situated, as to encircle any plain of the kind there mentioned. But, it is probable, that the Thaman^eans may nevertheless have joined to the Sarangasans, although we can- not assign them their place. If the Sangatians be not the Sagarlii, * we labour under the same difficulty resj^ecting them ; and no less with regard to the Utians and Mencians, (or Mecians). The Utii, Myci, and Paricanii, were armed like the Pactyes ; Polym. 68 ; and were commanded by a son of Darius. It has appeared that the dress of the Sagartii partook of the Pactyan also ; whence the latter should have been a people of some note; and doubtless neigh- bours to those who imitated them. In page 279, we have taken them for the Bactearis, a people inhabiting the mountains, opposite to, and on the SW of, Ispahan : and we therefore are led to con- * The Sangatians, as we have seen, are called Sagartians, by Littlebiirr. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. »(jl sider the Utii as the Uxians, which adjoined to the Bactearis on the SW, and are famous in the march of Alexander, from Babylon to- wards Susa.* The Paricanii (of Media) taken, in page 270, to be the Paredoni of Pliny, who held the Caspian Straits, are situated in the eastern quarter of Media ; and were so far connected with the Utii and Myci, as to use similar weapons, and to be joined in the same command with them. These, then, were of course neighbours to the Uxians, as well as to the Sagartii, who, as we have just seen, imitated the dress of the Pactyes; whom the Uxians copied, in pobit of weajx)ns. Thus, it appears not improbable, that the Utii or Utians, may be the Uxians : and the Myci may be from the above connection, neighbours to them.-f In effect, then, the i4,th Satrapy must be regarded as comprizing Sigistan, together with such parts of the country between it and the Persian Gulf, as were not exempted from tribute by Darius. We con- ceive Carma?iia, in general, to belong to this Satrapy, as well as the country oi Lar, bordering on the Gulf of Persia ; with several lesser tracts towards Media and Susiana. Tiie islands of the gulf also, which are many in number, although none of them are of great ex- tent, save Kishmah, were specifically included: and as they sent a body of troops equal to a whole command, Polym. 80 ; no other than the Persian Gulf could be intended by the Red sea, in this place; for the islands of the ocean are too few, too inconsiderable, and too re- mote, to answer to the description. But our author appears not to have known that the sea formed a gulf in that part, as we have shewn in page 197. On the whole, it must be admitted that the 14th Satrapy is very ill defined ; Sigistan, and these islands being almost the only parts that can be depended on. But we cannot help regarding the circumstance of the islands, as affording a kind of proof, that a con- siderable part of the opposite continent, belonged to the same divi- * T\\z Bactearis are no less distinguished in the warfare of Nadir Shah, in Persia, .t Pliny places the Maci near mount Caucasus oi Buctriatiu : lib. vi. c. 23. Pp 2 2C)S THE TWENTY SATRAPIES sion: since the isLwds and Sigistan, mark the two exlremities on the NE and S\V ; as Uxia and Cannama, on the NW and SE.* Herodotus places the Persians at the head of the hst, in Xerxes' army: (Polm. 61.) and says that they surpassed all the rest, not only in magnificence, but in valour ; 83. They appear to have en- joyed indulgences beyond the rest of the array ; and may, perhaps, not inaptly be compared, in respect of the rest, with the Europeans in a British army in India, composed chiefly of Sepoys, or native troops. They had with them carriages for the women, and a vast number of attendants : as also camels and beasts of burthen to carry their provisions ; besides those for the common occasions of the army.-f With respect to their dress, this was also in a superior style: they wore small helmets which they called tiarae ; their bodies were covered witli tunics of different colours, having sleeves; and adorned with plates of steel in imitation of the scales of fishes : their thighs were defended, and tliey carried a kind of shield called Geira, beneath ■which was a quiver. They had short spears, large bows, and arrows * There is much curious history belonging to these islands, which are scattered throughout the whole length of the Persian Gulf ; and are in general, nearest to the Persian shore. In effect, they have at times, contained the commercial establishments of the Phoenicians, and also of the European nations. But what is more gratifying to the mind, is, that they have in modern times, afforded asylums to the rnhabitants of the maritime towns on the continent, when invaded, or oppressed ; and so regular has this system of taking refuge been, that some of the islands have their names from the opposite towns on the continent. In particular, the inhabitants of the continental Ormi'.s (or Hormus), passed over into the island of that name (the Organa of Ncar- chus), on the irruption of the Tartars, in the 13th century. None can feel the im- portance of insular situations, to the cause of liberty, more than Englishmen; especially at this time. The Tartars had no fleets to pursue the fugitives to the islands ; but the king of Persia, who possessed ships, made use of the islands as places of banishment. t The Greek auxiliaries in the army of the younger Cyrus, appear to have had much the same privileges ; and approach still nearer, in this respect, to the Eu- ropean troops, that form a part of the armies employed by the European states, in India. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES, 293 made of reeds ; and on their right side a dagger susix^nded from a belt. Polym. 61. And, in 83, he says, that their armour was re- markable for the quantity of gold which adorned it. They were com- manded by Otanes, the father-in-law of Xerxes. That body of Persian infantry called the Immortals, consisted of 10,000 ; clothed and armed like the rest.* XVI. " Three hundred talents were levied from the Parthians, Choasmians, Sogdians, and Arians ; who constituted the 16th Sa- trapy." -f Thalia, 93. All these nations, (as well as the Ganduni or Gardarii,'l who formed a part of the 7th Satrapy ) appeared generally in the same arms and clothing as the Bactrians. § Polym. 64, 65, 66 : that is, they had bows made of reeds (Ba?7iboos), and short spears. Their head-dress was the same with that of the Persians and Medes, that is, " small helmets, which they call Tiarae ;" 6\. So that, as has been re- marked in page 275, all the nations situated to the east and north of Media, and of which tract, the continuation of Taurus and Cau- casus seems to form the southern boundary, have so many points of resemblance to each other, as to shew that they had a common ori>- gin; that is, doubtless from Scythia. The provinces above enumerated in this Satrapy, are all contiguous, and form one of the largest of those divisions. Little explanation is necessary to the geography of it : and the principal difficulty arises from the defect of information, respecting the extent of the 7th Satrapy, which was surrounded on three sides, by the one under discussion ; as if extracted from it. There can bib no doubt, * See Polym. 83. for the reason of their being so named. t The 15th in the order here given. % Called Gandarii in the Satrapy, but Gardarii in the list of the army. § The Arii, although included in the same Satrapy, or government, with the other provinces beyond the continuation of Caucasus, had hws like the Medes ; thaf is, large and long ; but were otherwise like the Bactrians, to whose country they joined. 2C)l, THE TWENTY SATRAPIES that by Sogdia, is meant tlie country of Soghd, or Samarcand, situated between the Oxus and Jaxartes ; exckiding Kotlan, Saga- nian, and Kilan, as parts of the Sacan, or Bactrian, Satrapies. Chorasmia must be taken for Khowarezm, at large : and Aria for Herat; which is sometimes written without the aspirate, at this time. As to Parthia, the subject is not So clear, because its limits were perpetually varying, from the date of the d3''nasty of the Arsaridce, who first extinguished the power of the Seleucidce in the East; and then gradually erected the celebrated and powerful empire, that bore the name of Parthian. By the Parthia of Herodotus must undoubtedly be meant their original country, previous to its extension, by conquest. Many of the latter geographers and historians formed their ideas of it, after its extension ; and therefore do not agree amongst themselves. We have extracted, in a note,* the principal authorities for the position of the original seats of the Parthians, after they settled in Iran, or Persia; and these appear to have been placed between Chorasmia, Margiana, Aria, and the Caspian provinces : that is, they possessed the hilly tract on the north of Naisabour. To this, they must afterwards have added Kumis (the Comisene of Ptolemy, Camisene of Strabo), as it was called Parthia in the time of * Justin says that the Parthians were Scythian exiles, who possessed themselves of places, between fiyrcania, the Daha, Arii, Spartans (read Aparyta from Herodotus, Thalia, 91.), ;|nd Margianians ; lib. xli. c. i. Strabo (511) places Parthia between Margiana and Aria : and, in 514, says, that being originally of 00 great extent, it was increased, in after times, by the addition of Camisene, Chorene, and other districts (formerly belonging to Media), as far as the Caspian gates. In 509, he says that the river Ochus flows near Parthia : this is the river that passes by Nesa and Bawerd. Pliny, vi. 25, places Parthia between Media and Aria; Carmania and Hyrcania : and as he extends Hyrcania eastward to Margiana, it is certain that his Parthia agrees with that of Ptolemy. See his Asia, Tab. v. Moreover he says, that Hecatompylos, the capital of Parthia, lies in the middle part of it ; and is only 133 MP. beyond the Caspian gates : lib. vi. c. 25, and 15. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 295 Alexander, who crossed it in the line between Mazanderan and Bactria : and Hecatompylos, supposed to be near the site of Dam- gan, was the capital of Parthia, visited by Alexander. So that Parthia may be supposed to have included the province of Naisabour likewise, as it lay between their first possessions and Kumis : and Parthia at large, extended from the Caspian strait to Chorastnia ; and from the mountains that confine the Caspian provinces, to Aria, and Alargiana. But the present question is, what were the possessions of the Parthians, of the days of Herodotus ? We con- ceive the answer is to be collected from the words of Strabo and Justin : and that the original Parthia of Herodotus, was nothing more than the mountainous tract between Hyrcania, Margiana, Aria, and the desert of Chorastnia. The Parthians and. Chorasmians were joined in one command, a presumptive proof of contiguity, or at least of vicinity : the Arii and Sogdii formed separate commands. Polym. 6,5, 66. VII. " The seventh Satrapy was composed of the Satgagyda,* the Gandarii, the Dadicce, and Aparyta, who together paid 170 talents." "f- It has been said above, that this Satrapy was surrounded on three sides by the 16th; for it appears to have been composed of Margiana and some adjacent districts : and that it was bounded on the south, by Aria; west, by Parthia; north, by Chorasmia, and Sogdia ; and on the east by Bactriana, which formed the 1 etli Satrapy. The name of Margiana was not known to Herodotus ; and was probably bestowed by the Greeks, from the river Margus (or rather Marg-ab), which flowed through it. However, the par- ticulars of this division, are by no means clearly made out ; and we shall assign our reasons for the above arrangement. In Isidore of Charax, there are found, Gadar, and Aparbariica, between Nisa, taken for Naisabour ; and Antiochia of Margiana^ * Sattagydtans, in Littlcbury, Vol. i. 306, + This is the i6th division according to our arrangement. ogS THE TWENTY SATRAPIES taken for Mem : and these we regard as the seats of the Gandarii and AparytiC of our Author; more especially as the former are called Givdarii in another , place ; that is, in Polym. 66. Again, Isidore mentions Siroc and Sufri, as places between Gadar and Apabarlica ; and these are recognized in the well known city of Seraks, and in the village of Jaferi ; places about midway between Naisabour and Mem : whilst Gandar, or Gadar, appears yet more satisfactorily, in Caendar, a place of importance in the same quarter; as we learn from the history of Jinghis Kan. To these notices may be added, that, in Pliny, vi. c. \6, the Gandarii are mentioned with the Chorasmii, Attasini, and Sarangce. Now, Caendar lies on the frontiers of Khowarezm, and has a place of some . note near it, nzimed Tedjen, or Tedzeji, which may perhaps be intended by An a sin* The Dadica being joined in one command with the Gandarii or Gardarii (for they seem to mean the same people), in Polym. 66, were probably their neighbours, although we cannot find out their situation. They wore moreover the same armour with the Bac- tiians, Cborasmiajis, and Sogdians; by whom \\q may conceive they were surrounded. No name like the Satgagyda (or Sattagyda, as Littlebury calls them, Vol. i. 306), can be found: and the Isatichce, or people of Texd, the only one in which any resemblance can be traced, were in the province of Persia proper, or on its borders : too far removed to answer the description. From these scanty notices, it can only be supjxjsed that the seventh Satrapy of Herodotus was made uj) of the province of Mar- giana, and some tracts adjoining to it on the west: and that it had for its boundaries on the south, the ridge of mountains that separates it from Aria : on the west the countries of Baverd, Toos, &c. the original seats of the Parthiatis ; on the north the desert towards the Oxus ; and on the east, Bactria. In effect, that it was * Kondor in Abulfeda's Chorasan, OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 097 surrounded on tl.rcc sides by the i6\h Satrapy, and on the fourth by the 12th Satrapy. XII. " The 12th Satrapy* produced 360 talents, and was com- posed of the wliole country, from the Bactrians to Mglo5."-\- Thalia, 92. The Bactrians are said, Polym. 64, to have most resembled the Medes, in the covering of their heads ; and to have used bows made o( reeds (bafuboos), and short spears. There were Bactrian cavalry, as well as infantry ; Thalia, 86. No rule is given by which we can form an idea of the extent of this Satrapy ; unless the modern province of Balk and its depen- jdencies, are taken for the country of the Bactrians, at lai*ge. There is indeed, little question but that the present city of Balk, is the Bactra or Bactria of the ancients ; but \\hether the modem province, may answer to the ancient one, cannot be known. It seems pro- bable, however, that as Bactiar X signified the east, Baclriana might contain all the tract, classed by the Oriental geographers, as belonging to the province of Balk ; which literally comprizes the ■eastern extremity of the modern empire of Persia. § But Mglos is an unknown position, and may lie either towards India, or Aria ; or towards the Sarangiv, or tlie Saca. It is unlikely that Bactria included any of the Indian provinces, on the west of the Indus; since India was a very extensive Satrapy, and yet did not extend very far into Ind^vi proper : so that nothing can be spared on the Persian side. Kandahar, therefore, as well as Kabul, was no * The 17th, in our arrangement. t Mglans; Littlebury, Vol. i. p. 306. % D'Hcrbelot, article Bakhler. § Bactra or Bactria, was a place of banishment, in the time of Darius Hystaspcs: perhaps as being the most remote province from Susa. The lonians were threatentd with captivity in Bactra ; Erato, 9 : and Herodotus says, " The Barcean captives were carried to Darius, who assigned them for their residence, a portion of land in the Bactrian district, to which they gave the name of Barce : this has within my time contained a great number of inhabitants." Mclpomonc, 204. 298 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES doubt a part of the Indian Satrapy ; whose revenue so much sur- passed any of the others. Again, Saraitga (Sigistan), Aria, Mar- giana, Sogdia, are appropriated: and there is reason to conclude that Kotlan, Saganian, Vashgherd, &c. situated on the north of the Oxus, were in the hands of the Saca, whose country, together with that of the Caspii (or rather Casii), formed a sepai-ate Satrapy: for Alexander's expedition amongst tlie Suae, seems to have been into Kotlaji and Saganian. The mountainous and extensive province of Gaiir, which lies on the SW of Balk ; and between it, the Indian provinces, Saranga, and Aria ; was most probably classed with Bactria : but however strong the probability, there is no kind of certainty respecting it. (But whether or not, we do not consider this as the Mglos intended by our Author. ) "Whether Herodotus had this country in contem- plation at all, is a great doubt, as liis descriptions are more and more deficient, and dark, as he advances eastward from the centre of Persia. Pliny however, seems evidently to have intended Gaiir by the country of the Mardi, (vi. 16.) wliich, he says, extended to Bactria. It has already been observed, that the term Mardi, was always applied to savage mountaineers ; and no country is better suited to this description, than Gaur ; which is environed by craggy and lofty mountains ; and is, in a degree, sequestered from the sur- rounding countries, by this barrier.* According to our Autlior's context, one might conclude that the countries of Bactriana, and Mglos, formed the opposite extremes of this Satrapy. Bactriana, then, taken as above, for the Balk province, may be conceived to form the xvestern quarter of this Satrapy ; and by the same rule, we ought to look for ^glos in the eastern quarter. Now the most remote eastern province of Balk is Kil, Gil, or Kilan ; may not this be the Kilos, Ekilos, or Mglos of oiu" Author ? * See above, page 283. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 2^9 XV. " The SaCiC and Caspii formed the 1 5th Satrapy ; and pro- vided 250 talents." Thaha, 93.* As the subject of the Sac^ has been already discussed, at large, in the account of Eastern Scythia ; and that tribe of them subject to Persia, placed in the eastern quarter of Sogdiana, between the upper parts of the rivers Oxus and Jaxartes ; it will be unnecessary to say more in this place, concerning their geographical position, than that they possessed the countries of Kotlan and Saganian, which were adjacent to Bactriana, Sogdia, and mount Imaus. The Saca, Polym. 64, were joined in the same command with the Bactrians, their neighbours : " Bactria amongst the Saccr," says our Author, in Calliope, 113. They were not only a very warlike tribe, but must have been very powerful also; since it is said of Cyrus, after the reduction of Lydia, that he held the Ion fans in trifling estimation, compared with what he expected in his views upon Babylofi, and the Bactrians ; and was prepared also for more serious resistance from the Sacians and Egyptians; wiierefore he resolved to take the command in these expeditions, himself, and to entrust one of his officers with the conduct of the Ionian war;" Clio, 153. It is probable, therefore, that the Sacce were at this time making inroads on the eastern frontier of Persia, and had established themselves in the countries just inentioned ; and probably in Bac- triana also.-f It appears also, Clio, 177, that Cyrus pursued his conquests in the east, previous to the reduction of Babylon ; it being no doubt of more importance to check the spirit, and the progress of the Scy- thians, than to undertake new conquests in Babylonia ; from whence his kingdom might receive no annoyance in the mean time. It is said then, that " whilst Harpagus was engaged in the conquest of * The 1 8th, in this arrangement. t In after tiznes, as we have seen, they had a principal share in overthrowing the Macedonian empire m Bactriana (Strabo, 511); and made extensive conquests in Armenia, also. 300 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES Lower Asia, (that is Asia Minor, &c.) Cyrus himself conducted an army against tiic upper regions ; of every part of which, he became master.* The particulars of his victories I shall omit (says the his- torian); expatiating only upon those, which are more memorable in themselves; and which Cyrus found the most difficult to accom- plish. When he had reduced the whole of the continetit, he com-^ menced his march against the Assyrians."-f Clio, 177. It may be supposed then, that the Sacce, as well as the Badrians^ and other adjoining nations, were conquered in the course of this expedition ; and that, from the expression of the historian, with less difficulty than Cyrus had expected. By the airangement of the Satra- pies, the Sacje must have been in the condition of subjects, at the ac- cession of Darius Hystaspes ; (see also. Poly mnia, 9). So that, from circumstances, they could only have been reduced by Cyrus : and Sogdia must have been in the possession of Cyrus, at the date of his expedition against the Massagetce, which cost him his life ; as well from the history of the expedition itself, as from the arrangement of the Satrapies ; and also from the strong circumstance of his having founded a city, at the passage of the Jaxartes ; which city, (Cyropolis or Cyreschata,) was particularly regarded by Alexander. ;|| It was also during his Sacan expedition, either outward, or home- ward, that the people of Sigistan, or Zaratig, gave such material aid to the army of Cyrus, as to obtain the title of Euergetce. See above, page 289. It may be remarked, that Justin either was not informed of, or thought unworthy of notice, this conquest of the Sacze: unless, indeed, he includes them in the Scythians, generally. He says, lib. i. c. 8, that " Cyrus having reduced Asia, and the East in general, * By the upper regions may be understood the eastern, or towards the sun-rising. t The conquest of Egypt was left to Cambyses. X According to Justin, lib. xii. c. 4, Cyrus built three cities near the Tanais (Jaxartes J. Arrian also speaks of the city of Cyropolis, founded by Cyrus, and which Alexander took possession of: lib. iv. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. gOl carried war into Scythia :" meaning, certainly, the country assigned by Herodotus to tlie Massageta. The Sacas were a very distinguished nation in the army of Xerxes, both by sea and land* It has been remarked, that there were detachments of them, together with Persians and Medes (wIto were reckoned the best troops) on board the ships of war; appa- rently in the nature oi marines; Polym. 96. The preference given to the Sac^e, was probably for their superior skill in archery; the Scythians in general being celebrated on the score of archery .-f The use of such a missile weajion as an arrow in a sea-fight, in skilful hands, must have been of great advantage ; especially as the Greeks neglected the use of it: for it is remarked that, at the battle of Marathon the Athenians were destitute both of an hers and cavalry ; Erato, 1 12. Xenophon found a vast difficulty, early in the retreat, through the want of cavalry and of people who threw missile weapons ; and which being easily removed, by embodying the Rho- dian slingers, the army was saved. Anab. lib. iii. The Saca rendered the greatest services to the Persians in the battle of Marathon, Erato, 113: and at the battle of Platae, as cavalry. Calliope, 71. They had helmets terminating in a point, and wore breeches ; which article of dress seems to have been peculiar to them amongst all this army, and may have been an additional reason for employing them on sliip-board; where such a dress * Mardonius chose the Saca, Medes, Bactrlans, and Indians, amongst the troops that were to form liis army in Thessaly. Urania, 113. t We are told that the Medes learnt from Scythian masters, to improve in their management of the bow ; Clio, 73. Hercules also is fabled to have learnt tliat art from the Scythians, who were great hunters. The Sacx were distinguished (no doubt from their superior dexterity as archers) at Marathon, and Plata. See Calliope, 61, and 72. The Athenians are said to have had at one period, Scythians amongst their troops. Belisarius had Massagctae in the African army. (Procopius.) 302 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES would have its convenience.* Tliey were armed with bozvs, daggers^ and a hatchet called sagaris. Concerning this last weapon, authors are not agreed. It appears *.*ttiat it was in use, not only with the Saca-, but with the Persians also ; and yet it seems to have been regarded as a singular kind of weapon. In the Anabasis, lib. iv. a Persian prisoner, belonging to the army of Teribazus, in Armenia, had a Persian bow and quiver, together witli a sagaris; which Spelman translates an Amazonian battle-axe. Suidas doubts whether it was of the szvord, or of the hatchet kind : but Montfaucon calls it a battle-axe with two edges. Littlebury translates it bill ; and it is certain, that in Thibet and Bootan, there is a large sword of the billhook form, which the Au- thor has himself seen : and Thibet is a part of the same region with Sakita, the propei- country of the Saca in question.-f The Caspii or Caspians, joined with the Saca, may with more pro- bability be the Casians, or people of Casia, in Ptolemy; that is, Kash- gur; \\hich country borders on that of the Saccv, or Sakitce. The Caspian sea is quite out of the question ; for the Massagetaa lay be- tween the Sacce and the (Aral, regarded as a part of the) Caspian : and moreover the Caspians have Seen already placed, in the nth Satrapy, at the coast of that sea. XVII. " The Paricanii and Ethiopians of Asia paid 400 talents, and fonned the 17th Satrapy." Thalia, g^.X * Aristagoras remarks, Terp. 49, in order to sink the military character of the Persians, in comparison with the Greeks, that, they go to battle *' armed only with a bow and ^Aar/ spear ; that their roies were long; that they suftercd their hair to grow ; and would afford an easy conquest." t Weapons of the kind here spoken of, appear to have been in use in several countries ; perhaps, because they answer the purpose of a hatchet to cut wood, as well as a weapon of war : and it might have been contrived to answer both purposes, without any great sacrifice of the qualities proper to cither. In the Toxaris of Lucian, a wound is inflicted with a hooied swoid. J The 19th in this arrangement. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. , 303 The Paricaniio^ Media have been suppposed, page 270, to be in- tended for those whom other ancient authors call Paratacceni. The people of that name under consideration, we refer to the country of Gedrosia ; i. e. Kedgc or Makran, in the modern geography : con- sidering the town of Fahraj or Paraj, as the Poorah of the histo- rians of Alexander ; to whicii that conqueror came, after sunnount- ing the dangers and hardships of the Gedrosian desert : and this Poorah we regard as the seat or capital of the Paricanii, who are classed in the same Satrapy with the Etbiopiatis of Asia. Herodotus takes some pains to discriminate these EthiojMans from those of Africa, or from above Egypt; Polym. 69: for he says, (70), " Those Ethiopians who came from the moi-e eastern parts of their country (for there were two distinct bodies in this expedition) served with the Indians. These differed from the former, in nothing but their language, and their hair. The Oriental Ethiopians have their hair straight ; those of Africa have their hair more crisp and curling than any other men. The armour of the Asiatic Ethiopians resembled that of the Indians, but on their heads they wore the skins of horses' heads, on which the manes and ears were left. The manes served as plumes, and the ears remained stiffs and erect." In these Ethiopians, we are of course to look for a race of men blacker than the rest of western Asia, and yet situated within Persia ; for India formed a distinct Satrapy. And how well soever the de- scription of black complexion, and straight hair, may agree with the people of the peninsula of India, these are out of the question ; be- cause it is expressly said, that the southern black people were inde- pendent of Persia. Of course they can only be looked for, in the south-east angle of Persia towards India. Being formed in one joint command with the Indians, this circumstance strengthens the idea of their being Jieighbours ; and we must therefore regard the Ethio- pians of Asia as the people of Makran , Haur,* and other provinces • The Orifa of Alexander and Nearchus. 30], THE TWENTY SATRAPIES in that quarter; for these were bordered by Indian provinces, on the north, as well as on the east. The Parycanians, or people of Poorab, as we ha\'e supposed them, appear to be the body of cavalry mentioned in Polym. 80, but with- out any particular description, that might lead to identify them with tlie Barcanii of Curtius, (lib. iii. c. 2.) These last, formed a part of the army of Darius against Alexander; and consisted of 2000 horse and 1 0,000 foot. They, however, might have been the Pa- /;)'Cfl«H of Media (or Paratacceni). M. D'Anville (Geog. Ancien. Vol. ii. page 295.) places the Barcanii at Balkan, at the east side of the Caspian sea, and near the ancient mouth of the Oxus. This he may have done on the au- thority of Stephanus, who (as Cellarius quotes him, Vol. ii. 504), says, that " the Barcanii were situated at the extremity of Hyrcania;" which is indeed the situation of Balkan : but then this place forms a part of Chorasmia, which is itself included in the 16th Satrapy. And moreover, the strength of the body of troops, 12,000 in num- bo", appears too great for the district of Balkan alone ; and, it must be recollected, that in the arrangement of the Satrapies, the Paricanii are classed with the Ethiopians of A.sia ; which latter, in the list of the army, were joined in the same command with the hidians. We are, however, very far from being tenacious of the above opi- nion, respecting the geographical situation of these Parycanii : being by no means satisfied with the notices, on which the boundaries of the Satra}:>y under discussion, are founded. It has been remarked Ijefore, that our Author's ideas were more and more circumscribed, as he extended his views and descriptions, eastward: and on the whole, it can only be concluded generally, that the Satrapy in ques- tion, extended from the entrance of the Persian Gulf, on the west, to the borders of India, on the east ; and from the Erythraean sea on the south, to Saranga and Arachosia on the north. XX. and last Satrapy. " The Indians, the most numerous nation of whom we have any knowledge, were proportionally taxed ; they OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 305 formed the 20th Satrapy, and furnished 600 talents in golden in- gots." Thalia, 94. How much of India Darius possessed, is not known; but the tribute of it, if rightly stated, was immense. By Herodotus's de- scription it might be concluded, that the king possessed little beyond the Indus, save the Punjab, Sindi, and the country along the Indus, generally; in addition to all the Indian provinces situated on the Persian side, and which were indeed very extensive -. that is to say, Kabul, Kandahar, and that wide stripe of country along the Indus, to the sea. But all these, collectively, could never produce so vast a sum as 600 talents in gold, each of which were reckoned equal to 13 of silver. (Thalia, 95). It appears, in fact, from our Author's own statement, that the number 600 is a mistake. For, as he gives in Thalia q^, the num- ber of talents of silver that were equivalent to that portion of the tri- bute that was paid in gold, at 4680 (that is, at the rate of 13 to one), no more than 360, instead of 600, should be reckoned ; since this last number, multiplied by 13, produces, of course, 7800. So that we must lessen the Indian tribute, in the proportion of -/^ of the whole; but it is yet too large, out of all proportion; it being 4^- times as much as Babylonia and Assyria, which formed one of the richest of the Satrapies. That the tribute was paid in gold, appears very probable ; for we learn from the Ayin Acbaree, that the rivers which descend from the northern mountains, in the west of India, yielded much gold. Hero- dotus knew this also : Tlialia, 106: and so did Curtius. It was the only instance in which gold was paid : and this is one, out of a great many instances, in which our Author is right; when, to a common observer, he might appear the least so. It is said, Pol3'm. 65, that the dress of the Indians was cotton:* * The cotton shrub is afterwards described. The dresses here intended may per- haps have been quilted, like those of the Phoenicians and the Assyrians ; who arc said to have had linen curiasses. Sec above, page 266; and Polym. c. 89. R r 306 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES " that their bows were made of reeds" by which, as in several other instances,* bamboos are unquestionably to be understood ; as they are at this day in common use. Their arrows were also " of reeds, (of a small size we may suppose, as at present) and pointed with iron." And in Polym. 86, " the Indian cavalry were armed like their infantry ; but besides led horses, they had chariots of war, drawn by horses and wild asses." Here, no mention of elephants is made, although they were so much used in war, when Alexander visited India, at too short an interval after the time to which the descriptions of our Author refer, to have allowed of any considerable change. He does not appear to have known that there were any elephants in India ; another proof of the slight degree of knowledge of India, possessed by the Greeks, in those times. Herodotus's very confined knowledge of India, is also proved by the extraordinary reports which he has detailed concerning its inha- bitants ; some of which are highly injurious to the character of that industrious, inoffensive, and highly civilized people. For, with many particulars that are true, respecting their customs, and manners, he has mixed a greater number that are false ; and of such a nature as to brand their cliaracters with a charge of odious and obscene prac- tices ; from which they are perfectly free, at this time; and were so, no doubt, then. Thalia, 98, et seq. The expedition of Alexander was within 150 years of the time referred to, b}^ our Author ; and the Grecians, who then visited India, speak of a very different state of things, even amongst the people of the Panjab,-f who appear to have been polished and well informed. How otherwise can it be re- conciled, that a prince of Alexander's character, should have selected one of these Indians for a companion .^ |" What say Ptolemy and Aristobulus, from whom Arrian collected his ideas.? " That the country (adjacent to the branches of the Indus) was rich, the inha- • As amongst the Bactrians, Caspians, &c. t The country watered by the Jive eastern branches of the Indus. J We allude to Calanus, of whom more will be said in the sequel. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 307 bitants tliereof good husbandmen, and excellent soldiers : that they were governed by the nobility, and lived peaceably: tlieir rulers im- posing nothing harsh, or unjust upon them." Arrian, lib. v. ch. 25. It is true, that Herodotus says, Thalia, 98, " Under the name of Indians, many nations are comprehended, using different languages:" and, as he had heard more of the western Indians, or those towards the Indus, than the others, (that being the part more particularly known to the Persians, by their recent expedition), it is possible that the, tribes spoken of, might have been the savages of some of the wild tracts adjacent to the Indus, below the Panjab country. He indeed excepts one tribe of Indians, from the generality of the practices imputed to the others, and whose character and description, in a general point of view, accord with those of the Hindoos. These, says he, " differing in ipanners from the above, put no animal to death, sow no grain, have no fixed habitations, and live solely upon vegetables. They have a particular grain, nearly of the size of millet, which the soil spontaneously produces, which is protected by a calyx ; the whole of this they bake and eat. If any of these are taken sick, they retire to some solitude and tiiere remain ; no one expressing the least concern about them, during their illness, or after their deatli." Thalia, lOO. Here we may observe, that truth and misre])resentation are blended together. It is true, that they abstain from animal food ; that they live on rice and vegetables ; and that they expose their sick to, often- times, untimely death : but it is not true, that they have no fixed ha- bitations, for no people m the world live so much in one place ; nor that they live on grain produced spontaneously, for none are greater cultivators. All that Herodotus has said, therefore, proves in the strongest manner, the very imperfect kind of information concerning India, that had reached Greece ; or that had been collected in Persia. For if he could say, and say truly, of Egypt, Euterpe 35, that " it claimed our admiration, beyond all other countries ; and the won- derful things which it exhibited, demanded a very cojVious descrip- Rr 2 308 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES tioii: tliat the Egyptians, bom under a climate to which no other can be compared, possessing a river, different in its nature and pro- perties, from all the rivers in the world; and were tliemselves dis- tinguished from the rest of mankind, by the singularity of their in- stitutions, and their manners ;" would he not also have distinguished the Hindoos, together with their country and river, had he bc^n suf- ficiently informed concerning them ? Egypt was indeed the admira- tion of Herodotus : this he had seen ; but Hindoostan, and China, were placed, not only beyond the reach of his observation, but, in a great measure, beyond his knowledge. Some of the particulars res{:)ecting India, which occur in our Au- thor, and which from the odd mixture of truth and falsehood, are worthy of being pointed out to present notice, are added in the notes. It does not by any means appear, that he considered any of the In- dians as being polished, or well-informed.* * Thalia, 98. " Under the name of Indians, many nations are comprehended, using different languages ; of these some attend principally to the care of cattle, others not; some inhabit marshes, and live on raw fish, which they catch in boats made of reeds, divided at the joint, and every joint makes a canoe. These Indians have a dress made of rushes, which having mowed and cut, they weave together like a mat, and wear in the manner of a cuirass." 99. " To the east of these, are other Indians, called Pad.€I, who lead a pastoral life, live on raw flesh, and are said to observe these customs: — If any man among them be diseased, his nearest connections put him to death, alledt.ing in excuse, that sickness would waste and injure his flesh. They pay no regard to his assertions that he is not really ill, but without the smallest compunction deprive him of life. If a woman be ill, her female connections treat her in the same manner. The more aged among them, are regularly killed and eaten ; but to old ace there are very few who arrive, for in case of sickness they put every one to death." t "I It is remarkable, that these people, so described zs cannibals, arc twice mentioned in other parts of our Author, under the name of Callalia or Callantia. Thalia 38, and 97. He says, in the former place, that they are " a people of India, known to eat the dead bodies of their parents ; and that they were disgusted at the proposal of burning them ; made by Canibyses. The passage in Thalia 97, is not so easily understood ; for there the Callantiau OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. QCg He further says of the Indians, Thalia 94, tliat " they were the most populous nation, of whom we have any knowledge ; and were proportionally taxed" by Darius ; which, indeed, appears from the vastness of the sums raised, could the numbers be depended on : but as he limits the length of the known parts of Asia, to a space short of what he assigns to Europe, (under the extended dimensions above described) or even to Lybia ; Melp. 44, ; he could by no means have meant to include the whole of India : nor, indeed, does his de- scription of that country express it. For he says, " Europe, in length, much exceeds the other two (L'ybia and Asia), but is of far inferior breadth." Melp. 42. And in his description of India, he says, Melp. 98, " That part of India Mhich lies towards the east is very sandy." And again, " the part most eastward is a perfect desert, from the sand;" but it is well known, that the eastern part of India, (Bengal and Oude, generally) is by far the most fertile part; nor will the above description apply to any other part of India, than that between the lower part of the Indus, and Rajpootana ; and to this, it does literally apply- And hence, combining this information, with that concerning the southern part, which contained tiie blackest people, and who were independent of Persia, Thalia 101 ; we may loi. '* Among all these Indians whom I have specified, the communication be- tween the sexes is like that of the beasts, open and unrestrained. They are all of the same complexion, and much resembling the Ethiopians." 102. " There are still other Indians towards the north, who dwell near the city of Caspatyrum, and the country of Pacty'ica. Of all the Indians, these in their man- ners most resemble the Bactrians: they are distinguished above the rest for their bravery, and are those who arc employed in searching for the gold." — The cotton plant is thus described, in Thalia io6. " They (the Indians) possess a kind of plant, which, instead of fruit, produces wool, of a finer and better quality than that of sheep ; of this, the natives make their cloaths." Indians (if meant for CaUatian) are said to have rites of sepulture: according to Mr. Beloe's translation. Perhaps, something else is meant, as there is said to be a differ- ence ot opinion, respecting the meaning of the original. 310 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES conclude tliat Darius, in fact, possessed no more of India than what lay contiguous to the Indus, and its branches:* and also, that the limit of our Author's knowledge eastward, was the sandy desert of Jesselmere, called Registan (or the Country of Sand) ; and that the rest was described from vague report, which generally supplies the want of facts, by monstrous fables ; as if men, when constrained to invent, thought that probable stories were too insipid for belief. Herodotus had certainly never heard of the Ganges, a river in so many respects like the Nile, and in bulk so much superior ; and this may convince us, that the Persians had not penetrated so far to the east at that period. But as he speaks of the nation of the Pad^ei, said to be one of the most eastern nations of India ; and who killed or exposed the aged persons amongst them ; it must be supposed that he meant the people who inhabit the banks of the Ga?iges, the pro- per and Sanscrit name of which, is Padda; Gang a being the appel- lative only : so that the Padcei may answer to the Gangaridcc of later Greek writers. See Thalia, 99. It is a circumstance very well known, that whilst Alexander was at the Indus (in the Panjab country), some Braynins either came, or were brought, to him ; and that one of them, by name Calanus, at the request of the king, accompanied him into Persia. In this In- dian philosopher, we trace, at the distance of more than 21 centuries, the same frame of mind, and the like superstitions, as in the same tribe, in our own times ; a contempt of death, founded on an un- shaken belief of the immortality of the soul, (a cordial drop which the most atrocious of the enlightened modems would rob us of) ; and an unconquerable adherence to ancient customs. The friendly connection that subsisted between Alexander and this philosopher, does infinite honour to both ; for it proves that both possessed great minds, and amiable dispositions ; and that Alexander was, at bot- tom, a philosopher himself; otherwise the indejxjndent mind of • Of course, these cannot be the Ethiopians of Asia, who attended Xerxes, for they were included in the 17th Satrapy. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 3II Calanus, could not have taken such liolcl of him. Alexander never appears to more advantage, than during the last act of the life of Calanus. This Indian sage, finding his health decline, and believing that his end approached (he was then 73, according to Diodorus, lib. xix. c. 2.), determined to lose his life on a funeral pile, to avoid the misery of a gradual decay; to which Alexander reluctantly con- sented, from an idea, that some other mode of suicide, less grateful to the feelings of Calanus, would certainly be resorted to. Alexander ac- cordingly gave directions to Ptolemy, to comply with every request of the dying man ; and to render him every honour that his situation admitted of; and even condescended to arrange tlie ceremonies him- self Descriptions of the awful ceremony are to be found in Arrian and in Plutarch.* Arrian appears to be much struck wiih the cha- racter and fortitude of Calanus ; and remarks, that " this is an ex- " ample of no mean import, to those who study mankind; to shew " how firm and unalterable the mind of man is, when custom, or " education has taken full possession of it."-!- It may be believed, that the moral conduct of Alexander was in- fluenced and improved by associating with this blameless man ; and we therefore must lament that his acquaintance with Calanus, had not an earlier commencement. Then might the sad tragedy of Clitus have never been acted : and the inquiry into the conduct of Pbilotas, might have been more dispassionate! Happy the men in power, who have those of sense and moderation for their companions ! But it is too unreasonable often to expect indejiendence of mind, in such * Plutarch, as well as Arrian, says, that Calanus told Alexander that he should soon see him again, at Babylon. The death of Calanus happened at Pasagarda. A severe frost happened on the night of the funeral, and occasioned the death of many persons, who committed debauches at the funeral feast given by Alexander. (Plutarch in Alex.) t Arrian, lib. vii. My friend Mr. Wilkins supposes that his name may have been Kd/yanah, In his own country. 315 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES situations. Alexander, therefore, was a rare instance of a prince who tolerated it.* Thus, the accusation of barbarism in the manners of the Indians, brought by Herodotus, falls to the grovuid ; unless the same barba- rism is to be attributed to Alexander. There occurs in Diodorus (lib. xix. c. 2.) an account of an Indian widow's burning herself on the funeral pile of her husband, who had commanded the troops brought out of India ; we must suppose, by Alexander. Th.e name of this general was Ceteus, (or rather Keeteiis) ; and he was, no doubt, of the Katri tribe of Hindoos. The event hapjjcned in the camp of Eumenes, on the borders of Media, about eight years after the death of Alexander, during the struggle for empire, between Eumenes and Antigonus.-f * The history of Calanus brings to mind that of another virtuous Asiatic, Allavee Kan, a physcian of eminence, who, at the desire of Nadir Shah, accom- panied him from Delhi to Persia, after his conquest of Hindoostan, in 1740. This physician was a Mahomedan of family, and of the most respectable character ; and, according to the anecdotes given of him by Abdul Khvrreem, pages 44 and 74, was worthy of being placed in the same list with C.^lanus. By the influence which this gentleman possessed, over the mind of one of the most stubborn and bloody tyrants the earth ever produced ; as well as by a variety of other instances of a similar influence, operating on other men ; we are led to suppose, that of all pro- fessors, those of physic take the firmest hold of the minds of the persons, whose necessities they administer to ; when medical skill is combined with sagacity and address. And to the honour of the profession, it must be acknowledged, that this influence has very often been exerted to the best of purposes. t " Keeteus left behind him two wives, who disputec^ the honour of burning themselves with the body of their husband, who fell in battle, after fighting with great courage. It was decided in favour of the youngest, the elder being pregnant. " As soon as she came to the pile, she took off the ornaments of her person, and distributed them amongst her servants and friends, as tokens of remembrance. The ornaments consisted of a number of rings on her fingers, set with all manner of precious stones, of divers colours ; a great number of small golden stars, interspersed ■with sparkling stones of all sorts, in her head-dress ; together with abundance of jewels about her neck. At length she took leave of all her family and servants, and, OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. SI3 The ceremony is described to be exceedingly alike to what the Author has himself seen in India ; in the distribution of the jjersonal ornaments of the widow, to her servants ; in her being more parti- cularly attended by her husband's brothers ; in turning herself on the pile, towards the dead body of her husband ; and in ending her life witli the greatest heroism. In Diodorus, it is said that the army of Eumenes, solemnly ui arms, marched round the pile thrice, after the widow had ascended it : but in the instance seen by the Author, which was that of a rich private individual, the widow herself walked the same number of times round the pile ; and the fire was applied to it by her eldest son, who was about eight years old : and instead of hem^ placed on the pile, she ascended it by her own exertions. Calanus distributed the ornaments, with which the king had caused the pile to be decorated, to certain persons present ; and the Niscfun horse, provided also by the king (who supposed him to be too much weakened by sickness, to be able to walk), to Lysimachus, after- wards king of Thrace, who was one of his disciples and admirers. It has not come to our knowledge, that any men in India, have vo- luntarily burnt themselves, like Calanus, in modern times. We have now completed the examination of the Twenty Satrapies ; and from the above statement, compared with the map, an idea may be collected of the extent and division of the Persian empire under Darius Hystaspes. Cyrus had added to the central provinces of Persia, Media, Assyria, &c. those of Lydia, and Asia Minor, generally, on the west; Bactriana, and others, on the east; to which his son and then her brother placed her upon the pile ; and, to the great admiration of the spec- tators, she ended her life with an heroic courage. " The whole army solemnly in thtir arms, marched thrice round the pile, before it was kindled; she, in the mean time, turned herself towards her husband's body, and did not discover, by shrieks or otherwise, that she was at all daunted, by the crackling of the flames," &c. Ss 314. ■ THE TWENTY SATRAPIES successor, Cambyses, added Egypt ; aiid Darius himself, Ionia, a part of Thrace, and many of tlie islands of the Archipelago. In the above division of the empire into Satrapies, there appears that sort of congruity, which furnishes an internal evidence of the truth of our Author's statement ; at the same time that it proves a more extensive knowledge of the geography of Asia, than would have been imagined, without the aid of this investigation. Herodotus remarks, (Thalia 95.) that " if the Babylonian money (in the above statement) be reduced to the standard of the Euboic tiilent, the aggregate sum will be found to be c^886 talents of silver; and estimating the gold at 13 times the value of the silver,* there will be found 4680 Euboic talents more. So that the whole tribute paid to Darius was 14560 talents (Euboic). The aggregate arising, on the detail, is 774,0 Babylonish talents of silver, and 600 talents of gold. But as our Author does not ^ve the proportion between the two talents, we are unable to com- pare the accounts. He says, however, Thalia 89, that the Baby- lonian talent is equal to 70 Euboic mince, and Arbuthnot informs us, that the Euboic talent was equal to 60 mimv only. This proportion would give a result different from our Author's ; since 7740 Baby- lonian talents, would at the above rate be equal to no more than 9030 EuboiCj whilst Herodotus has 9880 : and adding to these, the * The proportion of gold to silver, has of course varied at different times, accord- ing to the comparative plenty, or scarceness, of either. At present, 1799, they are as 151 to I. According to the authorities in Arbuthnot, they have been at the rate of 9 to I . (See his book on Ancient Weights and Measures, Coins, &c. p. 43, tt seq.) One circumstance is worthy of notice — the plunder of western Europe by the Ro- mans, in the time of Julius Ca;sar, sunk the value of gold one-tenth ; whereas, the plunder of the same countries, by the French, in these times, has raised the value of gold : so much more, must it have been the custom to use vessels and trinkets of gold, anciently, than now : for the change in the proportions could only have been effected, by drawing into circulation, what was before applied to other uses. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 315 produce of the tribute in gold, according to his own calculation, 4680, the aggregate is 13710 Euboic talents. If the tribute in gold is taken at 600 talents, as in the text, the number of silver talents re- sulting, will be 7800; making an aggregate of 16830; which is 2270 more, as the former is 850 less, than Iiis calculation. It is probable that the number 600, for the Indian tribute, is a mistake, and that he corrected it to 360 : so that the difference of the accounts, is, in fact, 850; and which may only be owing to our having adopted a wrong proportion. Taking the value of the Euboic talent at jC^93- ^5-^- according to Arbuthnot's evaluation, the sum arising on the above number of ta- lents, is about j(^ 2, 82 1,000. If to this, be added, according to the above statement, 700 talents, for the value of the Egyptian grain ; and 1000 more for tlie contribution of the Arabians ; and if we are allowed to value the gratuities from the Persians, the Ethiopians, and tlie Colchians,* at 2000 more; that is, 3700 talents in addition, the aggregate will be about ^^3, 650,000; or somewhat more than ^^ millions of our money. It must strike every one who is conversant with numbers, that this sum is a sinall revenue for an empire, little inferior in extent to Europe. The provinces of Babylonia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia, collectively, paid no more than 1000 talents, which might be equal to about £ 226,000. of our money : although at an earlier period, this Satrapy is said to have been equal to one-third of the whole empire. Clio, 192. As it cannot be supposed that the statements are generally wrong, although particular errors * It has been remarked, that a part of the gratuity of the Colchians, and people of Caucasus, was loo youths and loo virgins; Thalia, 97: so that the southern I^ing- doms have in all ages drawn supplies of men and women from this quarter ; which furnished a hardier race of men, and more beautiful women. The Mamlouks (that is, the soldiery) of Egypt, are still drawn from the neighbourhood of Caucasus. It has appeared that slaves from the north, were sold in the markets of ancient Tyre. See above, page 248 : and Ezekiel xxvii. v. 13. and 14. S S 2 3l6 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES may be expected, it may be collected that the value of money was incredibly greater at that time, than at present. The rich and trading kingdom of Egypt and its dependencies, which sent 200 Triremes to the fleet of Xerxes, paid only ^(^ 320,000. including the com fur- nislied, and which amounted to half of the sum. Thus, if we suppose a population of three millions,* it will be only about two shillings per head : and the people of Bengal, at this time, who are not hea- vily taxed, pay about seven shilling per annum.-f Herodotus observes, Thalia, 96, that in process of time, the islands (of the jEgeaji sea) also were taxed; as was that part of Europe wiiich extends to Thessaly. The mode in which the king dejjosited these riches in his trea- sury, was this : the gold and silver were melted and jwured into earthen vessels ; the vessel was then removed, leaving the metal in a mass. When any was wanted, such a piece was cut off as the occasion required. [J; The invention of coinage was either not known, or not practised, till that time, in Persia; for when the Daric, a gold coin, was struck by Darius Hystaspes, it appears, according to the words of the historian, to have been regarded as a new thing. § For he says, Melpom. 166, " that Darius was desirous of leaving some monument of himself, which should exceed all the * Diodorus, lib. i. c. 3. fixes the number of inhabitants in Egypt, in his time, at three millions ; Volney, at 2,300,000. Ancient Egypt is said, by Savary, to have supplied food for eight millions of people ; the surplus of which was exported to Italy, and other countries; but he believes that at present the estimate of its produce, is less than one half that quantity. We should conceive that it is yet much over- rated. t Early in the present century, the revenue of India, under Aurengzebe, was about thirty-two millions sterling, or nine times that of the empire of Persia, 2300 years ago. :f We have read that the sovereign of some Eastern kingdom, manages exactly in the same way, with the bullion in his treasury. § The novelty might have lain in the superior fineness of the gold. OF DARIUS HYSTASI'ES. 3x7 efforts of his predecessors :" and tliis was a coin of tlic very purest gold.* No doubt this idea was taken up, after he had collected a great deal of gold by means of the Indian tribute; for he received only a very small quantity from Africa (Thalia, 97), although the rivers of that continent abounded with it, and the Carthaginians trafficked for it: Mel pom. 196'. We shall close the account of the Satrapies, and our remarks on the armament of Xerxes, w ith some additional ones on the general truth of the statement of the latter, and on the final object of the expedition. Brief as the descriptions in the text are, they contain a great va- riety of information ; and furnish a number of proofs, of the general truth of our Author's history : for the descriptions of the dress and weapons of several of the remote nations, engaged in the expedition of Xerxes, agree with what appears amongst tliem at this day ; which is a strong confirmation of it, notwithstanding that some attempts have been made to ridicule it, by different writers. Hero- dotus had iwiversed with those who had seen the dress and weapons of these tribes, during the invasion : and therefore we cannot doubt that the Indians clothed in cotton, and with bows made of reech, (i. e. of bamboos) were amongst them. Of course, that the great king had summoned his vassals and allies, generally, to this European war : a war intended not merely against Greece, but against Europe in general, as appears by the speeches of Xerxes, and other circum- stances. For our Author says, Polym. 8, that after the subjection of Egypt, Xerxes " prepared to lead an army against Athens;" and, in a council assembled on the occasion, said, " after the reduc- tion of Greece, I shall over-run all Europe — a region not inferior to our own in extent, and far exceeding it in fertility." — In 50, he * Aryandes, prefect of Egypt under Darius, imprudently attempting to imitate his master, by issuing a coin of the purest silver, under the name of Aryamllc, for- feited his life to magisterial jealousy. Melpom. 166. 31 8 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES also says, " Having effectually conquered Europe, we will return, &c. :"* — And, in 54, he " implored tiie sun to avert from the Per- sians, every calamity, till they should totally have vanquished Eurvpe; arriving at its extremest limits. It is said, Polym. 20, that after the reduction of Egypt, Xerxes employed four zcbole years in assembling the army, and in collect- ing provisions ; and that of all the military expeditions, the fame of which had come down to them, this was far the greatest; much ex- ceeding that which Darius undertook, against the Scythians ; that of the sons of Atreus against Troy ; or that of the Mysians and Teu- criafis, before the Trojan war ; which nations, passing the Bosphorus into Europe, reduced Thrace and Thessaly.-f Tlie evident cause of the assemblage of so many nations, was, that the Europeans (as at the present day) were deemed so far superior to Asiatics, as to require a vastly greater number of the latter, to oppose them. This is no less apparent in the history of the wars of Alexander; and of the wars made by Europeans, in the East, in modern times. However, we do not by any means believe in the numbers described by tlie Greek historians ; because we cannot comprehend, from what is seen and known, how such a multitude could be provided with food, and their beasts with forage. But that the army of Xerxes was great, beyond all example, may be readily believed ; because it was collected from a vastly extended empire, every part of which, as well as its allies, furnished a proportion : and if the aggregate * There is in tliis speech of Xerxes, made at the passage of the Hellespont, an observation worthy of remark, as applying to the then state of Europe. He says, " having conquered Europe, we will return without experience of famine, or any other calamity ; we have with us abundance of fprovisions, and the nations amongst which we arrive, will supply us with corn, for they against whom we advance, arc not shepherds, but husbandmen." t In perusing the intercepted French Correspondence from Egypt, one is struck with the justice of a remark of M. Boyer's, that, such was the magnitude of the armament of Buonaparte, against Egypt, that nothing comparable to it had passed the Mediterranean, since the time of the Crusades. OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 3IC) had amounted to a moderate number only, it would have been nuga- tory to levy that number throughout the whole empire, and to col- lect troops from India and Ethiopia, to attack Greece, when the whole number required might have been collected in Lower Asia. The rendezvous of the land army was said to be at Critalis, in Cappadocia, Polym. 26 ; and that of the fleet, at Elaos, in the Thra- cian Chersonesus ; 2 1 . The former, is a position not known to us ; but, as it lay on the east side of the Halys, in Cappadocia, and in the road from Susa to Sardis, through Celajia and Colossa, which was the king's route, it may be supposed to have been near the site of the present Erekli (the Archelais Colonia of the Romans ; in which position, no town is remarked by Xenophon. ) What renders this supposition very probable, is, that at Erekli, not only the roads through the two passes of Cilicia unite, but the great road from Armenia, and from the regions situated generally between the Euxine and Caspian seas, falls in there. There is also a fine river at this place, the principal branch of the Halys, which would render it yet more eligible, as a place of encampment for so vast a host. From thence the route lay through Asia Minor, to Sardis, and Troas, to the bridge over the Hellespont. It is said by Herodotus, Polym. 1 15, that " the Tbracians hold the line of country, through which Xerxes led his army, in such extreme veneration, that to the present day, they never disturb or cultivate it." He also remarks, that, " Megara was the most western part of Europe, to which the Persian army penetrated;" Calliope, 14: but they were in Phocis, and in the neighbourhood of Delphi, (Urania, 35, et seq.) which is much more to the west. Perhaps he was only speaking of their progress /row? Attica. In the history of the Persian invasion, and its termination, so glo- rious to Greece, Herodotus has given a lesson to all free States, that either do exist, or that may hereafter exist, in the world ; that is, to dispute their independency, let the numbers of the enemy be 320 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES what they may. He has shewn tliat the Greeks, although a large proportion of their country was in the hands of the enemy, were still formidable ; and, in the end, prevailed over a foe, that oumumbered them more than three to one, in the decisive battle of Plata ; not- withstanding there were included in that vast majority, as many of their renegade countrymen, as amounted to nearly half their own numbers.* It is true, that the invaders were Persians, and the defenders Greeks : but the event of the contest depended chiefly on the obstinate determination of the Greeks not to submit ; a reso- lution, which, accompanied by wisdom and discipline, must ever prevail. The Dutch acted like free men, when they determined to defend their last ditch against Louis XIV. : and, in the last resort, to em- bark for their foreign settlements ; as the Phoc.eans aforetimes did for Corsica; (see Clio, 165.) The Anglo-Americans have just displayed the same noble sentiments (worthy of their ancestors) in treating with equal contempt, the proffered, but hollow, friendsliip; and the threatened enmity, of France : France, whether monarchi- cal, or republican, the common enemy of the jjeace and indejien- dence of nations !-f Let us persevere in determining not to be duped * See Calliope 29, 30, 32. The confederated Grecian force was 110,000 ; that of the Persians 350,000, of whom 50,000 were Greek auxiliaries. t In the prospect of future times, there is a subject for pride, in the breasts of Englishmen ; which is, that so vast a portion of the globe will be peopled by their descendants. We allude, of course, to America and New Holland ; the latter of which, alone, appears to have room enough for as many inhabitants, as Europe at present contains. This is at least beyond the power of the French Directory to pre- vent ; for the progress of population in America, is too rapid to be opposed by human means ; and will soon outgrow that of France, with all her conquests and fraterniza- tions. America, fortunately for the world, has given the pledge of enmity to France ; so that the danger of contamination of morals, by too intimate a connection, is re- moved. The colony of New South Wales, too, will probably be able to take care of itself, before the Frenoh have opportunity, or leisure, to molest it. Bad, as the habits of 'OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. 32I by France, by supposing that any peace ^^^th her, is short of siibmis'- sion ; for such an act, on the part of the present government of that country, (wretched and subdued w'lth'm, in the midst of victory witii- out) could only be done to gain time, and to lull us into security; in order finally to crush us with tlie greater ease. The present state of France cannot last, unless the rest of Europe become accomplices with her, in their own destruction. We can only patiently wait the- event; and although poverty may come on, ere a change happens, yet when it does happen, we shall at least start on equal terms with them in point of capital (for the successes of France do not make her rich), and infinitely superior, in point of reputation ; which is not to be undervalued, in the calculation of national strength. Submission \\ould lower our reputation, even more than national bankruptcy. Besides, the very means used to prevent the evil, would produce it; for poverty will most assuredly follow submission ; and that, without any hope of improvement, by a change of circumstances : and it is surely better to be poor with hope, than without it. No sensible man can build his hopes, on the moderation, or good faith of the enemy ; and therefore a cry for PEACE, under the present existing circumstances, can only be calcu- lated to mislead, or to divide the community. . If we fear the diminution of our property or income, when justly many of its settlers have been, we have more hopes of their amendment, as matters go, than if they were contaminated by French principles : and as to their posterity, it will make no difference, if the mother country provide, as she is bound to do, for the instruction of the rising generation. This generation is said to be very numerous; and it is pretty obvious, that, on the care of their religion and morals, the character of THE FUTURE NATION will depend. It ought perhaps to afford a triumph to literary men, that the English language had received its highest degree of improvement, before the epoch of our great coloniza- tions. He therefore who writes in English, and whose works descend to posterity, will probably have the greatest number of readers ; as was, perhaps, the case here- tofore, of him who wrote in French. Tt 322 THE TWENTY SATRAPIES apportioned, \ve must pay the forfeit of that fear ; that is, our most excellent and consolatory religion, our liberty, our comforts; in a word, all that we have been contending for, during so many gene- rations, cither with domestic tyrants, or foreign invaders. Hitlierto, the danger from the latter, has been distant ; but it is now at the very threshold. We are as able to contend as ever ; perhaps bet- ter, from the active military spirit that has kept pace with the dan- ger, and which must gradually make us an armed natioii; that is, such a proportion of the people as have leisure to qualify them- selves for its defence : and, can leisure be more worthily employed ? Surely, if wisdom, and an attention to rational oeconomy, do not forsake us (and the want of either, must sink the most rich and |X3werful country in the world), we can oppose the enemy on our own ground, with superior numbers, and with superior eiiect; since tlie country w\\\ be every where hostile to him. Besides, witli FREEMEN, the MIND gocs morc towards the defence of what is dear to them, than it possibly can, on the other side, towards depriving them of it. If the enemy is bent on our destruction, what have we to do, but to dispute the point, even to extermination .'' What worse can befal us, by contesting it, than by submitting ? Take the examples of conquest, of submission, and of fraternization, severally; and then let any one, if he can, point out the distinction between the treat- ment that the French government has shewn to the different people who have fallen under its power, by those different modes ! We have therefore nothing to hope, but from our own exertions, under the favour of Heaven : and let us trust, that the contest will termi- nate gloriously, and perpetuate the system of liberty transmitted to us by our ancestors ; and thus hold out another bright example to succeeding times. The hatred of Europe is rising against France, ( or rather against its government ; for we hope that this distinction may be made in favour of a great proportion of the people, who OF DARIUS HYSTASPES. JSJ may not be made accomplices in its guilt) ; that hatred must increase, and become general ; and all Frenchmen who leave their own country on schemes of hostility, must, in the end, be hunted down as enemies to the j^eace and comfort of mankind. We will hope that the time is not far distant. T t C 324. ] SECTION XIII. AN EXAMINATION OF THE REPORT OF THE GEOGRAPHY ; AND OF THE DISTANCES, ON THE ROYAL ROAD, BETWEEN IONIA AND SUSA ; BY ARISTAGORAS, PRINCE OF MILETUS. Litrigues q/" Aristagoras, Prince of Miletus, to ejigage the Lacedae- monians in Hostilities with the King of Persia. — Firmness of Cleomenes ; and wise Saying of his Daughter Gorgo — the Prince of Miletus explains his Ideas, by Means of a Map efigraveti on Copper. — Sketch of the Geography between Ionia and Susa. — Countries of Lydia, Phrygia, Cappadocia, Armenia, Matiene, Cissia. — Interz'ening deep Rivers. — Inaccuracies in the Report, from the loose Manner in zubich the Ancients treated geographical Subjects. — Comparison of the Stathmus, with the ordinary March of an Army : arid of the ancient Parasanga, with the modem Far- sang — the Parasanga of Herodotus, agrees with the Farsang, zvhen referred to the same Ground; but exceeds the popular Estimation of 30 Stades — that of Xenophon falls below it. — Roj'al Road in Persia ; its Stathmi and Caravanserais. 1 HERE occurs in Herodotus, a narration of a very interesting and curious conversation between Aristagoras, prince of Miletus,* and Cleomenes, king of Sparta, on occasion of soliciting the assistance of the Spartans, against Darius Hystaspes. This conversation pro- duced a report of the distance by the Royal Road leading from Sar- dis to Susa, together with a short description of the countries through * See the history of Aristagoras, his intrigues, and fall, in Terpsichore, 28, et sfj. Of Milelus, Herodotus says, '« It might be deemed the pride of Ionia, and was at that time in the height of its prosperity." ROYAL ROAD FROM SARDIS TO SUSA, 325 which it lily. The application, however, proved fruitless ; notwith- standing that it was accompanied with an offer of a considerable sum of money, which the virtue of the Spartan prince rejected with disdain.* , We propose to examine this description, both with respect to the geography of the country, and the distribution of the distances. The geography itself is very briefly related, but may be taken as a fair specimen of the geographical division of that part of Asia, amongst the Greeks, previous to the improvement which it received, by the expeditions of Xenophon and Alexander. With respect to the distance at large, it is very perfect, but the detail is in some places incomplete ; which is much to be regretted ; for had it been otherwise, much advantage migiit have accrued to ancient geography, by the comparisons that might have been made, between the different intervals ^ven, and the actual geography. Still, however, some advantage may be gained by making use of the materials, as they are, to ascertain the length of the statbmus, or * This transaction gave rise to one of the most interesting anecdotes in our Au- thor's work. The king having, at a former interview, denied the request of the prince of Miletus, and warned him to depart from Sparta, was assailed in the manner thus described : Aristagoras taking a branch of olive in his hand, presented himself before the house of Cleomenes, entering which, as a suppliant, he requested an audience, at the same time desiring that the prince's daughter might retire ; for it happened that GoRGO, the only child of Cleomenes, was present, a girl of about eight or nine years old : the king begged that the presence of the child might be no obstruction to' what he had to say. Aristagoras then promised to give him 10 talents, if he would accede to his request. As Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras rose in his offers to 50 talents; upon which the child exclaimed, «' Father, unless you withdraw, THE STRANGER WILL CORRUPT YOU." Thc prince was delighted with the wise saying of his daughter, and instantly retired. Aristagoras was never able to obtain another audience of the king, and left Sparta in disgust. Terp. 51. This illustrious princess was afterwards the wife of the immortal Leonidas, who, perished in the defence of his country at Thermopylte. She was as remarkable for her virtue, as for the excellence of her understanding. 526 ROYAL ROAD Stage : or rather, as we conceive, that of the marches of the Persian armies ; for such, they will unquestionably turn out to be. Tiie mode in which Aristagoras communicated his ideas, will strike the historian, the geographer, and the antiquarian, as being very curious. It was by means of a map engi-aven on a tablet of brass, or copper ; the first of the kind, we believe, that is mentioned in history : but which practice may nevertheless have been in use, amongst theb statesmen, and men of science of those days.* Herodotus says, Terpsichore, 4,9, that Aristagoras appeared before the king of Sparta, " with a tablet of brass in his hand, upon which was inscribed every known part of the habitable zvorld, the seas, and the rivers :"-\ and to this he pointed, as he spoke of the several countries between the Ionian sea, and Susa. " Next to the Ionians, (says Aristagoras) are the Lydians, who possess a fertile territory, and a profusion of silver. Contiguous to these, on the east, are the Phrygians, a people, supposed, beyond all others, to enjoy the greatest abundance of cattle, and of the pro- duce of the earth. The river Halys forms their boundary : beyond which are the Cappadocians, whom the Greeks call Syrians. Then follow the Cilicians, who possess the scattered islands of our sea, in the vicinity of Cyprus. The Armenians border on the Cilicians ; being separated by the Euphrates, which is only pass- able in vessels. The Armenians, who have also plenty of cattle, have for their neighbours, the Matieni, who inhabit the region con- tiguous to Cissia; in which district, and not far from the river Choaspes, is Susa, where the Persian monarch occasionally resides; and \\ here his treasures are deposited. Make yourselves masters of this city, and you may vie in affluence with Jupiter himself." * Many of our readers must have heard of the copper plate, which had a copy of a grant of land engraven on it in Sanscrit ; and bearing date about the time of the birth of our Saviour; found at Monghir in Bengal, some years ago. It was trans- l.ited into English, by my friend Mr. Wilkins. The plate is now in England. t Whiit a feast for an antiquary, could it be produced ! FROM SARDIS TO SUSA. 327 From Ionia to Cilicia, the division of country is mucli the same as we find amongst the ancients in general. But Cilicia, by being extended to the Euphrates, is made to include the northern part of Syria ; that is, the province of Cyrhestica. The Chelliajis me'^.ioned in Judith, chapter ii. ver. 21, appear to be the people of the district which includes tlie town of Killis, not far from Alepjx) ; whence it may be suspected that the Cilicia of Herodotus included this pro- vince. (See above, page 242.) Armenia has an unusual extent given it; for it is extended not only through the northern part of Mesopotamia, but through As- syria, likewise. This we collect more particularly, from the descriiv tion of the courses of the four deep rivers, mentioned in this narra- tive, which are all said to flow through Armenia, within the space of g6-j parasangas ; and to intersect the road between Cilicia and Susa. It will be necessary to speak somewhat in detail, concern- ing these rivers, as the extent given to Armenia depends on their courses and positions. The first river, is said to be the Tigris itself, (Tcrp. 52.) By the same name also, the second and third are distinguished, though they are by no means the same, nor proceeding from the same source ; the one rising in Armenia, the other amongst the Maticni. These circumstances serve to point out the two latter, very clearly. The second is the greater Zab ; the Zabatus of Xenophon : and the third, is the lesser Zab; which joins the Tigris near the city of Senn ; the Ceme of Xenophon. The fourth is said to be the Gyndes, which was formerly divided by Cyrus ; and which, (our Author says) also rises in the mountains of Matiene, and runs through the country of the Darneans, in its way to join the Tigris. Clio, 189. This river is unquestionably intended for the Diala, of modem geography, which has its source in the same country with the lesser Zab, (that is, Matiene); but it neither flows through the country of the Darneans (Derna), nor does it intersect the road leading from Susa to Babylon. Therefore, this part of the description belongs 328 ROYAL ROAD' to the river" of Mendeli, which flows through tlie country of Dema, and does really intersect the road just mentioned. (See above, page 202 . ) It would appear, then, that Herodotus (or Aristagoras) had con- founded these two rivers together. The Diala is doubtless the fourth river, in this description ; for it is a deep, and large sti'eam ; and also answers to the distance from the crossing place of the Tigris (pro-^ bably Nineveh), which is given at t^6-^ parasangas : but the Mendeli river should be the river divided by Cyrus ; for according to the ideas expressed in page 2O3, that river should have ordinarily been fordable, as it is probable the Mendeli is ; but the Diala certainly not ; and it also lies wide of the road from Susa to Babylon. No river is noticed; between the Gyndes, and tliat of Susa : and it is to be understood that Aristagoras only meant to note \\\q deep vweYs ; oi- those .which particularly affected military operations, in the march from ICnia to Susa. We now return to the subject of Armenia. The term Mesopotamia, as applied to the tract between th^ Euphrates a;id Tigris, was not in use amongst the Greeks, till after the Macedonian conquest (we believe) ; the nortliern part of it, beyond mount Masius, being reckoned a part of Armenia,* and the southern parts to Syria and Arabia, But our Author'-s extension of Armenia to the Diala river, is quite incorrect, and even contra- dictory: as he knew die position of Assyria, and reckons Babylonia, a part of it. Such is tlie vague way, in which many of the ancients expressed their geographical ideas; although they appear, in many instances, to have known better. Xenophon, w ho traversed Assyria, calls it Media, throughout. Matiene is reckoned to commence at the. fourth river (called the Gyndes, but meant for tlie Diala), and to extend to Cissia, joir Susiana. Therefore, by Matiene, is intended in this place, the coun- try between Assyria and Susiana: and as tliat was known in the times of Xenophon and Alexander, by the name of Sittacene, (^ • Mr. Ives has much the same idea, where he speaks of the Armenian mountains ; meaning mount Masius. FROM SARDIS TO SUSA, 329 province of Babylonia), this sliould be the true reading, and not Matiene, which Herodotus himself places between Media Major and Armenia: or more properly speaking, it was a province of Media itself.* Matiene could only lie above the mountains of Zagros; but the royal road to Susa, lay below them through Assyria and Ba- bylonia. Aristagoras must have had a very imjierfcct idea of the relative positions of the countries, between Susiana and Armenia, since he places Matiene alone between them, and omits Media alto- gether. But notwithstanding tliese inaccuracies, it is curious to trace the geographical ideas of the people of that time, and even the people of rank and command, who meditated expeditions into Asia, when the detail of its geography formed a subject of speculation, like that of Africa, at present; or of North America, early in the present century. The next subject to be considered, is that of the distances oh the royal road, between Sardis and Susa. In the detail of these distances, the omissions amount to about one-third of the whole ; and what is worse, one cannot judge between "whsit particular points, the omissions occur ; but they are chief y be- tween Cilicia and Susa ; and more particularly between the Euphrates and Tigris, in the line between Zeugma and Nineveh. All that can be done, therefore, is, to compare the aggregate sum of the distance given, with the distance on our construction, in order to obtain a general scale for the parasariga and statbmus ; and afterwards to exa- mine, how far the several intermediate numbers of parasangas and stathmi, given in the detail, agree to those scales, respectively. If they coincide, we may infer a degree of general exactness, in the account ; and we shall then be enabled to determine what was meant by the stathmus ; which will doubtless turn out to be the ordinary march of an army. Herodotus, after going into the detail of the distances, says, * For he rightly places the sources of the Uner Zab, and the D'lala, in Matiene, or on its borders. For the particular position of this province, see page 277. Uu 3'50 ROYAL ROAD Terp. 52. " it appears that from Sardis to Siisa there are m stathmi, or stations;" however, the detail, (owing we must suppose to an accident having happened to the original MS. ) contains no more than 81 : and of these, four have no number of parasangas to them, like the rest : so that we have no more than 77 to calculate on. Here is the account : Stathmi. Parasangas. In Lydia and Phrygia 20 9OT Cappadocia 28 - 104 Cilicia _ _ _ 3 • ■ ^5i Armenia 15 - 56i Matiene 4 Cissia _ _ _ n ■ 4H 81 309 He says, moreover, (Terpsichore 53.) that if the measurement of the royal road, by parasangas, be accurate, and a parasanga be equal to 30 stadia, as it really is (says he), tliere are 4,50 parasangas, equal to 13,500 stadia, between Sardis and the royal residence of Memnon (Susa.)* Now, if 450, the number of parasangas in the aggregate, be di- vided by 111, the number of stathmi, we shall have 4,054, parasangas for each stathmiis. And, on the other hand, if we take the detail as far as it goes, 309 parasangas, and divide it by 77 stathmi, it gives a proportion of 4,013 for each of the stathmi, in detail : a coincidence, which shews that the part of the detail, which has escaped the ra- vages of time, has suffered no material corruption. On our construction, there is found an aggregate of about ii«o G. miles, between Sardis and Susa, taken through the points of Issiis and Mosul ; which divided by 450, the number of parasangas, gives 2,489 G. miles for each parasanga ; or nearly two miles and half. Hence it appears, that the 4,054 parasangas, on the aggregate, • And between Sardis and Ephcsus, 540 more : in all 14,040. Terp. 54. FROM SARDIS TO SUSA. 33I gives 10,09 ^- nii^es for each statb/mis ; and the 4013, on the detail, 9,988 ; being about ~ of a mile different from each other. Or, one may be taken at lo^^, the other at 10. And having brought the mqtter to this satisfactory issue, there can hardly be a doubt, but that by the stathmus, an ordinary day's march of an army was meant ; since, when a due allowance is made for tlie exceeding great length of the lines of distance, on which it is calculated, it will be found to agree almost exactly with the scale of the mean march, deduced from a great variety of instances, but calculated on lines of distance of a moderate length; that is, of about 150 G. miles : but the lines between Sardis and SusUy are of 250 to 500 such miles, or thereabouts ; and may require an addition of ~ part to the propor- tion of road distance, calculated on the short lines. And this 25th part being equal to ,404, will make the stathmus 10,494, ^^ say lo^ G. miles : whilst the mean march is 10,6 ; or in road distance some- what more than 1 4 British miles ; allowing the inflexions to be \ over and above the direct distance, on lines of about 150 miles. But although there is so remarkable a coincidence between the march, and the stathmus, it will be found that there is a great dis- proportion between the parasanga of Herodotus, and that of Xeno- phon, who lived at no great distance of time from each other : and it may be added, that, whichsoever of the two is right, that of He- rodotus agrees best with the modern farsang in Persia. Both of these authors calculate the parasanga at 30 stadia, as well as tlia ordinary march, at 150 stadia: yet the parasanga of Xcnophon, checked by the Roman Itineraries in Cilicia, &c. (see pages 21, 32,) turns out to be three Roman miles, equal to 2,142 G. miles only, in direct distance, whilst that of Herodotus is no less than 2,489, and is calculated on longer lines of distance. Now as the 150 stadia, allowed by both, agree very nearly to a mean march, this part of the subject appears to be clear ; and the 1 1 1 stathmi of Herodotus agreeing so nearly to marches also, render it yet more certain : so that the difficulty respecting the standard of the stade, Uu 2 332 ROYAL ROAD as well as of the stathmus, seems to be done away. The difficulty that remains is, the disparity in the parasangas of the two Authors : but if it be admitted that any probability exists, of the modem far- sang being the representative of the ancient parasanga, the decision must be directly in favour of Herodotus, as may be seen by a re- ference to the note in page 17, which shews that 593 modern far- sangs, give a proportion of 2,63, whilst that of Herodotus is 2,4.89; or if we select the instances that apply more closely, 2,417 to 2,489- But it is as certain that 33^ stades are required to form a para- sanga of this standard, when reduced to road distance, although Herodotus himself, in common with the rest of the Greeks, allowed no more than 30. And this being the case, it appears almost certain thatXenophon did not reckon 30 stades to a parasanga, on the ground of a coincidence between these ]X)rtions of distance, but because it had been the custom amongst the Gi^eeks, so to do. Parasangas, perhaps, with him, were merely nominal; the stade was the standard in his mind, as being in constant use. Etiquette might render it necessary to turn the stades into parasangas, in a journal kept in the camp of the Persians. Or, there might be some reason that we are not acquainted with. Again, it might be a fact known to Herodotus, and to the Greeks in general, that the distance from Sardis to Susa, was 450 parasangas ; and these he might turn into stades, in order to render it more intelligible to his countrymen, without knowing critically, what number of stades the Persian measure might contain ; but taking it according to the popular opinion, at 30 stades. This ap- pears decisive of the mode followed by Herodotus. If we take his parasangas on the footing of 30 stades, only, a march of 150 of these, would be equal to 17 road miles, nearly ; exceeding the ordi- nary march, by a proportion that goes beyond credibility ; since the standard of the mean march of an army, may be approximated, and is little more than 14 miles. FROM SARDIS TO SUSA. 333 The Greeks, in making the comparison between the stade and the parasanga, may have reckoned vaguely ; as European tra\'ellers of different nations, have compared their own itinerary measures, with those of Persia, India, and Turkey; often, indeed, with very little judgment, or accuracy. It may be said, that when the com- ponent parts are small, there is less danger of error; but even then, there is a hazard of running into an even number ; as we suspect, has been done in the application of the Grecian stade, to the Persian parasanga. These variations, however, have no eflfect on the determination of the length of the stathmus, which rests on the firmer foundation of actual geography ; and may be regarded as the ordinary march of an army, attended by its equipage, &c. Still, however, there is something unexplained, respecting these stations. Herodotus says, " the king (of Persia) has various stathmi, or mansions, with ex- " cellent inns: these are all splendid and beautiful," — he adds, " the whole of the country is richl}^ cultivated, and the roads good, and secure." Terp. 52. These inns we must consider as being much the same kind of establishment, as the caravanserais of mo- dem Persia; many of which, on the public roads, (as may be scoxi by the books of travels) are grand, commodious, and extensive.* But with respect to the accommodation of armies, they must have been out of the question ; although they might have accommodated detachments, or officers. Very possibly they might have been cal- culated to receive the monarch and his retinue, when the army was put in motion : and that they had a reference to war, as well as to civil purposes, may be collected from the space between them ; which is calculated for the day's march of an army, but is too short for the journies of travellers of any description ; the slowest of whom, namely, those who travel in caravans, far outstrip an army. • Sec Chardin, Olearius, Le Brun, &c. 334< ROYAL ROAD FROM SARDIS TO SUSA. In the above calculation of the stathmiis, we have regarded Stis, as the ancient Susa; whilst Tostar, has been taken for it, by others.* Had the distance been taken to Tostar, instead of Sus, an addition of 44 G. miles to the 1 1 20, must have taken place ; in which case, the aggregate, 1 164, would give a mean rate of 10,486; approaching, in the first instance, very closely to our mean march, 10,6; but with the addition of— part, would go beyond it; as it must have appeared, that the grounds on which we determined the length of that march, do not ajjply to the present case, by reason of tlie exceeding great and unusual length of the lines of distance, on which the rate is proportioned. * See above, page 203. BABYLON. 337 the wonder increases when ascribed to the capital of a province, only. * If then, with the ancient Autliors generally, w^e allow Semiramis to have been the foundress of that Babylon, described by Herodotus, we cannot fix the date of the improved foundation, beyond the 8th * The Assyrians (says Herodotus, Clio, c. 178, et seq.) are masters of many capital towns ; but their place of greatest strength and fame is Babylon, where, after the destruction of Nineveh, was the royal residence. It is situated on a large plain, and is a perfect square : each side by every approach is, in length, 120 stadia ; the space, therefore, occupied by the whole is 480 stadia. So extensive is the ground which Babylon occupies ; its internal beauty and magnificence exceeds whatever has come within my knowledge. It is surrounded by a trench, very wide, deep, and full of water : the wall beyond this is 2oo royal cubits high, and 50 wide : the royal exceeds the common cubit by 3 digits. The earth of the trench was first of all laid in heaps, and, when a sufficient quantity was obtained, made into square bricks, and baked in a furnace. They used as cement, a composition of heated bitumen, which, mixed with the tops of reeds, was placed betwixt every thirtieth course of bricks. Having thus lined the sides of the trench, they proceeded to build the wall in the same inanner ; on the summit of which, and fronting each other, they erected small watch towers of one story, leaving a space betwixt them through which a chariot and four horses might pass and turn. In the circumference of the wall, at different distances, were an htmdred massy gates of brass, whose hinges and frames were of the same metal. Within an eight days journey from Babylon is a city called Is ; near which flows a river of the same name, which empties itself into the Euphrates. With the current of this river particles of bitumen descend towards Babylon, by the means of which the walls were constructed. The great river Euphrates divides Babylon into two parts. The walls meet and form an angle with the river at each extremity of the town, where a breast-work of burnt bricks begins, and is continued along each bank. The city, which abounds in houses from three to four stories in height, is regularly divided into streets. Through these, which are parallel, there are transverse avenues to the river, opened through the wall and breast-work, and secured by an equal number of little gates of brass. The first wall is regularly fortified ; the interior one, though less in substance, is of almost equal strength. Besides tiiesc, in the centre of each division of the city, there is a circular space surrounded by a wall. In one of these stands the royal palace, which fills a large and strongly defended space. The Temple of Jupiter Belus occupies the other, whose huge gates of brass may still be seen. X X S^^S BABYLON. century before the Christian era : so that the duration of this city, in its improved form, was less than 800 years, reckoning to the time of Pliny. Public belief has been staggered by the enormous dimensions allowed to Babylon by the different authors of ancient times, Hero- dotus, Strabo, Diodorus, Pliny, and Ouintus Curtius ; because that, even if the most confined of those measures, reported by the fol- lowers of Alexander, (who viewed it at their fullest leisure), be adopted, and the stade taken at the moderate standard, resulting from our inquiries, in Section II. they will give an area of 72 square miles ; and those given by Strabo, at 80 : either of w hich are enor- mous : for after every allowance is made for the different modes of building cities, in Europe and in Asia, the idea of covering 72 con- tiguous square miles with buildings, although interspei-sed with gardens and reservoirs, as in India and Persia; goes far beyond our ideas, even had Babylon been the capital of a large empire, and which had tlie command of a marine, as well as a river, navi- gation. But, according to history, Babylon, when founded, although possibly the capital of a large empire, yet could command no sup- plies by sea: nor were its inland navigations commodious; since the embarkations that descended from the upper parts of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris, could not re-ascend : a disadvantage hardly to be compensated, since the price of provisions and necessaries, must thereby have been raised to an inconvenient rate. Moreover, it must be recollected, that the country on two sides of Babylon, and those the most conveniently situated for the navigation of the Euphrates and Tigris, is composed of the most barren deserts in the world ; namely, those of Arabia, and Sinjar. We therefore conceive that, with respect to the extent of the hiildings and population of Babylon, we ought not to receive the above measure as a scale ; from the great improbability of so vast a cojitiguous space having ever been built on : but that the wall might have been continued to the extent given, does not appear so impro- BABYLON'. 33(J bable ; for we cannot suppose that so many of tlic ancient writers could have been misled concerning this point. The Macedonians and others had viewed it ; and both Strabo and Diodorus appear to have written from documents, furnished by them ; and might also have conversed with persons who had see7i Babylon : and they all speak of it, as of a city, whose circuit was of a wonderful extent : therefore we ought to be prepared for something very much out of the common way. But although we may extend our belief to the vastness of the enceinte, it does not follow that we are to believe that 80, or even 72 square miles, contiguous to each otlier, were covered with buildings. M. D'Anville, by reducing the stade to 51 toises, or about 330 English feet, has indeed reduced the area of Babylon to a standard* which may not be deemed improbable: but notwithstanding the acknowledged superiority of his judgment, on the subject of itinerary measures, we cannot subscribe to his opinion, in this matter ; because it does not appear, on a reference to the ancients, that any stade of that standard was in use ; or even known. It will here be necessary to refer the reader to the second Section of this work, in which the subject of the stade is fully con- sidered ; and from whence it appears, on a 7ytean of alt the different authorities, to liave been regarded by tiie Greeks as a measure of 100 paces, or about 500 Englisli feet. But taken critically, and in reference to the scale of an ordinary march of an army, considered as equal to 150 stades, it should be 493 feet; and to the march of Xenophon (of 1.50 stades also), compared with the measure of the ground in the Roman Itinerary, 489. (See particularly, pages 32 and 33 of this work. ) The mean of these two results, 491, appearing * M. D'Anville reduces the area of Babylon to about 36 British miles, /'. e. to a square of 6 miles on each side (4,900 toises). And according to this proportion, he states the area of Babylon to be to that of Paris, as 5 to 2. (Euph. and Tig. p. 1 14") This allows to Paris, an area of about I2j British miles ; and we allow for that of London and its environs, about I5|. Xx a 340 BABYLON. to tis to be tbundctl on that kind of practical authority, that should be looked for; and differing so little from the general result of «// the authorities, may, in our conception, be with propriety applied to tlie measure of Babylon. The different reports of the extent of the walls of Babylon, are given as follows : By Herodotus, at 120 stadia, each side, or 480 in circumference. By Pliny and SoUnus, at 60 Roman miles ; which, at 8 stades to a mile, agrees with Herodotus. By Strabo, at 385 stadia : and By Diodorus, from Ctesias, 360: but from CUtarcbus, who accom- panied Alexander, 3^5. And lastly, by Curtius, at 368. It appears highly probable that 360, or ^^^65, was the true state- ment of the circumference ; since one of these numbers was reported by Ctesias, the other (which differs so little) by Clitarchus ; both of them eye-witnesses of the fact, concerning which they wrote : and moreover, although Strabo differs from them by about 5 stadia, in the length of each side, yet it clearly appears, that in deciding on the evidence, he gave up tlie statement of Herodotus. It is, mdeed, not improbable, that his original text gave the same as Clitarchus ; and that it has been corrupted from 365 to 385. No doubt, he formed his opinion, on the rejxjrts of the followers of Alexander ; very many of whom had written histories or journals of his expe- dition. Diodorus, in his statement of the length of the embankment of the Euphrates, tlirough the city of Babylon, says, that it was 100 stadia in length: which, allowing qi^ stadia for the square of the city, leaves about 2000 feet beyond it, each way ; or allowing, with Strabo, q6^ stades, leaves 800 or 900 feet. Either of these state- ments, of course, appears a more probable one, than that of Hero- dotus. And, it may be added, that although the reason given by Clitarchus, and others, for fixing the number at ^6^, must be re- garded as a tale ; yet the very act of connecting the number, with BABYLON. 341 that of the days contained in the year, seems to prove that it ap- proached nearly to it.* There does not, therefore, appear to be any way of getting rid of the fact, respecting the vastness of the space, inclosed by the wall : nor can it, in our idea, be reduced to less than a square of about 8^ British miles ; giving an area of 72 square miles ; which yet falls short of the calculation, on the scale of Strabo, by 8 square miles. Nor do we adopt the lesser number, merely because the general statement apj)ears overcliargcd, but because that it is conformable to the highest standard that we have been enabled to verify. -j- But that even 72 contiguous square miles should have been, in any degree covered with buildings, is, on every account, too impro- bable for belief In support of this opinion, we shall adduce the following facts, which seem to contain more argument than any reasoning ; premising that we do not by any means aim at precision, in any of the numbers set forth. The inhabitants of London, taken at a 7iintb part of the whole population of South Britain, (say about 7,000,000, or for London 800,000), require, for their supply of provisions and necessaries, a ])roportion of land, equal to about 6600 square British miles; on a supposition that they were confined to the consumption of its pro- duce, alone, and that it was taken as it generally runs throughout the kingdom. If there be allowed to Babylon an area of 72 miles, we conceive * Thus the common idea respecting the cathedral of Salisbury, that the doors and chapels equal the months ; the windows, the days of the year, &:c. ; is understood to be generally true : and could hardly have arisen from any other circumstance, than common observation of the fact itself. t Taking the circumference of Babylon at 365 stadia, and these at 491 feet ; e.ich side of the square (which is equal to 91 { stades) will be 8,485 British miles; or nearly 8|. This gives an area of 72 miks and an inconsiderable fraction. If the same number of stades be taken .it 500 feet each, the area will be 74,8. And finally, the 385 stadia of Strabo, at 491 feet, about 80. The 480 stades of Herodotus would give about 126 square miles, or 8 times the area of London ! <349 BABYLON. tJiat it would then bear a proportion to the space which the buildings of London occupy, taking in all its suburbs and members, whetlier contiguous, or otherwise; and allowing them an area of 15-i- British miles ; as 9 is to 2, nearly. But as most of the large Asiatic cities that we have seen, or heard of, scarcely contain, within the same space, half the number of inhabitants that Eurojiean cities do, we must reckon the proportion of population, that Babylon would have contained, to that of London, as 9 to 4,. In this case, 15,000 square miles of such land as the common run of that in England, would have been required for the support of the people of Babylon, provided it had beenjilled up with buildings, after the Asiatic manner, and that tlie state of society had been like that amongst us. But as the simple manner of living amongst the lower classes of people in Asia, requires a less quantity of land to support it, than the style of living of the same classes in England, a considerable deduction may be made ; and instead of 15,000 square miles, we may, perhaps, substitute 12, coo. Now, it will appeal-, that this reduced sum of square miles, equals, within — - part, the whole area of Lower Mesopotamia: and even the whole tract properly denominated Babyloma and Cbaldea, including all the arable and pasture land, from whence Babylon could conveniently have been supplied, by the inland navigations, was little more than double the above aggregate, taken at 13,000 square miles. And though it be true, that the quality of the Baby- lonisli lands, in most places, was superior in fertility, to those of England ; yet, on the other hand, a prodigious deduction must be made for the marshes and lakes of Lower Mesopotamia, and Chaldca. It then becomes a question, whether matters can be so constituted, as that nearly the half of the products of a considerably extensive country, can be transported to any one point within it ; or whether, if that were practicable, the inhabitants of that spot, could afford to purchase them, at a price so greatly enhanced, as the cir- cumstances of the case must necessarily render them i* The reader should be aware, that we have here stated every par- BABYLON. 34,3 ticular, at the lowest : for it may be observed, that if Babylon con- tained only the lowest number of square miles set forth in our statement, that is, 72 ; and had been built and inhabited in the manner of London, the whole country of Babylonia, Chaldea, &c, equal to about the half of South Britain, would not have been equal to the supply of its inhabitants ; which would have amounted to little less than four millions. Probably then, we ought to conclude that the founder of Babylon, extended, either through ostentation, or ignorance, the walls of this city, so as to include an area that could never be filled up with ha- bitations : for it is not so much the extent of the walls, as the diffi- culty of collecting, in the first instance, and of supplying, in the second, the wants of so great a population, as the space must neces- sarily have contained ; that staggers our belief A despotic prince, who commanded the labours of his subjects in so complete a degree as to be enabled to rear such vast, and such useless piles, as the Egyptian Pyramids, could perhaps, with equal ease have extended a wall of brick round a space equal to the largest given dimensions of Babylon : but to collect together a number of people sufficient to occupy it, with any degree of convenience to themselves, and of ad- vantage to the public at large, might be beyond the power either of a king of Egypt, or of Babylon. Therefore this famous city in all probability occupied a part only, of the vast space, inclosed by the wall. It is a question that no one can positively answer, ' what proportion of the space was occupied?' but from certain circum- stances that we shall presently mention, it is possible tliat nearly two-thirds of it might have been occupied, in the mode in which the large cities of Asia are built ; that is, in the style of some of those, of India, which we have ourselves seen ; they having gardens, reservoirs of water, and large open places within them. Moreover, the houses of the common people, consist of one floor, only; so that of course, fewer people can be accommodated in the same compass of ground, in an Indian, than in a European city. This accounts 31.4, BABYLON. at once for tlie enormous dinicnsions of some of the Asiatic cities :* and perliaps we cannot allow much less than double the space to accommodate the same number of Asiatics, that Europeans would require. Herodotus indeed says, that Babylon " abounded in houses from 3 to 4 stories in height ;" which, however does not do away the idea of the greater part being huts of one floor only. In the Indian cities also, a great many houses of the like kind occur ; but gene- rally speaking, so much more open ground is attached to these, than to the huts, as to leave no balance in favour of population, from the additional stories. That the area inclosed by the walls of Babylon was only partly built on, is proved by the words of Ouintus Curtius, who says, lib. v. c. 4, that "the buildings (in Babylon) are not contiguous to the \valls, but some considerable space was left all round." He says, the space of one jugerum ; wliich being a square measure, equal to about ~ of an acre ; and expressed by Pliny, lib. xviii. c. 3, to be 24,0 feet in length, by 120 in breadth; pcrhajjs 240 feet may be in- tended for the breadth of the void space ; as Diodorus says much the same thing. -j- Wiiat follows, in Curtius, is not so easy to com- prehend : he says, " nor was the inclosed space entirely occupied " by buildmgs ; nor more than 80 stadia of it." Is a square of 80 • The Ayin Acbaree states, that the wall of Mahmoodabad, in Guzerat, was a square of seven cosses, which are equal to about 13 miles. We know no particulars concerning it, farther than that it was founded by Mahmood, the first Mahomedan conqueror of India. Taking the extent of Gour, (the ancient capital of Bengal) at the most reasonable calculation, it was not less than 15 miles in length, extending along the old bank of the Ganges, and from two to three in breadth. See the Memoir of the Map of Hin- doostan, page 51. See also the general idea of Asiatic cities, in the same Memoir, page 58. t We have somewhere met with the jugerum, used as a measure, of length ; but cannot recollect where. Dr. Greaves considers it as a space of 240 feet in length, when applied as above. BAEYLON^. 345 Stadia meant r Then about ^ of the space was occupied : and 80 square stadia is too inconsiderable a space, where the whole area is more than ten times as great. " Nor, (says he) do the houses " join : perhaps from motives of safety. The remainder of the space " is cultivated; that in the event of a siege, the inhabitants might not " be compelled to depend on supplies from without."* Thus far, Curtius. Diodorus describes a vast space taken up by the palaces and public buildings. The inclosure of one of the palaces, (which appears to be what is called by others, the citadel ; of which, more in the se- quel) was a square of 15 stadia, or near a mile and half; the other of 5 stadia: here are more than 2y square miles occupied by the palaces alone. Besides these, there were the temple and tower of Belus, of vast extent ; the hanging gardens, &c. The present city of Bussorah, according to the description of M. Niebuhr, and others, is much to the point of our argument ; and is also situated in the very same region with ancient Babylon. The circuit of its walls, according to M. Niebuhr, is about 7 British miles -f (Mr. Irwin says 12), and may contain about 3 square miles ; and yet M. Niebuhr reckoned, in 1766, only 40 to 50,000 inhabi- tants. The ground within the walls, lias both date gi-ovcs and corn- fields, in it : and M. Niebuhr very aptly compares it to ancient Ba- bylon, in this respect. By the plan, it seems as if less than one- third of the space was occupied by habitations, &c, in the usual style of building in Asia.|" * According to Herodotus, it really happened during one of its sieges, that the inhabitants derived much advantage from the lands within the walls : but had halt of the area remained in the state of fields, it would not have fed, in the usual way, one-siKth part of the inhabitants residing on the other half. But the mode of living, during a siege, is very different ; and a small quantity of provisions goes u great way. + He says a German mile and half. X At the rate of 50,000 to 3 square miles, Babylon at 72, should have cgntained 1,200,000. Yv 2^6 BABYLON. Although the above notices do not convey any correct idea of the quantity of space occupied by the buildings, yet we may collect most clearly, that much vacant space remained within the walls, of Baby- lon : and this, in our idea, does away the great difficulty respecting the magnitude of the city itself. Nor is it stated as the effect of the subsequent decline of Babylon ; but as the actual state of it, when Alexander first entered it : for Curtius leaves us to understand, that the system of cultivating a large proportion of the inclosed space, originated with the foundation itself; and the history of its two isieges, by Cyrus and Darius Hystaspcs, seems to shew it. See Clio, 150; and Thalia, 150, et seq. But after all, it is certain, and we are ready to allow, that the extent of the buildings of Babylon was great, and far beyond the ordinary size of capital cities, then known in the world : which may indeed be concluded, from the manner in which the ancients in general speak of it. * In particular, what Strabo says of it, and of Seleucia ; together with what Pliny says of the latter, proves, by comparisons which are very striking, that Babylon had been by far, the largest city known to those ^vriters. Strabo says, p. 737, that Seleucia was, in his time, larger than Babylon ; the greater part of which was become a desert. This implies that Babylon, in its then state, was in the next degree, in point of size, to Seleucia : for the greater part of Babylon, (that is, of the former city, we may suppose), was deserted, and yet Seleucia, which was a very large city, is represented only as being larger than Babylon, when in that reduced state. To add to tliis, Pliny, at perhaps 70 years after Strabo, says, lib. vi. c. 26, that Seleucia contained 600,000 people; ♦ If however we believe the report of Diodorus, the area of Nineveh was much greater than that of Babylon, taken on the report of Clitarchus. If the report of Strabo be adopted, Babylon falls but little short of Nineveh, in respect of the area con- tained within its walls ; and if that of Herodotus, Babylon very far exceeds it. But, it must be supposed, at all events, that much open space remained in Nineveh, as well as in Babylon. BABYLOX. 34,7 yet, we can hardly suppose that it had increased, during that inter- val ; because Ctesiphon, previous to the time of Strabo, had become the winter residence of tiie Parthian kings. So that it may be in- ferred, at least, that Selucia, a very large city, containing 600,000 inhabitants, was rather less than half the original size, and con- tained less than half the original population, of Babylon : and, of course, that the population of the latter, during its most flourishing state, exceeded twelve hundred thousand ; or perhaps, a million and a quarter. It has been said, page 2)S9i that London and its environs (by which is meant to exclude the parts that are only classed as such, by be- ing inserted in the bills of mortality), may be supposed to occupy i^i square miles, of British measure; and also, in the same place, that, very probably, according to the scattered way in which Baby- lon, in common with other Asiatic cities, was built, nearly double the quantity of space would be occupied by an equal number of people, in that city ; or say, 30 miles. Now, according to this proportion, the million and quarter of people in Babylon, should have covered, or at least have occupied, nearly 4,7 square miles ; or within one mile, of ^ of the whole s])ace of 72 miles, taken on tlie report of Clitarchus, and others, who accompanied Alexander. The reader will recollect that the report of Curtius, as we understand it, is, a square of 80 stadia, which is equal to about |- of the area, ac- cording to his own statement of the circuit; which is ^6'6 stadia. Thus the two results differ no more than about — part. Were we to admit, that tlie whole area of 72 miles, or, according to Strabo, 80 miles, was occupied ; it would be stepping beyond the bounds that probability warrants, according to what has yet offered itself to our notice, in a situation that could not command supplies by sea. The measure of population, and consequently tlie extent of the ground built on, must have been regulated by the power of affording supplies of provisions and necessaries to the inhabitants; and this must have a reference, not only to the state of tJie sur- Yy 3 2^8 BABYLON. rounding country, but to tlio facility of transporting its productions. It has been already stated, that the access to Babylon, by water, was not easy : for so far from being open to all the world, for supplies, the communication with the adjacent countries, was but imperfect : and one of those countries, Arabia, afforded little or nothina;. Pci liaps, in no case whatsoever, can the size of an inhtnd capital be extended, so as to bear any proportion , to the extent of an over- grown empire: because the prices of provisions and necessaries, keeping pace with the increase of the people collected together, they cannot, in the end, afford to purchase them. And although this applies more particularly to inland situations, yet it applies, in a degree, to maritime situations, also. It may be remarked that Diodorus says, that Semiramis brought together, from different parts of her empire, two millions of work- men, to build her city of Babylon. It is possible, that this number may have been the popular estimate of the inliabitants of tlie city: and so far is certain, that, at the rate allowed above, the 72 square miles would have contained more than nineteen hundred thousand. But it may rationally admit of a doubt, whether two millions of people, or any number approaching to that measure of population, were ever brought together, in one city, since the creation of the world. One might have expected it in China, if any where ; but the population of Pekin, we believe, falls much below that of Lon- don. Probably, there is a certain maximum of jx^pulation, which is determined by the local circumstances of each situation, combined with accidental ones ; and which may therefore vary in all. The reader will easily figure to himself some of these circumstances. Perhnps, London may be capable of as great an extension, as any European city : since the plenty, and portable nature, of its fuel, is such, as to be afforded almost as cheap as in many of its provincial towns; the country around it, plentiful, and the communications easy ; its port convenient for the importation of grain, from all tlie BABYLON. 34,9 world; and its fleets equal both to the transportation, and to the protection, of it. But even these advantages have tlieir limits : be- sides, the habits of living require other articles of prime necessity, which can only be drawn from the produce of the country itself: and which, on the gradual extension of the cit}^, must be brought from places more and more remote, until the prices become en- hanced to an inconvenient, and insupportable degree. We shall next inquire into the geographical position and remains of Babylon : the former of which, being, as we trust, very satisfac- torily ascertained, by the authorities that will be adduced, (ancient as well as modern), there will, of course, be little doubt concerning the identity of the latter.* I. By the traditions of the Oriental writers in general : and of tlie natives on the spot. II. By the notices found in ancient authors, corrcs])onding with those traditions : and III. By the description of its remains, by modern travellers, compared with the ancient descriptions. Of these, in their order. First, Of the traditions of the Oriental geographers, &c. Abulfeda says-f- that Babel, anciently a celebrated city, whicli communicated its name to the whole province, (Babylonia,) has now nothing more than a village on its site. There are still to be seen the ruins of structures of the highest antiquity : which induces a belief that a great city stood there. He adds, that in ancient times the kings of Canaan resided there. Also, that Hellah stands on the land of Babel; as well as Sura, which is near to Kasr Ibn Hobeira. "^ * The reader is referred to Map, No. VI. at page 335, for explan.itions respecting the geographical situation of Babylon, t See Irak; article BaM. % lb. articles Hellah, and Kasr Hobeira. S50 BABYLON. M. Otter, quoting the Turkish geographer, Ibrahim Eftendi, says, that " Babel is close to Hellab : and on tlie left hand* (/. e. on the west) of the road, in going from Hillah to Bagdad." The Arabs and inhabitants on the sjxjt, not only give the name of Babel to the district round about Hillah ; but have also pointed out to many European travellers, (in particular Delia Valle, Pere Emanuel, Niebuhr, and Beauchamp), vast ruuis and heaps of eartli or rubbish, on both sides of the Euphrates, as the remains of the ancient city, spoken of by Abulfeda, and other Eastern writers. The Oriental geographers give the latitude of Babel from 32° 15' to 32° 25'. The centre of it, admitting the ruin taken for the tower of Belus, to be the remains of that edifice, should be in latitude 32° 31': since these remains are about three G. miles to the north- ward of Hillah, which by observation, is in about 32° 28'.-f- M. Otter informs us that Hillah, according to the Kanoii, is in latitude 32° 25', which differs only three minutes from the report of M. Niebuhr. J Secondly, By the notices in ancient authors. Herodotus says, that the fountains of bitumen at Is, from whence the bitumen, used in the construction of Babylon, was brought, were situated at eight journies above that city. ( See the note to page 337. ) There are some copious fountains of this kind, near Hit, a town on the Euphrates, at 128 G. miles above Hillah, reckoning the distance along the bank of the Euphrates. This distance answers to eight ordinary journies of a caravan, of 16 miles each, direct; and is at the same rate as the six journies, at which Hit is reported to lie from Bagdad, according to M. Niebuhr. There can be no doubt, therefore, tiiat Hit is the place intended by Is ; and which should have been written It. The Theodosian tables allow 44 Roman miles between Seleucia and Babylon; and these produce 32 G. miles in direct distance, * Vol. ii. p. 211. t M. Niebuhr says 32° 28': M. Beauchamp, 32° 38'; no doubt, falsely printed. -^ Vol. ii, 209. BABYLON. 351 allowing for the inflexions of the road : for it can hardly be doubted that road distance was intended. The 44 MP. direct, would give 35 G. miles. According to Pliny, lib. vi. c. 26. Seleucia was built at the distance of 3 MP. from Ctesiphon ; and on the opposite, or western bank of the Tigris : and the site of Ctesiphon is recog- nized by the remains of tlie stately palace of Chosroes (now named Tank Kesra, or the Throne of Chosroes).* This palace is placed on the authority of M. Niebuhr, Mr. Ives, M. Beauchamp, and Abulfeda, at 19 G. miles to the soutii-eastward of Bagdad. -f There can hardly be a shadow of doubt, respecting the site of Ctesiphon : for according to Abulfeda, Tauk Kesra stood within that of Modaiji, which he says was named by the Persians, Thaisafim,X meaning Ctesiphon ; it being well known that Modain, by which is meant the two cities, was the collective name for Seleucia and Ctesiphon, amongst the Arabian conquerors of Persia. Ctesiphon was the Par- thian, or as Abulfeda calls it, the Persian name ; which is exactly the same thing. These remains stand very near to the eastern bank of the Tigris, at a few miles below the conflux of the Diala river with the Tigris ; as Pliny sa3'^s that Ctesiphon and Seleucia, did, in respect of the Median Choaspes ; which is evidently meant for tlie Diala. It agrees also with the position of the NahrMalka, a royal canal, leading from the Euphrates into the Tigris : for it joined the latter, at Seleucia. A part of the bed of this canal, is still to be traced; and it existed so late as the time of the Bagdad Caliphate. It is said, also, by * Abulfeda's Irak, article Modain, or Madaiti. Otter, Vol. ii. p. 37. — D'Her- belot, article Noushirwan. See also Irwin's and Ives's Travels ; of which more in the sequel. t M. Niebuhr furnishes the bearing. Sec his Voyage en Arable, Vol. ii. p. 249, French edition. Abulfeda, article Modain, says, that it is a day's journey below Bagdad; which is equal to 18 Arabic miles, or 19 geographic. The distance on the Map, is reckoned from the bridge of Bagdad. See Map, No. VI. facing page 335. X Also, Isbanin; according to Rieskc's spelling. Otter writes Tisbon, and Es- lanin. Vol. ii. p. 37. 352 BABYLON. M. Beauchainp, that the foundations of tlie walls of Seleucia may be traced. Of Ctcsiphon, also, very considerable remains are visible.* M. Beauchamp,"f- who visited both the site of Babylon, and of Tauk Kesra, says, that they are 12 leagues asunder: and also, that Tauk Kesra is 6" leagues from Bagdad. And, in effect, the particu- lar ruin named by the natives. Babel, or Makloube, (taken for tiie tower of Belus,) is, on our construction,]; 39 G. miles to the SSW of Tauk Kesra; answering to i2§- farsangs, or Persian, leagues. And this latter, is also 19 such miles from Bagdad, answering to six farsangs. But as the whole breadth of Seleucia, and half that of Babylon, is included in the 1 2 farsangs reckoned between Tauk Kesra and Makloube, it will be found that the 44, MP. of the tables, taken at 32 G. miles, direct, will agree to the interval of space, be- tween the approximating parts of the two cities ; which might pro- bably be less than 32. Strabo says (p. 738,) that Seleucia was built at the distance of 300 stadia from Babylon ; and as these are to be taken at the rate of 700 to a degree, 26 G. miles will be the distance intended. Pliny says (lib. vi. c. 26,) that they were 90 miles asunder: but this differs so much from all the other accounts, that we shall lay it out of the question. Now the whole of these authorities, taken together, clearly point out the position of ancient Babylon to be at, or near, the present city of Hillab, or Hellab, which is known to have been built of the * Mr. Ives describes very particularly the remains of Ctcsiphon, or Modain, p. 290 ; as well as the stupendous palace of Chosroes, which marks its site. Sec also Irwin's Travels, Vol. ii. p. 351 ; and Otter, Vol. ii. p. 36. + See the European Magazine for May, 1792, p. 338, el seq. X The geographical construction alluded to, is founded on the materials furniihed by a number of persons ; and will be found in the Map, No. VI. The following are the persons whose works have been consulted: Niebuhr, Ives, Irwin, Otter, Evers, Thevenot, Delia Valle, Texcira, Edrisi, Abulfeda, and Balbi. BABYLON. 353 bricks of the ancient city ; and is said to stand on a part of its very site. For, it agrees in point of distance, from Ctesiphon and Is, or Hit ; and is expressly pointed out by the Oriental geographers, and the people on the spot ; and moreover retains its ancient name of Babel. And lastly, tlie identity of the position intended by the Ori- ental geographers, is proved by the latitude. Thirdly, By the descriptions of its remains, by modern travel- lers, compared with the ancient descriptions. According to the description of this city, by Herodotus, it stood in a large plain : the exterior of it was a square, surrounded by a lofty wall ; and it was divided into two equal parts by the Euphrates, which passed through it. In the centre of one of these divisions, stood the temple and tower of Belus ; in the other, the spacious palace of the king. We have already spoken of the extraordinary dimensions of the wall that surrounded Babylon; which are va- riously given, from 480 to 360 stades. The first of these numbers is (as we have seen), from Herodotus, whose measures both of the enceinte and every other part, are enormous and improbable ; occa- sioned, as we are ready to believe, by corruptions of the text. As an instance of the latter, he is made to say, that reeds were placed at every 30th course of brick- work, in the Babylonish buildings : but modern travellers find them at every 6th, 7th, or 8th course, in Aggarkuf; apparently a Babylonish building: and M. Beau- champ found them at every course, in some of the buildings, in Babylon. We have therefore disregarded his numbers on the pre- sent occasion. Even the dimensions given by Strabo are beyond probability, as far as respects the height of tlie walls ; which he gives at 50 cubits, or 75 feet. The thickness, 32 feet, if meant of an earthen rampart, faced with brick, falls short of our modern ramparts, which are about 48 feet at the base ; the parapet alone being 18 feet, yet leaving an ample space for two carriages to pass each other ; which is the most that Strabo says of the space, on the wall of Babylon. And as a cannon proof parapet was not required, Zz 3.H BABYLON. at Babylon, several carriages might have gone abreast on a ram- part of equal solidity with ours. There is, therefore, nothing ex- traordinary in this particular.* With respect to the two principal structures in this stupendous city, \\\Q castellated palace (called also by some, the citadel), and the temple and tozver of Belus — the general description of the first, is given by Diodorus; of the latter, by Herodotus. They are both wonderful in their kind ; the first for the extent of the ground which it covered, and which is represented to have been a square of near a mile and half : -f the other for its bulk and height ; its base alone being said to be a cubic stade, surmounted by seven towers. * Respecting the height and thickness of the walls of Babylon, there arc great variations, in the different reports. Probably, we ought to receive the accounts of the later writers, as the most correct ; for the same reason that we gave a preference to their report of the extent of the city. The Macedonians, and latter Greeks, had more leisure to examine and measure the objects that presented themselves, than ca- sual observers. Pliny seems to have copied Herodotus ; whilst Strabo probably fol- lowed the Macedonian reports. Diodorus also makes a striking distinction between the reports of the early, and the later writers. It may have been, that 50 cubits, or about 75 feet, was the height of the city wall, measured, perhaps, from the bottom of the ditch ; and the thickness, 32. The following are the statements of the different authors, respecting the measures ef Babylon. Circuit in Stades- Hci!;lit of tlic Breadth of the Walls. Herodotus - Pliny, 60 MP. - Ctcsias Clitarchus Curtius Strabo 480 480 360 368 385 Cubit3. Feet. 200 = 300 Cubits. Feet. 50 = 75 + 300 100 = 150 50= 75 — r~ — 32 t Descriptions of the palaces will be foi>nd in Diodorus, lib. ii. c. I. And a ge- neral idea of the extent and position of the walls of Babylon, as also of the relative situations of the public buildings, will be found in the Map opposite page 335. Fifty er^yia are given, it should probably be fifty cubits. BABYLON. 355 which successively diminished as they rose. More will be said concerning this tower, in the sequel; when, it will appear, that there must either be an error in the text of Herodotus, in this place; or that he had been grossly deceived, in point of infor- mation. Herodotus has not said, in which of the divisions of the cit}^ the temple and palace, respectively, stood; but, it may be pretty clearly collected from Diodorus, that the temple stood on the east side, and the palace on the ivest : and the remains found at the present day, accord with this idea. For, Diodorus describes the great palace to be on the west side, the lesser palace on the east ; and there also, was the brazen statue of Belus. Now, he makes sucli a distinction between the two palaces, as plainly to shew that the one on the west, was to be regarded as the palace ; and conse- quently was the palace intended by those who place a palace, to answer on the one side, to the temple of Belus on tlie other. It is also to be collected from Herodotus, Clio, 181, tliat the palace and the citadel were the same : he says, " the royal palace fills a large and strongly defended space," in the centre of one of the divisions. Diodorus says, that the temple stood in the centre of the city; Herodotus, in the centre of that division of the city in which it stood ; as the palace in the centre of its division. But tlie descrip- tion of Diodorus is pointed, with respect to the fact of the palace being near to the bridge, and consequently to the river bank : and he is borne out by the descriptions of Strabo, and Curtius, both of whom represent the hanging gardens to be very near the river: and all agree, that they were within, or adjacent to, the square of the fortified palace* Tiiey were supplied with water, drawn up by engines from the Euphrates. Consequently, the palace should * Strabo, p. 738. He says, that " the Euphrates flows through the midillc of the city ; and the pensile gardens are adjacent to the river ; from whence they were watered." ZZ 2 3j6 BABYLON. have stood nearer to the centre of the city itself, than to that of the division, in which it stood ; since the division was more than four miles broad : and it appears natural enough that the princess should avail herself of the prospect of a noble river, a stadium ui breadth, flowing near the palace, instead of withdrawing two miles from it,* And it appears probable, that the temple was also at no great dis- tance from the opposite bank of the river; that is, the eastern bank. 'I' A presumptive proof of the supposed position of the temple, sliould the words of Diodorus be reg-arded as ambiguous, is, that * Diodorus describes a vaulted passage, under the bed of the Euphrates, by whiclir the queen (Semikamis) could pass from one palace to the other, on different sides of the river, (which was a stadium in breadth ; according to Strabo, p. 738^) with- out crossing it. This serves at least to shew, that the palaces were very near to the river banks. At a time when a tunnel of more than half a mile in length under the Thames, is projected, it may not be amiss to mention the reported dimensions of the tunnel made by Semiramis, under the Euphrates ; which, however, was no more than 500 feet in length, or less than j of the projected tunnel, under the Thames. That of Semiramis, is said to have been 15 feet in breadth, and 12 in height, to the spring- ing of the arch ; perhaps, 20 in all. The ends of the vault were shut up with brazen gates. Diodorus had an idea that the Euphrates was 5 stadia in breadth. See lib. ii. c. I. The Euphrates was turned out of its channel, irt order to effect this purpose. He- rodotus, who is silent concerning the tunnel, says, that the river was turned aside, in order to build a bridge. Diodorus describes a bridge also. There is an absurd story told in both these historians, respecting the disposal of the water of the river, during the time of buildrng the bridge, &c. According to them, the water was received into a vast reservoir, instead of the obvious and usual mode, of making a new channel, to conduct the river clear of the work constructing in its bed, into tlic old cliannel, at a point lower dowr>. + Here it is proper to remark, that there is this specific difference between the descriptions of Herodotus and of Diodorus: the first says, that the centres of the two divisions were occupied, respectively, by the palace and temple ; but Diodorus, by two palaces : and although he speaks of the temple also, yet he does not point out its piece. The square of the temple itself was two stadia. BABYLON. 357 the gate of the city, named Belidian, and which we must conclude to be denominated from the temple, appears pretty clearly to have been situated on the east side. When Darius Hystaspes besieged Babylon (Thalia 155, et seq.) the Belidian and Cissian gates were opened to him, by Zopyrus; and the Babylonians fled for refuge to the temple of Belus; as, we may suppose, the nearest place of security. The Cissian or Susian gate, must surely have been in the eastern front of the city, as Susa lay to the east ; and, by circumstances, the Belidian gate was near it; as the plan was laid that Persian troops were to be stationed opposite to these gates : and it is probable that matters would be so contrived, as to facilitate, as much as possible, the junction of the two bodies of Persian troops that were first to enter the city, as a kind of forlorn hope. It may also be remarked, that the gates at which the feints were made, previous to the opening of the Belidian and Cissian, were those of Ninus, Chaldea, and Semiramis. The first, towards Ni- nus or Nineveh, must have been, of course, to the north ; and the Chaldean, to x\\q south: and perhaps that of Semiramis to the north- east, between the Belidian and Ninian ; as that of Cissia to the south-east, between the Belidian and Chaldean. As it is unques- tionable, that the Ninian and Ci.ssian gates, if not the Chaldean, were in the eastern division of Babylon, since the countries from whence they are respectively denominated, lie to the east of the Euphrates, it may be collected that the attack was confined to that division alone (and what army could invest a fortress 34, miles in circuit?) And if this be admitted, the Belidian gate, and temple of IMus, must have stood on the east side of the Euphrates.* • Herodotus says, that there were loo gates in the circuit of the city ; which being a space of 34 miles, allows three gates to each mile. It is certain, that in modern fortresses, the communications with the country are not so numerous, in pro- portion to their extent : nor on the other hand, are they so far asunder as to have 358 BABYLON. Taking for granted, then, that the tower of Belus stood in the eastern division of the city, we shall examine the descriptions of it. It appears that none of the Greeks who describe it, had seen it, till after it had been either ruined by Xerxes, or gone so far to de- cay, that its original design was not apparent. Herodotus himself, therefore, admitting that he viewed it, might not be a perfect judge of the design, or of the original height of the superstructure : and this may account for his exaggerated description; perhaps imposed on him, by some of the citizens of Babylon, long after the upper stories were fallen to ruin. The vast mass of rubbish, mentioned by Strabo, seems to prove this. All the descriptions are very brief; and Strabo is the only one who pretends to give the positive measure of the elevation of the tower; though all agree in stating it to be very great. The square of the temple, says Herodotus, was izvo stadia ( looo feet) ; and the tower itself one stadium; in which Strabo agrees. Tiie former adds, " In the midst, a tower rises, of the solid depth and height of one stadium ; upon which, resting as a base, seven other turrets are built in regular succession. The ascent is on the outside, which, winding from the ground, is continued to the highest tower ; and in the middle of the whole structure, there is a convenient resting- place. In the last tower is a large chapel, in which is placed a only three in a front of 8| miles. Probably the rest might have been smaller portals, which Were shut up, during a siege. It may indeed be concluded, that there were fewer gates and communications with the country, on the %\ est, than elsewhere ; for it may be recollected, that Alexander wished to enter the city by the west, (after his return from India), in order to avoid the evil foretold by the soothsayers ; but was compelled to give up the attempt, by reason of the marshes and morasses on that side. (See Arrlan, lib. vii.) We are told also by Diodorus, lib. ii. c. i. that the number and depth of the morasses round about Babylon, made a smaller number of towers, in the nature of bastions, neces- sary for the defence of the wall. There were only 250 of these, in the whole circuit of 34 miles. BABYLON. 359 couch, magnificently adorned ; and near it, a table of solid gold, but there is no statue in the place." Clio, 181. He afterwards (183.J describes another ciiapel, lower down in the structure, with golden statues, tables, and altars : all of which appear to have been forcibly taken away by Xerxes, who also put the priest to death. Strabo (p. 738.) says, that the sepulchre of Belus was apyra?nid of one stadium in height ; whose base was a square of like dimen- sions ; and that it was ruined by Xerxes. Arrian agrees in this particular; and both of them say, that Alexander wished to restore it, that is, we may suppose, both the tower and temple, but that lie found it too great a labour : for it is said, that ten thousand men were not able to remove the rubbish, in the course of two months. Arrian calls it a stupendous and magnificent fabric ; and says that it was situated in the heart of the city. Diodorus, lib. ii. c. 1. says, that it was entirely gone to ruin, in his time ; so that nothing cer- tain could be made out, concerning its design ; but that it was of an exceeding great height, built of brick, and cemented with bitumen ; in which the others generally agree. Diodorus adds, that on the top, was a statue of Belus, 40 feet in height; in an upright posture. It has been the practice to make the statues placed on the tops of buildings, of such a heigiit, as to appear of the natural size, wlien viewed from below : and if tliis rule was followed in Babylon, the tower should have been of about the height of 500 feet ; for the statue itself, in order to be viewed from a convenient station, clear of the base ; and admitting the retreats of the stories to be reguUu-, must have been from 600 to 650 from the eye below : and at that distance, a statue of 4,0 feet high would have appeared nearly of tlie size of a man. It is impossible to suppose, for a moment, that the statement of the height and fashion of the tower, as it appears in Herodotus, cm be true, since it describes the base of it to be a solid cube of a stadium, or 500 feet ; on which arose seven other towers, diminishing gra- dually to the top. Let any one, the least conversant in the difncn- 3^0 BABYLON. sions of buildings, revolve in his mind the idea of a perpendicular wall 500 feet in height, and as much in length ! And this, one side of a base only, for a superstructure that must be supposed to bear some proportion to it ! Surely Herodotus wrote breadth and length, and not breadth and height ; which would agree with Strabo ; and then we are left to conceive (as Strabo also says), a pyramid, con- sisting of the eight stories; or base with seven retreats, described by Herodotus; and consequently of a form and height, not very diffe- rent from those of the great pyramid at Memphis ; only that the retreats were wider, and less numerous ; and the top, perhaps, flatter.* That it was exceeding lofty, must be conceived by the mode of expression of those who describe it : and if it be admitted that the whole fabric was a stadium in height, as Strabo says, and as ap- pears probable ; even this measure, which is about ./^oo feet, must be allowed to be a vast height, for so bulky a structure raised by the hands of man ; for it is about 20 feet higher than tlie great p}'- ramid of Memphis ; and would exceed the loftiest pile in this Island (Salisbury steeple) by 100 feet.-j- But as the base of the great py- ramid is about 700 feet square, or nearly once and a half that of the tower of Belus, the solid contents of the pyramid must have been much greater, J. The Greeks with Alexander, who saw and * There are pagodas in India, particularly in the Peninsula, that answer precisely to this kind of pyramid. The great pagoda in Tanjore, which has even more stories than the tower of Belus, comes up exactly to our idea. See the drawing of Tanjore, published by my friend Mr. Dalrymple, in 1776. + It is said by Dr. Greaves, that the old steeple of St. Paul's, previous to the fire of 1666, was 520 feet in height ; which was, of course, 40 higher than the pyramid; 20 higher than the tower cf Belus. X It is well known that travellers differ exceedingly in their reports of the dimen- sions of the great pyramid, owing to the impossibility of measuring the sides of its base ; which are in a great measure covered with heaps of sand drifted against them, by the wind : so that the corners alone, remain naked to the foundations. Our countryman. Dr. Greaves, a tnathematician and astronomer, about the middle of the BABYLON. 361 described the tower, had also seen the pyramids: but they make no comparison between either their bulk, or their altitudes. The tower, from its having a narrower base, would appear much more than 20 feet higher than the pyramid.* The space occupied by the mass of ruins, taken for the tower of Belua, appears, as far as can be judged, to agree with the idea that may be collected from the descriptions of it ; considering that, as so great a portion of it was formed of earth, very much of the mass must have been washed down by the rain ; which, according to Delia Valle and Beauchamp, has worn deep ravines in its sides. Much also, must have been dissipated, in dry seasons, by the winds. With respect to the form of the tower — some have surmised, that the winding path on the outside, gave occasion to the report of eight towers placed one above the other : but had it derived its ciiaracter from this circumstance alone, it would have had a very different last century, measured the great pyramid by means of a base and quadrant ; and affirms that the sides of the pyramid are 693 feet of the English standard, and the diagonal precisely the same ; so that each of the four reclining sides of it form a per- fect equilateral triangle, bating the top, which terminates in a plain surface of 13 fett square. He also affirms, that the perpendicular altitude of the same pyramid, is 4.8« feet. Another English gentleman (Mr. Graves) measured the same pyramid a few years ago. His report is 727 to 728 feet, each side; and the diagonal 683; giving an altitude of 450 feet, only. Had M. Niebuhr measured xhe. pyramid, we should have listened to his report with the attention and respect due to his authority : but he only paced it. However, the result, as it respects the base, approaches to Dr. Greaves's. For he reckoned 142 of his paces, which he calculates at 5 Danish feet each, giving a total of 710 feet ; equal to about 685 English. If we take his pace at 5 Roman feet, the result will be much the same. But he sinks the altitude very much below cither of the others. It is proper to remark, that although the great pyramid is somewhat larger at the base, than the second, yet that the latter, in M. Niebuhr's idea, is the highest of the two, being built up to a point ; whereas the greater terminates with a plane of 13 feet square. * The reader is referred to the Map opposite page 335, vfherc a comparison is made between the section of the pyramid, and that of the tower. 3 A ^fja BABYLOK. appearance from that of a regular pj'ramidal form, as is described by Strabo: altliough a winding path might have been so contrived, as to preserve the regularity of the figure. Authors differ also, in respect of the manner in which the tower was completed, at the top. Herodotus says, that it terminated in a spacious dome, in the nature of a chapel, or temple ; but others say, an observator}'. Diodorus says, that the statue of Belus was at the top : Herodotus, lower down the building. Who shall decide ? Xerxes is said to have removed the statues ; so that of course, He- rodotus could not have seen them. Delia Valle, when at Bagdad, in 1616, (see his Travels, Vol. ii.) had the curiosity to visit the site of Babylon ; which is well known to the people of those parts, as well by its name of Babel, as by the traditions concerning it. He found, at the distance of about three miles to the northward of Hillah, and at no great distance from the eastern bank of the Euphrates, a vast heap of ruins, of so heterogeneous a kind, that, as he expresses it, he could find nothing whereon to fix his judgment, as to what it might have been, in its original state. He recollected the descriptions of the tower of Belus, in the writings of the ancients, and supposed that this might have been the remains of it. He paced its circumference, and found it to be 1134 of his ordinary steps, which cannot well be rated lower than 2^ English feet each; but may have been 2y. At the former. rate, the circuit would be 2552 feet : whence the dimensions of each side of the ruin, should have been 638 feet ; but he himself reckons that number of steps, equal to ^ of a league. An Italian league is about -i of an English league, of three statute miles; consequently, the circuit would be 900 yards, or somewhat more than half an English mile. Each side then, would be 660 feet ; requiring nearly a mean between 2i and 2j, for the length of each step; which appears probable; the Roman pace, or double step, being about 4, feet 1 o inches of our standard. There can be little doubt, but that the base has been increased by BABYLON. 3% the falling ruins ; although it must be supposed, that such parts of them as consisted of burnt bricks, have been rcmoved, as most of the other ruins of tlie same kind have been ; and as even the foun- dations of the city walls, and of other structures, in Babylon, con- tinue to be, to this day; and that for the purpose of building houses, in other places. So that, at all events, the base of the ruin, must far exceed that of the original fabric : and, by the way, it may be concluded, that, if the Greeks found the tower of Belus, when in such a state, as that the dimensions of its base could be ascertained, a stadium in length and breadth, the standard of the stadium must have been nearer 500, than 600 feet. Indeed, it can hardly be supposed, even when the furnace-baked bricks of the ruin, were removed, tiiat the remaining matter would form a mass of less than 660 feet on each side ; supposing it to have been 500, originally. It may be concluded, that the uppermost stories consisted more of masonry, than earth ; but the lower, chiefly of earth, which was retained in its place, by a vast wall of sun-dried bricks, the outer part, or facing of which, was comix)sed of such as had undergone the operation of lire. Strabo says, that the sides of the tower were of burnt bricks. Delia Valle's description of this vast ruin contains much informa- tion, and also much internal evidence, concerning the position and dimensions of the tower of Belus. He goes on to say, that the mountainous ruiii, in question, like most other ruins, does not pre- sent a regular figure, but is of different heights in different places : and that the highest part of the palace at Naples, is not so high as some parts of this ruin. In some places, the sides are steep and craggy; in others, they form a slope, that may be ascended; and there appeared the traces of torrents that had been occasioned by the rimning off of the rain water. On the top, he saw what might be taken for caverns or cells ; but they were in so ruinous a state, that he could not judge whether they made a part of the original design, 3 A 3 364 BABYLON. or were excavated, since: in fact, that the whole appeared like a mass of confusion ; none of its members being distinguishable. With respect to tlie materials, he found that two sorts of bricks had been made use of; the one having been simply dried in the sun; the other baked in the furnace. Of the latter sort, which seem to have been employed only in such parts of the fabric, as were either the most ex{X)sed to the weather, or which required a greater degree of solidity than the rest ; there were by far the smallest proportion ; and with these, a cement, either of lime, or of bitumen, had been used : but the parts which he dug into, were, generally speaking, formed of sun-dried bricks. It is obvious, how- ever, that his researches in this way, must have been very much limited, both as to the number of places, and the depth to which he penetrated. These bricks, (if they deserve the name,) were laid in clay mortar only ; and with this, or with the bricks themselves, broken reeds, or straw, had been mixed. He is, however, silent concerning any layers of reeds ; although such have been observed by M. Beauchamp, in this place ; and by several others in the ruin of Aggarki(f, near Bagdad. He observed the foundations of buildings around the great mass, at the distance of 50 or 60 paces : but beyond that, to a great dis- tance, the whole was a clear, and an even plain. These foundations appear to prove a great deal, respecting tlie temple and tower of Belus. For if the .50 or 60 paces on both sides of the ruin, be reckoned equal to 260 feet, and the base of the ruin 660, we have a total of 920 feet ; or only 80 feet short of the two stadia, which, Herodotus says, was the dimensions of the square of the inclosure of the temple of Belus ; in which the pyramidal tower stood. May it not then be suspected, that the foundations, are a part of those of a range of buildings, which formed the inclosure of the area in which the tower stood ; and which buildings in effect, constituted the temple itself ? BABYLON. 365 Although Delia Valle's route must have led him across the whole extent of the eastern division of Babylon, yet he takes no notice of any remains, save those already mentioned. M. Niebuhr and M. Otter, did not indeed traverse tiie very same ground, because they took the direct route from Hillah to Bagdad, which leads to the east- ward of the ruins; but wliich, notwithstanding, crosses almost the whole length of the site of Babylon, between the supjxjsed tower of Belus, and the east front of the city wall. See Map, at p. 335. By the information collected by these gentlemen, at Hillah and elsewhere, it is certain that other remains of walls and edifices, are in existence, although enveloped in woods or coppices. M. Otter was told that the site of Babylon was generally covered with wood : (Vol. ii. p. 211.) and M. Niebuhr, that amongst the hillocks or eminences formed by its ruins, are found, here and there, trees that appear to be very ancient, as having been left untouched by the in- habitants; although (as he observes) from the gulf of Persia to that neighbourhood, no other kind of trees, except date and other fruit-trees, are to be seen.* • The hanging gardens (as they are called), which had an area of about 3! acres, had trees of a considerable size growing in them : and it is not improbable that they were of a species, different from those of the natural growth of the alluvial soil of Babylonia. Curtius says, that some of them were eight cubits in the girth ; and Strabo, that there was a contrivance to prevent the large roots from destroying the superstructure, by building vast hollow piers, which were filled with earth to receive them. These trees may have been perpetuated in the same spot where they grew, notwithstanding that the terraces may have subsided, by the crumbling of the piers and walls, that supported them ; the ruins of which may form the very eminences spoken of by M. Niebuhr; and which are covered with a particular kind of trees. Such a mass of ruins could not but form a very considerable eminence. See the de- scriptions of the gardens, in Diodorus, lib. ii. c. i. ; Strabo, p. 738. ; and Curtius, lib. V. c. I. Josephus (contra Ap. lib. i. 19.) quotes Berosus, who also mentions them. There is little doubt but that the gardens contained at least 3I acres. Diodorus says, they formed a square of 400 feet ; Curtius, that they were supported by 20 walls, II feet distant from each other; which spaces, together with the thickness of q66 BABYLON. M. Niebuhr was also informed (it is to be regretted that he could not have been enabled to visit the ruins of Babylon generally), that the principal ruins, answering to those seen by Delia Valle, were situated about three miles to the NNW of Hillah. He says also, that such parts of the walls, as stood above ground, have long ago been car- ried away : but that the foundations continue to be dug tip, and are carried to Hillah. And that in the tract of Babel, on both sides of the Euplirates, are seen many eminences that are dug into, for bricks ; as well as heaps of bricks themselves. These bricks, he says, are a foot square, and remarkably well baked ; and having originally been laid in tnatter that had no degree of tenacity, they were easily separated ; and that without breaking them. Vol. ii. page 235. The caravanserai of Hillah, as he was told, was built, at no very distant period, of those bricks : and the town itself in the 11th century, according to M. Otter. M. Beauchamp, Vicar General of Babylon, and Corresponding Member of the French Academy of Sciences, visited these cele- brated ruins, several times within the last tv^'enty years. Of all the European travellers, none seems to have had so good an opportu- nity of examining them, as M. Beauchamp ; he having, apparently, prosecuted his inquiries at his fullest leisure, and under a protection that left his attention undisturbed: advantages that none of the others seem to have possessed. Nor was his attention confined to this spot, only ; for he visited many other places both in Mesopo- tamia and Persia. His description of what he saw in the eastern the walls, will at least make up 400 feet. Strabo says, four jiigcra ; but the just mentioned dimensions require more than five. They had a view over the city walls, and were said to be 50 cubits high. Finally, they were said to have been made, to gratify the whim of a mistress ; and it must be confessed, that such fancies appear more appropriate to such a character, than to the sober wishes, and rational modes of cxpence, that may be expected in a queen consort ; at least one who partook of the patriotism of her husband ; and who would by all means prevent a monument of his folly from being exhibited aloft, to the view of the surrounding country. BABYLON. 367 quarter of Babylon, is here given the last in order, of the different accounts, because it seems on the whole, to convey the most infor- mation of any, considered in a general point of view ; although it falls short of some of the others, in respect of particulars. It also supplies certain defects of the other descriptions. Still, however, he has rather excited, than gratified, our curiosity. We have inserted in the text, such parts only of M. Beauchamp's descriptions, as apply immediately to our subject : and the remain- der is thrown into the form of notes. This arrangement has been made, in order that the reader's attention may not be diverted from the main object ; leaving him to examine the curious facts stated in the notes, afterwards.* " The ruins of Babylon are very visible a league north of Hellah. There is, in particular an elevation which is flat on the top ; of an irregular figure; and intersected by ravines. It would never have been suspected for the work of human hands, were it not proved by the layers of bricks found in it. Its height is not more than 60 yards. It is so little elevated, that the least ruin we pass in the road to it, conceals it from the view.-f To come at the bricks, it is ne- cessary to dig into the earth. They are baked with fire, and cemented with zepbt, or bitumen : between each la3'^er are found osiers. " Above this mount, on the side of the river, are those immetise niins, which have served, and still serve, for the building of Hellah, an Arabian city, containing 10 or 12,000 souls. Here are found those large and thick bricks, imprinted with unknown characters, specimens of which I have presented to the Abbe Barthelemy. This place, and the mount of Babel, are commonly called by the Arabs * We have not been able to obtain a copy of the original, from whence the trans- lation of M. Beauchamp's correspondence, inserted in the European Magazine for 1792, was made. + This, however, is the mass of ruins, which Delia Valle describes : and which we take for the remains of the tower of Belus, 368 BABYLON. Makloube, that is, turned topsy-turvy. I was informed by the master- mason employed to dig for bricks, that the places from which he procured them were large thick walls, and sometimes chambers. He has frequently found earthen vessels, engraved marbles, and, about eight years ago, a statue as large as life, which he threw amongst tlie rubbish. On one wall of a chamber he found the figures of a cow, and of the sun and moon, formed of varnished bricks.* Sometimes, idols of clay are found, representing human figures. I found one brick on which was a lion, and on others a half-moon in relief. The bricks are cemented with bitumen, except in one place, whicli is well preserved, where they are united by a very thin stratum of white cement, which appears to me to be made of lime and sand. " The bricks are every where of the same dimensions, one foot, three lines square, by three inches thick.-f Occasiojially, layers of osiers in bitumen ;Ji are found, as at Babel. * Diodorus, lib. ii. c. i, says, that there were drawn in colours, on the bricks, used in building the wall of the great palace, various animals ; also a representation of a general hunting of wild beasts, &c. &c. The bricks were painted before they were burnt. t " Most of the bricks found at Makloube have writing on them : but it does not appear that it was meant to be read, for it is as common on bricks buried in the walls, as on those on the outside. I observed that each quarter has a peculiar impression : I mean, that we find but one series of letters, and arranged in the same manner, in one place. " Besides the bricks with inscriptions, there are solid cylinders, three inches in diameter, of a white substance, covered with very small writing, resembling the in- scriptions of Pcrsepolis, mentioned by Chardin. — Black stones, which have inscrip- tions engraved on them, are also met with. These, I was told, were found at Briussa, which is separated from Makloube by the river." (From the text of M. Beauchamp.) % " The quantity of bitumen that must have been employed in building Babylon, is scarcely credible. Most probably it was procured from Hit on the Euphrates, where we still find it. The master-mason told me, that he found some in a spot BABYLON'. g6^ " The master-mason led me along a valley, which he dug out a long while ago, to get at the bricks of a wall, that, from the marks he shewed me, I guess to have been 60 feet thick. It ran perjxjn- dicular to the bed of the river, and was probably the wall of the city. I found in it a subterranean canal, which, instead of l)eing arched over, is covered with pieces of sand-stone, six or seven feet long, by three wide. These ruins extend several leagues to the nortli of Hellah, and incontestably mark the situation of ancient Baljylon.* " I employed two men for three hours in clearing a stone which they supposed to be an idol. The part which I got a view of, a[>- peared to be nothing but a shapeless mass : it was evident, however, that it was not a simple block, as it bore marks of the chisel, and there were pretty deep holes in it ; but I could not find any inscrip- tion on it. The stone is of a black grain ; and from the large frag- ments of it found in many places, it apjjears that there were some monuments of stone, built here. On the eastern side, I found a stone nearly two feet square, and six inches thick, of a beautiful granite, the grain of which was white and red. xA.ll these stones must have been brought from some distance, as this part of the desert contains none. On the same side of the city, as I was told by the master-mason, there were walls of varnished bricks, which he supposed to have been a temple." -f which he was digging, about 2o years ago ; wliich is by no means strange, as it in common enough on the banks of the Euphrates. § I have myself seen it on the road from Bagdad to Juba, an Arabian village, seated on that river." (From M. Beau- champ.) * The reader may recollect that we have assumed 8| British mile.";, or about thrct French leagues, for the square of the inclosurc of Babylon. + I imagine medals must be found in the ruins of Babylon, if sought after : but § We may remark on this report of the mason's, that Diodorus says, that great quantities of bitumen flovV out of the ground, at Babylon : that these springs supplied it for the building of the city ; and that it was in such plenty, that it was even usc4 for fuel ; (lib. ii. c. i.) Herodotus, however, brings it from /;, or Hit. 3B 37© BABYLON. These are all the notices that we have been able to collect, respecting the ruins of that quarter of Babylon, wliich lies on the east of tlie Euphrates : and before we adduce tlie very brief descrip- tion of what has been seen on the west, it may be proper to make a few observations on the reports of Delia Valle and Beauchamp. It would appear that all M. Beauchamp's descriptions relate to the eastern division : for he says, that " Broussa-\- is separated from Maklonhe by the river" (Euphrates): and it is well known that Broussa lies on tlie west side : and therefore Makloube, tlie name given to that part of tlie ruins of Babylon seen by him, must stand on the east side, of course. It is certain, that in two places, M. Beauchamp speaks of what he saiv on the east side, which might imply that he likewise saw sometliing on the west, also : we there- fore wish tliat he had expressed himself either more clearly, or more fully, in thi^ respect.;}; the Arabs pick thein up, only when they know Europeans are desirous of them. One of copper was brought mc whilst I was there. In comparing it with different Parthian medals, I observed that all the heads of the latter bore a kind of mitre ; that of the former, a crown of flowers.* " The master-workman informed me that there were three cities in which anti- quities are found : Babel, or Makloube ; Broussa, two leagues SE of Hellah, in the desert ; and Kaides, (Al KadderJ still farther distant than Broussa. I was told that many marble statues were found in the latter, but it is dangerous to go thither, without a strong guard." (From M. Beauchamp.} t Broussa, called by Arabs Boursa, is supposed to be Borsippa of Strabo (739.) and of Justin (lib, xii. c. 13.) ; to which place Alexander retired, when he was warned by the Chaldeans not to enter Babylon by the east. According to Josephus, f contra Ap. lib. i. c. 10.) it ought to be near to Babylon. It appears, from Strabo, to have been a place of great celebrity, as a place of worship. Ptolemy has Barsita, but more remote from Babylon. Broussa is only six miles to the south-east of its site. % We here speak, under correction, having never seen any account, save the trans> lation, in the European Magazine ; of which, however, it may be conceived, there can be little reason to doubt the accuracy. * In the army of Xerxes, the Cissians, or Susiatts, wore mitres, but not the Mcdes - tion of the ruin seen by P. Emanuel. No doubt, over so widely ex- tended a space, as the site of ancient Babylon, and its environs, there ought to be a great variety of remains. But if those seen by Delia Valle, were in tlie centre of the city, or even of the eastern division of it, as the temple of Belus is said to have been, tliose seen by M. Niebuhr could not have been included within the circuit of the wall, since the two ruins are more than nine miles from each other, in a direction of NE and SW. Indeed one cannot conceive the ruin on the west side to have been less than two or three miles from the SW angle of the city. The bricks, of which the fabric seen by M. Niebuhr, was built, • The reader may easily conceive with what disadvantage an antiquary pursues lis inquiries in the despotic regions of Turkey and Persia, where he is not only beset by banditti, in every retired situation, but even finds an enemy in the commu- nity at large, because the prejudices of education are sharpened by the persecuting spirit of the popular religion. BABYLON. 377 were furnace-baked. Nothing is said concerning the nature of the cement ; nor are any reeds mentioned, either by P. Emanuel, or M. Niebuhr. M. Niebuhr further says — " At the time when Babylon was in a flourishing state, and the country about it, full of buildings, there must have been a fine view of it from this tower : for, at the /oo/ of it, may be seen the mosque of Ali (Mesjid Ali) which is at least eight leagues distant." As we do not hear of any remains of the superstructure of the walls of Babylon, at this time, it may be concluded that the mate- rials of them have been generally removed, to build other cities. But this was not done in very early times ; for although the city declined soon after the foundation of Seleucia, and was a deserted place in the time of Pliny, yet it appears that the city walls, as well as the tower of Bclus, remained, although not entire. We learn both from Niebuhr and Beauchamp, that the foundations of buildings, and apparently, of the walls of the city, also, (but particularly from the former) continue to be dug up, and transported to other places, for the purposes of building; that large heaps of rubbish are discern- ible in many places ; and that the square bricks of large dimensions (such as are above described in the tower of Belus, and in the walls of the ruined palace), are scattered over the tract round Hillah. These bricks too, are to be traced amongst the buildings of Bagdad,* and other cities ; as we find Roman bricks, in and about those towns that were formerly Roman stations, in this Island. The palace of Chosroes in Ctesiphon (now called Tauk Kesra) appears to have been built of bricks, brought from the ruins of Babylon ; as the di- mensions are so nearly the same, and the proportions so singular. Those who have made it their business to examine and inquire into such matters, have always found that the materials of ancient cities have been employed in the building of new ones, in cases where new foundations have been established in the same neigiibourhood ; * Delia Valle, Vol. ii. 3C 378 BABYLON. and when such materials could conveniently be transported by in- land navigations, they are found at very great distances from their ancient place : much farther, indeed, than Bagdad or Seleucia, are from Babylon. In effect, the remains of ancient cities throughout the world, are tjiosc only, which are either too firmly cemented to be worth the labour of separating ; too far distant from a conve- nient situation, to be worth the expence of transportation ; or which, from their nature, are not applicable to ordinary purposes. For a deserted city, is nothing else than a quarry, above ground; in which the materials are ready siiaped to every one's hands. And although, during the times of regular government, these ruins may become private property, or the property of the state, yet in the history of every country, there have happened intervals of anarchy and con- fusion, during which, such ruins have been regarded as common to all. In the above point of view, the Babylonians, Romans, and Bengallers, may be said to have provided a stock of materials for building, for the use of posterity ; from the durable nature of their bricks : * but the bricks used in the building of some modern cities, seem to have been designed, rather for the use of the age in which they" were made, than for posterity. The ancient bricks that have preserved their durability, are of various dimensions. Those made by the Romans, had their want of thickness, made up in length and breadth. The Bengal bricks had all their proportions, very small. The Babylonish bricks, are, as far as we know, the thickest and largest of all ancient bricks. However, they do not appear to have exceeded, by more than one-fourth of an inch in thickness, that of the thickest of the modern bricks. So nearly do the experiments of ancient and modern times, agree! * The city of Manldah is built almost entirely from the remains of Gour, the ancient capital of Bengal. Moorshedabad is partly built, from the same : and the bricks of Gour still afford a constant supply of materials for building. Its stone pillars have been distributed between Moorshedabad, Dacca, and Monghir : and some of the blocks of stone were used in the new citadel of Fort William, at Calcutta. BABYLON", 379 The dimensions of the furnace-baked bricks at Babylon, are re- ported pretty much ahke, by Beauchamp and Niebuhr. Tlie first gives them at one foot and three lines square, by three inches in thickness : the latter at a foot square ; but omitting to state the thickness, otherwise than that tliey were nearly of tlic same stand- ard with our bricks. M. Beauchamp's account, from the complexion of it, must be regarded as the most accurate ; and it being, of course, in French measure, the bricks may be reckoned rather above 13 inches square, by nearly 3^ thick, in English measure. M. Niebuhr appears to have intended the Danish foot, which is rather shorter than the English. The report of P. Emanuel, which allows a foot and half; and which standard he extends to the bricks generally throughout Babylon, must be considered as inaccurate. Mr. Ives says, that the bricks in Tank Kesra are about a foot square, by tiiree inches thick; which general correspondence of dimensions, may be regarded as a proof of their having been originally brought from the ruins of Babylon.* The sun-dried bricks in Aggarkuf, accord- ing to Ives, were of the same length and breadth, as the others ; but not being intended for the furnace, there was no necessity for re- ducing their thickness to that standard, which experience had shewn, was convenient for baking in the fire : they were therefore 4:^, in- stead of 3 inches, iii thickness. Possibly, if the matter had been examined into, the sun-dried bricks in the tower of Belus would also have been found much thicker than the baked ones.-j- • M. Beauchamp however says, that these are only 10 inches square, by 2\ in thickness. In English measure about lo?- by 2j. t By the polite attention of Dr. Gray, Secretary to the Royal Society, it became known to the Author, that there was a sun-dried brick in the British Museum ; anci which is said to have been taken out of the ruin, called the tower of Babel : no doubt, Aggarkuf. This brick, as nearly as its dimensions can be ascertained, (for, from its friable nature, it has lost its regular form) is i2| inches by 12| ; and is 4J in thickness. Broken reeds appear, in some parts of it : but if they were really mixed with the clay, it must be in a very small proportion, from the vety great 3C 3 380 BABYLON. M. Beauchamp seems to take it for granted, that cement, either of bitumen, or lime, was employed in all the masonry in ancient Babylon. But we do not conceive that the private buildings were constructed with such cement, because of the perfect and whole state, in which the bricks are found, that were taken from the ruins in general : and because the Babylonians appear to have had a cheaper substitute for it, in the clay mortar, mentioned by Delia Valle : and in that, of what kind soever it might be, which is spoken of by M. Niebuhr. (See above, page 366. ) From what Delia Valle also reports, we should conclude, most decidedly, tliat certain parts only of the public buildings, including the city walls, were cemented with bitumen ; perhaps those which were exposed to the weather, or to inundations.* And by what we shall presently adduce, there appears to have been no necessity for an indiscriminate use of the bitumen. M. Niebuhr says, that the large bricks, which were remarkably well burnt, " had been laid in matter that had so small a degree of tenacity, that they were easily separated ; and that, without break- ing them." But on the contrary, in the ruin of the palace seen by weight of the brick ; and it appears more probable, that the reeds are nothing more than a part of those, on which the brick lay, wliilst in its soft state ; and that they were not intended to enter into its composkion. It will be seen that this has a very near agreement with Ives's report of the bricks in Aggarkuf ; but this brick was not brought away by his party, for he says, p. igS', that they took only a piece of each sort ; together with some of the reeds out of the layers, and some of the cement ; which latter, he calls " mud or slime, mixed with broken reeds, as we mix hair with mortar." Since the Babylonish bricks do not differ much in dimensions from a foot, may it not be, that they might be made from the standard of their/««/ measure ? From the great weight of the bricks, it may be inferred that the workmen were very strong, able-bodied men. • On occasion of an inundation, about the year 1733, the foundations of the walls in Bagdad were covered with a composition,^ of which bitumen made a part. (Ives, page 281.) BABYLON. 381 P. Emanuel, " the construction was of so solid a nature, tliat it was scarce possible to separate them." He does not, however, appear to have described the nature of the cement. It was probably bitu- men : but we are not possessed of sufficient knowledge, on the subject, to enable us to determine on the degree of cohesion be- longing to that substance, when employed as a cement for bricks ;- but there seems no doubt but that it was extremely cohesive. * As to the lime cement, very little of that appears to have been used. The crude material was at a distance ; and although Babylon might have been well supplied with fuel (as Balbi says that the forests below Hit, still supply Bagdad with that article), yet a ready prepared cement must have come to market much chea])er. If we consider the natural state of things in Babylonia, and then inquire what is done in other countries, under similar circumstances, we may readily conceive what the nature of the ordinary buildings in ancient Babylonia, was. This country, then, very much resembles Bengal in soil and appearance ; being, like that, formed of the depo- sitions of great rivers. The soil of Bengal furnishes a material, which not only serves the purjx>se of making excellent bricks, but that of a useful kind of cement likewise. The ordinary brick houses are there biiilt of a very small sized brick, well burnt in the fire, and laid in clay wrought to a proper consistency : but no lime mortar is used, otherwise than for arches, or for a coping, to prevent the rain from penetrating the wall ; and sometimes, though rarely, in laying foundations. This kind of construction is called cutcha, or * The cement in the remarkable fortress of Aliadder, in the Chaldean Desert, according to M. Carmichael's description of it, appears to be bitumen. We know not the date of its construction. The wall of Media (which shuts up the isthmus between the Euphrates and Tigris, above Babylon), was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen. (Xenophon Anab. lib. ii.) and the walls of Perisabour, in Babylonia, taken by Julian, were of the same mate- rials : (Amm. Marc. lib. xxiv.) So that in those days, bitumen was much in use as a cement ; but it appears to have been disused in succeeding times. None appears ill the ruins of Ctesiphon, or in Bagdad. 38s BABYLON. slight ; in contradistinction to pucca, or strong ; which latter term is applied to masonry, built wholly wth lime cement. The cutcha walls are made much thicker than the pucca ; and if plastered over, and kept dry at the top, will bear the requisite pressure, and stand as well, jjerhaps too, as long, as those built with lime mortar of the country ; which, by the bye, is some of the strongest in the world. Moreover, few countries have so great a quantity of rain, as Bengal ; few less than Babylonia. The nature of the mortar used in the ancient fabrics seen by Delia Valle and by Ives, proves that tlie Babylonians built with clay mor- tar, as is practised by the Bengal people ; and by those of Bagdad, the modern Babylon. And this reminds us of a passage in Genesis (chap. xi. ver. 3.) relating to the building of the tower of Babel, (which might possibly have been a part of the origin a/ city of Baby- lon ; perhaps the very tower of Belus, so often mentioned, before it took the form described above.) It says, " they had brick for stone, and slime for mortar." Now, is not this particularly descriptive of one of the modes of building, in Babylonia ; and which, in essentials, resembles the Bengal cutcha ? The bricks used in the Bengal cutcha, having been originally well burnt, and afterwards easily separated, are equal in quality to new bricks: and therefore are equally valuable, in the construction of other houses. But this is not the case of those used in the pucca work ; for they will more easily break, than separate, as is said of those in the Babj'lonian palace.* If then, it be admitted, that a mode of building, similar to that of the cutcha in Bengal, obtained in Ba- bylon, which from the above circumstances appears highly probable, we ought not to wonder that we see so few remains of Babylon, on the spot. Had the materials of its buildings, in general, been so dif- • When the French again fortified Pondicherry, after the destruction of its works by the English, in 1761, they sawed the masses of brick-work, that had been blown up, into blocks of a convenient size for building, and used them accordingly. The bricks could not be separated. BABYLON. 383 ficult to separate, as those of the palace seen by P. Emanuel, we should unquestionably find much greater remains of that celebrated city. Herodotus, in his account of the building of Babylon, says, that the Babylonians intermixed reeds with the bitumen, used as cement, in building the walls; which were made of bricks baked in a fur- nace. We collect from his description, that these layers of reeds were introduced at certain distances, between the courses of bricks, in order to render the masonry more compact : the text says, at every thirtieth course. But we conceive that the number is corrupted (as may be perceived in other instances, in this and most other an- cient authors), because M. Beauchanip says, that t\\G osiers, or what- soever was meant by the reeds, by Herodotus, are placed between every txvo layers of bricks, in the tower of Belus : and in other great ruins, higher up, he says that the osiers were only laid " occasion- ally." As this mode of building with reeds between the courses ap- pears to have prevailed only amongst the ancient Babylonians, we may reasonably conclude, that Aggarkuf is of Babylonian origin, by its having this characteristic mark in it.* In this ancient, aiid very singular fabric, Mr. Ives, and others, found 7'eeds, or rushes, at every 6th, 7th, or 8th course, of sun-dried bricks. No bitumen was used there; for Mr. Ives drew out the reeds from the wall with ease ; a proof that they were not laid in any tenacious kind of ce- ment : on the contrary, he says, that it was no other than " mud or slime, amongst which broken reeds were mixed ; as we mix hair with mortar." These, he says, were as fresh, as if lately placed * ^gi">'^"f} Of Akharkitf, is a shapeless mass of ruins, 126 feet in height, by loo in diameter ; and appears to be solid. It stands about nine miles to the westward of Bagdad, and consists entirely of sun-dried bricks, mixed with reeds. It is surrounded by ruins, and heaps of bricks. A drawing of it, with a description, is given by Mr^ Ives, page 298 : Europeans call it the tower of Babel. It might perhaps have betn a royal sepulchre. M. Niebuhr, p. 248, thought there was some resemblance between the juin of. Aggarkuf, and that before spoken of, in page 376. 384. BABYLON. there; and being less subject to decay, than the substance of the wall, they project beyond it, and are therefore fully open to inves- tigation. M. Niebulir says, they were layers of rushes, of two fingers breadth in thickness. Others call them reeds, of the kind of which coarse matting is made, in that country: and all (but Mr. Ives) agree in saying that the reeds /orw layers hetzveen the courses of hrick- zvork. But, it is certain, that Delia Valle agrees with Ives in saying that broken reeds or straw, were mixed with the clay cement, between the sun-dried bricks, which he saw ; although he does not say they were in layers. This, however, was in the ruin of tiie tower of Bo- lus. It can hardly be doubted, that by tlie broken reeds, Ives meant the same thing, which others meant by tlie layers of reeds : and it may also be suspected that what Delia Valle saw, was originally the same kind of arrangement ; only that the part he dug into, might have been overturned, and the reeds thrown into that kind of dis- order which would present tlie appearance he describes. Or, the disorder might have been caused, by the very mode of digging, itself. It is not pei-haps very easy to determine the use of the layers of reeds, where the cement was of so tenacious a quality, as bitumen is commonly reported to be. Nor can we reason \\ith any effect, on a subject, on which we are so little informed. It may however be remarked, that as on different occasions, the layers were intro- duced at different distances from each otiier, each method had pro- bably a reference to some particular object, or use, which we cannot understand. Thus, in the tower of Belus, M. Beauchamp says that the osiers were placed at every course ; but in some other great ruins, only occasionally : and in both these instances, the materials were bricks, baked in the furnace, and laid in bitumen. Again, we find reeds laid in clay mortar, between sun-diied bricks, at every 6th, 7th, or 8th course, in Aggarkuf : and also between the same kind of bricks in tlie tower of Belus ; for Delia Valle describes the same appearances there, as Ives does at Aggarkuf. So that the practice /r DABYLON. 38, of using reeds, or some substitute for tliem, was almost universal. Had they been used only with clay mortar, we might have concluded that they were necessary, in order to bind together, a mass that ap- peared to be too loosely held, by the cement, alone ; but this sujv position is done a\'?ay, by the practice of using the same reeds with the cement of bitumen. We can perceive a slight advantage in the use of the reeds, wlicre mud cement was used : and as this mode of building, no doubt, ob- tained, long before the time when bitumen began to be used as cement, in Babylonia ; it is possible that the custom may have been blindly transferred to a case, where the reason of the thing should have rejected it ; as may be seen on other occasions. As the reeds added strength to a wall cemented with clay, they might expect the same effect from them, in one cemented with bitimien ; admitting that the reeds did not in any shape counteract the cohesive quality of the bitumen: but it is certain, that it does not appear to require any such aid. But after all, there may be a quality in bitumen, which may prevent its hardening, where the air is absolutely excluded, as in the middle of a wall; and the reeds may have dis]X)sed it to harden. "When exposed to the air, it is known to grow hard very soon. Thus, we have endeavoured to establisii the geographical posi- tion of Babylon ; and may safely conclude that it stood in the place assigned to it. Many circumstances concur to prove it : for the dis- tances given by Herodotus from Is, or Hit ; and by Strabo, and the Theodosian Tables, from Seleucia ; the traditions of the Orientals concerning it ; their report of its latitude, and the name of the dis- trict round it, which is Babel to this day ; together witii the ruins, which arc of no ordinary kind ; all conspire to place the site of an- cient Babylon, at, and about, the present town of Hillah : and the particular ruin which may be taken for tliat of the tower of Belus, (which was said to stand in the centre of one of the divisions ) , at 3^ British miles to the NNW of Hillah. 3D 2S6 BABYLON. The decline of Babylon is dated from the foundation of its rival, Se- leucia, on the Tigris, by Seleucus Nicator (A. C. 293.) In the time of Strabo, Seleucia was become a larger city than Babylon, the greater part of which was become a desert. He says, Alexander's successors disregarded Babylon; the Persians destroyed part of it; and the negligence of tlie Macedonians, added to the natural decay occa- sioned by time, completed its ruin : especially after Seleucus trans- ferred the seat of empire to his new city. Strabo, p. 738. Pliny, who appears to have written 70 or 80 years after Strabo, says, that it was then a deserted place ; but that the temple (or the tower) of Belus was yet standing. In this, he differs from Strabo and Arrian ; the first of whom says, that it was destroyed by Xerxes; tiie latter only says that it was out of repair, and that Alexander wished to restore it. Strabo says, that 10,000 men would not have been able to remove the rubbish in two months : p. 738. We may therefore understand what they say with this limitation : that the tower of Belus was gone to decay, but was not absolutely destroyed, in their times. As to Babylon itself, we trace its rapid decline in what Strabo and Pliny say, at the distance of much less than a cen- tury, from each other. And, as we have observed before, what Strabo says concerning it, is a strong fact ; and goes also towards proving that Babylon was a wonderfully large place. Diodorus says, speaking of his own times, that but a small part of Babylon remained inhabited ; the greater part of the tract within the walls, being turned into fields: but this does not agree with Strabo; and it is probable that Diodorus might not have been aware, how much of the area remained in the state of fields, from the beginning. The liistory of the subsequent decline of Babylon, we are not acquainted with. Whilst the walls remained, it became (according to St. Jerome) a park, in which the Parthian kings took the diver- sion of hunting. This appropriation might, perhaps, preserve the walls to a later period, than in the usual course of things, they BABYLON. 387 would have remained. After that, it is probable, that as the walls decayed by time, depredations were also made on them ; and their materials gradually removed to build houses, and cities, and even palaces, in other situations. • The palace of Chosroes ( Tank Kesra) is supposed to have beA built about the time of Justinian, and of Babj^lonish bricks:* and as Babylon had declined so much before the foundation of Ctcsi- phon, it is probable that the latter was built of the same bricks, also. At the date of the foundation of Bagdad (A. D. 76*2 ), it tb probable that Babylon was so totally gone to decay as to furnish bricks for the new city, generally. And this is the idea of Delia Valle, to whom the bricks in question were familiar. Hillah is allowed by all, to have been built of these bricks : and, in effect, it stands on a part of the very site of ancient Babylon. It must not be omitted, that Herodotus states, that Darius Hys- taspes, on the taking of Babylon by the stratagem of Zopyrus, " levelled the walls, and took axvay the gates ; neither of which Cyrus had done before." Thalia, 159. But let it be remarked, that Darius lived about a century and half before Alexander; iu whose time the walls appear to have been in their original state; or at least, nothing is said that implies tlie contrary. And it * Tank Kcsra is a vast building, of nearly 300 feet in length in front, by 160 in depth ; having in the centre a vaulted hall, which is between 90 and 100 feet in height, tothe topof thearch ; whose span is more than 80. Its walls are of a degree of strength fully proportioned to the weight of the superstructure ; the piers of the vault being about 25 feet in thickness, and the front wall ig{. It is void of elegance, and gives the idea of a barbarous imitation of Grecian architecture. Mr, Ives has given a drawing and description of it, in his Voyage, (p. 288.): and Mr. Irwin, (Vol. ii. p. 351.) who also speaks of the building, says, that the drawing is just in every respect, save that the arch is not flat enough ; for the drawing makes it semicircular. M. Beauchamp is very particular in his description of it, (Sec European Magazine, 1792.} D'Herbelot refers its foundation to Chosroes I. called also Nouschirwan, in the sixth century of our era. (Article Nouschirwan). He is called by the Arabs, Kesra ; whence Taitk Kesra, or the throne (or palace] of Kesra. 3D 2 388 BABYLON. cannot be believed that if Ddrius had even taken the trouble to level 34, miles, of so prodigious a rampart as that of Babylon, tliat ever it v^rould have been rebuilt, in the manner described by Ctesias, Cli- •tarchus, and others, who describe it, at a much later period. Be- sides, it would have been quite unnecessary to level more than a part of the wall, in order to lay the place open : and in this way, probably, the historian ought to be understood. Should the antiquities of Babylon become an object of curiosity amongst the learned, there is little doubt but that it might be abun- dantly gratified, if researches were diligently pursued for that pur- pose. The position and extent of the city walls, might probably be ascertained, even at this day ; as, no doubt, both the rampart and ditch must have left visible traces, although inundations may have raised the general level of the country itself The delineation and description of the site and remains, would prove one of the most (furious pieces of antiquity that has been exhibited, in these times. C 389 3 SECTION XV. CONCERNING THE DISPOSAL OF THE TEN TRIBES OF THE JEWS, WHICH WERE CARRIED INTO CAPTIVITY, TO NINEVEH: COM- MONLY CALLED THE FIRST CAPTIVITY. The Ten Tribes carried first to Nineveh, and then distributed in Media. — The Afghans, by some, taken for these Tribes. — Captivity of the Syrians of Damascus, who were carried to Kir, or Assyria — Captivity of the Two Tribes and half; and of the Remainder of the Ten Tiibes. — Conjecture respecting the Cities of Media, in zvhich they were placed: Habor a7id Halah, (or Chabor and Chalacho) by the River Gozan ; and other Cities of the Medes. — Abhar taken for Habor; Halah (or Chalacho), for Chalcal; Kizil-Ozan, for the Gozan. — Jexvs placed also in Rages and Ec- batana, according to Tobit. — Tombs of Esther and Daniel. — Ispahan, originally a Jewish City. — The Circumstances of the first Captivity, wanting. — Improbability of the Removal of the whole Nation of Israel ; from the Greatness of their Numbers — those Numbers probably erroneous in the Copies of the Scriptures ; with the supposed Foundation of that Error. — Ciraimstances of the SECOND Captivity adduced, and applied to the first, as a parallel Case. — Only certain Classes of the Judeans tvere removed: the Body of the People remained. — History of Tobit, throw's much Light on the Distribution and Settletnent of the Jews, in Media — Jew's employed in Stations of Trust and Confidence, by their new Masters. — Permatiency of Eastern Customs exemplified. — The Policy of Peter the Great of Rtissia, in the Distribution of the. 390 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL Swedish Captives, similar to that of the King of Assyria. — Great Numbers of Jews foimd in Babylonia, in Aftertimes. — Obsercationx of Diodorus Siculiis, respecting the Jews. 1 HE ten tribes of Israel, or rather those amongst them, who were carried into captivity by the king of Assyria, first to Nineveh, and aftenvards distributed amongst the Cities of Media; have been sought after, without success, in almost every age. Some of the Asiatics, have taken the Afghan nation for these expatriated Jews ; either from a general resemblance of feature between them, or from prevailing traditions. But surely, the -Lvhole nation of Israel itself, could not have been removed from Palestine into Assyria and Me- dia: nor can it reasonably be supposed, that more thiin certain classes of jjersons, and those the least numerous, were tlius trans- planted ; from the obvious difficulty attending the removal of so great a body of people. It happens, unluckily, that the particular circumstances of the fiRST captivity (that is, of the ten tribes) are not given, like tliose of the LAST (JuDAH and Benjamin); but if the inferences that may obviously be drawn from the history of the latter, may be allowed to apply to the former, they are clearly in favour of the above supposition. And since no detail of facts is given, concern- ing the first captivity, it may perhaps, be allowable to apply those, which arise on what may be deemed, a similar case. There are several notices of n general kind, concerning the trans- planting of the Israelites, from their own country to tliat of Assyria, &c. in the books of the Kings, and Chronicles; and also in Josephus. Their removal was accomplished, not by one, but by two distinct operations, and by different princes, at the distance of near 20 years from each other : besides which, the people of Damascus (not Jews, but Syrians), were also removed, nearly at the same time with the first of the Israelites. The tzvo and. /j^// tribes beyond (that is, to the OF THE TEN TRIBES. S9I east of) Jordan, namely, those of Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, were first of all carried away by Tiglath-Pileser, king of Assyria : and, at the distance of the above interval, the remainder of the ten tribes, by Shalmaneser, But the captivity of the tribes of JuDAH and Benjamin, into Babylonia, by Nebuchadnezzar, about 115 years after the last, has nothing to do with the present ques- tion, concerning the ten tribes ; otherwise than as it seems appa- rently to furnisli a parallel case, from whence some important con- clusions may be drawn. And the carrying away of the Damascenes, is to be regarded in the same point of view.* These last were taken away by Tiglath Pileser,-]- about the year 74,0 B. C. : and was done, it appears, at the solicitation of the king of Judea, against those of Israel and Syria, who threatened him. It is said (2 Kings, xvi. 9.) that " the king of Assyria took Da- mascus, slew their king, Rezin, and carried the people captive to Kir;" by which the country of Assyria is unequivocally meant.;}; • Josephus says (Antiq. lib. x. ch. 9.) that the. entire Interval between the carry- ing away of the /en, and of the iwa, tribes, was 130 years, 6 months, and 10 days. This account should rather relate to the first carrying away of the fwo and half tribes, beyond Jordan ; but even then, our systems of chronology allow 135 years for the interval. The chronology of Dr. Usher, and of Sir Isaac Newton, allow the following dates, for the events mentioned in this Section. Captivity o( the two and half tribes, and of the Syrians of Damascus, by Tiglath Pileser, before Christ - _ _ _ y^o of the ten tribes, by Shalmaneser _ _ _ yii ofjudah, by Nebuchadnezzar - - - - 606 Destruction of Jerusalem _ _ _ - - 589 Decree of Cyrus, for the return of the Jews . _ _ 536 t Called also Tilgath Pilrteser. "^ Assyria, (that is, Assyria proper, the country situated beyond the Tigris, and 30Uth of Taurus ; and of which, Nineveh was the capital), is often designed in the Scriptures by the name of Kir, or Keer. Besides the place just mentioned, it is found in Amos, ch. ix. ver. 7. " Have not I brought up the Assyrians from Kirt"' Again,, ch. i. ver 5. " Syria shall go into captivity, unto Kir." In Isaiah, xxii. 392 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL But Josephus says (Antiq. ix. c. 12, 3.) that they were sent to Upper Media ; that Tiglath Pileser sent a colony of Assyrians in their room; and that at the same time, he afflicted the land of Israel, and took away many captives out of it. Concerning the removal of the tivo tribes and half, whose coun- try bordered on that of Damascus, about the same time, and by the same king, the following particulars may be collected. In 2 Kings, XV. ver. 29, it is said that " Tiglath Pileser, king of Assyria, took Ijon, and Abel-beth-Maacha, Janoah, Kadesh and Hazor, and Gi- lead and Galilee ; all the land of Naphtali, and carried them cap- tive to Assyria." But in the account of the same transaction in 1 Chron. v. ver. 26, it is said that Tiglath Pileser " carried away the Reubcmtes, the Gadites, and the half tribe of Manasseh, and brought them to HaJah, and Habor, and Hara, and to the river of Gozan, unto this day," The chronology of this event is given at 740 years B. C* ver. 6, it is mentioned with Elam, intended for Susa, (and perhaps Persia, also) — " Kir uncovered the shield." The name Kir is traceable at present in that country. The loftiest ridge of the Kurdistan mountains [Carduchian) is named Kiare ; according to M. Otter. The province adjacent is named HaUari (Niebuhr) ; the Kiouran tribe of Kourds, inhar bit the eastern part of Assyria (Otter) ; Kerkook, a large town, and other places of less consequence, have the prefixture Ker or Kir to them. (Niebuhr). It is possible that the name of the Carduchian people, may have had the same root. * It may be observed, that Naphtali is omitted in the latter reading ; /. e. in the Chronicles ; and this should seem to be the most correct ; for Tobit, who was of the tribe of Naphtali, was carried away, not by Tiglath Pileser, but by Shalmaneser ; if, as no doubt, is the case, !he is intended by Emanassar, in Tobit, ch. i : for Sen- nacherib was the successor of the latter, in Tobit ; as of the former, in other parts of the Bible. Pul is also mentioned in the same verse, (/. e. the 26th of the fifth chapter of the I Chron.) which alludes to an earlier transaction, mentioned in 2 Kings, xv. ver. 19. and is to this effect ; that Pul (the Sardanapalus of Herodotus, no doubt) king of As- syria, invaded Israel, under the reign of Menahem, (B. C. 773.) when the latter gave to the king of Assyria 1000 talents of silveif to insure his protection. OF THE TEN TRIBES, 393 Josephus, in relating the same transaction, Antiq. lib. ix. c. 11,1, says, that Tiglath Pileser " carried away the inhabitants of Gilead, Galilee, Kadesh, and Hazor,* and transplanted them into his own kingdom ;" by which, in strictness, Assyria should be understood : but it appears from the book of Tobit, that Media was also subject to him ; so that there is no contradiction. We come next, in order, to the proper subject of the ten tribes. In 2 Kings, xvii. ver. 6. Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, is said to have carried away Israel into Assyria, and to have " placed them in Halah and in Habor, by the river of Gozan, and in the cities of the Medes." And this is repeated in chapter xxviii. ver. 1 1 .-f The chronology of this event is fixed at 721 B. C. or 19 years after the removal of the two and half tribes, to the same country and cities. It is proper to remark, that although Hara is one of the places, to which the two and half tribes were sent, it does not occur amongst the places to which the ten tribes were said to be carried. Of tliis, more will be said in the sequel. Josephus, speaking of the same event, says, (Antiq. ix. c. 14, 1.) that Shalmaneser took Samaria (that is, the capital of the" Israelites), demolished their government, and transplanted all the people into Media and Persia: and that they were replaced by other people out of CuTHAH ; which, says he, (in section iii. of the same chap- ter) is the name of a country in Persia, and which has a river of the same name, in it. Of the Cutheans, continues he, there were Jive tribes, or nations; each of which had their own gods ; and these they brought with them into Samaria. These, he observes, were the people afterwards called Samaritans ; and who, although they had no pretensions, affected to be kinsfolk to the Jews. And hence, * Kadesh and Hazor were certainly in the country of Naphtali, and so far Jose- phus agrees with the book of Kings. + Usher writes these names, (we suppose from tlie Hebrew), Chalacho, Chabor, and Nehar Gozan. And for Hara, he has Haram. Pages 64 and 68. 3E 394 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL we may suppose, arose the violent animosity that subsisted between the two nations. In lib. X. c. 9, 7, he repeats the substance of what he had said be- fore: adding, that the Cutheans had formerly belonged to the itvier parts of Persia and Media.* In the Bible, 2 Kings, xvii. ver. 24,, it is said, that the people brought to supply the place of the Israelites, were from five places ; i. e. Babylon, Cuthab, Ava, Hamath,-]- and Sepbanim : and also, that they worshipped as many different deities. Thus, we have before us, the history of the removal of the ten tribes of Israel, at different periods ; as also of the people of Damascus, to the same countries : all which was effected by the kings of Assyria; who resided, or whose capital was at, Nineveh, at the side of the Tigris; and who possessed, in addition to Assyria, (by which is to be understood that country at large, as in pages 176 and 179), the country of Media, also. But, previous to the second captivity (or that of Judah) by the Babylonians, these last had become masters of all Assyria ; Nineveh had been destroyed ; and Babylon become the capital of the empire of Assyria, thus enlarged by conquest. Before we proceed to set forth the circumstances of the second captivity, with a view to the illustration of the j^r^^, it will be ne- cessary to adduce some general matter, in order to clear the way for the more effectual application of the circumstances in question. And first, we shall endeavour to ascertain the positions of the places, to which the ten tribes were sent ; that is, Halab, Habor, the river of Gozan, and the cities of the Medes: concerning which, it may be remarked, that Josephus does not appear to take any note, other- wise than by mentioning generally, the countries of Media and Persia; from which countries also, he says, the Cuthites were brought. So that he might possibly have supposed, that there * This is according to Mr. Whiston's translation, t Can this be the Hamath, or Hamah, of Syria ? OF THE TEN TRIBES. 39J ivas a complete change of country, between the two people: which, however, does not appear probable. There is found in the country anciently named Media* (now called Al Jebal, and Irak Ajami), in the remote northern quarter, towards the Caspian sea, and Ghilan, a considerable river named OzAN ; or with the prefixture to it, KiziL-OzAN.-f Kizil signifies red, and has doubtless been added by the Turkish hordes, who * By this is meant Media Major, only, not the two Medias, collectively. See the distinction in page 270. t The Kizil-Ozan, according to Mr. Hanway, Vol. i. p. 261, " is one of the most famous rivers in Persia." He spoke of the empire of Persia, at large ; and was then on the road between Ghilan and Hamadan. The Kizil-Ozan is certainly one of the largest rivers of that tract. Olearius (lib. v. and vii.) writes it Kisihsein : and describes it as a very rapid, and considerable river, Delia Valle writes it Chizil Uzen (Vol. iv. Letter 5.) This river springs from the country anciently named Matiene (between Tebriz and HamadanJ, and taking its course eastward, falls into the SW part of the Caspian sea ; penetrating, in its way, the great ridge of mountains, that divides Media from the Caspian provinces. From the upper level of Media, it descends with a rapid and furious course, through a frightful chasm, which its waters loave worn, through the base of the mountains, which is many miles in width ; when having reached the lower country of Ghilan, it glides with a navigable course to the sea. Previous to its descent, it collects the waters of Ahhar and Casbin, &c. under the name of Shah-rud, and the collective waters take the name of Isperud, or the white river ; perhaps, from its long continued foaming course through the mountains ; for Delia Valle says, that its waters themselves have a reddish tinge. Travellers describe with horror, the road which leads along the side of the chasm ; and which is the only one, practicable for loaded beasts, from Ghilan to Ispahan. It is generally excavated from the steep rocky cliff which impends over the dreadful gulf, below : and along it, the traveller holds loosely, the bridle of his beast, whilst he leads him along, fearing to be drawn after him, should a false step be made. See Olearius, Hanway, &c. This chasm is about 180 miles to the westward of the Caspian strait. It may be remarked, that Delisle has a district of the name of Oiizan, near the river in question : and that Olearius has Utzan, classed with Chalcal, &c. in Adcr- bigian ; which province is separated from Al Jebal, by the river Ozan. 3 E 2 396 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL apply this term to other ri\ ers ; for instance, the Halys is named Kizil-Ennak; and that branch of the Oxiis, which reaches the Cas- pian sea, is named Kizil. There is also found a city named Abhar, or Habar, situated on a branch of the river Ozan ; and this city has the reputation of being exceedingly ancient There is, moreover, bordering on the river Ozan itself, a district of some extent, and of great beauty and fertility, named Chalcbal ; liaving within it, a re- markably strong position of the same name, situated on one of the hills, adjoining to the base of the neighbouring mountains, which separate it from the province of Ghilan. Perhaps, we may be allo\\ed to regard these, as the river of Gozan, and the Habor, and Halah, of the Scriptures. Both of the latter, are said to be by the river of Gozan, in 2 Kings, xvii. ver. 6. Halah, as it ap- pears in the Vulgate, is written Chalacho by Dr. Usher; which is not much unlike Chalchal ; and considering the various accidents that may have corrupted the writing of the one, or the other of them ; it is not unlikely to be the place meant. Habor, he writes Chabor. The Asiatics allow to the city of Abhar, a great antiquity; and wh}' should not its name have remained, as well as those of Babylon, and Nineveh ; whicii are known, and familiarly applied, to the respective situations of those celebrated cities .J* The name Ozan, too, which comes so near to Gozan, being so closely con- nected in geography with both, gives strength to the supposition.* • The name of Abhar is variously written. It is Abhar, by Abulfeda, (Reiske's translation) ; Abher, Herbelot ; Abar, Hanway ; Habar, Taverniere ; Abher, Delia Valle ; Ebher, CharJin ; and Ebteher, Olearius. Abhar appears in the Tables of Nasereddin and Ulugbeig. Chardin speaks of its antiquity : so does Taverniere. Chardin also says, that it is a small city, situated in a delightful country, well watered. Also, that Abhar, in coming from the west, is the first place where the Persian language is spoken. From thence eastward to India, all is Persian : to the west, Turkish. A small river passes through Abhar, and joins the Kizil-Ozan, which latter is about 45 miles from Abhar, Concerning ChaUal—vre learn from Olearius, in his geographical description of OF THE TEN TRIBES. 397 Hard, to which, as well as to Habor, and Halah, the two and half tribes were sent, is written Haram in Usher. This name, we cannot supply: but there is a district named Tarom, or Tarim, boi- dering also on the Ozan, and occupying the space between those of Abhar and Chalcal. If it can be supposed that the initial has been changed, no place appears more likely to be the one intended.* Rages, the modern Rey, a city in which others of the Jews re- sided (according to the testimony of Tobit, who had himself visited them, chapter i. ver. 14.), stood in the same quarter of Media. In Ecbatana, by the same authority, there were other Jews settled ■.■\- and the Oriental geographers assure us, that a to\vn, which is now Persia, (lib. v.) that Chalcal is one of tlie districts of Aderbigian. He also passed through it, in his way from Ardebil to Casbin (same booii), and fixes its situation. Delia Valle also passed through it ; and describes the position of the strong post of Chalcal. Vol. iv. Lett. 5. * Delia Valle (in the same Letter) gives the position of the district of Tarom, or Taron. Otter, Vol. i. 188, et seq. quotes the Turkish geographer concerning Tarim, situated at one journey to the north of Sul/anny ; and also Abulfeda, who places it eight journies to the eastward of Tebriz, or Tauris. These notices are decisive of its position. t It has been said, in p. 272, that Hamadan stands on the site of Ecbatana. M. Otter says, Vol. i. p. 182, that the report (of the people of the country) is, that it was ruined by Nabuchodonosor, whom the Orientals name Biikhetunnusre : and that they shew the tomb of Esther at that place, to which the Jews [proceed in pilgrimage. He also speaks of the great degree of cold, there, in winter : but he visited it in summer, when the climate was remarkably pleasant. The mountain of Elwend (Orontes of the Greeks), situated at one league from it, is always covered with snow. It may be recollected, that Ecbatana was the summer residence of the Persian kings. As the tomb of Esther is shewn at Hamadan, or Ecbatana, so is that of Daniel, at Sus, taken for Susa. (Otter, Vol. ii. p. 53.) Josephus speaks «f Daniel's tower ; (at Susa, according to St. Jerome's copy, though other copies have Ecbatana). This tower was the burial place of the kings of Media, Persia, and Parihia ; and, from the exquisite nature of its architecture and materials, remained in a state of preservation in the time of Josephus. (Antiq. X. c. II.} 398 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL either a suburb, or become a part of, the city of Ispahan, was an- ciently peopled by Jews. So that we have here every reasonable testimony, concerning the positions of certain of the dties of the Medes, in which the Jews were placed : and perhaps, the same may also be admitted, respecting the identity of Habor, Halah, and Gozan. The following are the notices respecting the Jewish town at the site of the present city of Ispahan ; and of the planting of a Jewish colony in it. M. Otter says. Vol. i. p. 203, " the report of the Per- sians, is, that on the original foundation or establishment of Ispahan, it included the site of four villages, named Kearran, Keoiisek, Joiibary, and Desbet ; and that these villages were so ancient as the times of the kings Tamoiiris and Jemcbid ; (whose reigns, Sir William Jones fixes in the 8th and 9th centuries before Christ). M. Otter adds, that " Kaikobad having resolved to establish his capital here, drew together a vast concourse of people ; and that dming the reign of Bukbctunnusre, or Nabncbodonosor, a gi'eat number of Jews came and settled themselves in the quarter called, to the present time, Jahoudia."* Abulfeda also speaks of the Jewish town at Ispahan (article Belad al Gabali). He says, that Bocbtansar, when he destroyed the city of Jerusalem, sent the inhabitants to this place, who built themselves a town, which took the name of Jahudiah. That Gujjojig was the name of the most ancient of the towns or villages on the site of Ispahan ; and that Jahudiah was built at the distance of two miles from it. Also, that in process of time, Gajjong declined, whilst the Jewish town increased ; particularly by the accession of Mahome- dan tribes. And finally, that the name Jahudiah remained. It is * This information appears, from Golius, to have been collected from Ham- DALLA. Golius writes the names of the four villages, from the Arabic original, Kiran, Koxcc, Gtoubara, and Derdext. (See the notes on Alfraganius, p. 2i6.) Golius also quotes Jakutus, who speaks of the Jewish city on the site of Ispahan. OF THE TEN TRIBES. 399 certain, however, that we have not been able to find this name in any of the writings of modern travellers : and it may be, that it is now no longer to be found, but in books. Abulfeda wrote in the 14th century.* These historical, or traditionary notices, point strongly towards the establishing of a fact, which is but slightly mentioned in the Scriptures ; although the notices in question confound together the two captivities of the Jews ; by assigning to the captives brought by Nebuchadnezzer, to Babylonia, the place of those brought by Shal- maneser and others, to Media. Kaikobad, according to Sir W. Jones, reigned in the beginning of the 7th century before Christ, which was about a century after the transplanting of the 10 tribes to Media. But notwithstanding these differences, there is much internal evi- dence contained in the notices; perhaps more, than if the particulars had corresponded with the Bible history; for then, they might have been supposed to be copied from it. And, on the whole, this tes- timony respecting the settlement of the Jews in Ispahan (which, it is to be recollected, is situated within ancient Media), together with the name of the suburb or city, Jahudia, appear to be strong cir- cumstances ; particularly when combined with the above notices respecting the cities of the Medes. In effect then, we find the Jews scattered over the country of Media, (then a part of the dominion of Assyria) from Ecbatana to Rages; and from Abhar and the river Ozan, to Ispahan. And having thus attempted to point out the places of residence of the Jews, carried away in the first captivity, we shall next inquire, whether it is probable that the zvhole nation of Israel, was trans- * The Gajjong, or Gajja, of Reiske's Abulfeda, is written Gieyutn by Golius, from the Arabic of Jakutus. D'Herbelot appears to consider Jahudiah as a different place from Ispahan, al- though situated in the same province of Media. See the article Esfahan in D'Her- belot. 400 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL planted to Nineveh and Media; or that certain classes of people, only, and those the least numerous, were carried away ? It has been already remarked, that there are no particulars given, respecting the carrying away of Israel to Nineveh, as of Judah to Babylon : and that we may, perhaps, be allowed to consider both, as parallel cases ; and thence infer, that the conduct of the king of Ni- neveh, was much the same with that of the king of Babylon ! Josephus says (see above, page 393), that all the nation of Israel was taken away, and their places supplied by the Cutheatis. The Bible (2 Kings, ch. xvii. and xviii.), leaves us to understand the same, if taken literally : that is, that Shalmaneser " carried Israel away into or unto Assyria;" and that people were brought from divers countries, and " placed in the cities of Samaria, instead of the children of Israel: and they possessed Samaria, and dwelt in the cities thereof" Certainly, if these accounts are to be taken literally, we must sup- pose no other, than that the whole nation was carried away ; which supjxjsition, however, occasions some difficulty, not only from the numbers to be carried away, but from tlie obvious difficulty of feeding by the way, and of finally placing, in a situation where they could he fed, so vast, and in a great degree, so useless a multitude, when removed to a strange country. Wheresoever they came, they must either have been starved themselves, or they must virtually have displaced nearly an equal number of the king's subjects, who were already settled, and in habits of maintaining themselves, and probably of aiding the state.* • In the enumeration of the tribes of Judah and Israel, in 2 Samuel, xxiv. there were said to be, of fighting men 800,000, in Israel, 500,000 in Judah. In I Chron. xxi. there is this difference, that there are given, respectively, 1,100,000, and 470,000. Take the mean of the two accounts, we have 1,435,000 fighting men. According to the r/ata furnished by the actual enumeration of a parish in Dorsetshire, by that worthy citizen, and true patriot, William Morton Pitt, Esq. OF THE TEN TRIBES. 4OI They were said to be carried to Nineveh, This residue of the ten tribes (that is, 7^) cannot be estimated lower than at two-third$ of the population of Nineveh, itself. And it may be asked, who^e^ them, in their way across Syria and Mesopotamia, to Nineveh ? And admitting an exchange of the Cutheans for the Israelites, on so ex- tended a scale, as to include the agricultural and working people of all classes, a sovereign who should make such an exchange, where an interval of space, of near 1000 miles intervened, would at least discover a different kind of policy from that, which in our concep- tion, was followed by the king of Assyria, The Tartar, or other Nomadic tribes, which either transjwrt themselves to a distant country, or have been transplanted by others, are in a predicament totally different from agricultural tribes. With the former, the business of life goes on, by the way ; and nothing is lost by a removal, which leaves nothing behind, and places every thing valuable in prospect. Most of tiie people whom Tamerlane transplanted, were Tartars: and the Eretrians and Boeo- tians were very few in number,* the persons capable of- bearing arms, appear to form about a fourth part of a community. Consequently, there should have been near 5I millions of people in Palestine: but as the number of square miles in that country hardly exceed 7250, there must have been some mistake in the copying of the original document. It appears, that the most populous country in Europe, that is, (or was) the Nether- lands, has no more than 2C0 persons on each square mile ; and taking tiiis propor- tion for Palestine, there could only have been 1,450,000, or less than a million and half. Is it not probable then, that the numbers given, were those of the ■whole population ? Were v/e to avail ourselves of the Bible statement, and take between 3I and 4 millions, for the people of Israel ; and of these, three-fourths for the 7 j tribes car- ried away by Shalmaneser, that is, more than 2j millions, we might well rest the argument there. But even reduced to the more probable number of 700,000 and upwards, how was such a multitude to be provided for ? Nor is this stated to be an act of necessity, but of choice ! * l^ands were assigned to the Eretrians, by the king of Persia : as appears by the 3F 402 CAPTIVIYY AND DISPOSAL We shall now state the particulars that are given, respecting the Babylonish captivity. It appears tlien, that Nebuchadnezzer carried away the principal inhabitants, the zvarriors, and artisans of every kind ; and these classes only; leaving behind, the husbandmen, the labourers, and the poorer classes, in general; that is, the great body of the people.* May it not be concluded, that much the same mode of conduct was pursued by tlie king of Nineveh, as by him of Babylon; al-< thougli it is not particularized.'' It cannot be supposed that either Media or Assyria wanted husbandmen, altliough they might want merchants, ?nen of science, and of letters, and artisans : and that they did want certain of the classes which were carried into captivity, will be made evident, by their employing some of the captives in situations of trust and high command. petition of Apollonius to Bardanes, to restore them. Nothing of this kind is said concerning the Israelites. * " And he (Nebuchadnezzer) carried away all Jerusalem, and all the princes, and all the mighty men of valour, even ten thousand captives, and all the craftsmen and smiths : none remained, save the poorest sort of people of the land." 2 Kings, Tixiv, ver. 14. " And all the men of might, even seven thousand, and craftsmen and smiths a thousand, all that were strong and apt for war, even them the king of Babylon brought captive to Babylon." Ver. 16. Afterwards, on the destruction of Jerusalem by the same Babylonians, on occasion of the revolt of Zedekiah, it is said that " the remnant of the multitude" that were in the city was carried away, and that " the poor of the land were left, to be vine- dressers and husbandmen." Chap. xxv. ver. 11 and 12, Gedaliah was left ruler over them. On occasion of the murder of this Gedaliah, the Jews fled into Egypt, fearing the anger of the Babylonians, who might have imputed the massacre to the Jewish people in general, although innocent. These Jews, upon the taking of Egypt, were also carried into captivity. And such, says Joscphus, was the end of the Hebrew nation. OF THE TEN TRIBES. 403 The Story of Tobit throws much light on the condition of the captive Israelites in Assyria and Media: and it is very curious to remark, how tlie habitual industry, perseverance, adroitness, and knowledge of business, possessed by the Jews, raised them to sta- tions of trust under their new masters ; and gave them opportu- nities of enriching themselves. Tobit, and Achiacarus his kinsman, both held employments, either in the state, or in the royal house- hold, or both ; under the kings of Assyria, in Nineveh. Tobit was amongst the captives taken away by Shalmaneser, from the remain- der of the ten tribes left on this side Jordan, after the two and half had previously been carried away by Tiglath Pileser : and was him- self of the tribe of Naphtali. The following is an abstract of his history. ( See the book of Tobit. ) He was made purveyor to Shalmaneser (or Enemessar) ; and, we must suppose, grew rich ; for he left in trust with a friend at Rages, in Media, ten talents of silver. But Shalmaneser dying, was succeeded by Sennacherib, whose wanton cruelty to the cap- tive Jews, heiglitened by the failure of his attempt on Judea, occa- sioned Tobit to fall under his displeasure : his property was forfeited, and he was compelled to flee from Nineveh, through fear of his life. The tyrant, however, was quickly dispatched, and was suc- ceeded by his son Esarhaddon [Sa?'chedonus of Tobit), who, like his grandfather Shalmaneser, appears to have understood the value of the services of the Jews ; and to have regarded them with a fa- vourable eye. Achiacarus, the nephew of Tobit, was appointed to a high office in the government ; and by his intercession, Tobit returned in peace to Nineveh, and was there supported by him. After this, it appears that he went into Elymais ; that is, we sup- pose, to Stisa ; but neither the errand, nor the time of his stay, are mentioned. It is probable, that, as Esarhaddon united the king- dom of Babylon, to that of Nineveh, &c. he made use of Susa, as his whiter capital, as was the practice of the Persian monarchs, 3 Fa 4Q4 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL afterwards ; and that Tobit accompanied his nephew, who followed tlie king, of course. After this, we find him again at Nineveh (see cliapter xi. ver. 16.) ; from wlience he dispatches his son Tobias, to Rages, by way of Ecbatana, for the money. At the latter place, he marries his kinswoman, Sara ; and sends a messenger on to Rages. The mode of keeping and delivering the money, was exactly as at pre- sent, in the East. Gabael, who kept the money in trust, " brought forth bags, which were sealed up, and gave them to him ;" and re- ceived in return, the " hand-writing," or acknowledgment, which Tobias had taken care to require of his father, before he left Nine- veh. The money, we leam, (chap. i. ver 14.) was left in trust, or as a deposit, and not on usury ; and as it may be concluded, with Tobit's seal on the bags. In the East, in the present times, a bag of money passes (for some time at least) currently from hand to hand, under tlie authority of a banker's seal, without any examina- tion of its contents. Tivo camels M^re taken from Ecbatana to Rages, for the money. The ten talents of silver, which should have been equal in weight, according to Dr. Arbuthnot, to about 94,01b. avoirdupois, might be conveniently carried on tv^o camels. Only two persons accompa- nied them, which shews that the country must have been very quiet ; since the distance between Ecbatana and Rages, is upwards of 200 of our miles : and, it may be observed, that Tobit regarded Media, as a more settled country than Assyria ; which is shewn as well in his own conduct, as in his advice to his son. This history of Tobit shews, not only that the Jews were distri- buted over Media, but that they filled situations of trust and con- fidence. And, on the whole, it may be conceived that the persons brought away from the land of Israel, were those, from whom the conqueror expected useful services, in his country, or feared distur- bances from, in their own. In effect, that the classes were much OP THE TEN TRIBES. 405 the same, with those brought away from Judea, by the king of Babylon : and that the great body of the people remained in the land, as being of use there, but would have been burthensome, if removed : consequently that those who look for a nation of Jews, transplanted into Media, or Persia, certainly look for what was never to be found ; since no more than a select part of tlie. nation, was so transplanted. In the distribution of such captives, it might be expected that a wise monarch would be governed by two considerations : first, to profit the most by their knowledge and industry ; and secondly, to place them in such a situation, as to render it extremely difficult for them to return to their own country. The geographical position of Media appears favourable to the latter circumstance, there being a great extent of country, and deep rivers, between ; and it can scarcely be otherwise than that the Jews, by their communication with the Egyptians and Phoenicians, together with their own habits of life, were in possession of many branches of knowledge, that had been but imperfectly communicated to the Medes'. One cannot help adverting to the policy, which led Peter the Great of Russia, to place the Swedish captives in Siberia, in pre- ference to the more civilized parts of his empire ; namely, that his subjects in that remote part, might profit by the superior know- ledge of the arts of life, possessed by these captives. Moreover, by the wide and dreary tract of country, which was placed between them and their homes, they would find it impracticable to return ; at the same time, that, by remaining at large, their minds were left more at ease, tlian if subject to a more rigorous confinement nearer home. One circumstance appears very remarkable. Although it is posi- tively said, that only certain classes of the Jews were carried to Babylon, at the latter captivity ; and also, that on the decree of Cyrus, which permitted their return, the principal part did return, (perhaps 50,000 in all,) yet so great a number was found in Baby- 4.06 CAPTIVITY AND DISPOSAL Ionia, in aftertimes, as is really astonishing. They are spoken of by Josephus, as possessing towns and districts, in that country, so late as the reign of Phraates, about 40 years before Christ. They were in great numbers at Babylon itself; and also in Seleucia and Susa. Their increase must have been wonderful ; and in order to maintam such numbers, their industry and gains also must have been great. But it must also have been, that a very great number were disinclined to leave the country, in which they were settled, at the date of the decree. Ammianus Marcellinus, so late as the expedi- tion of Julian, speaks of a Jews' town, at the side of one of the canals between the Euphrates and Tigris.* The numbers of Jews reported by Benjamin of Tudela (in the 12th century,) to have resided in the different cities in the East, are so much beyond probability, that, it may be supposed, he included the whole population of the cities, and not that of the Jews, alone. We shall conclude this inquiry with a short view of the report of Diodorus Siculus, concerning the Jews. It appears that he either wrote, or intended to \vrite, a history of the wars against the Jews, (by the kings of Syria, we suppose,) but nothing more appears, than a fragment of his xlth book, stating his intention; and giving also (probably as an introduction,) a short history of the origin of the Jewish nation, as a body of strangers in Egypt ; of their expulsion from Egypt ; and of their settlement in Judea; agreeing in the principal events of their history, with that of their legislator, Moses ; but with a far different colouring. In another fragment (of his xxxivth book,) he gives a short account of their subjection, by Antiochus Epiphanes, and of his indecent profanation of the temple and altar. And again, in his first book, c. 7, he touches slightly on the subject of their religion, and insti- tutes, in common with those of the Egyptians, Cretans, Getes, &c. From these passages, collectively, it appears, that he considered the Jews, although not as a popular, or an amiable, people, yet as a • Amm. Marc«l. lib. xxiv. OF THE TEN TRIBES. 407 very wonderful people ; whether in respect of their institutes, which icept them distinct from the rest of the world ; of their municipal laws, which accomplished the purposes of useful education, and frugal habits (the foundation of a vast population, considering the general sterility of their country) ; of tiieir unalterable firmness and patience under misfortunes ; or of their obstinate bravery in combat. But he observes, that through the great change in empires that had taken place, and the consequent and unavoidable admixture of the Jews with foreign nations, many of the ancient laws and customs of the Jews, had been changed, or laid aside. If this could be said, in the days of Augustus, how different must the Jews of our days be, from those of remote times ; when they appear to us unlike all the rest of the world ; and a kind of standing miracle 1 • > C 408 : SECTION XVI. OF AFRICA AT LARGE, ACCORDING TO HERODOTUS. Herodotus knew a greater Extent of Space in Africa, than in the other Continents ; hit only the North-east part of it, in detail — In Doubt haw to class Egypt. — Had no Idea that Africa extended so far to the PVest and South, as it really does. — Lower Egypt and the Promontory of Soloeis, taken by him for the Eastern and JVestern Extremities of Africa. — Conjectures respecting this Pro- montory ; which was the Limit of the ancient Navigations. — Various Notices, shewing that the Ancients were not absolutely agreed, respecting its Position ; but that the Soloeis of Herodotus was Cape Cantiii — M. Bougainville mistaken, in respect of it. — Herodotus, as well as Ptolemy and the Arabian Geographers, supposed the Coast of Africa to trend to the South from this Cape. — Our Author knetv the general Distribution of North Africa, as far as the Sahara and the River Niger. — The Geography of Egypt already illustrated by M. D'Anville. — Inhabitants of Africa divided by Herodotus into two Races ; the Lybians and Ethiopians — com- mon Boundary of their Possessions. — Cape Verd, the Arsinarium Promontory of Ptolemy, denominated from the Assanhagi, or San- hagae Tribe. — The Abyssinians, the Macrobian Ethiopians of Herodotus. — Ethiopia zvith him, included all the remote Part of Africa. — The Niger explored by the Nasamones, and taken by He- rodotus, erroneously, for the remote Part of the Nile ; as having an easterly Course. — The Sources of the Nile, placed in too remote a Situation by Herodotus, and the Ancients in general. — The most distant Sources of this River still unknoxvn — not in Abyssinia, but more to the Soutb-xvest. — Proofs adduced from Maillet, and from Bruce himself. — Report of Ledyard. — The Nile doubtless formed AFRICA. 4,09 of two distinct Branches, the one from Abyssinia, the other from the South of Darfoor. — Reports o/" Ptolemy, Edrisi, and Abuifeda. — Error of the two latter, in deriving the Niger/rom the Nile. — Extent of the Africati Continent, southward, according to the Ideas of Herodotus ; who knew that it was surrounded by the Ocean. 1 HE THIRD and LAST division of our subject is Africa, or Lybia. Concerning this continent, it may be said, that our Author was aware that it contained a greater extent of space, than either of the others; although his knowledge of it, in detail, was more confined. Here it may be remarked, that, if his native city, Halicarnassus, be taken for a centre, it will be found, that a radius of 1000 British miles will circumscribe the whole extent of his geograjihical know- ledge in detail. It may also be remarked, that the circle so de- scribed, passes through, or near to, the several points of Babylon, Syene, Carthage, Corsica, the upper part of the Danube, the forks of the Borysthenes, and the mouth of the Tanais. So that it included Greece, Italy, Thrace, Scythia, Colchis, Asia Minor, Assyria, Palestine, Egypt, Lybia, and the country of the Gara- mantes. It will be found, almost invariably, that beyond this range, our Author grows more and more obscure and uncertain, as we advance in any line of direction whatsoever : or, if any thing, he grows more obscure on the European, than on the Asiatic side. But of the absolute measure of extent known to him, by report, Africa contained a greater proportion, than either of tiie other two continents : or it may possibly be, that the space known, in that mode, in Africa, may have equalled that, known in Asia, and Europe collectively. These being the circumstances of the case, it will appear that the parts of Africa best known to our Author, were those along the middle and eastern basons of the Mediterranean sea; including Egypt and Lybia, with Fezzan, and other Oases, in the Lybiaii desert. Beyond these regions, his descriptions grow less circum- 3G 4.10 AFRICA. stantial ; as is the case of iliose, of the upper part of the course of the Nile ; the course of the Niger ; the country about mount Atlas ; and the position of the promontory of Soloeis. And finally, he car- ries us into the regions of darkness, of fable, and even of absurdity, in his descriptions of the Macrobian Ethiopians, and the people of Nigritia ; of the fountains of the Nile, and the operation of the sun, on its waters, &c. In fact, the same cause that alotted a place, in his histor}% to the description of the ants that were said to dig up gold, in India ; and to that of the mode of collecting cinnamon in Arabia; namely, the difficulty of getting at the truth; gave occa- sion also to the description of the table of the sun, in Ethiopia.* Although the term Lybia is occasionally used by Herodotus, as synonimous to Africa (and particularly in Melpom. 41, 42, and 45), yet it is almost exclusively applied to that part, bordering on the Mediterranean sea, between the Greater Syrtis and Egypt ; and in which, Cyrejiaica, the first Grecian establishment on that conti- nent, is included. So that Africa, and not Lybia, is the term generally employed by Herodotus. -f It has been said, in page 166, that some doubt arises, whether Egypt, in the contemplation of Herodotus, was a part of Africa. * For the description of tlie ants, see Thalia, 102. See also Arrian's description of India. Themodeof collecting cinnamon in Arabia, will be found in the same book, c. iii ^ and is so very extraordinary, as to bear some resemblance to one of the adventures of Sindbad, in the Arabian Night's Entertainment. t The desert which separates Egypt from Fezzan, contains a wandering tribe, named Lehela, or Lcvata. This desert is to be regarded as the froper desert of Lybia : and it may be a question whether the tribe of Lebeta, although now found in the interior of the country, may not have originally inhabited the sea coast ; and that the Greeks denominated Africa from them. This was the part of Africa the nearest to Greece, and the first colonized by the Greeks : and it is a known fact, that the Adyrmachida and Naiamones, who in the days of Herodotus, inhabited the coasts, were at a succeeding period, found in the inland parts, about Ammon and Angela. Mr. Park saw a wandering tribe named Libey ; and whom, he compares, in respect to their habits and modes of life, to gipsies. AFRICA. 411 For he seems either to have expressed different opinions in dif- ferent places ; or to have expressed himself ambiguously : or pos- sibly we may not iiave comprehended him rightly. In Euterpe, 17, he appears to say, that Egypt did not belong either to Asia or Africa, but was classed distinctly ; or, if we may so say, it was, in respect of geographical arrangement, extra-conti- ?tental : m effect, he thought that " the land of Egypt alone, con- stituted the natural and proper limits, or boundary, of Asia and Africa." He says also, Eut. 15, that the Greeks considered the Delta alone, as Egypt: but in this point, Herodotus differed from them, and we think with reason, because the ancient Egyptians, as he observes, must have had a country, before the present Delta was formed ; and probably descended from thence, to a lower situation, as it incroached on the sea ; or rather, as it became habitable. He also informs us, that Asia terminates at Egypt, Melp. 39 ; and that Lybia begins where Egypt ends, 41. And again, Euterjie, Gj, Egypt is said to be near to Africa. These notices seem to be clearly in favour of that arrangement, which makes Egypt distinct from Africa, or Lybia. But, on the other hand, what he says in Melp. 41, and 42, gives a very different idea. These are his words ; " except in that part which is contiguous to Asia, the tvhole of Africa is surrounded by the sea :" and he goes on to say, that it was proved, by the ships of Necho having sailed down the Red sea, (Arabian gulf) and round the continent, to the Mediterranean and Egypt. And besides this, he says in the foregoing chapter, after describing a narrow tract of 1000 stadia, which can only be intended for the Isthmus of Suez, " here the country expands, and takes the name of Lybia." The reader will determine for himself; but it appears on the whole, as if Herodotus had either no decided opinion of his own, on the subject; or that in one of the places, he ha^ 3 G 3 4,12 AFRICA. merely expressed the opinions of others, without explaining his own.* Although Herodotus knew that Africa was surrounded by the sea ; and was likewise apprized of the lengtli of time that had been employed in circumnavigating it, yet it appears that he did not sup- pose, that it had so great an extent to the south, or that it projected so far to the west, beyond the columns of Hercules, as it really does. For he says, Melp. 42, that " Europe in length much exceeds the other two continents ; but is far inferior in breadth." Thus then, notwithstanding that he extended the dimensions of Europe to an unusual length, by including the Issedones in it,-f yet even that extent will not reach beyond the 20th degree of south latitude,, in Africa. The breadth of Africa, he must have reckoned from east to zvest ; and which is undoubtedly greater by far, than the breadth of* Europe : and had he confined Europe within its proper limits, the breadth of Africa was even greater than the length of Europe. But he appears to have thought that the greatest breadth of Africa was comprized between Lower Egypt, and a Promontory of Maure- tania, on the coast of the Atlantic, named Soloeis. For Hero- dotus, in common with Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Ptolemy, amongst the ancients ; and with Abulfeda, amongst the moderns, supposed this continent to project much less to the west, than it really does : and they appear moreover, to have placed the western extremity of Africa, at no great distance to the south of the straits of Gibraltar. X And this opinion was no doubt, formed long before the time of Herodotus. • Polybius (lib. iii. c. 4.} supposed that Africa was contained between the Pillars of Hercules and the Nile. + He supposed the Issedones to lie no farther to the east, than the meridian of the z'wtx yaxarles. Seep. 132. \ Ptolemy even describes the coast to trend to the eastward of south. AFRICA. 413 . Our Author seems to have known the general extent of Africa, in ■this direction, as will be shewn in the sequel; but as the investigation is so closely connected with the particular geography of the coast of the Mediterranean, we shall reserve it until that subject is dis- cussed in a subsequent chapter : and in the mean time, the reader may regard the opinion of Herodotus on this subject, as coinciding nearly with those of Eratosthenes and Strabo ; and which differ in no very great degree, from the actual geography. The Pillars of Herailes, the Promontory of Soloeis, mount Atlas, and the Atlaiitic ocean, were objects familiar, at least in thought, to our Author: and it appears from Scylax, who wrote before Herodotus, that the extent of the Mediterranean was well known to the Cartliaginians, and no doubt to the Greeks also; since Herodotus himself calls it, "the sea frequented by the Greeks." As he places the western extremity of the Persian, or Erytln-asan sea (for he certainly knew not that there was a Persian gulf*) too far to the west, in respect of the Mediterranean sea, he must, of course, have believed that the Red sea, or Arabian gulf, had a northerly and southerly, instead of a NW and SE direction ; other- wise there would not have remained a sufficient space for Arabia : and this would necessarily have the effect oi flattening the eastern side of Africa. It will appear clearly, from circumstances, that he regarded the Promontory of Soloeis, as the western extremity of Africa : but this idea did not go either to Cape Blanco, or Cape Verde, because he was speaking of the inhabited tract near the Mediterranean, and not of tlie central parts of Africa : nor had he, of course, any such idea of the general outline of that continent, as to be able to ascer- tain wliich part of it projected farthest to the west.f * See pages 197, 198, of this work. t It happens that there are two capes of the name oi Blanco, on the western coast of Africa ; one in Morocco, the other on the coast of the Sahara, nearest to Cape Verde. They are more than goo miles asunder. It is the Cape Blanco of Morocco, alone, that has any reference to the Promontory of Soloeis. 4.14 AFRICA. The jx)sition of the Promontory of Soloeis, therefore, becomes of great importance towards tlie measure of regulating our ideas of the ancient system of African geography; and of adjusting the limits of ancient navigations ; and ought, of course, to be fixed, at the outset of the present inquiry ; although it will lead to details that may appear tedious. M. D'Anville has not spoken clearly to this point; but it may be concluded that he took Cape Cantin for SoLOEis : in which opinion we shall be found to coincide. The modem opinions have been divided, between that and Cajx; BojADOR. Herodotus, in Euterpe, 32, says, " all that part of Lybia towards the Northern sea (Mediterranean) from Egypt to the Promontory of SoLOEis,* which terminates the 3d division of the earth, is inhabited by the different nations of the Lybians ; that district alone ex- cepted, in possession of the Greeks and Phoenicians. The remoter parts of Lybia, beyond the sea coast, and the people who inhabit its borders, are infested by various beasts of prey. — The country yet more distant, is a parched and inwieasurable desert." Here he clearly distinguishes three belts or regions, parallel to the Mediter- ranean, the northernmost of which, we must of course conceive to have been that, which extended along the sea coast, and was bounded on the south by mount Atlas, and other ridges : the middle one, that called the country of Dates ; and the third, the great desert, or Sahara, itself. -f In consequence, the northernmost, or that between mount Atlas and the Mediterranean, should contain the Promontory of Soloeis ; supj>osed in this passage, as well as in the one that describes the voyage of Sataspes, in Melpom. 43, to be the most western land of Africa: for in the first instance, it forms one extremity of the habitable tract, of which Egypt is the * Soloeis, in Euterpe, 32: Sylocs, in Melp. 43. In Hanno's Periplus it is Soloeis. Pliny calls it Soils. + Abulfcda's division is differently arranged : he goes from west to east, but making . also three divisions. AFRICA, 415 opposite extremity : and in the second, it was the point, from whence the voyager Jirst began to pursue a southerly course, in his way from the straits. Much the same idea of the relative position of Soloeis, arises on a perusal of the journal of the voyage of Hanno; although this document does not afford a regular chain of distance, or any positive notices of position, till we arrive at Cerne (Arguin). It therefore becomes necessary to examine at large, this part of the journal. The substance of it, is, " that having founded \\\q first city, Thy- miatermm* at two days' sail beyond the Columns (of Hercules), and proceeding thence towards the west, they came to Soloeis, a Pro- montory of Lybia, thickly covered with trees,-f where they erected a temple to Neptune — and again proceeded half a day towards the east, to a lake near the sea, full of reeds ; and where elephants, and other wild animals were feeding." [j.' " That having passed the lake, two days' sail, they founded other cities, near the sea, five in number,§ the third of which, in the order of their route, was Acra. Thence they came to the great river Lijcus, which flows from Lybia, (or rather from mountains situated amongst the Ethiopians,) and has on its banks, the Lixitct, a shep- herd tribe, with whom the Carthaginians continued some time on * The Thamusida of the Antonlne Itinerary, p. 7, may be taken for this place, it being 126 MP. from Tingi, (Tangier) say 94 G. miles direct. Hence it falls near the river of Maniora. The distance may have been sailed in two days, on a known part of the coast ; as this, no doubt, was. t We have examined the views of land in the new Spanish Charts of Don Tofino, 1788, but do not find that either of the Capes Blanco, Cantin, or Bojador, are woody. But this is nothing to the purpose ; for Hanno, at that time probably, would have found the Hebrides of Scotland covered with wood. X That herds of elephants were in this quarter we learn from Pliny, (lib. v. c. i.) who says that they were very troublesome at the river Sola, fSaleeJ, Sola appears to have been a place of note anciently, as well as at present. It is the Salaconia of the Itinerary. § Caricon-ticos, Gytte, Acra, Melitta, and Arambys. 4l6 AFRICA. friendly terms : and who appear to have been old acquaintances. Beyond this tribe, dwelt the inhospitable Ethiopians. Leaving their friends, after obtaining interpreters from them, they coasted a desert shore, three days, and arrived at the island of Cern(5 ; doubt- less Argujn. The first two days they sailed southerly ; the third, easterly." See the Map of the Voyage of Hanno, sect. XXIII. It is certain that this cliain of distance, from its being broken and imperfect, proves nothing, when taken altogether ; but the parts of it, taken separately, and with a reference to other notices, prove, or at least induces a belief of, a great deal. The distance from the strait of Gibraltar to Cern^, may be about 1230 G. miles, along the coast; amounting to about 35 days' sailing, according to the rate arising on that part of Hanno's route between Cern6 and the river Gambia : that is, 34, to 35 miles per day, for 14 days : and which accords generally with the rate of sailing of ancient ships, deduced from a great number of examples.* Only 6-^ days however, are specified: but it plainly appears, that one space is implied, between Thymiaterium and Soloeis ; and another, in which the five cities were founded, between the latter and the southern- most river of Lixus : and these cities cannot be supposed to have been very near to each other. In course, a great many days' sail are omitted, though evidently implied. It may be remarked, that the position of the coast, is such, as not to admit of a ship's sailing eastivard for half a day, after pass- ing Cape Bojador : but such a position of the coast is really found between Cape de Geer and Santa Cruz, round the southern termi- * It is known that a constant current runs to the southward, along this coast ; at ]east, within the limits of the settled northerly wind. This, of course, must have lessened the number of days' sail, and explains the cause of the error, in the calcula- tion made by Hanno ; where he supposes Cerne to be no farther to the south of the strait, than Carthage was to the east of it. It also furnishes a strong presumptive proof in favour of the veracity of the journalist. The ancient rate of sailing will be given in the sequel : at the same time we shall apprize the reader that the result is about 35 G. miles, or about 40 British. AFRICA. 417 nation of mount Atlas : and therefore, following, in our idea, the obvious meaning of the journal, one can only take for the Soloeis of Hanno, some one part of the coast between Cape Blanco and Santa Cruz ; that is, between the parallels of 30°i and 32°^ : and con- clude, of course, that the jive cities beyond it, were situated along the coast of the province of Sus,* and in the bay southward of Cape Nun : but certainly short of Cape Bojador. Scylax of Caryandra says, that the distance is 12 days' sail from the straits to Cern^ : that is, two to the Promontory of Hermans, three thence to Soloeis ; and seven more to Cern6. This requires a rate of 104 miles per day : and is nearer to that, which might be expected from a modern ship, than an ancient one. But his Peri'- plus within the straits, gives a rate which is generally not very different from that of other ships of those days : or about '^6 G. miles. -f • it must be allowed that the many examples adduced, ought to have more weight, than those alone, between Carthage and Cernd, even if the general rate of Scylax did not accord with the rest. Besides, the Periplus of Hanno above quoted, furnishes the strongest presumptive proof that the rate of Scylax did not exceed, but rather fell short, of that Periplus. For, this latter places Thymiaterium at two days' sail from the straits ; and Scylax allows the same distance between the straits, and the Hermaum Promontory, which place he describes to be short of Thymiaterium : consequently, by his account, this place must be more than two * The southern province of the kingdom of Morocco. + For instance, he says it is 75 1 days' sailing from Canopus to the Columns, trac- ing the sinuosities of the coast ; we conclude, according to the usual mode of coasting. This gives a rate of 32 G. miles per day, and Hanno's rate between Cernc and the Gambia is 35, on 14 days' sailing. At the same time it must not be omitted, that Scylax says, that the voyage between Carthage and the Columns may be per- formed in seven days and nights, with a favourable wind. This requires a rate of 107 for each day and night, and is not very different from the 12 between the Columns and Cerne. But the same authority allows generally 36 only, within the straits, in a Variety of instances. How are these accounts to be reconciled ? 3H 4l8 AFRICA. days' sail from the straits. He then reckons three more days to tlie Promontory of Soloeis ; which distance, according to the same proportion, can only reach to Cape Blanco ; but nevertheless, con- sidering the vague nature of his description, Cape Cantin may have been intended. As to the remainder of his cliain of distance, it is not worth regarding; as he reckons only seven days between Soloeis and x\rguin. Pliny says, (lib. v. c. i.) that the river Lixus, (that is, the north- ernmost of the two, of that name, and the Lucos of the present time; a position well know^n;) is 57 MP.* from Tingi, (or Tan- gier;) and Riitubis 313 MP. farther: and he ?LMs,X\yaX still farther on, is the Promontory of Soils. The 313 will reach to Saft)^; allowance being made either for the inflexions of the land route, or those of a coasting voyage. Hence Saffy may be taken for Riitubis, or rather Rusibis Partus, as we find it in Ptolemy, who places it within 10 minutes of the true latitude of SafFy. The Promontory of Soils then, is by Pliny's account, to be looked for beyond Rusibis, or Safty ; although it is not said bow far : but Pliny could not at any rate have had Cape Bojador, which is about 6 degrees to the south of Saffy, in contemplation. And as Ptolemy has a proniontory named Soils Mons, at about 70 miles to the southward of Rusibis, we may suspect that it was intended for the same place as the Solis of Pliny ; and possibly too, for the Soloeis of Herodotus, of Hanno, and of Scylax; though somewhat mis- placed. Nor could Ptolemy have had Bojador in contemplation, because his Solis Mons is placed four parts in five, nearer to Atlas Minor, than to Atlas Major; or in other words, to Cajje Cantin, than to Cape Bojador. If we may regard the Solis Mons of Ptolemy, as the Promontory * In two numbers, 25, and 32. The Itinerary has 54 MP. between Tingi and Lix, which differs little from Pliny, and is justified by the distance of the Lucos R. from Tangitr. Pliny says that another authority gave 112, which must be a mistake. AFRICA, 419 of Soloeis itself, this may be reckoned a positive notice respecting its situation ; and indeed, the only one that occurs : although the presumptive evidence of Hanno and Scylax is very strong. But there is some difficulty in supposing that the promontory intended by the above writers, formed any part of the comparatively straight coast, which is found between the Capes of Cantin and Geer, when the characteristic distinction of Soloeis seems to have been promi- neficy, beyond the line of the coast to the northward of it. There are few parts of Ptolemy's geography, in which the lati- tudes agree so well with the modern observations, as in the part between the Strait of Gibraltar and C. Bojador. In effect, there is a remarkable coincidence in many points, as will appear by the sub- joined table ; * so that this part of the coast must have been much • Comparison of certain parallels, in Ptolemy, with the modern observations, and charts. Ptolemy, Africa Tab. 1. Modern Observations. Strait of Hercules Sala River . _ _ Macanitje _ ■ _ Atlas Minor Rusibisis P"" Diur R.t - - - Solis Mens - _ - Hercules Prom. Tamusiga - . _ Usadium _ . . 36 34 10 33 30 33 10 32 30 31 40 31 20 30 30 29 15 C. Spartel Salee R. . . . Mazagon _ _ _ / C.Blanco \C. Cantin SafFy (Bay) Mogadore Tafclane Point C. dc Gcer Tamara Agulon . - _ C. Nun R. Nun C. Bojador a 1 35 48 34 2 33 20 33 20 32 33 32 20 31 25 31 30 38 30 29 29 10 28 40 28 26 26 20 UnaR. Atlas Major 28 30 26 25 Subas R. Gannaria extrema 25 20 20 Ouro R. - - - C. Blanco Arguin - - . St. John's R. Mirie Point - Senegal R. mouth C. Verde Gambia R. mouth 23 34 20 47 20 26 19 13 15 52 14 48 13 30 Bagazi - . _ Daradus R. - - Arsinarium Prom. Stachir R. - . - 18 50 15 12 II t We cannot help regarding the P^ea Island of Ptolemy in lat. 32°, as being intended for Madeira. The latitude differs but little, but it is certainly too near to 3H 3 420 AFRICA. frequented : but, it is very remarkable, tliat, althougli the parallels are so generally exact, the bearing is out full four points of the com- pass ; it being nearly S b. E, in Ptolemy, when it is in reality about SW b. S.* And hence it may be collected, that, when the latitudes could not be applied to the correction of the bearings, the ancients fonned very eiToneous calculations of them.-j- But this does not in the present case, destroy the harmony of the positions, in resjiect of each other, so far, as to prevent them from being recognised, by means of the general resemblance of the figure of the coast, com- bined with the parallels. But to the south of Atlas Major (Bojador) the latitudes are not only in general wrong, but the figure of the coast loses all resem- blance to the truth, until we come to Cape Verde : for even Cape Blanco (of the Sahara), which is the most prominent part of the coast, recedes, in the descriptions of Ptolemy, zvitbin a direct line drawn from Cape Bojador to Cape Verde. This latter is also about 2;| degrees too far south ; the mouth of die Gambia 2^ degrees ; and that of Senegal nearly a whole degree. By a reference to the comparative table of latitudes (in the note) and to the geography of Ptolemy, it will appear, that Atlas Minor, the most prominent feature of the coast, in that geography, answers • Between C. Spartel and Bojador, the diff". lat. is 568, and the departure 410; whence the bearing is about S 36' W: Ptolemy has S 10° E : whence the error is about 46°. + Thus, the eastern shore of the Mediterranean lies nearly NE and SE, in Ptolemy ; instead of about N b. E, as it ought to be. the coast of Africa, by many degrees of longitude. But as the Fortunate Islands •were known to Ptolemy {his Erythia, in 29°, must have been intended for one of them, probably Fortaventura), what island so far to the north as 32°, could have been meant, but Madeira f This conjecture, in our idea, is rendered more probable by the description which Diodorus (lib. v. c. 2.) gives, of a large island, fertile, well wooded and watered, and situated at many days sail to the west of the coast of Africa. It was said to be discovered by certain Phoenicians, who were blown by a storm into the Atlantic, as they were coasting Africa. AFRICA. 421 the nearest to Cape Blanco (of Morocco) : which cape, together wth that of St. Vincent, forms what may be called the mouth ofthefunnel, that conducts the stream of current from the Atlantic into the Medi- terranean. But it also appears, that Ptolemy confounded Cape Cantin with Cape Blanco; and that one cape serves for both in his geography, although they are more than 20 leagues asunder. This is proved by the suite of positions, from C. Blanco, northward, and C. Cantin, southward ; for immediately to the N. of Atlas Minor, is Macanita, which is succeeded by Sala ; as in our geography, Mazagoti and Salee lie to the N. of Cape Blanco. Again to the south of Atlas Minor, is found, in Ptolemy, the port of liusibis and the river of Diur, answering in like manner with Saffy and Mogador. Tiie promontory of Hercules agrees pointedly to Cape de Geer, which is the proper termination of the ridge of Mount Atlas, on the coast. Ptolemy took Cape Bojador (his Atlas Major) for it: so that it hapjjens that neither of the promontories denominated by him from the supposed commencement and termination of the ridge of Mount Atlas, are, in fact, connected with it ; which no doubt pro- ceeded partly from his ignorance of the inland country ; partly from its being described merely from hearsay. They were, however, the most prominent points of the coast ; whilst the name of Soils is by him apphed to a much less prominent part. From a review of the argument, then, it appears, that the Solocis of Hanno, and of Scylax ; and the Soils of Pliny and of Ptolemy ; must have been situated between the Capes Blanco and Geer, on the coast of Morocco : in which quarter also, the Soloeis of Hero- dotus, as being a part of the inhabited tract, must of necessity be situated. From an expression (in Hanno) it might be concluded that Cantin was the Soloeis intended. It is said, that from Thymiate- rium " they proceeded to the zvest to Soloeis :" and Cantin is the point from whence the direction of the coast changes from west- ward to southward, in a greater degree than any where else, within 4.22 AFRICA. the space iii question. The Soloeis of Scylax may be citlier C. Blanco, or C. Cantin ; but more probably the latter. The Solis Mons and promontory of Ptolemy and Pliny, are more to the south; or between Cantin and Geer: but as there is no remark- able prominency of the coast between Cantin and Geer, the latter of which is the Hercules promontory of Ptolemy, it is difficult to assign the place of Solis. Ptolemy places it to the south of the river Diur, which we take for that of Mogador; and to the north of Mysocorras, taken for Meet. Consequently, as the point of Tafelane lies between, this should be the Solis promontory of Ptolemy. That of Pliny may be supposed to be nearer to Saffy ; and hence it would appear, that different navigators, or geographers, called different capes by the name of Soloeis or Solis; which is by no means extraordinary, as instances of a like kind have happened in modem times : and we even find two rivers of the name of Lixus on this coast. Our idea of Soloeis ought, no doubt, to be regulated by the early authorities, such as that of Hanno, and of the Carthaginians in ge- neral ; which was probably the idea followed by Herodotus : and he expressly intends by it, as we have seen, the western extremity of the inhabited tract of Africa, along the Mediterranean sea ; in one instance ; and in another, a promontory which formed the chief ob- stacle to navigators, in clearing the western lands of Africa, in their progress southward. It has also appeared, that the ancients in ge- neral agree in placing it within the space between C. Blanco and C. de Geer : and moreover, that they supposed the coast to trend to the south, from about the position of Soloeis. So that, on the whole, we must conclude that to be the promontory intended, from whence the coast turns sensibly to the southward, after projecting westward, from the neighbourliood of the strait of Gibraltar. For, the circum- stance that seems to have marked it, was, the difficulty of doubling it from the northward, with the prevalent winds of that region; which are xirsterly ; and which difficulty was greatly increased by an indraught of current towards the mouth of the strait. This indraught AFRICA. 423 is clearly proved by the journals of ships, which describe a motion of the sea in every direction from SE to NE, as they advance from a station in the Atlantic, opposite to Cape St. Vincent, towards another station opposite to Cape Blanco. When Cape Cantin, or Soloeis, was once doubled, the wind, which before might have been adverse, would serve tolerably well, until they arrived within the limits of the NE trade wind (or rather of the northerly wind, said to be tlie prevalent one, near the shore), which would doubtless happen, before the coast again trended much to the westward ; although the group of Canary Islands are known to disturb the regularity of the trade wind, occasionally. And as Cape Bojador itself lies in about 26 degrees of latitude, we cannot conceive any difficulty in doubling it from the northward, on the score of the winds, provided that ships sail at a proper distance to clear the shallow water, and ripling of the current, said to disturb the water beyond it.* In a word, it may be conceived, that only the Capes Cantin and Bojador can have any claim to a preference in this matter ; and that, from their prominency beyond the line of the coast ; and for which quality the Promontory of Soloeis seems to have been distinguished. In point of relative situation, Bojador, from what has appeared, is absolutely out of the question : and it • It is certain, that in the history of the early part of the Portugueze discoveries, there is much stress laid on the difficulty of doubling Cape Bojador; which was said to be so named, from its great projection, westward, from the line of the coast. However, it is very difficult to conceive, how, within the tract of the northerly winds, a ship should find any difficulty in making her way to the south ; as the cur- rent7also, sets that way. It is equally astonishing how the Portugueze, the best mariners at that day, should have found a difficulty in accomplishing a task that was performed by the ancient navigators. It is indeed given out, that the strong current round C. Bojador occasions a fright- ful ripling, and a breaking of the sea, on the sands that extend to six leagues off: and that even the Portugueze mariners were terrified : and that it was the ne plus ultra of the Spanish navigation till A. D. 1432 ; when it was found, that by keeping at a proper distance from the shore, the passage might be effected. (Astley's Coll. Vol. i. p. II. ; who refers to Barros, dec. i. b. i. c. 2. ; and to De Sousa, lib. i. c. i.) 424 AFRICA. must then be concluded, that Cantin was the Promontory intendecJ by Herodotus, and the Greeks in general ; whilst Pliny and Ptolemy placed it more to the south, perhaps from misapprehension: but as to Bojador, no one of them seems to have looked so far to the south. M. Bougainville's Soloeis is however Cape Bojador ; and he places all the five cities, of which Acra is the third in order, from Soloeis, between Bojador and the river Ouro, taken by him for the greater Lixus. But, independently of other circumstances, one finds in M. Delisle's Map of Africa, a town named Area, together with se- veral others, between Mount Atlas and Bojador; and even if this be not the Acra of Hanno, it is a more likely situation for towns, on that Continent, than the desert coast, on the south of Bojador. But in fact, M. Bougainville allows, out of all proportion, too great a rate for the sailing of Hanno's fleet ; for when we find 300 miles allowed for the two first days between the straits and Thymiaterium, as he does, one need not be surprized at his transporting that com- mander to Benin, whilst others cannot suppose him to have gone much, if at all, beyond Sierra Leona; that is, only -j of the distance to Benin.* The greater Lixus it may boxlifficult to place: though the river St. Cyprian answers to the distance of three days sail, short of Arguin (or Ceme),on the proportional rate between the latter and the river Gambia. But the description does not seem to accord, either with that, or the Ouro : for neither of them fipj>ears to be a great river, or to have any length of course; and the Lixus was said to possess both of those qualities. However, if we may iu<'ge by what pasises elsewhere, great changes may have happened in respect of the course of the Lixus : for the princij)al stream of tlie Oxus (oibo?i) which once flowed into the SE part of the Caspian, flows no longer in its former chaimel. And this has probably arisen partly frcm sand blown into, and arrested by the surface 6f the river, when loio; * Sec Mem. Acad. Inscrip. Vol. xxvi. AFRICA. 4,25 partly from its own depositions, when sxioln. In like manner, the Lixus may have now ceased to flow into the sea, " from the Lybian mountains ;" and may form an inland lake : nor should we be sur- prized if the JVad-Drah (or river Drab) should have been the Lixus. That river is now lost in the sands of the Desert, according to Abulfeda.* We have been unavoidably led into this long disquisition, for which we crave the reader's indulgence. Thus then, our Author evidently supposed the western side of Africa to trend to the south, from about the parallel of 33°; but what his ideas of the form or extent of the Continent may have been, we have no means of knowing. It may however, be collected, generally, from his vague comparison of the proportional extent of Africa to Europe, that he supposed the former to extend very far to the south of the equator ; but the consideration of this part of the subject must be deferred, until we come to the inquiry concerning Herodotus's idea of the position of the sources of the Nile. It appears from the various notices scattered about, in different parts of his history ,-1- that Herodotus had heard a great deal con- cerning the interior parts of Africa, most of which was probably collected during his residence in Egypt. It has already been shewn, page 414, that he distributes the great body of Lybia (but in which, Egypt is not included), into three regions ; the interior or southern- most of which " is a parched and immeasurable desert." Euterpe, 32. This desert is again mentioned, in Melp. 181, and is said " to extend from the Egyptian Thebes, to the columns of Hercules;" J and, in 185, it is said to be " a vast and horrid space, without water, wood, or beasts ; and totally destitute of moisture." All these descriptions clearly refer to the great African desert, or Sahara, whose character • Tab. III. Africa; article Dara^. t Melp. i8l, 185, and 191 ; and Euterpe, 31. X " The Africans (says he) who inhabit the sea coast, are nomades : the more inland parts, beyond these, abound with wild beasts ; and remoter still, is one vast dtscrt, from the Egyptian Thebes to the columns of Hercules." 3I 4,26 AFRICA. he seems to have understood distinctly ; but it will also appear, in the sequel, that he had heard of the great i?iland* river of Tom- buctoo and Kashnah (in effect, the Niger of the Romans), which flowed beyond the borders of this desert. His descriptions of the several tracts of inland country, are often- times so brief, that zuhole regions are disposed of in a single line. But he enters particularly into the description of the provinces, along the coast of the Mediterranean, from Egypt to the neigh- bourhood of Carthage ; and is yet more minute, the nearer he is to the seat of his inquiries, Egypt; concerning which country, and its immediate dependencies, he is well known to have entered into very minute and interesting details ; not excepting also its geography. But this is a part of Herodotus which has been so well illustrated, and even rendered familiar by the writings of several eminent persons, that it would be unnecessary, if not presumptuous, in us, to undertake the subject. We mean only to say a word con- cerning its ancient architecture, with a view to prove that both it, and the mythology of Egypt, were extended far into the Lybian desert : and to make some observations on the ancient and present state of the alluvions of the Nile, from whence much may be learnt respecting those of other rivers The ancient geography of Egypt, in particular, has been so well illustrated by M. D'Anville, that it would be idle in us to attempt a new system of it, unless a fresh stock of materials had been pre- viously collected. It is however true, that certain parts of it require correction ; particularly the Isthmus of Suez, the head of the Delta, and certain other parts. And these corrections we are enabled to effect, by means of observations published since the time of that great geographer. It may be proper, however, to remark, in this place, that, in the report of Herodotus, respecting the extent of Egypt, he has made use of a stade which is totally different from that, which he uses, * Used in contradistinction to those which reach the sea. AFRICA. 4,27 when he refers to Greece y or to Persia, Tliis appears in a remark- able instance, where he assigns an equal number of stades, within 15, to the space between Athens and Pisa, as between Heliopolis and the sea coast of Egypt; although the former be about 105, the latter 86 G. miles, only ; the one giving a proportion of 755, the other of 1012, to a degree. So that he appears to have used stades of different scales, without a consciousness of it, (See pages i6 and 19 of this book). A like proportion appears, in his calculation of the length of Upper Egypt, and the breadth of the Delta : but he gives different dimensions of the Delta in different places ; and in all, a greater number of stades than are allowed by others.* In the comparative extent of Upper and Lower Egypt, he is pretty exact, although the scale be faulty. In the discussion of the stade, in page 19, we have supposed that his error arose from a faulty evaluation of the scbaene, an Egyptian measure : and this seems conclusive from the reports of Eratosthenes and Strabo, respecting the distance between Syen^ and Alexandria. For these, the reader is referred to p. 24,. Concerning the course of the Nile, above Egypt, we shall speak hereafter. Herodotus divides the inhabitants of Africa, generally, into two races; (with the exception of strangers, who were the Phceni- ciANS and Greeks). " The natives," says he, Melp. 197, " are the Africans and Ethiopians ; one of which possesses the northern, the other the southern, part of Africa." By these nations are evi- dently intended the Mjors and the Negroes; which two classes are as distinct at the present day, as in ancient times ; and appa- rently have not greatly varied their ancient limits; although the Negroes may in many instances have received new masters from amongst the Moors. The common boundary of the Africans and the Ethiopians, in ancient times, may be placed at the southern border of the Great * Respecting the Delta and its alluvions, we shall speak in a future Section, 3I 2 428 AFRICA. Desert. Haniio found the Ethiopian.s in possession of the western coast, about the parallel of 19°: and Pliny, lib. v. 31, places them at five journies beyond Cern^, which agrees nearly with the report of Hanno. At present the Negroes are not found higher up than the Senegal river; or about 17"; and that only in the inland parts. It appears tiiat the Senhagi tribe, who are not Negroes, possessed the coast about Cape Verde, in the time of Ptolemy.* The Nasamonian explorers, mentioned by Herodotus,-f when they approached the great hiland river of Africa, or that of Tom- buctoo and Kashnah (the Niger) found a different race of men, from what they had before seen ; and who spoke a different lan- guage. They indeed called them a dxvarfish X people, and of a black colour : the latter particular seems decisive of their being Negroes ; as they must have been much blacker than the people of the coast * Cape Verde is the Aninarlum promontory of Ptolemy. We learn, that when the Portugueze first explored the western coast of Africa, between Morocco and Guinea, in 1446, the tribes or nations of the Jssanhaji and Jalofs, were separated by the river of Sanhaga (Senegal) ; the former being to the north, the other to the southp of it.§ The Assanhaji are the Zenhaga of our maps; and the Sanhagx of Edrisi and Abulfeda : a nation which, in the times they describe, appear to have occupied the tract between Morocco and the Senegal river, and between the shores of the ocean and Agadez inclusive. The early voyagers speak of the Sarrah of the Assan- haji ; meaning the Sahara, or Great Desert: Abulfeda also mentions them, as the governing people in Audagost (Agadez) : and as possessing the southern part of Mo- rocco. They are therefore properly the people of the Great Desert and its environs. Doubtless the Portugueze named the river now corrupted into Senegal, from them ; as Ptolemy did the Promontory Arsinarium (Cape Verde), whence we may infer, that they then possessed both sides of the Senegal river, called by Ptolemy, Daradus. At present the Sanhaga tribe are placed, by geographers, at no great distance from the coast of the ocean, between the rivers of Nun and Senegal ; and the Jalofs be- tween this latter and the river Gambia : both of them in the position in which the early discoverers found them. + Euterpe, 32. Of these more will be said, presently. \ Sataspes also reported that he saw a dwarfish people on the coast of Africa, far to the south. Melpom. 43. (§ Astley's Collection, Vol. i. p. 13, 14.) AFRICA. 42C) of the Meditterranean to have warranted the distinction.* They must also have been humane, in that they do not appear to have ill-treated the strangers, who came amongst them, in an odd, if not in a suspicious manner: and this trait of character belongs to the Negroes in their natural and unmixed state. They may, ii^ deed, not unaptly be styled the Hindoos of Africa. Again, Ethiopia approached to the boundary uf Upper Egypt, in the eastern part of Africa, in the idea of Herodotus : •[ and this may perhaps be styled Ethiopia ^/o/^/- ; answering to Nubia and Abys- sinia. " Ethiopia," says he,]; " which is the extremity of the habi- table world, is contiguous to Arabia, on the SW. It produces gold, in great quantities ; elephants, with tiieir prodigious teeth ; trees and shrubs of every kind, as well as ebony ; its inhabitants are also remarkable for their size,§ their beauty, and their length of life." Thalia, 114. || The Mucrobiun Ethiopians appear as if meant by our Author for a different people from those bordering on Upper Egypt; for, in Thalia, 17, they are said " to inhabit that part of Lybia which lies towards the Southern ocean (Indian sea)." But as the people of Elephanta understood their language; and as the description of them in Thalia, gy, agrees with that of the Ethiopians above Egypt (in 114); wc conclude the Macrobians to be the Abyssijiians, (whose dominion might even extend south-eastward to the ocean) ; and that the Ethiopians which were conquered by Cambyses in his march towards the Macrobians, and who also served in the war of • Herodotus says of the Ethiopians of Africa, Polym. 70, that they " have their hair more crisp and curling than any other men." + Thalia, 97, and Euterpe, 29. J Thalia, 114. § This is poetically expressed by Thompson, The floods In which \^z full-formed maids of Afric lave Their jetty limbs ; Summer, v. 81 !• y Herodotus remarks, that " whatever may be the cause, the Africans are nurt exempt from disease than any other men." Melp. 18/. 43© AFRICA. Greece, under Xerxes, Thalia, 97 and 17, were the Nubians, si- tuated between Upper Egypt and Abyssinia.* It is certain, however, that Herodotus (Uke the rest of the an- cients) gives a wide range to Ethiopia; since he designs by it, the whole southern part of Africa ; extensive, as from his own de- scriptions, he must have conceived it to be. For, it was with him *' the extremity of tbe habitable world;" and included all those countries, which, for want of the means of discrimination, he was compelled to comprize in one mass ; as we may do, by the remote inland parts of North America, or New Hollaiid. The exaggerated length of course of the Nile, strengthened his error respecting the extent of Ethiopia ^ro/»fr ; although the re- mote sources of this famous river were regarded as unknown to strafjgers, then, as they truly appear to be, at the present day. Speaking of the sources of the Borysthenes, Melp. 53, Herodotus says, — " the sources of this river, like those of the Nile, are to me unknown, as, I believe, they are to every other Greek." But it was, nevertheless, supposed by Herodotus, " that the course of the Nile, without reckoning that part of it which flows through Egypt, was known to the extent of four months journey, partly by land, partly by water :" that is, to the country of the Automoli,-\ which was so * Mr. Bruce (we know not what authority he had for the supposition) is of opi- nion that xhcGongas and Gubas are the Macrobians. Vol. iii. p. 259. These people inhabit two small provinces or districts, of Abyssinia. But from the context of the history, the Macrobians must be regarded as a considerable nation ; since their mo- narch sent a message of defiance to Cambyses. + The Egyptian garrisons stationed in Upper Egypt, against the Ethiopians, having been kept without relief three years, with one consent revolted to the enemy, and re- ceived from their new masters, a district for their maintenance ; situated, as we might have supposed, in a very remote part from Egypt. They are said to have had a sen- sible effect in civilizing the Ethiopians. Eut. 30. Being at first pursued by Psammetlcus, who adjured them not to desert their coun- try and their wives and children, they are said to have signified in an indecent way, that wherever they went, they should doubtless obtain both wives and children. During the late distressing mutiny, and revolt of a part of the fleet, it is said that AFRICA. 431 far distant, that the city of Meroe la}'- midway between it and Upper Egypt. — " It is certain (says he) that the Nile rises in the xcest, but beyond the above point, all is uncertainty ; this part of the country, being from excessive heat, a rude and uncultivated desert." Euterpe, 29, 30, and 31. Herodotus then proceeds to state the adventures of certain Nasa- mones (before alluded to) who came from the neighbourhood of Cyrene, and made an expedition into the interior part of Africa, with a view to extend their discoveries beyond all preceding adven- turers ; and who may therefore with propriety be styled the Afri- can Association of that day. The distance to which they pene- trated is not told; but it was apparently, very far ; " first proceed- ing through the region which was inhabited, they next came to that which was infested by wild beasts ; leaving which, they directed their course westward, through the Desert," and were finally taken prisoners, by black men of a diminutive stature, and carried to a city " washed by a great river, which flowed from west to east, and abounded in crocodiles !* Euterpe, 32. He adds, Euterpe, 33, " that according to the opinions of Etear- chus, sovereign of the state of Ammon (from whom this relation came), the river in question, was the Nile." This, continues He- rodotus, " probability confirms — the Nile certainly rises in Lybia, which it divides : and if it be allowable to draw such a conclusion, it takes a similar course with the Ister." a like answer was made by some of the mutineers, though not accompanied by the act of indecency, recorded by Herodotus. It is worthy of remark, that Bruce mentions certain people who had revolted, or deserted, in modern times, and formed a commu- nity in Abyssinia. * In the description of the Indus, Herodotus calls it the second river that produced crocodiles, meaning the Nile, as the first. But here we have a third : and Hanno, who doubtless preceded him, mentions the Senegal liver (though not iy name), which makes of course, the fourth. 432 AFRICA. It may, however, with great probability, be supposed, that the river seen by the Nasamones, was that which, according to the pre- sent state of our geograpliy, is known to pass by Tombuctoo, and thence eastward, through the centre of Africa (in effect, the river commonly known by the name of Niger); but which we cannot agree with Herodotus, in supposing to be the upper part of the Nile, from the following circumstances : First, the great difference of level that must necessarily exist, between the Niger and the Nile, admitting that the former reached the country of Abyssinia. For, by that time, it would have run at least 2300 G. miles, in a direct line ; and near 2000, after it had descended to the level of the Sahara, or Great Desert. And the Nile, at the point where the White River (which alone can be taken for the Niger, if such a confluence can be supposed) falls in, has more than icoo such miles to run, before it reaches the sea; and has, moreover, two or more cataracts to descend, in its way. Besides, Abyssinia is positively a very elevated tract. Mr. Bruce, Vol. iii. p. 642, inferred from his barometer, that the level of the source of the Nile, in Gojam, was more than ti-vo miles above the level of the sea: and this is repeated in pages 652 and 712; where he says " fully" two miles. Again, in p. 719, he says, that the fat country of Sennar is more thaji a mile lower than the high country of Abyssinia. The second circumstance is, that the Niger, throughout the tract of Nigritia, in common with all the rivers of that region, swells with the periodical rains, and is at its highest pitch, when the Nile is under the like circumstances, in Egypt.* Now, consi- dering how long a time it would require for the waters of Nigritia • This is a circumstance mentioned both by Mr. Park, and by Major Houghton, late in the service of the African Association. It was also known to Pliny; who says, " that the Niger swells at the same season with the Nile, and that its products are the same." (Lib. v. c. 8.) AFRICA. 433 to reach Egypt, the effect ought surely to be, that instead of what happens, at present, the Nile ought to be kept up to nearly its highest point, a very loftg time after tlie Niger. It should also be remarked that the reports of the Arabian geo- graphers state, that the western streams which they suppose to communicate with the Nile, are derivations from , instead oi adjuncts to, that river.* To us, it appears more probable that the remote sources of the Nile are rather to the south, than the zvest ; or nearer to the meri- dian of Abyssinia (though by no means xvithin that country) ; in which position, Ptolemy, Edrisi, and Abulfeda place them ; though greatly too far distant to the southwai'd : for Ptolemy places tiiem in i2|-° south latitude, Edrisi, in i6° : and Abulfeda appears to fol- low Ptolemy.-f- If the four months journey allowed by Herodotus, be reckoned at no more than lo G. miles per day, on a straight * Such were the opinions of Edrisi, and — Abulfeda, of which more presently; t If it be supposed, as it ought, that Ptolemy placed tlie remote head of the Nile according to certain data, and that he erred only in the adjustment of his scale of dis- tance, and in the bearing, his error may, in a great measure, be corrected, by compar- ing his position of the Coloe lake (the Tzana and Damhea of others, and the head of the Abyssinian branch), with the modern accounts. We find this lake in Ptolemy, too far to the south by 12 degrees; that is, at the equator, instead of I2°N, asinBruce'sMap. If we apply this difference as a corrective to the position of Ptolemy's SW source, it should be placed about half a degree to the south of the equator. This is, indeed, a coarse way of making the correction, but it has appeared that the statement of Herodotus carries the remote known part of the Nile to about three or four degrees north latitude, whilst the source was yet more remote ; and, probably, in his idea, near to the equator. It may however be proper to remark, that Ptolemy was not aware, that the eastern Nile performed the early part^f its course in a curvilinear direction, southiuard, for the space of more thaji four degrees, before it finally turned to the north (for he al- lowed those deep indentings between Syene and MeroeJ : and as he evidently supposed this part of its course to point to the north ; it must be supposed, that had he known the contrary, he would have placed the lake, and eastern source of the Nile, in 4° north, instead of placing them at the equator. 3K 434. AFRICA. line, and tliis distance, equal to 1200 miles,* be laid off in the di- rection of the general course of the Nile ; it will reach to the pa- rallel of three or four degrees north, which yet leaves a vast extent of course for a river of no greater bulk than the Nile ; for this river, gi-eat as it is represented, yet when compared with some of the ca- pital rivers of Asia, sinks ver}' much, in the estimation of its gran- deur and bulk.-j- Ptolemy, a native of Africa, and a resident at Alexandria; who had probably the best opportunities of knowing the general state of the geography of that continent; and who, moreover, wrote posterior to the inquiries made by the Romans concerning it, I' had no idea that the sources of the Nile, were in the zvest. Not that he was ignorant of the western rivers of Africa, as well the inland ones, as those which communicate with the At- lantic ; yet none of these waters are described to communicate with the Nile, in his geography. And when there is found, on a com- parison of that part of his geography of Africa, between the Red sea and the greater Syrtis, a great deal of resemblance to the mo- dern maps ; we must surely regard him as a person not ill informed: not to mention the general truth of his delineation of the courses of the Senegal and Gambia rivers, which he conducts into the At- lantic, on different sides of Cape Verd ; whilst the Niger, which, in his geography, answers to the Joliba, or river of Tombuctoo, is described to terminate as it begins, in an inland lake.§ It has appeared, that Herodotus expresses in the strongest tenns, * If these four months were taken on the footing of the three months journey from Sardis to Susa, they would produce about 1 250 G. miles, although these ap- pear to be no more than the marches of an army. t Let the reader compare the descriptions of the Nile, in most of the books of travels ; and more particularly in the intercepted French Correspondence ; with that of the Ganges, in the Memoir of the Map of Hindoostan. X Both Augustus and Nero had sent persons to explore the sources, or to inquire concerning them. Plin. vi. 29. § The reader is referred to the Proceedings of the African Association ; and to the Appendix to the Travels of Mr. Park, for an account of the Niger. AFJIICA. 4.35 his belief that the Nile rises in the west ; but, like all other geogra- phers who do not put their materials to the test, by a geometrical construction, he (if he does not, in effect, contradict himself, yet) renders his own account improbable, by his reasonings; and by his different statements. For, he supposes in one place, Euterpe, 3I) 32, 33, that the Nile rises in the zvest; and that beyond the greater Syrtis, and the country of the Nasainones ; whilst in other places he pointedly derives it from the south. For example, he says that the upper part of its course, situated at four months journey (equal to isoo G. miles) from Egypt, is occupied by a nation who extend to the southern ocean : for the Macrohian Ethiopians who are here meant, can be no other than those amongst whom the Automali settled : Euterpe, 30, 31 ; and who must be the Abyssinians of mo- dern times ; since Meroe lay midway between them and Upper Egypt. Euterpe, 29, 30. Again, he gives another proof of his belief tliat the Nile came from a place far to the south ; for, in Euterjie, 24, 25, he tiiouglit its waters were absorbed by the presence of the sun, when in the south. It matters not how absurd the argument, tliat is meant to be supported, may be : it is the sentiment manifested in the course of it, that is to the present purpose. Perhaps the difficulty may be solved, b}'^ supposing that Herodo- tus first conceived a just idea of the course of the Nile, on being told that it came from the south; but that afterwards he blended with it, the story of the Nasamones, and the western river, without weighing the circumstances properly. Had he not declared, Melpom. 50, tliat the Nile had no adjunct streams, we might have supposed that he meant to describe two distinct brandies ; referring them respectively to the river seen by the Nasamones, and, to that of the Etiiiopians in the south.* Or he might have heaixi of the White River, and liave taken that for the continuation of the one seen by the Nasamones. ■*■ Juha led Pliny into a mistake, that tlie Nllt sprang from the wesi, and even from Mauretania ! and that it lost itself under ground, and afterwards rose up again. 3K2 43^ AFRICA. As to the place of the remote sources of the Nile, it seems to have been destined to remain long a secret. That it has remained unknown so long, is probably occasioned by its being situated within the deep recesses of a tract ( either ^^^e-;-^, or mountainous, or both) which no strangers have had occasion to visit ; nor ever will, until it may become their special business so to do. Whensoever the traversing of this tract, shall turn to as much advantage as the crossing of other deserts, or mountains, then will the true source of the Nile be found ; and not before. For it may be conceived, that it is situated in a country that lies far out of the track of any cara- van that visits the marts frequented by Europeans, That source in Abyssinia, called by Mr. Bruce and by some others before him, the head of the Nile, appears to be, in reality, nothing more than the eastern, and least remote; as well as the least in point of bulk ; of the two principal branches of the Nile, which unite below Sennar.* Concerning this fact, we shall adduce some evidence, which although presumptive only, cannot be dis- proved by any positive evidence ; since no such exists : and it is no inconsiderable point in it, that Mr. Bruce himself, although unde- signedly, has furnished a principal part. We begin with M. Mail lei. This gentleman collected his information from travellers; and there is no reason to suspect a design to mislead, having himself no system to support. Nor does he pretend to have any correct ideas respecting the geography of the upper part of the Nile, but (lib. V. c 9.) By tliis mode of reasoning, any river that is lost in the sand, may undergo a transmigration, and appears again in the shape of another river, two or three thousand miles distant ! * The reader will not suppose that we entertain a shadow of doubt, respecting the fact of Mr. Bruce's having visited the eastern sources of the Nile. We only mean to deny that these are the proper heads of the Nile ; because it may be believed, that there are other sources, more remote. His opinions only, not his facts, are contro- verted. But the question respecting the place of the source of the Nile, rests pre- cisely as it did, before Mr. Bruce wrote. AFRICA. 437 relates merely what he had heard, without comparing the evidence. Nay, he even supposed the Nile to rise in Abyssinia; for by the lake Gambea, he doubtless intended Dambea, the Tzana of Bruce and others; but then he appears to confound it with the lake of the western branch. The chief point in his description, is, that at two or three journies below Sennar (it should rather be seven or eight) the Nile, or Abyssinian branch, receives a great river, named Babr Abiad, (or the White river, ) which he says is at least as consi- derable as the Nile. He says moreover, tloat it runs nearly parallel to the Nile, at the distance of 12, 15, and 20 journies from it. He does not, however, pretend to fix the source of the White river : he only remarks that it is easy to perceive that " the source of the Nile is not unique ; and that its origin is not beyond the equator." (Desc. Egypt, pages 40 and 41.) Mr. Bruce's words are the following. " The river Abiad, which is larger than the Nile, joins it here, &c. — Still the Nile preserves the name of the Blue river*— The Abiad is a deep river : it runs dead, and with little inclination, and preserves its stream akvays undi- minished, because rising in latitudes where there are continual rains, it therefore suffers not the decrease the Nile does, by the six months dry weather;" (vol. iv. 516.) Thus Mr. Bruce goes beyond M. Maillet, by allowing the White river to be of greater bulk than the Nile : but what is more, he admits that it always contmues in the same state; whilst the Nile suffers a dimunition half the year. He says moreover, that its bed has little descent, whence it may be con- cluded that it runs through its own alluvions in that part ; which particular implies a considerable length of course. But Mr. Bruce * The fVhile river is so named from the muddy colour of its waters, whilst the Abyssinian branch is named the Blue river ; probably from its comparative clearness. Some have supposed that the word Neel or Nile is meant to express the blue colour of its waters, but it rather appears to be an appellative ; there being at least three large rivers in Africa of this name ; as the Nile of Egypt, of the Negroes, and of Makadsh. 438 AFRICA. accounts for its bulk, and equal state, from the continual rains that fall in the countries contiguous to its source ; which is saying in other words, tliat it springs from a different region from that whicli gives rise to the Abyssinian branch; whence by his account, the source of the PFhite river should be very remote from that of the Blue river, in Abyssinia. But what says his Map ? There, the limits of the periodical rainy seasons lie between 16 degrees of latitude; and those of the perpetual rains, between 4 degrees ; on each side of the equator. There also, the source of the White river is placed in 8° north, and that of the Blue river in n" only, with a difference of meridians of no more than 2^° : and one of the springs of the latter is even near the 8th degree. Do these differences then constitue different regions ? We may add, that the White river is drawn on his Map, much smaller than the eastern branch ; which differs, as we have seen, totally from the description ! * The fact we should conceive clearly to be, that the White river has a much more distant source than the other. Some light is thrown on this particular, by Maillet's saying that the White river runs nearly parallel to, and at the distance of 12, 15, and 20 journies from the Nile ; which can only be true of two rivers that spring at a great distance from each other. We are of opinion, therefore, that Mr. Bruce, who saw tl»e White river, has admitted its superior bulk, and state of fulness, at all seasons ; properties which the other branch does not possess : (as to its being in the same state, all the year, that we cannot suppose of any tropical river;) and hence, as he appears not to have made out his system of a constant rainy season, to supply the river in question, the reader will probably be inclined with us, to suppose, that a stream, at all times confessedly larger than another, has, in all probability, a more remote source. * It is certain that Ludolphus describes a river by the name of Maleg or Meleg, which has a course perfectly similar to the ^fjtte river of Bruce. But M. D'Anville regards it as one of the branches of the Jhyssinim x'lvcr. AFRICA. 439 We come next to Mr, Ledyard. This observant traveller fur- nishes notices, which induce a strong belief that the remote source of the Nile is situated very far to the south-west of Abyssinia. During Mr. Ledyard's residence at Cairo, in 1788, he repeatedly visited the market-place, where the slaves from the interior part of Africa, were exposed to sale.* He saw a considerable body of them, which came from Daifoor (as he writes it), a country, says he, well known on account of the slave trade, as well as that in gum and elephants' teeth ; and, it appears (page 54,,) that there is a caravan, specifically from Darfoor ; that is, distinct from the Scnnar caravan. By his manner of speaking, these people were, in appear- ance uncouth, even amongst Africans : but he adds, that " they appeared a harmless wild people." He represents Darfoor as a very distant country, even in respect of Sennar; for he says that the slaves came from the interior parts of Africa. And he w'as told by one of them that he came from the west of Sennar 55 days' journey ; or four or five hundred miles : and a Negro chief, implied to be of the party, said that " the Nile had its source in his country." Mr. Ledyard's description of these people is particular. They had the true Guinea face ; and their curly hair was plaited in tassels ; and plaistered with clay and paint. Although we cannot fix the precise position of the great body of this country, yet we are in some degree enabled to approximate it, by means of some notices in Mr. Bruce's Map; and which will turn out equally in favour of our argument. Mr. Bruce places Kordofan, a frontier province of Dar-Four, said to be conquered by tlie king of Sennar ; to the west of, and adjacent to, the country of Sennar; whose capital lies in 13^ degrees nortli latitude. Hence it must be supposed tliat the country of Darfoor extends from thence to the westward : and as Mr. Browne has obligingly informed the Author that the capital of Darfoor, visited by him, lies about the parallel of 15°, it may be concluded that the * African Association, chap. ii. page 50, et seq. ^4,0 AFRICA. country itself extends some degrees in every direction around it ; and consequently to the south, amongst the rest. Other notices respecting the direction of the caravan routes to Darfoor and Soudan, occur in the Map of Mr. Bruce's travels ; and which assist in giving some idea of the position of Darfoor. He states, that the caravan from Darfoor to Mecca, passes the Nile at Dongola, (in lat. 19-^°) and thence to a port on the Red sea, where it crosses to Judda. This route appears to be a branch of the one from Soudan.* to Cairo, described also on the same Map; by which we must conclude, that it is the track of the caravan of Darfoor, spoken of by Ledyard. This track passes in a NNE direction from the parallel of 15", and about the meridian of Seewah ; and falls into the road from Sennar to Cairo, at a point, short of the the Greater Oasis, or El IVab. From these notices, collectively, it may be inferi'ed, that the country of Darfoor lies between the meridians of Cairo and Seewah, generally; but its extent soudiward, we can have no idea of: nor is it a clear point, that the Negro chief seen by Ledyard, was of Darfoor, although the slave was. Mr. Bi-owne says, that Darfoor is 7iot a country of rivers, so that the JFhite river must pass to the south of it, of course; and may be supposed to spring from the great chain of mountains ; the continuation of those, which, accord- ing to Mr. Bruce, separate the heads of the northern and southern waters, in the parallel of 8° north, in Abyssinia ; and which extend westward to Mantling. Combining the distance reported by M. Maillet, between the eastern and western branches ; that is, 20 joumies ; with the above reported distance, of four or five hundred miles from Sennar; the remote source of the Nile should be looked for, very far to the SW • The Moors .ind Arabs call Nigritia by the general name of Soudan. Abul- feda includes all the known part of Africa, south of the Great Desert and Egypt, in Belad Soudan, or the country of Soudan. With him, Soudan is the southern quarter of the globe. AFRICA. 441 of the latter place: but it is evident, that nothing critical can be determined in the present state of our knowledge, save that the dis- tant source of this celebrated river is certainly not in Abyssinia, but in some country to the westward of it. To us it appears probable that it may be as far to the south as the parallel of 6°; which is nearly that assigned it by M. D'Anville; but less remote than Herodotus, Ptolemy, or the Arabian geographers, supix>sed. Since then it appears that the Nile is formed of two distinct branches, or heads, of which, the White river is by far the most remote, as well as the largest stream; the Abyssinian branch, or Blue river, cannot be the true head of the Nile, according either to reason, or to common acceptation; as by the head, or source of a river, nothing else can be understood but the most distant spring, where there is a palpable difference in the length of the branches. A river may have many branches, and each of those will have its proper head : but the river itself, which is formed of those collective waters, must necessarily have for its head, that spring which is the most distant of all. The Kennet and Lea, for instance, are branches of the Thames ; but the heads of those streams, near Marlborough and Dunstable, are neither of them the head of the Tha?nes. Where the branches are nearly of equal length, it may bear a dispute which of them forms the proper head of the river ; but this appears to be out of all question here; as Ptolemy, Edrisi, and Abulfeda, will be found to agree with the authorities we have adduced, in the main point of placing the head of the Nile, in a remote parallel, south- ward, and very far to the SW of Abyssinia ; although the three first have doubtless exaggerated, very greatly, the quantity of the distance. Ptolemy; who perhaps knew more than any other person amongst either the ancients, or the modems, (of those whose reports have reached us,*) knew the eastern, or Abyssinian branch, which * The interior of Africa -was so little known in the times of Eratosthenes and Strabo, that their authority concerning the sources of the Nile, is of little value. 3L 44.* AFRICA. he describes to flow from the lake Coloe, (answering to the Tzana ol" Bruce) under the name of Astapiis; as well as the Tacazze of Bruce (the lesser of the two eastern heads,) by the name o^ Asta- boras* But at the same time he describes a more western branch, as the continuation of the great river of Egypt. So that the best informed of the ancient geographers, on this point, will be found to agree with the modern Oriental geographers, and with the reports of modem travellers : although it appears that none of them had any knowledge concerning the precise situation of the fountain itself; having taken it from the general information of others. Now, to quote the sentiments of M. D'Anville, " in a case where we are all ignorant, we ouglit not to reject entirely the reports of Ptolemy, and the Oriental geographers, until we can obtain some knowledge of the subject, ourselves." Since the copies of Eduisi and Abulfeda are not common, we •shall extract from them, their ideas .on the present subject. Edrisi, who is the first of the two authors, in point of chronology, speaks of tn-o rivers of the name of Nile ; that of Egypt, which flows to the NE : and that of the Negroes, or of Nigritia, which flows from east to west : and both of these he derives from the same fountains. (See page. 15, et seq.) " These two parts of the Nile (says he) spring from the moun- tains of the moo?i, which are situated 16° beyond the equator. From these mountains, the Nile issues in lo streams, five of which flow Tliey both appear to describe the Abyssinian branclies as the only heads of the Nile, known to them ; and to which they give the same names as Ptolemy does ; Astapus, and Astaboras. According to M. Gosselin's projection of their geographical systems, they placed the head of the Nile in about 8° north, which is not very different from M. D'An- vilic's position of the eastern source. • Mr. Bruce (Vol. iii. 648.) appears to say, that Athara is a modern name of the Tacazze, or ancient Astaboras. Can Astapus be a corruption of Azerak, or Azrak ? The Coloe of Ptolemy, seems intended for the Galla of D'Anville and Bruce. Galla is the southern division of Abyssinia. AFRICA. 44.3 together into one great lake, and the remainder into another such klce. From each of tiiese lakes flow three rivers, the whole of which by their conflux, form a very large lake, near wliich is the city of Tumi, wiiich is jxjpulous. — The lake is situated under the equator. — A mountain shuts up the greater part of the north side of this lake, and separates the courses of the two rivers that flow from it, the Nile of the Negroes passing by it to the NW, and thence westward, tlirough the territories of the Nigritcc, the greater part of which lie adjacent to it : and the Nile (of Egypt) passing on the cast side of the mountain, flows to the northxvard, watering in its course, the countries of Nubia and Egypt." He remarks also, that the distance between the two smaller lakes is six journies; (say 114 G. miles;) and between the sources of the Nile, and the lake under the equator, 10 journies, or about three degrees of latitude, only; which, if true, contradicts the former statement, but may yet be the most probable of the two accounts. Abulfeda says, from Ibn Sina ( Prolegomena, ariicXe rivers) that " it springs from tliose deserts which extends southward beyond the equator ; wherefore it is difficult for us to investigate its sources; of which, as of the whole river, we are indebted to the Greeks for all our knowledge. They relate that Ptolemy informs them, that they flow from the mountains Al Komri,* in ten distinct streams, each of which is distant from the other, the space of a degree : so that the most western being in Ion. 4,8°, and the second in 49°, the eastern one of all, must be in 57°. (rather 58"). That these ten streams run into two lakes ; five into each. (He tiicn refers back, to his descriptions of these lakes, where he has placed them both in lat, 7° south : and the most westerly of the two, in 50° Ion.) The longitude of the eastern lake is 57°. From each of tliese lakes spring four rivers, or eight in all : two of which are lost in other rivers, but the other six run northward, and form a round lake at the equator, which lake is nained Kawar, and has also been mer>- * Meaning, the mountains of the moon. 3L 2 44.4- AFRICA. tioned above.* Its longitude is 537°, and it lies under the equator, (though other people speak differently.) The Nile emerging from this lake, and being named the Nile of Egypt from its running through that country, waters the countries of Nigritee in the fol- lowing order: first it visits Zagawan ;-f then Nubia, and its capital Donkala, situated in lat. 15° N. Ion. 52' E." — He adds, that after many flexures, it descends to Aswan, (Sye?ie) and tiience passes on to Misraim (or Cairo), &c. It may be perceived that neither of these authors had any posi- tive information concerning it, and that Abulfeda, in particular, follows Ptolemy, in a great measure. It ought to be of some weight, that the opinion of Ptolemy, considered generally, should have stood so long uncontroverted. It also appears that Edrisi places the source in !& south, whilst * There is a considerable variation between the statement here, and in the place alluded to. For not only the lake is there called Cura ,• (as it is also called in tab. xxvil.) but there is also described the efflux of a third river from it, namely, that called the Nile of Mahadsh,X and which is said to run out from the east side, as the Nile of Ganah on the west, and that of Egypt on the north. However, it is Ibn Said who speaks here, but it is Ibn Sina, who furnished Abulfeda with the above descrip- tion of the course of the Nile. This river is said, tab. xxvii. to swell at the same period with the Egyptian Nile ; and that it flows into the sea of India. In effect, all the great rivers of Africa swell at the same season, because their sources are all in the same climate. t It is called Zagawah, in Abulfeda, tab. xxvii. Soudan, and described to occupy a position correspondent to the NE part of Nubia. Our Author also says, that " the Nile, that great and celebrated river, is unequalled by any other in nature." That it has the longest course of any river in the world. Its waters the most pure, that stones do not become green in it, as in other rivers, and that its increase is occasioned by the rain that falls in the countries near its sources. But he is mistaken in saying that its waters increase, as the days shorten : since the contrary is a well known fact. Accuracy is not the praise of Oriental writers. X The Machidas of the Maps. It is also named the river of Zebee. AFRICA, 44.5 Abulfeda only marks the parallel of the two first lakes, which he places in 7°. Both, however, agree in placing the third, or greater lake, at the equator : but there can be Httle doubt but that both are in an error, as well as Ptolemy, in respect of the parallel ; though it would be losing time to enlarge upon it. Both of them also, in effect, allow the Nile of the Negroes (Niger) to be derived from the same source as the Nile of Egypt : but Edrisi's statement is the most positive of the two. And again, Abulfeda quotes Ibn Said,* who says that Gajiab, situated in the heart of Africa, is on the bank of a river of the name of Nile, Avhich springs from the same place as the Nile of Egypt. He indeed calls it the tivin brother of the Nile; though if Edrisi was right, it would be rather the off- spring, or a derivative from it. The same Ibn Said again speaks of the Nile,-^- at Tocrur in the country of the Negroes ; but as Tocrur is situated on a continuation of the river of Tombuctoo, the Niger must be the river meant; that is, the Nile of the Negroes, aiid not that of Egypt. And as he also says that the Nile of Ganah (still meaning the Niger) fell into the ocean, in lat. 14° ; by wliich it is evident that he took the Senegal river for it, his authority goes for nothing ; since the late discoveries of Mr. Park prove that the river of Tombuctoo, (intended by the Niger) runs from ivest to east, agreeing with Herodotus. As the authorities both for this fact, and for the continuation of this river, to the country of IFaugara, are already before the public ; being detailed in the Proceedings of the African Association (1798), and in the Appendix to the Travels of Mr. Park, it will be needless to repeat them here. Edrisi's account also, for the above reasons, goes for nothing, when he describes the derivation from the Egyptian Nile, at the lake Kaxvar to run to the west, through tlie greatest part of the territo- ries of tile Nigrita. It is however, very possible that a stream from the neigbboiirbood of the lake Kawar, (although not from the lake * Abulfeda, Tab. xxvii. Soudan. + Ibid. 44.6 AFRICA. itself), and perhaps, separated from it only by a ridge of mountains, may flow to the west ; and that it may join the river of Tombuctoo, by tlie medium of a lake ; possibly that of Kauga : (See Proceedings African Assoc. 1798, p. 146. and App. to Park's Travels, p. Ixxix.) ; but neither does tiie great midland river of Africa run to the ^vest ; nor does it communicate with the Atlantic. It is worth remarking, that Ptolemy describes a river springing from the SE, about the parallel of 10° N, amongst the Nuhi, and flowing to the NW, into the river Gir; apparently meant for the river of Bomou. This may be the river meant by Edrisi.* We shall conclude this part of our subject by remarking, that neither Edrisi nor Abulfeda take any notice of the eastern head of the Nile, which rises in Abyssinia. This would have been entirely in favour of that system, which places the principal source of the Nile there, had not both of these authors known, and treated of, the country of Abyssinia, in their respective works. At the same time, it may be observed, that the line of course of the great Abyssinian branch, and the position of the lake Tzana, in respect of it, are so totally different from the descriptions of the head of the Nile, by Ptolemy, Edrisi, and Abulfeda, that, in our idea, it is scarcely pos- sible to confound them together. Since Herodotus believed that the sources of the Nile were much more remote than four months journey from Upper Egypt ; whe- ther to the south, or south-westward ; this bespeaks a belief of the extension of the continent of Africa, to the neighbourhood of, if not to, the equator itself And as it may naturally be supposed that he does not limit the Continent hterally to the place of the source, a farther * It is certain that Abulfeda remarks ('Prolegomena, lake CuraJ that although Ibn Said and Edrisi have wrote that the Nile of Ganah issues from the lake Cura (or Ka- war), yet that Ptolemy denies that any other river but the Egyptian Nile, issues from that lake : and that the Nile of Ganah (/. e. the Niger) flows from some other source. AFRICA. 44,7 extension must be reckoned on ; and we may assume that Hero- dotus believed that Africa extended beyond the equator, southward. But even this extent does not come up to the idea whicli naturally arises, on the comparison made by him of the lengths of the ditte- rent Continents of Europe and Africa : for the expression is, " Eu- rope, in length, much exceeds the other two, but is oi far inferior breadth :" Melp. 42 : which may be understood to mean, that the length of Africa and Asia bear at least, some degree of proportion to that of Europe. The relative proportion certainly cannot be fixed, but it may be understood, as on other occasions, generally ; as for instance, -^ or -^ would be thought a considerable proportion of excess. The length of Europe, under its accustomed boundaries. Cape St. Vincent and the river Tanais, would reach a few degrees only, to the south of the equator ; from the northern point of Africa near Car- thage: but Herodotus, as we have seen, assumed a different limit for Europe, and included the Jssedones in it ; whence, the length of Europe, according to his system, would have reached from Carthage, to about the 20th degree of south latitude, in Africa. If therefore I; or :| of this extent, be assumed as a proportion, Africa will be extended to five or eight degrees south of tiie equator. Nor could a person, who believed that the circumnavigation of it, employed more than two years, well suppose a less extent. It appears on the whole, as if the knowledge of Herodotus, re- specting the detail of the interior parts of Africa extended only to the upper part of the course of the Nile, southward ; and on the SW, to the Niger. And although he knew the fact, simply, that Africa was surrounded by the ocean, yet he seems to have known no particulars relating to the coasts, beyond the places to which the Carthaginians traded, on the west side ; perhaps to the neigh- bourhood of Sierra Leona : nor on the east, beyond the Macrobian Ethiopians, who appear to have extended to the ocean, beyond tlie 44,8 AFRICA. outlet of tlie Arabian gulf. So that it seems as if the extent of the geographical knowledge in detail, possessed by Herodotus, corresponded pretty nearly with that of Ptolemy; bating the western rivers that fall into the Atlantic, and the coasts of Mo- zambique and Sofala : although they respectively formed very dif- ferent conclusions, concerning the termination of the Continent, southward. C 449 3 SECTION XVII. CONCERNING THE ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, AND THE ANCIENT CANALS THAT UNITED THE TWO SEAS, The Ancients mistaken in the Breadth of the Isthmus of Suez, which they reckoned much too zvide — Source of the Error — Opinions of the ancient Geographers, severally — the Modems generally in the same Error — the Question determined by the Difference of Latitude. — Construction of the Geography of the Isthmus, and of the Positions, on xvhich the Line of the Canals, depend. — Arrangement of Pelu- sium, Heroopolis, and the Head of the Arabian Gulf, in Respect of the Egyptian Babylon. — Conjecture respecting the Site of Heroo- polis, or Heroum. — Salhia, the Sile of the Antonine Itinerary, — Mount Casius. — Pelusiac Branch of the Nile, no longer exists, than as a periodical Stream ; and in a different Line of Course. — Bubastis, at the Head of the Canal of Necho, placed. — General Idea of the Courses of the ancient Canals, across the Isthmus — all drawn from the Nile, and not from the Mediterranean Sea. — His- tory of the different Canals, according to Herodotus, Strabo, Dio- dorus, and Pliny. — Doubts respecting the Person who first com- pleted the Communication. Herodotus to be credited, when he reports that Necho began, a7id Darius completed it. — Ptolemy Philadelphus probably renewed, and improved it. — Investigation of the particular Lifie of the first Canal, /rom the Pelusiac Branch, to the Red Sea — considerable Traces, remaining. — The Canal of Trajan, and of the Caliphs, 7io more than a Branch added to the former one. — Causes of the Retreat of the Sea, from the Head of the Arabian Gulf. — Rise of the Tide, in it. — Idea that the Red Sea was higher than the Mediterranean, perhaps founded. — Descent of the 3 M 450 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, different Canals, compared. Complete Failure of the Project of uniting, permanently , the tzvo Seas. — The Floods of the Nile favour- able to it. — Reported Dimensions of the Canals of Necho, Darius, and Ptolemy. 1 HE breadth of the Isthmus of Suez, was by no means correctly known to the ancients : on the contrary, they all supposed it to be much wider than it really is. The Arabian geographers fell into the same error ; although it be a question that depends on the dif- ference of latitude between the approximating parts of the two seas. In Herodotus, the source of the error may be traced, in the suppo- sition that mount Casius, which was situated on the shore of the Me- diterranean sea, at about half a degree to the eastward of Pelusium, lay opposite to the head of the gulf of Heroopolis (or of Suez.) The same kind of error is observable in Ptolemy ; in whose geography mount Casius and Heroopolis appear nearly under the same meri- dian, although there is nearly a degree of longitude, as well as of latitude, between them. Pliny, who was, however, ignorant of the distance, appears to have known that the narrowest part of the Isthmus lay between Pelusium and Arsinoe ; which latter stood near the present Suez. The distance between Casius and the head of the gulf, appears to be about 64 G. miles, at this time.* Some of the ancients allowed 83; and reckoned this space the breadth of the Isthmus: but it will be found to exceed the truth, by much more than half the actual breadth. Herodotus allows (in Euterpe 158. and Melpom. 4.) 1000 stadia between the two seas, by the shortest passage.-f This number of • The Red sea is constantly retiring to the south : therefore the distance must alter, t He says, (Euterpe, 158.) " From the northern to the southern, or, as it is ge- nerally called, the Reti sea, the shortest passage is over mount Casius^ Tvhich divides AND ITS CANALS. 45I stades ,on our scale, is equal to about 83 G. miles ; which is exactly the space allowed by Ptolemy, between the narrowest part of the land, between the two seas. Pliny, lib, ii, c. 68, allows 115 MP.; perhaps meant for 920 stades: but he says, lib. v. c. ii. that Agrippa allowed 125 MP. (that is 1000 stadia) between Arsinoe, at the head of the Arabian gulf, and Pelusium. Strabo allows 900 stadia (equal to 77 G. miles, on his scale), for the breadth of the Isthmus between Pelusium and Heroopolis : but he says that Posidonius supposed it to be 1500. See pages 491 and 803. Heroopolis, however, lay considerably wide to the north and west, of Arsinoe. One is surprized that a great geographer, and one who had visited Egypt, should have obtained no better intelligence. In effect, the breadth of the Isthmus, between Suez, (near the ancient Arsinoe), and the sea coast of the bay of Farama, near the site of Pelusium, (between which places the breadth of the Isthmus must properly be reckoned) appears to be little more than 4,8 G. miles. The latitude of Suez is correctly known to be 30° 2':* and M. D'Anville, who ought, from his local situation, to have known more concerning the subject, than most men, fixes the latitude of Farama at 39° 50' : consequently, the difference of latitude, which is equal to the breadth of the Isthmus ( within a fraction of a mile, as Farama lies only five or six miles to the eastward of the meri- dian of Suez) is no more than 48 geographic miles; and therefore 56 miles of British standard, may be taken for the distance across. Egypt from Syria ; from whence to the Arabian gulf are a thousand stadia. The way by the canal, on account of the different circumflexions, is considerably longer." Here, he seems to regard the whole water communication between the two seas, a great part of which was by the Nile itself, as the canal. He also says in the same chapter, that " the length of the canal was equal to a four days' voyage :" but it appears to have been considerably more. * Mr. Dalrymple took an observation there, in 1776; and Capt. White, in 1795. 3 M 2 r 459 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, M. Volney allows 18 or 19 French leagues; which, at a mean, may be reckoned 57 British miles. M. D'Anville, probably on a supposition that the statement of Ptolemy was just, allowed 83 G. miles between Casius and Suez; and thus placed the latter in the parallel of 29° 45', which is 17 min. too far to the south. Ptolemy allowed 29" 50'. As it may be satisfactory to the reader, as well in respect of the Isthmus, as of the famous canals that intersected it, to have before him the authorities on which the positions, in and about the Isthmus, and between it and the Nile, are determined ; they are here subjoined in detail. The distance between Cairo and Suez forms the base of this con- struction. Cairo lies in lat. 30° 3'; Suez in 30° 2'; both by celestial observation : and by extending the line to the site of the Egyptian Babylon, an opportunity offers, of using the distances in Ptolemy, and in the Antonine Itinerary. Those in the Theodosian Tables are imperfect. The distance between Cairo and Suez is taken at 32 hours cara- van travelling ; of which seven or more lie so wide of the direct line, as to reduce the direct distance to little more than 30 hours. And accordingly, 60,4 G. miles are allowed, on a proportion of two per hour.* The site of Babylon, taken for Fostat, is about three miles to the SW of Cairo ; so that the whole length of the base will be 61,9; or 62 miles. Ptolemy allows 65; but it is well understood that his longitudes are always in excess.-f He places Heroiwi, or • The Lake of the Pilgrims lies at a bearing of E 30° N from Cairo, and Aje- roud at NW from Suez ; whilst the general direction of the road is due east. t The longitude of Suez, according to the observations of Capt. White, in 1795, is 32° 28' 30" east of Greenwich. The 60,4 G. miles of easting between Cairo and Suez, give 1° 9' 45" diflF. Ion. placing Cairo in 31° 18' 45": but in the Con. des Temps, it is given at 31° 29'. M. Niebuhr's Chart of the Delta allows 6o| G. miles of westing between Cairo and Alexandria ; equal to 1° 10' 30' difF. Ion. ; consequently, Alexandria should be in 30" 8' 15". And the Con. des Temps has AND ITS CANALS. 453 Heroopolis 55 to the east of Babylon, 13^ to the NW of the inmost recess of the Arabian gulf. If these distances be corrected, by the rule just given us, they ought to be respectively 52 i- and i2|; and Heroopolis will also be found to occupy nearly this position, by the notices afforded by the Antonine Itinerary.* That Itinerary has a route from the Egyptian Babylon to Pelu- sium : another from Babylon to Heroopolis ; branching out from the former, at a point nearly midway between the two places, and extending onward to Serapiu ; presumed to have been situated near the head of the gulf, at Arsinoe : and a third from Serapiu to Pelu- sium. From these lines of distance, together with the latitude of Pelusium, (as it is found in M. D'Anville) the breadth of the Isthmus, together with the intermediate positions, on which the lines of the canals depend, may be approximated. The latitude of Tinab, the ancient Pelusium, being given at 30° 4,8'; and that of Fara?na,-f at the mouth of that branch of the Nile, 30° 50'; consequently, the difference of latitude between Suez and Pelusium, is 46 min. : and between the approximating parts of the two seas, 48. The Antonine Itinerary allows 112 MP. equal to 80 G. miles, in direct distance (when allowance is made for the inflexions of the road ; as is to be understood in every instance where the Itinerary distances are applied, in the course of the present discussion ) be- tween Babylon and Pelusium. | If this distance be extended between actually 27" 50' 22" east of Paris, or 30° 9' 22" from Greenwich ; differing little more than one minute. * This place is more commonly named Heroum, than Heroopolis, by the ancient geographers. Strabo universally names it so : so do Ptolemy and Pliny, generally. The Antonine Itinerary has it Hero. Josephus mentions it under the name of He- roopolis, (Antiq. lib. ii. c. 7.) and says it is the place where the patriarch Jacob, in his way down to Egypt, met his son Joseph. It !» situated on the inland road from Egypt to Syria. t See Abulfeda's Egypt, article Farama. X See the Itin. pages 162 and 169. — Pelusium 16 Daphno, iSTacasarta, 24 Thou, 454i ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, the parallels of 30° o' 30", and 30° 48' (those of Babylon and Pelu- sium, respectively), it will place the latter about two miles to the eastward of the meridian of Suez ( or Arsinoe) . M. D' Anville's con- struction has 13 ; and he also allows 86, in the place of our 80. The same Itinerary has 6'o MP. equal to 43 G. miles, direct, between Serapiu and Pelusium.* The position of the former is un- known ; but, by circumstances, it ought to be near the head of the gulf of Suez ; and to Arsinoe, of course ; but this latter must have been more to the north than Suez, as the sea has retreated, and is constantly retreating, to the south: and has even left Kolzoum, which was a port in the time of the Caliphs, three quarters of a mile inland.-f- Therefore, Arsinoe may have been a full mile to the north- ward of Suez : and Patumos, the place where the canal of Darius entered the gulf, (Euterpe, 158.) still more to the north; or nearer to Pelusium. Arsinoe, then, may have stood at 45 miles only, from Pelusium, which is within two miles of the distance collected from the Itinerary, according to our usual practice of deducting ^ part for inflexions of the road ; although it is certain, that in the present case, the road has an uncommonly deep bend to the west, through Salhia, the Sile of the Itinerary. For, both Pliny, and the modern travellers, say, that the track in the direct line across, is covered with a deep shifting sand, on which no traces of footsteps remain ; wherefore, in order to keep on the solid ground, it is necessary to make a great circuit to the west.]; (See the Map at page 449.) The circumstances that lead to a supposition that Serapiu must 26 Scenas Veteranonim, 14 Heliu, 12 Babylonia: total no. But the distance be- tween Seen. Vet. and Heliu is given a second time at 18, which gives a total of 114. The mean is 112. N. B. The 112 MP. would give near 90, if taken as direct distance. • Page 170. — Serapiu 8 Thaubasio, 28 Sile, 12 Magdolo, 12 Pelusio : total 60 MP. t This will be spoken of, more at large, in the sequel. X Pliny, lib. vi. 29. Volncy, who visited Suez, says much the same. Vol. i. lett. 14. AND ITS CANALS. 455 have been near the head of the Arabian gulf, are the following : It is doubtless implied, in the first instance, that a place to which the only road from the capital of Egypt, eastward; and from Pelusium, southward, led, must have been of some importance : and it being situated within the Desert, no other kind of importance can well be ascribed to it, save what arose from its connection with the port of the Red sea. In the next place, the distance of Serapiu from Heroopolis, in tlie Antonine Itinerary, is the same with that of the head of the Ara- bian gulf, in Ptolemy: that is, about 13 G. miles in the latter; 18 MP. answering, within a fraction, to the same distance, in the Iti- nerary, And lastly, the Itinerary is silent resi>ecting Arsinoe; or any other place, at the head of the gulf. Several places of the name of Serapiu, appear in the Theodosian Tables, but none near Arsinoe, which is itself noted in the Tables. They were evidently temples of Serapis : they are distinguished by the same marks, as the temples of Diana, of Herculis, and of Esculapius, in other parts of the Tables ; and as those of Is IS, within the very same country. In our idea, therefore, no other can be supposed, than that the Serapiu in question, was a temple of Serapis, near the port of Arsinoe. With respect to the trifling difference of two or three miles in the distance, that is not worth regarding, in a discussion of this kind. On the road from Serapiu to Pelusium, Thauhasio, at 8 MP. equal to about 6i G. miles, is the first place that occurs : and this being very little less than the distance of Ajerotid from the head of the gulf, at present, may perhaps have been the same station, under another name ; especially as the road must have led in that direc- tion towards Salhia; Ajeroud being to the NW of Suez.* The vestiges of an ancient canal are moreover stated to be visible in this * This is almost universally allowed. The reports of the distance vary from 3 J to 4 hours. M. Niebuhr gives the bearing at NW nearly : Pocock more northerly. We adhere to M. Niebuhr. i^,^6 ISTHMUS or SUEZ, track. Whilst the waters of the Nile continued to run, although they might only fill, periodically, the reservoirs adjacent to the canal, the road would certainly have been contrived to pass by them. By a reference to the Itinerary, (or see above page 453), Thou will be found at 54 MP. from Babylon, or 38^ G. miles: 58 MP. or 41 T G. miles, short of Pelusium. At Thou, the road turned off to the right, or SE 24 MP. or 17^ G. miles to Hero (Heroopolis); which sum, added to the 13 of Ptolemy, gives an aggregate of 30;^ for the distance of Thou from the head of the gulf (at or near the present Suez); or if the 18 MP. of the Itinerary, to Serapiu, be taken, the result will be much the same. Thou, will then lie about seven miles to the right, or eastward of a line drawn from Babylon to Pelusium ; and which is a probable position for it : the modern road, which passes through Salhia, taking much the same direction. And here it is proper to repeat, that the position of Heroopolis, de- duced from the authority of the Antonine Itinerary, accords gene- rally with the result arising from the distance in Ptolemy. This result was 52I- G. miles ; and by the Itinerary, it is 51 . Dr. Pococke (Vol. i. p. 131, 132.) gives a position which he names Haramintdeb, just where we should look for Heroum, or Heroopolis. The Doctor places it in a valley, near the edge of the great plain that opens towards Ajeroud ; and at 3^ hours short of that place; whence it may be reckoned about seven G. miles to the WNW of it ; and as Ajeroud is also about 3^ hours or seven miles short of Suez, the distance agrees very nearly with that in Ptolemy; and also with the Itinerary, if it be admitted that Serapiu stood near Arsinoe.* • The time is thus made out : the first station from Cairo, towards Ajeroud and Suez, was at 13 hours from the former. Tiie second station was Ajeroud, after 16 hours, without stopping. Eleven of these brought Dr. Pococke to Tearosald, seated between very low hills ; and one hour and half more, to Haraminteleh. Of course 31 hours remain out of the 16, for the distance of Haraminteleh from Ajeroud. Dr. Pococke speaks thus of Haraminteleh ; p. 131. " There seem to be ruins of AND ITS CANALS, 457 Both Pococke and Shaw took Ajeroud itself for Heroopohs ; although we can perceive no ground for such a supposition : for Strabo, who says that it was near Arsinoe, could only speak gene- rally ; since its situation appears so clear in Ptolemy. M. D'Anville has gone into the other extreme, and placed it to the west of the Bitter lake.* Salhia, taken for the Sile of the Itinerary, is a well known station ; as well from its being situated on the last firm ground in Egypt, towards Syria, and Arabia, as from its having been in the present times, one of the out-posts of Buonaparte's army. Salhia is given at 24, MP. or ly-^ G. miles, short of Pelusium, from Serapiu : and it lies very little wide of the road from Babylon (or say Cairo,) to Pelusium. It should therefore be 88 MP. or 63 G, miles from Babylon ; 60 from Cairo. Travellers allow 27 to 28 hours of the caravan, between Cairo and Salhia ; which may be taken at 56 miles ; whence the distance falls short only 4 miles : and as The- venot reckoned 10 hours, or 20 miles, between Salhia and a deep inlet of the sea, which appears to be a continuation of the lake Menzala, opposite Tinah, or Pelusium; we have here the defici- ency supplied pretty satisfactorily. Perhaps, a part of the deficiency arising on the road from Serapiu to Pelusium, may be accounted for, in the same manner. We shall not pursue the discussion of the road to Syria, any farther in this place, than just to mention, that 16 hours beyond the inlet, brought Thevenot to Catieh,\he ancient Ca.y/Mw, situated under mount 91 wall built across (the narrow valley) to defend the pass. After I left the place, I thought possibly the canal might pass this way, and that this wall might be the re- mains of the buildings of one of the flood gates ; we after came into the open plain, and saw Ajeroud," &c. The distance allowed by Ptolemy, between the head of the Gulf, and Heroopolis, was 131 ; here 14 is the result. It must be recollected that the sea has retired to the southward since the time of Ptolemy. • Concerning this lake much more will be said, presently. 3N 4.58 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, Casius ; and which is tlierefore 26 hours beyond Salhia. The Itincrar}', p. 152, has only 40 MP. in two equal stations, from Cassio to Pentaschoe7ion, and thence to Pelusio : and these can only be taken at 28^ or 29 G. miles ; although the time would give con- siderably more.* The difference may well arise from the sandy nature of the road, which requires a longer time, and more exertion, to travel it ; as appears on the whole of the road across this desert ; which is composed of loose sand.-j- Thus, mount Casius, it appears, should not be quite 29 G. miles to the eastward of Pelusium. And this being the case, the space between mount Casius and Suez ought not to be taken higher than 64, G. miles, if any dependence can be placed on the latitude of the mount, as it appears in M. D'Anville, at 30" 58'. Thus, there appears to be a general agreement between the Roman Itinerary, and the reports of modern travellers, in the line between Babylon (Cairo,) and mount Casius. But, on the road between Serapiu and Pelusium, we have no modern Itinerary to compare with the ancient ; and it is certain that, although the dis- tance given by the ancients, agrees generally in the aggregate, with the difference of latitude, yet that the detail does not agree, if Salhia is to be taken for the Sile of the Itinerary ; as in our idea, it ought to be. • Abulfeda reckons one journey, or 19 G. miles, between Farama and Catieh. The former being placed at 3 to 4 miles to the north eastward of Pelusium, there should remain 24I at least for the space between Farama and Catieh. t Thevenot reckons 53 hours of the caravan between Calieh and Gaza. By the difF. Ion. between these places, the distance between them in a direct line, should be 85 G. miles ; or, taking the bend of the coast, the straightest line on which a road can be made between them, is 88. This allows only 1,7 G, miles per hour, whilst 2 is the common caravan rate : besides, the last 7 hours are over solid ground. The Antonine Itinerary has 96 MP. only, or less than the distance on a right line; so that some omission has happened. An observation for the longitude at Gaza, or some other place in its neighbourhood, would remove the doubt that now exists con- cerning the distances. AND ITS CANALS. 459 The positions of Phaccusa and Bubastis* two towns, situated according to Ptolemy, on, or near, the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, are of considerable importance, from their connexion with the canal, drawn from the Nile to the Red sea. From the report of Herodotus, Euterpe, 17, it appears that the Pelusiac branch struck to the eastward, immediately from the head of the Delta of the Nile ; at which place the Canopic inclined to the west, and the Sebennitic to the north. More will be said con- cerning these different branches, in the sequel ; at present it will be necessary to speak of the Pelusiac branch, alone. Herodotus is by no means critical in respect of this description ; and therefore it can only be concluded generally, that there were three principal branches of the Nile, which opened to the sea, at that time (as there are two at present ;) one or more of which, like the present ones, were subdivided near the sea, so as to form 7 open- ings altogether. The three branches are described to be nearly of equal bulk and depth; and, it maybe inferred that the Pelusiac one, although perhaps not -equal to the others, must have been of con- siderable bulk, and preserved the form of a river during the whole year ; otherwise, it could neither have been regarded as a bulwark to the kingdom, on the side towards Syria, nor could it have furnished a supply of water, for a large canal. At present, it no longer exists as a river, than during the season of swelling of the Nile. That this branch had its origin from the head of the Delta, in ancient times, and not, as at present, at a point more than 16 miles below it, appears certain from the ancient descriptions : but as the discussion belongs more properly to the subject of the Delta itself, we shall request the reader to take the fact for granted here, since it does not effect the question concerning the place of outlet of the canal, from the Pelusiac river ; that part of it appearing to have preserved its ancient place. It is the upper part only, wliich has ♦ Called indifferently Bubastis, and Bubastus. 3N 2 ^6o ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, either gradually removed downwards, or the portion of water that flows to the eastward, has fallen into the bed of an ancient canal, that led from the Sebennitic branch into the Pelusiac : of which kind of canals, many are known to have existed. This river is known by the name of Terraet Miles, and strikes off' from theDamietta branch (or ancient Sebennitic) a little below Trieb or Atrib, the ancient Atbribis. The line of direction between the outlet of this branch and Pelusium is E b. N or ENE ; and such is the direction of the river itself, in the chart of M. Niebuhr.* The town ofBastus taken for Bubastis, lies also in this direction , which adds strength to tiie supposition, that the lower part of the Terraet Mues is in the line of the ancient Pelusiac river; since Bubastis itself was enclosed between two branches of that river. (Euterpe, 138.) It is well known that the outlets of the branches of rivers, in alluvial soils, have a tendency to move dozvnzvards, both from the elevation of the soil, and other circumstances : so that the outlet of the river in question, was doubtless much higher up, in ancient times, than in the present : and the same change has taken place at the head of the Delta itself, as will be proved in the sequel. Ptolemy places Phaccusa at the side of the Pelusiac branch, at 22y G. miles ; and Bubastis at 32^ ; above Pelusium. The Theo- dosian tables allow 36 MP. for Phaccusa, equal to 26 geographic; and if Bubastis be only 10 miles above it, as Ptolemy allows, this latter sliould be 36 only, from Pelusium towards Atrib. D'Anville has Bdstus, probably the same place in modern geography, at 203- to the east, somewhat north from Atrib ; which appears in the chart of M. Niebuhr, in lat. 30" 28' 30", and at one mile to the east of the meridian of Cairo. But, as the space betNveen Pelusium and Atrib, • Sanuto has a branch called the river of Tenes, meant for Tineh, or Tina, the mo- dern name of Pelusium ; which appears to answer to the Terraet Mues, and to the ancient Pelusiac branch, in the lower part of its course. It indeed terminates in the lake of Menzala in the quarter of Pelusium ; lut this place is known to have been surrounded by lakes and marshes. AND ITS CANALS, /^6l appears to be 65 miles, there is of course a deficiency of nearly 9 miles : and Bastus should rather be 45, than 36, above Pelusium. Phaccusa, by the same rule will be more than lo below Bubastis. Sanuto has Al Besia in the place of Bastus, at 17 miles to the NW of Belbesa; meaning Bilbeys, a well known station on the road from Cairo to Salhia. Belbesa, in the same geography, is 30 to the NW of Suez ; that is, Al Besia is 47 from Suez ; agreeing generally with the foregoing construction. Belbesa is moreover, 30 short of Salhia, in the same Author: and by the report of travellers, it is from i3i to 15 hours travelling: so that the whole may be deemed consistent.* Herodotus says, that the canal from the Nile to the Red sea, led out of the Pelusiac branch, a little above Bubastis : Strabo says, at Phaccusa. Pliny, who is silent respecting the place, says that the whole length of the canal, from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, was 62. MP. If these are to be taken for the road distance across the country, they produce 44 to 45 G. miles, in direct distance : and the space, on the construction is 48 miles, according to the data adopted for the position of Bubastis. This may be reckoned a near coincidence, taken in a general point of view. We feel no hesitation in preferring the authority of Herodotus, in this matter ; and for this reason in particular, that Phaccusa ap- pears to be situated too low down the Pelusiac branch, that is, too near the Mediterranean sea to admit of a current of water, from the Nile to the Red sea ; even admitting that the two seas might be on the same level ; which is doubted. But Bubastis is actually at equal distances from them, and the canal is said to have been drawn from a point, a little above Bubastis : so that, on a supposition that the canal was formed on a straighter line, than the natural course of * We may doubtless recognize in the Abbasa of Abulfeda (Tab. Egypt.), a recent foundation, situated at about a days journey to the north of Bilbeys, the Al Besia of Sanuto, and the Bubastis of Herodotus. The Pibeielh of Ezekiel, ch. xxx. 17, is taken for the Bubastis of the Greeks. ^62 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, the Pelusiac branch (and which can hardly be doubted), a current, although perhaps not of the requisite strength to keep the canal open, would certainly have ran into the Red sea, even admitting that it might have been a few feet higher than the Mediterranean. It is proper to add, that there appears in Sanuto, a water communication between the present Damietta branch and Bilbeys; passing by Besia (Bubastis), and which is likely to have been the course of the upper part of the canal of Necho. * The canal attributed to Trajan, and described in Ptolemy as the river of Trajaii ; and which led from Babylon to Heroum, most probably joined that of Necho at Bilbeys, the PharhaHhus of D'Anville. •\ Thus we have endeavoured to arrange the positions, on which the breadth of the Isthmus of Suez, and the extremities of the canal depend. As it is obvious, that tliis arrangement could only be made by a combination of the authorities, generally ; and as these frequently differ, in a small degree from each other, the distances and positions on the map, cannot be expected to accord with any particular authority. But a description of the process would be tedious, and of no particular use. The positions which determine the lines of the canals, will be spoken of, in the succeeding part of the Section. Having disposed of the question respecting the Isthmus itself, we come next to the canals that were drawn across it, in order to unite by an inland navigation, the two seas that washed the opposite sides of it. From the relative positions of the head of the Red sea, and Pelusium, at which place the eastern branch of tiie Nile discharged • It will appear presently, that there exists in the present times, during the swel- ling of the Nile, a water communication between the lake Menzala, and the Bitter lake, near Heroopolis : the very line of Necho's canal. • t Abulfeda describes a river that passes by Bilbeys, during the swelling of the Nile, and which appears to be a continuation of the canal oi Kalinb, n&taed A iul Menagce. (Tab. Egypt. Article Belbais.) AND ITS CANALSi 463 itself, in ancient times, it appears clearly, that a canal drawn across the narrowest part of the Isthmus, must have intersected some part of the course of tiie Pelusiac branch ; or, at least, must have fallen in at the embouchure of it. (See again, the map at page 449. ) Consequently, regard being iiad to the general geo- graphy, and particularly to the course of the eastern branch of the Nile, it will be understood that some part of that branch must be nearer to the Red sea, than either Pelusium itself, or any part of the coast near it ; had it been advisable to cut it by the shortest line. But, independent of any other consideration, a current of water from the Nile, towards, and into the Red sea, was absolutely neces- sary, in order to effect the measure of keeping open the mouth of the canal, in that sea ; and was no less useful, in respect of a supply of fresh water, throughout a nagivation that not only led through, but even terminated in, an arid desert. But it was be- lieved that the Red sea lay on a much higher level than the Medi- terranean, or even than Lower Egypt ; and which, if true, rendered it a measure of necessity, to draw the canal from a point in the course of the Nile, high enough to insure a current into the Red sea ; since a contrary course of the stream would botii spoil the waters of the Nile, and ruin the agriculture of the lower part of Egypt. In the next place, the soil of the Isthmus itself, is a loose sand, which could not long preserve the form of a canal ; because the country on both sides of the Delta, as we advance from the banks of the Nile, quickly becomes a desert ; being, in effect, a continua- tion, either of the Arabian, or of the Lybian Desert. Howsoever the ancients may differ, in respect of the particular line of course of the canal, or in the name of the first projector of it, they appear to be agreed in this point, that the canals made by the Egyptian and Macedonian kings, originated from the Pelusiac ^S^ ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, (or Buhastk * ) branch of the Nile ; and that they were by no means drawn in a direct Une between the approximating parts of the two seas ; throughout which tract, as has been already said, the soil consists of a deep sand, in which the very tracks of travellers, were obliterated by the winds. And, on the other hand, the canals of Trajan (or Adrian), and of the Caliph Omar, both originated from a point near to, or above, the head of the Delta. We shall here set forth in abstract, the descriptions given by the different authors, who have written on the subject ; that is, Hero- dotus, Diodorus, Strabo and Pliny : referring for particulars to the extracts from the authors themselves, in the note, -j- It may be • That branch was indifferently called by both those names. Bubastis from its temples, and situation, was a place of great importance : of which, more in the sequel. ■f- Herodotus, Euterpe, c. 158, says the following: «' Psammitichus had a son, whose name was Necos, by whom he was succeeded in his authority. This prince first commenced that canal leading to the Red sea, which Darius, King of Persia, afterwards continued. The length of this canal is equal to a four day's voyage, and is wide enough to admit two triremes abreast. The water enters it from the Nile, a little above the city Bubastis : it terminated in the Red sea, not far from Patumos, an Arabian town. They began to sink this canal in that part of Egypt, which is nearest to Arabia. Contiguous to it, is a mountain which stretches towards Memphis, and contains quarries of stone. Com- mencing at the foot of this, it extends from west to east, through a considerable tract of country, and where a mountain opens to the south, is discharged into the Arabian Gulf." •* In the prosecution of this work, under Necos, no less than one hundred thousand Egyptians perished. He at length desisted from his undertaking, being admonished by an oracle, that all his labour would turn to the advantage of a barbarian." Strabo says, pages 803 and 804, to the following effect. «< There is another canal terminating at the Arabian Gulf, and the city Arsinoe, sometimes called Cleopatris. It passes through those called theBilter lakes, whose waters indeed were formerly bitter, but which h-ive been sweetened, since the cutting of tills canal, by an admixture with those of the Nile ; and now abound with delicate fish, and are crowded with water-fowl. This canal was first made by Sesostris, before the war of Troy : some say that the son of Psammitichus (Necho) just began the work, and AND ITS CANALS. 465 remarked, by the way, that Herodotus and Diodorus both refer the original design, and commencement of the work, to Necos (or Necho), the son of Psammitichus ; but Strabo and Phny, to Sesostkis. Darius Hystaspks, however, is allowed, on all hands, to have continued the work ; and, by Herodotus, to have completed it: whilst Diodorus and Strribo agree that Ptolkmy, (the second ol" the name) and he alo7ie, was tiie person who actually completed it. Diodorus says pointedly, that Darius left it unfinished, fearing the consequences of the higher level of the Red sea ; but that Pto- lemy made the matter secure, by constructing a sluice, or sluices Strabo also says, that Ptolemy coinpleted the navigation, without tlien died. The first Darius carried on the undertaking, but desisted from finishing it, on a false opinion tiiat, as the Red sea is higiicr than Egypt, the cutting ot tlje Isthmus between them would necessarily lay that country under water. The Ptole- mies disproved this error, and by means of wears or locks, rendered the canal navi- gable to the sea, without obstruction or inconvenience. Near to Arsinoe stand the cities Heroum and Cleopatris ; the latter of which is on that recess of the Arabian gulf, which penetrates into Egypt. Here arc harbours, and dwellings, and several canals, with lakes adjacent to them. The canal leading to the Red sea, begins at Phaccusa : to which, the village Philon is immediately contiguous." Diodorus, lib. i. ch. 3. " From Pelusium to the Arabian gulf a canal was opened. Necho, son of Psammitichus, first began the work : after him, Darius the Persian carried it on, but left it unfinished, being told that if he cut tlirough the Isthmus, Egypt would be laid under water ; for that the Red sea lay higher than Egypt. The last attempt was made by Ptolemy the Second, who succeeded by means of a new canal with sluices, which were opened and shut as convenience required. The canal opened by Ptolemy was called after his name, and fell into the sea at Arsinoe." Pliny, lib. vi. c. 29. " Sesostris, king of Egypt was the first that planned the scheme of uniting the Red sea with the Nile, by a navigable canal of 62 MP. ; which is the space that intervenes between them. In this he was followed by Da- rius, king of Persia : and also by Ptolemy of Egypt, the second of that name, who made a canal of too feet wide by 30 in depth ; continuing it 2~{ MP. to the Bitter fountains. At this point the work was interrupted ; for it was found that the Red sea lay higher than the land of Egypt by three cubits ; and a general inundation was feared. But some will have it that the true cause was, that if the sea was let into tl.e Nile, the water of it, of which alone the inhabitants drink, would be spoiled." 3O ^66 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, leaving any impediment. Pliny, however, does not allow that it was ever finished ; but says that Ptolemy carried it on, as far as to the Bitter lake. It was then found, says he, that " the Red sea was tliree cubits (say 4^ or 5 feet) higher than the low lands of Egypt; and, in consequence, the work terminated at that place." Pliny also makes this observation — that, although the water com- munication was not completed, yet that the land route was perfect, between Pelusium and other places on the coast of the Mediterra- nean sea, and the head of the Red sea : and tiien he describes it.* However, it must not be omitted, that furtiier on, in the same chapter, he speaks of " the river named Ptole?naus, that passes by Arsinoe :" and which one can hardly refer to any other than the artificial river or canal, in question ; as surely, no natural river passes through that quarter. Strabo also say.s, that the amal of Ptolemy led into the Red sea at Arsinoe. If, however, the fact really be, that Darius did tiot complete the canal, it seems extraordinary that Herodotus, who visited Egypt at no great distance of time, after Darius, should have been imposed on respecting the existence of a canal, said to have been made by the orders of the same Darius. Nothing can be more positive than his assertion concerning it, in Euterpe, 158 : " The length of the canal (says he) is equal to a four days' voyage — the water enters the canal from the Nile — and terminates in the Red sea." Again, * Pliny says, lib. vi. 29. that the roads between the two seas are much frequented, on the score of traffic : and that there were three different ones. First, from Pelusium across the sands of the Desert ; in which, unless there be reeds stuck in the ground, to point out the line of direction, the way could not be found ; because the wind blows up the sand and covers the footsteps. The second road begins at two miles beyond M. Casius, and, after sixty more, falls into the former ; passing through the Arabian tribe of Autt-i. The third begins at Gerto (or AdipsonJ, probably intended for Gerrha, near Pelusium ; and also passes through the Autei. This is said to be a shorter road by 60 miles, but leading through a rough country, and destitute of water. It has been shewn that the whole distance directly across the Isthmus, is little more than 60 Roman miles. AND ITS CANALS. 4^7 he says, " it is discharged into the Arabian gulf." And again, speaking of the same gulf, in Mel pom. gg, he says, " into which, Darius introduced a channel of the Nile." And yet Diodorus, Strabo, and Pliny, flatly deny it. Who shall decide ? If we credit Herodotus, Darius performed it : if Diodorus and Strabo, Ptolemy alotie executed it: and if Pliny, it never was completed at all! But as it was certainly completed during the caliphate of Omar, in the seventh century, the practicability cannot be questioned. Nor has it been doubted, that either Trajan (or Adrian), opened a canal which, in the upper part, lay much in the same line with that of Omar, (as to the lower part, that seems to have been the same in all.) If, then, Trajan and Omar executed such works, why might not Darius and Ptolemy have done the same .-' Possibly the matter respecting Darius, may be thus explained : that his canal, made about two centuries before the time of Pto- lemy, had been choaked up, at the opening towards the Red sea, so as to give the appearance of its having never been completed.* A want of attention to the management of the back ivater, at the opening into the sea, would soon have produced this effect: and the work of Darius, might either have been forgot, or Ptolemy might have wished to discredit the belief of the fact. The authority of Herodotus, individually, must be deemed, at least, equal to that of either of the others ; and has also the advan- tage of being perfectly free from inconsistency : but as his visit to Egypt was so near the time of the transaction itself, it ought on this ground, to be far superior. Besides, Darius appears to have formed plans of discovery and conquest, in the Indian sea, and its branches ; and his fleet from the Indus, conducted by Scylax, ter- minated its voyage at Suez (see Melpom. 44,.) : so that it is very * It would seem that the canal ot Ptolemy did not remain open to the time of Cleopatra, since her ships were dragged across the Istlimus. Plutarch says, the dis- tance was 36 miles; that is, MP. Possibly, that portion of the canal between the Bitter lake and Arsinoe, may be the part intended. (Life of Anthony). 3O2 4(}8 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, probable he might liave persevered in a plan, that had for its object the junction of the two seas ; and of which, the most difficult part had been accomplished to his hands. It must also be recollected, that he was master of the whole coast of the Mediterranean, from Lybia to the Hellespont. The reason given for his discontinuing the work, does not appear to be of weight, even admitting that the Red sea lay higher than the Mediterranean ; for it has been already shewn, in page 462, that the head of the canal was at a sufficient elevation to obtain a current of water into the Red sea.* Why, then, should it not obtain credit, that Darius, as well as Ptolemy and others, completed the navigation ; since Herodotus both asserts the fact, and gives a detail of the operation t We proceed next to the inquiry concerning the position of the bead of the canal, which originated from the Pelusiac, (that is, the eastern) branch of the Nile. Herodotus says, that it was at a point, a little above the city of Bubastis ; Pliny, at the Delta ; and Diodorus, from the Pelusiac braticb ; but without particularising the place. But Strabo says, at Phaccusa, which, as we have said in page 460, is not more than 26 G, miles above Pelusium :-|- and therefore the account appears improbable, from the want of descent, towards the Red sea. We therefore follow the authority of Herodotus, and place the head of the canal a little above Bubastis, which M. D'Anville has recognised in the modern Bastus, or Besia ; and which, as we have seen in the geography of Sanuto, has the bed of a river passing by it to the southward, in the supposed line of the ancient canal of Necho. • If Bubastis be, as may be supposed, 54 British miles in direct distance from the sea, the level of the surface of the Nile, in the dry season, at that place may be taken at 27 to 30 feet. The descent of the Ganges, through its alluvions, is about six inches per mile, reckoned on a straight line. t Pelusinm itself stood at a few miles above the embouchure , at the side of the lake of Tunis, now Menzela. Farama, a modern place, stands near the present em- bouchure, which is common both to the lake, and to the branch called Terract Mues. AND ITS CANALS. 469 It has also been remarked in page 461, that the distance assigned by Pliny, between the places of commencement and termination of the canal, have an agreement with the report of Herodotus, and with the actual geography. It is proper to observe, in this place, that M. D'Anville, by placing Arsinoe (say Suez) about 1 /miles too far to the south, has falsified the relative position, all the way between it and Cairo ; as well as between it and the coast of the Mediterranean sea. It being admitted that the head of the canal was near Bubastis, which stood at about 48 G. miles to the NW of Arsinoe, whilst this latter (taking in a general way, Suez for it) is nearly in the same parallel with Cairo, and at about 60^ G. miles to the eastward of it: moreover, that the border of the hilly tract, (Mokattam) termi- nating from the south, extends in a curvilinear direction, between Cairo and Suez ; at which latter place, it again turns to the south, conforming to the western shore of the Red sea ; as before its arrival at Cairo, it did to the course of the Nile ; we say, all these circumstances being considered, the meaning of Herodotus will easily be understood, when he describes the course of the canal, in respect of the hilly tract. " They began (says he) to sink this canal, in that part of Egypt which is nearest to Arabia. Contiguous to it, is a mountain, that stretches towards Memphis, and contains quar- ries of stone. Commencing at the/00^ of this (mountain), it extends from "west to east, through a considerable tract of country ; and where a mountain opens to the south, is discharged into the Arabian gulf." Euterpe, 158. In the Map, facing page 449, will be found a sketch of Lower Egypt, &c. in which the course of the hilly tract, and of the canals, together with the branches of the Nile, are described. There, the border of the hilly tract appears conspicuous, being described from the observations of M. Nicbuhr, Pococke, and others : and it is known, from the descriptions of travellers in general, that to the north of this hilly tract, there begins a plain, which extends to the ,|,yO ISTHMUS OF SUEZ. N and NE to the opposite coast of the Mediterranean. It will then be understood, that Necho began the canal, in this plain near the foot of the hills, about midway between Cairo and the Red sea, (but considerably to the northward of both, because the hilly tract bends that way), and extended it eastward, inclining to the S, until he came opposite to the head of the Gulf of Suez ; where the hills turn i-apidly to the south, to fonn the bed of that gulf; and where the canal, conforming to the edge of the high land, bends also to the south, to enter the head of the gulf: or, according to the words of the historian, the canal, after " extending from W to E, through a considerable tract of country, the mountain, opening to the south, admits its discharge into the Arabian gulf." What proportion of the work, Necho performed, we are not told ; but it would appear, from the vast number of lives sacrificed in it, that he performed the most arduous part : since a great proportion of it, near the foot of the hills, must have passed through a gravelly or rocky soil (this we are warranted to say, from the reports of travellers): whilst the part contiguous to the course of the Nile, was probably through its alluvions : and between the two, through the sandy, or gravelly, soil of Arabia.* It appears, as well from the geography of Sanuto, as from a very curious fact related by M. Niebuhr, that there is a deep hollow in that quarter, between the lake of Menzala, and the border of the hilly tract on the east of Cairo ; and which is rendered manifest, by the chain of lakes and watercourses : in other words, that the Nile has not yet filled it up by its depositions, as it has the western quarter of the Delta. It is {wssible that this state of things, may have originally suggested the idea of a canal to the Red sea, when nature had already done so much towards it.-f * We ought by no means to receive implicitly, the reports concerning the parti- cular portions of the canal, that were said to be executed by different princes; because the accounts themselves are not always consistent. t Strabo, page 804, speaks of several lakes in this quarter ; and which communi- AND ITS CANALS. 471 The passage alluded to in M. Niebuhr (Desc. of Arabia, p. 361 ), is the following. Speaking of the lake of Menzala, called also Baheire, he says, that from this lake, pursuing the course of a branch of the Nile, perhaps the Terraet Mues, (concerning which see above, page 460, and also the Map, at page 449), small boats may go within one day's journey of Suez, when the waters of the Nile are high. He was also told that the country was hilly in that quarter: so that no doubt can be entertained, that the termination of this navigation was at the lake Sheib, or the Bitter lake, so often mentioned ; and which is actually at tiie distance of about one journey from Suez. Doubtless this communication lies in the track of the old canals, and passes by the ancient Bubastis, and Bilbeys. Herodotus says, that the line of the canal " was lengthened by different circumflexions;" whence it may be collected, that although the general line was south-east, yet that it first pointed very much to the south ; that is, by the shortest line to the solid ground, near the foot of the hills ; and which is the course of the present water communication, between Bastus (or Besia) and Bilbeys. This por- tion might be 20 G. miles, or more. Then comes the part which skirted the foot of the hills; extending eastward to the Bitter lake, and Heroopolis, whose position has been already given, (we con- ceive satisfactorily), in page 455, at 13 miles to the north-west- ward of Arsinoe, at the head of the Red sea : and as Pliny allows 37^ MP. from the head of the canal, (or from Bubastis,) to the Bitter fountains (Bitter lake, in Strabo, and the Theodosian Tables),. out of 6"2, which is given as the whole distance to Arsinoe, this lake should, of course, be 24I- MP. short of the latter place: and the distance being reckoned by the road, and not on a straight line, cated with each other, by canals. One, in particular,, in the Sethreitic province of the Delta ; anil which may be placed between Bubastis and Pelusium ; and within the Delta. Consequently, it may be regarded as a part of this hollow space; and answers more particularly to the lake through which the Tents river of Sanuto,. flows. 472 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, will be found to agree. Hence, this lake must lie to the west, and not to the east, of Heroopolis, as M. D'Anville describes. At this place, according to Pliny ( though Herodotus says other- wise) the work of Darius, terminated : because it was feared, either that the low lands of Egypt would be inundated by the waters of the Red sea ; or that the waters of the Nile would be rendered unfit to drink. Both Strabo and Pliny agree that the waters of the Nile were led into the Bitter lake : and M. D'Anville finds this Bitter lake in the modern lake of Shieb or Abul Menagce, situated, according to his geography, at 15 G. miles, east somewhat south- erly from Bilbeys : and which position accords with the 37!- MP. of Pliny, given as the length of that part of the canal, which extended between the Nile and the Bitter lake. The lake is said to have the same bitter taste at present. M. D'Anville, however, by placing Suez so far to the south, has lengthened the line of the canal to 35 G. miles, between Heroopolis and the Red sea ; although by our construction, it should be no more than 13 or 14; which would make a wonderful difference, in a speculation of opening the canal, anew. The Trajamis Amnis* described by Ptolemy, to run between Babylon and Heroopolis, must doubtless have fallen into the same line with that of Necho and Darius, along the foot of the hills : so that he had no occasion to open the ground, but in the space between Babylon and the site of the modern Bilbeys : a great part of which, as will hereafter appear, lay through a deserted bed of the Pelusiac river. This matter seems perfectly clear : Trajan as well as Necho, would naturally keep to the plain : and regard being had to the course of the hills, there apjjears to have been no choice in the line proper for a canal. Whatsoever applies to the subject of • It seems to remain a matter of doubt, -whether Trajan or Adrian executed this worlc. We believe that the sole authority rests with Ptolemy, who says that the river of 'Trajan runs from Babylon to Heroopolis. AND ITS CANALS. 473 Trajan, in this place, applies equally to Amrou, the general of the Caliph Omar, who is known, from the authority of tlie Arabian historians, to have opened a canal between the capital of Egypt and the head of the Red sea. * It is well understood that certain parts of these canals, remain still open in the quarter towards the Nile ; which may reasonably be attributed to their usefulness, in watering the adjacent lands, and in supplying the reservoirs ; though without any regard to naviga- tion : and therefore, labour has been regularly applied to keep them clear, in order to receive a portion of the annual increase of the Nile. It appears that there are two canals derived from this river, in the quarter of Cairo : the one, which passes through the whole lengtli of the city itself, and thence to a very considerable distance to the north-east.-f- filling by the way the lake of the Pilgrims : the other, at about four miles lower down, passes through the village of Kaliub, and thence by the north of the site of Heliopolis, far into the plain ; where it is said to join tlie other. It seems to have been a matter of doubt, with some, which of these respectively, was the work of the celebrated persons abovementioned. Savary is of opi- nion, and quotes Macrizi in his favour, that the canal which runs through Cairo, is the work of Amrou, and the one lowest down, that of Trajan. D'Anville was of a contrary opinion ; and we agree with him : first, because Ptolemy leads the river of Trajan through Babylon, which there appears every reason to believe, was situated at Fostat, or Old Cairo ; and secondly, because the canal of Kaliub seems to be regarded by the people of the country, as the work of the Mahomedans.;}; * Elmakin, in particular. + M. Mail let was told that it watered the plain to the extent of 20 leagues, to the north-eastward ; p. 73 : and M. Niebuhr, that in the season of the floods, it led to Gaxa : meaning doubtless, by the Terraet Mties and lake of Mcnzala ; (Desc. ot Arab. p. 362.) Pococke's information was much to the same purpose. Doubtless it leads by Bilbcys, and Bubastis, the old course of the canal of Necho. X The two canals of Fostat and Kaliub must have joined between Hanh and Bilbeys ; but the place of junction is not known to the Author. 3P 474 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, It is confidently reported that the traces of the eastern extremity of the canal are also visible near Ajeroud, and thence towards the bay of Suez. Ajeroud, as we have seen, stands at no great distance from the edge of the hilly tract which extends to the NW, from the shore of that bay. Pococke says. Vol. i. p. 134, " Part of the way from Adjeroute to Suez, is in a sort offossee, that is thought to be the canal of Trajan ; and seems to have run close to the west end of the old city :" — (by which city, it may be concluded Kolzoum is intended ; although in page 133, he seems to consider these ruins as belonging to the ancient Arsinoe.) M. Niebuhr remarked the same appearance, but was in doubt whether it was a part of a canal, or the bed of a torrent ; for, by the herbage growing in it, water must recently have flowed through it; (Voyage en Arab. Vol. i. page 204..) But he was told by a Mahomedan of Damietta, that he had seen, in tlie quarter towards Suez, the canal by which an attempt had been made to join the Nile with the Red sea ; ( Desc. Arabia, p. 361) : and, in effect, it is a commonly received opinion, that tlie traces of it are yet visible. Dr. Pococke also says. (p. 132.) tliat from Ajeroud he " went on south towards Suez, in a sort of hollow ground, in whicli, as I shall observe, the sea might formerly come." And, his observation afterwards (p. 133), is, " if Heroopolis was on the most northern height I have mentioned,* the Red sea must iiave lost ground : and indeed by the situation of places there is a great appearance of it; the vallies, and the high ground, with broken cliff's, looking very much like such an alteration " &c. M. Niebuhr and others,-f de- scribe the same kind of hollow, to the extent of four or five miles to the nortliward of Suez, (Volney says two leagues,) and which appears from all accounts to be the deserted bed of the sea : or rather that bed filled up with sand, to a height above the ordinary * He took Ajeroud for Heroopolis. t Desc. Arabia, p. 354: and Volney, Vol. i. ch. 14. AND ITS CANALS. 475 level of the sea, in the course of its gradual retreat, since the earliest times.* It may be conceived then, that from the Bitter lake, which miglit be situated five or six miles to the NW of Heroopolis, the course of the canal began to bend more to the southward; passing the latter place, as well as Ajeroud (taken by us for the Thaubasio of the Itinerary), and finally bending still more to the south from Ajeroud, it passes onward to Suez, in which neighbourhood, accord- ing to Pococke and others, the traces of a canal still exist. He indeed ascribes the work to Trajan ; but, it may be supposed, that, whatsoever variations may have taken place, in the course of the upper part of the canal, (from the various plans of the several monarchs who undertook it,) the part along the foot of the hills, and thence to the Arabian gulf, was in all cases the same, or nearly so ; and more especially in the part in question. M. Niebuhr, in his plan of the Bay of Suez, &c. has marked the same traces, during three or four miles, in a SE by S direction. The people on the spot call it Mosbeiha, and Diisra. That the head of this gulf should retire, appears consonant to reason and experience ; as well from the operation of the tides, as of the strong south winds, that are known to occasion inundations of the hollow space abovementioned : and although an opposite wind may, in its turn, occasion the sea to retire, beyond its accus- tomed bounds, yet, on flat shores,, waters ever deposit more matter than they carry off". The surge also, has a perpetual ten- dency to wash the sand up to a higher point : and even the tide, which rises higher at the inmost recess of this sea, than in any other part, must operate towards the same end.-f * If an opportunity should offer of describing with precision the pldn and sections of the ground adjacent to the head of this gulf, they, will doubtless afford much satis- faction respecting the subject of the retreat of the sea. + As the highest tide in the Red sea is found at Suez ; so are those of the Mediter* ranean, at the upper ends of the gulfs of Venice, .and of Kabcs. The conformation 3P 2 ^•^6 ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, Concerning the superior level of the Red sea, to the Mediterra- nean, we cannot help regarding the report, as being founded on fact ; * and that the ancients had ascertained it. Since the waters of the North Atlantic eternally flow into the Mediterranean, this latter ought to be the lowest ; as water can only run from a higher, to a lower place. Again, the Indian sea, of which the Red sea is a branch, runs into the South Atlantic, round the Cape of Good Hope, by a constant, copious, and rapid stream : and is more particularly rapid, during the southerly monsoon, when the surface of the whole Indian sea, is impelled northward by the ge?ierdi wind; and cannot escape, in the form of a current, as in the other oceans, because the land prevents it. At this season, therefore, tiie difference of level between the Red sea and the Mediterranean, must be greater than at others : and it may have been at this time that the comparison was made. No one can doubt the great difference of levels between the gulf of Mexico and the North Atlantic, although parts of the same ocean. It has been observed in the course of this discussion, that the head of the canal of Necho, at Bubastis, was equidistant from the two seas ; and that it was doubtless contrived for the purpose of securing a current all the way to the Red sea, to prevent the admixture of sea water with the Nile; which was distributed through Lower Egypt, by means of a tissue of canals, for the pur- poses of agriculture, and domestic uses. That the water ran into the and position of the land Is much the same in all ; being such as to arrest, and also to compress the uave of the tide moving westward. Accordingly, the land appears to have gained considerably on the sea, in all those places ; the wave having a perpetual tendency to cast up sand, or pebbles. The rise of the tide at new and full moon, is about 3! feet at Suez ; but less than one foot, in the middle part of the Red sea. At the entrance it is 4 feet: see Niebuhr's Desc. of Arabia, at the end. More will be said respecting the tides in the Mediterranean, under the article Syrtes. • The words are, " higher than Egypt :" meaning doubtless the lower parts of the Delta, and which arc only just raised above the level of the Mediterranean. AND ITS CANALS. 4.77 Red sea is proved from our Author, who says that " it entered the canal from the Nile, and discharged itself into the Arabian gulf." The canal attributed to Trajan, and that of Omar, led out of the Nile at a much higher point than those before-mentioned : that is, above, or near to, the head of the Delta.* Perhaps, it had been discovered, that, in the former ones, the current, from the smallness of the descent, was too weak to cleanse and keep open, the bed of the canal ; particularly at the place of its discharge into the Red sea, where so many causes operated to choak it up : and that, in consequence, it had remained open but a short space of time. Or, it may have originated in the decay of the Pelusiac branch itself, which rendered it necessary to draw the supply of water from the main river. The elevation of the level at Bubastis, has been sup- posed, in page 4,68, to be about 30 feet above the level of the Mediterranean, in a course of ,54, B. miles : but from the neighbour- hood of Cairo (Babylon), although the difference of level from the sea would be increased to about 50 feet, or two thirds; the distance by the line of the canal, to the Red sea, would be increased no more than one-third part. Consequently, the descent of the water, in the canals of Trajan and Omar, would be one-third more than in that of Necho, &c.-f- But even with this advantage, the canal does not seem to have continued long navigable; and if we may judge from circumstances, for there do not appear to be any liistorical notices, relative to the decay of the canals, none of them produced any lasting advantages : otherwise, for what purpose were tlie land communications established at so vast a labour and expence, * The head of the Delta was probably opposite to HeliopoHs, at that time. t The modern canal of Alexandria leads out of the western branch of the Nile, at Rahmanie ; from which, to the ancient mouth of Canopus, is about J- less distance than to Alexandria. Admitting that it was made nearly straight, the descent of the watercourse, might be nearly equal to that of the natural course of the river ; and was well arranged. At present the water only flows at the time of high Nile : the rise may probably be 9 or 10 feet, at that place. ^78 ISTHMUS OF SUKZ, between Coptos and Kosire, and between Coptos and Berenice, across the desert of Thebais ; and that so shortly after the comple- tion of Ptolemy's canal ? Nor have we an idea, that at any rate, such a work would be lasting, although it might flatter the vanity of those who executed it : for, it may be remarked that the canal of Darius did not remain open to the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus ; nor that of the latter to the time of Cleopatra. And moreover, that Ptolemy the geographer, does not describe any water communica- tion, between the Nile and the Red sea, although he lived within 50 years of the time of Trajan ; whose canal or river, he extends only the length of Heroopolis. And finally, that the Theodosian Tables, supposed to have been formed in the second century of our era, are equally silent respecting any such communication. So that there is no reason to believe, that any of the ancient canals remained open during a course of two centuries : and that Trajan's %vas of a very short duration indeed, notwithstanding the apparent advantage in point of descent.* It is proper to observe, that in stating the difference of levels, that of the Nile is taken at its lowest pitch : and as it is known to swell periodically more than 25 British feet at the head of the Delta,* this gave an advantage in favour of tlie current towards the Red sea ; * The pilot of Solyman's fleet, in 1537, a Genoese, speaks of cisterns at Suez, that had in former times been filled by an aqueduct from the Nile. But he says nothing concerning any navigable canal ; whence it may be inferred, that the canal of Omar had so long ceased to be navigable, that it was forgot : and also that the waters of the Nile during its floods, had continued to run to Suez, long after the navi- gation had ceased. The canal of Alexandria also, has long served as an aqueduct, after it was grown too shallow for navigation : but the existence of the city itself, depending on this supply, there has been a regular system of management, by which it has been kept open. Suez, in latter times, has been of too little importance, to demand such an attention towards ils canal. t M. Niebuhr's observations prove that the variations in the height of the Nile amount to at least 25 Knglish feet, at the height of Cairo. There is Uttle doubt but that it rises very much more, in some years. AND ITS CANALS. 47() increasing the quantity of the descent, at bigb Nile, to nearly one half more, than at the season when it is lowest ; and in proportion during the intervals of rising and falling. But as the floods of the river from about this point to the sea, decrease gradually, so as to form a regular slope, down to the level of the latter, a great part of the advantage was lost at Bubastis, where the river cannot be supposed to swell more than 14 or 15 feet* The advantage above, was how- ever attended with a vast increased expence, in the article of exca- vation ; which of course, kept pace with the elevation of the ground, raised by the depositions of the floods : and the engineer of Trajan must have dug, in the first instance, to the depth of 25 feet, at least, before he came even to the surface of his canal, during the dry sea- son ; whilst the engineer of Necho, had only 14, or 15 feet to re- move. So that the quantity of the excavation in the canal of Trajan, to the point of junction with the old canal, (with the increased length and depth, and the slope of the sides, occasioned by the lat- ter circumstance) must have been nearly double that of Necho and Darius. Perhaps, a regard to expence may have regulated, in some degree, the position of the head of the canal of Necho. It remains, that a word should be said respecting the different reports of the dimensions of the canals. Herodotus, Euterpe, 158, says that the canal began by Necho, and completed by Darius Hystaspes, was " wide enough to admit two triremes abreast." Strabo, (p. 804.) says, that the canal of Ptolemy, the only one admitted by him to have been executed, was 100 cubits broad, and had a depth sufficient for the largest merchant ships. Pliny, lib. vi. 29, allows only 100 feet for the breadth, but 30 for the * The reader is referred to the Appendix to the Memoir of the Map of Hindoos- tan ; or to the Philosophical Transactions of 1781, for further satisfaction respecting the rise of river floods. It will be found under the article Ganges. M. Nitbuhr says that the Nile swells about four feet, at Rosetta and Damictta. Others say still less, and this appears the most probable. ^8o ISTHMUS OF SUEZ, AND ITS CANALS, depth ; which relative proportions are as improbable, as the abso- lute statement of the depth is exaggerated. *^* Since this Section went to the press, the Author has had the satisfaction to peruse Mr. Browne's Travels in Africa; which, he conceives, will be classed amongst the first performances of the kind. The aids it brings to geography are great, and will probably lead to further discoveries ; as it forms a link between Abyssinia on the east, and Bomou on the west. Moreover, it confirms, in a great degree, two positions advanced in the present system of Afri- can geography: first, that the Niger does not join the Nile: and, secondly, that the most remote head of the Nile is not situated in the quarter of Abyssinia, but far to the south-west of it. These remarks belong properly to Section XVI. Mr. Browne has also a remark which applies to the present Section. He says, (p. i77.)> that although his guides refused to accompany him, when he wished to view the eastern portion of the canal, which extends from Birket-es-Sheih to Suez, as they had pre- viously agreed, yet that " all consented that marks of the canal existed, and some of them arose to his own observation." He adds, that " remains exist of a stone pipe for conveying water to the site of Koisiim, from Bir Naba." This is a Well situated some miles to the east of Suez, and on the opposite side of the shallow inlet of the sea that passes before it. (Niebuhr, Vol. i. 178.) One may conclude that this work was unnecessary during the existence of a canal from the Nile. C 481 3 SECTION xvni. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS ON THE FLOODS AND ALLUVIONS OF rivers; APPLIED MORE PARTICULARLY TO THE NILE, AND ITS DELTA : WITH THE CHANGES THAT HAVE TAKEN PLACE IN THE FORM AND DIMENSIONS OF THE DELTA; AND AN INQUIRY CON- CERNING THE SITE OF THE CITY OF MEMPHIS, Preliminary Observatiofis. — All capital Rivers do not form Deltas; these being composed of Alluvioiis, deposited only in shallow Seas. — Two differeyit Degrees of Slope in the Beds of Rivers — no Ar- guments required to prove the Progress of Alluvions ; hut the Rate of their Progress, uncertain — vast Length of Time, required to form them — Manner in which they are extended into the Sea. — Bars of Rivers, hozu formed; with Remarks on them. — The Alluvion, which is originally formed on a Level zvith the Sea, is raised by the Surge; a?id aftenvards formed into a regular Slope, by the Depositions of the L^nd Floods. — Sea. Alluvions, slope a different Way from those of Rivers. — The Delta of the Nile, originally covered with Water; and was afterwards in the State of a Marsh ; according to Hero- dotus — Sesostris drains the Lajid, by Means of Canals ; and distri- butes it. — Deltas comprize Tracts of Land, in an imperfect State of Formation — their Progress towards Completion, shezvn by the Ri- vers confining themselves to fewer Channels. — Some of the Causes, that produce the Changes in the Courses of Rivers. — Position of Memphis, deduced from ancient Authorities, and proved by modern Travellers. — A Branch of the Nile turjied aside, to prepare the Ground for it — Report of Herodotus, regarding this Fact, confirmed by Appearances. — Ancient Course of the Nile, traced along the Foot of the Lybian Hills. — Co7ijecture respecting the Lake Moeris, — Proofs of the Change of Place of the Apex of the Delta ; which 3Q 482 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, has advanced dowmcards — opposite to Heliopolis, in the Time of Strabo. — The zvestern Ann of the Nile groivs sballo'ver. — Proofs of the Rise of the Soil in Egypt. — Remarks on the Inundations of Rivers. At a time wlien some new matter respecting the geography of Egypt, may reasonably be expected, it would be premature to enter into any other kind of dissertation respecting it, than such as may serve merely to render the present subject intelligible.. The construction of the geography of the Delta, &c. that appears in the Map, at page 449, is therefore to be regarded as an outline only ; though, as such, it is formed of the best materials, that we have been able to procure. Those furnished by M. Niebuhr, are the first, in point of value; as they not only include the whole form of the Delta, and the relative situations of the cit}' of Cairo, the Pyramids, and the sites of Memphis, and Heliopolis, to the upper angle of that celebrated tract ; but are also adjusted by the aid of celestial observations.* A chart of the coast, between Alexandria and Rosetta, brought to England by a naval officer of great dis- tinction, from Lord Nelson's fleet, adds very much to the accuracy of that part : and for the rest, we have referred to M. D'Anville's Map of Egypt. It has been stated that we do not profess to enter farther into tiie geography of Egypt, than what relates to the alkn ions of the Nile, and certain other particulars ; since M. D'Anville has already entered so deeply into the subject of the geography at large ; ancient, as well as modern ; and moreover, that when a new body of materials does appear, the subject will require more time, and room, than can be * See M. Niebuhr's Voyage en Arable et en d'aulies Pays Circonvoisins, &c. Vol. i. p. 7i,&c. — French edition. The Map No. VII. at page 449, contains both the ancient and modern Delta; the former according to the ideas of Herodotus ; the latter according to the latest observations. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. ^5,83 allotted to any particular division of this work. What we propose, therefore, to undertake, in this and the succeeding Section, is, to remark the changes, in respect of form and extent, that have hap- pened to the Delta, since the early times of history; together with the probable cause of those changes : and also to inquire into tlie position occupied by the city of Memphis, and the change of course of the Nile, in its neighbourhood. The Egyptian Oases, and the position of tlie temple of Jupiter Ammon, will fonn the subject of a future Section. It is a circumstance well known to the generality of readers, that rivers which deposit great quantities of matter, do also very often separate into two or more branches, previous to their discharge into the sea; thus forming triangular spaces, which the Greeks aptly called Deltas, from the resemblance they bore to the form of that letter of their alphabet : and also that these Deltas almost univer- sally encroach on the sea, be3'ond the general, and it may be sup- posed, original, line of the coast. However, the formation of such Deltas, even by rivers of the first magnitude, is by means universal ; on the contrary, some of them terminate in deep inlets, or Estuaries, instead of projecting forms : or, if the expression may be allowed, they terminate negatively, in- stead oi positively. Of this class may be reckoned the great rivers of the Amazons, Plata, and the Oronoko ; besides many others, which perhaps bring down an equal quantity of the matter of allu- vion, with the Nile, the Ganges, or any other river, that may form the most projecting Delta. This difference appears to be owing to the original conformation of the adjacent coast, and to the deptii of the sea, beyond it. If the Estuarium into which the river discharges itself, and the sea beyond it, are exceedingly deep, the alluvial mat- ter will be lost in the profundity; whilst in a shallower sea, not only the bed of the inlet itself, will be filled up, but the matter will form a projecting tract beyond it. And here it may be observed, that the 484. ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, increase of Deltas will almost necessarily be slower in modern than in ancient times ; since the farther the work advances, the deeper the space to be filled up, must be. The Nile is amongst that class of rivers which has the most remarkable, and most prominent Deltas : and its Delta, from the celebrity of the country, of which it forms so considerable a part, has been the theme of history, from the earliest times. Accord- ingly, we are enabled to trace many of its changes, from positive records ; whilst those of other rivers, can only be traced from the appearances which they exhibit. Before we endeavour to trace these changes, it will be proper to offer some general observations on the courses of rivers, through their own alluvions ; on the original formation of Deltas, composed of such alluvions ; and on their subsequent changes. All Deltas, as would appear by the sections of the river banks, as well as of the ground itself, to a great depth, are formed of mat- ter, totally different from that, of which the adjacent country con- sists ; proving that they are the creation of the rivers themselves ; which rivers, having brought down with their floods, vast quantities of mud and sand from the upper lands, deposit them in the lowest place, the sea ; at whose margin, the current, which has hitherto impelled them, ceasing, they are deposited by the mere action of gravity. It is no less certain, that during the progress of forming by its depositions, the loxv land which is to constitute the future delta, the river, by its overflowings above, also raises such parts of the adja- cent countries, as are subject to be overflowed by its waters. And hence it must be conceived, that such rivers must gradually raise their beds : since, in order to run at all, they must have a continued declivity, the whole way to the sea : so that the very act of exte7id- ing their course, by forming 7inv land in the sea, requires a gradual elevation of the ground the whole way from the margin of the sea. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS, 48/5 upwards. Thus, alluvial countries must continue to rise, by slow degrees, whilst the alluvions encroach on the sea ; and the rivers themselves overflow and deposit. The declivity, or slope, of the new formed land, as well as of the old, will be regulated by the influence of the level of the sea, on that o{ xhe foods of the river: for although the river may swell 30, or more feet, with the periodical rainy season, in the parts removed from the sea, yet at the point of its junction with the sea, it cannot rise at all ; since water cannot be retained in a heap, but must form a common level with the mass, with which it mixes. The land flood will therefore form a slope of such a nature, as its gravity, combined with the delivity of the stream, will admit: and it appears from experiment, in another river, (the Ganges) that the slope commences about the head of the Delta. But in the Nile, we are told that it begins much higher; which is very probable, as its Delta is so much smaller than that of the Ganges. Below the point in question, at any given place, the elevation of the periodical flood, as well as the level of the country, bears a pretty just pro- portion to its distance from the sea. This matter is abundantly proved by experiment, and may be verified with ease. But as the Delta of the Nile, in common with other tracts of the same nature, was foimded hi the sea ; and, in consequence, the course of the river itself must have been prolonged through a tract, wliich cannot, in the nature of things, be formed (notwithstanding the regular and constant depositions of the floods) into so great a slope as that part of its bed, which lies through the original land ; it must of necessity happen, that there will be two different degrees of slope, in the beds of such rivers : the steepest over the original land ; and the least steep, over what was originally the bed of the sea. This opinion seems to receive confirmation from the history of the river before us ; although other instances of the like kind could be adduced. For, it will appear, th^t the head of the Delta of the Nile, has absolutely moved dozvnzvards, several miles, since the date 4,S6 ALLUVION'S OF THE NILE, of history : which must doubtless be owing in part, to the extension of the greater slope doivnwards by the depositions of the floods ; if we admit them to have raised the origijial land every where equally, and to have formed in a course of time, a stratum of vast depth ; by which operation, the angle formed by the termination of the greater, and the commencement of the lesser, slope, is, in effect, removed downwards. These two slopes may be compared to the slope of a hill, and that of a gently declining plain, at the foot of it. A stream will run down the hill, in a channel nearly straight, but hars'ing reached the plain, it wanders, and separates into different branches. If the hill could be removed within the edge of the plain, the place where the windings and separation began, would advance in the same proportion : and thus we regard the two slopes, and their operation. It appears quite unnecessary to offer any arguments in proof of the assertion, that alluvial countries gradually rise; or that they gradually incroach on the sea; since the sea coasts of all Deltas project beyond the general line of the coast ; that islands in the sea, have in several instances been joined to the main land, by the matter deposited by rivers : and that not only history, but ocular demonstration teaches us, that the levels of different alluvial tracts, are very considerably raised.* But, it is probable that the progress of the elevation, as well as of the incroachment, has been very much over-rated, in many instances ; and in none more than in the case of the Nile, by modern travellers. That the Delta has increased in the part towards the sea, since the days of Herodotus, cannot be questioned; when the inci*ease of 5«C)6 coasts, in other countries, are perceptible to the senses. The quantity of the increase, in agive?i time, is, however, a desideratum : for it happens that the record of the distance of the sea coast from Heliopolis, (in Herodotus) * Pliny has a catalogue of islands that have been thus joined to the main land ; lib. ii. c. 85, ?g. More will be said concerning the elevation of the soil, in the sequel. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 487 on which an argument has been founded, is quite erroneous.* It has been noticed before, that the farther the delta advances, the deeper the sea that is to be filled up; and consequently, the slower the rate of encroachment must be.-f- There seems to be Httle or no alteration at the Ccmopic, and Pelusiac mouths of the Nile, since the time of Herodotus; which has been owing to the choaki ng up of those branches; in which no water now runs, but during the season when the Nile is swoln. But the intermediate part of the coast, between those branches, has doubtless received great * Our Author says, Euterpe 7, that the distance from Hcliopolis to the sea, differs only 15 stadia, from that betwixt Atlicns and Pisa: 1500 stadia being the exact distance betwixt Hcliopolis and the sea. Now, it has appeared in p. 16, that Athens and Pisa are distant from each other, 105 G. miles ; but Hcliopolis is no more at this present time than 88 miles from the Canopic mouth of the Nile, which was prob.ably the part meant (for the sea is, at present, much nearer in some directions); and from the supposed poi«t of the Delta opposite to Hcliopolis,. 86 ; which was probably the place reckoned from. Hence, it may be clearly perceived, that no comparison can be drawn between the present, and the former extent of the Delta ; since the numbet of stades Is wrong in the first instance. (See the reasonings of M. Savary and M. Volney on this fact,., in their respective books of Travels.) But M. Volney has, however, made some excellent observations on the Nile, and its inundations and alluvions. Herodotus says that Busin's (taken for AhtisirJ is situated in the middle of the Delta. Euterpe, 59. It is remarkable, that Abusir stands so precisely in the middle of the ancient Delta, that there is no sensible difference, between the distance at which it lies from Pclusium, and from Canopus, respectively, on the cast and west ; and from the site of Cercasora, at the apex of the Delta, and the most prominent points on the Delta, on the N and S. There is something very remarkable in this coincidence. There was a celebrated temple of Isis, near Busiris. Herodotus says, at Busiris ; but the magnificent remains of the temple at Baalbeit, (no doubt those of the temple of Isis) which are particularly described by Pococke, appear to be situated at 4| G. miles to the NW of Abusir, which stands at the side of the Sebennitic river, as Busiris did. See Pococke, Vol. i. p. 21. t The sea is now eleven fathoms deep, at little more than three miles from the shore, between the dncient Canopic and Bolbitine mouths. ^88 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, additions, by the waters of the Rosetta and Damietta branches : though perhaps, a few miles only may have been added.* Considering, then, the extreme flatness of the Delta ; the quality of its soil, which is totally different from that of the adjacent coun- tries ; its form, which projects so far into the sea, beyond the gene- ral line of the coast, on the one hand ; and on the other, filling up a space, which, reasoning from appearances, looks like a bay or gulf of the sea ; one can hardly doubt that the space wliich it occu- pies, was originally a part of the sea, from the neighbourhood of Pelusium, or of mount Casius, to that of Alexandria; and south- ward to the foot of the hills of the Pyramids, and of Mokattam : which is yet allowing little more for the deptli of the bay, from the supposed line of the coast, than the lower point of the Delta now advances beyond it. No doubt, when we carry back our ideas to the time when the sea washed the base of the rock, on which the Pyramids of Mem- phis stand, the present base of which is washed by the inundation of the Nile, at an elevation, most probably, of 70 or 80 feet, above the surface of the same sea ; we are lost in the contemplation of the vast interval of time, that must necessarily have elapsed since the foundation of the Delta was first laid. But, appearances speak too clear a language to be misunderstood : and we are borne out in the supposition that the Delta has been formed piece-meal, by a process which we shall now endeavour to describe. The following may accordingly be taken, as a specimen of the progress of alluvion ; and which may be seen, in all the different stages of the process, at the mouth of any large river, that deposits rapidly, and plentifully. • It is by no means certain, how far the city of Bolbitine stood from the sea ; but probably much nearer than the ruins of Abumandtr (taken for Bolbitine) now are ; these being upwards of eight G. miles ; and M. D'Anville places Bolbitine less than 4 from the sea. More than 20 marble columns had been dug up from the sand, at this place, about the time of M. Niebuhr's visit to Egypt. (Niebuhr, Vol. i. P- 45-) AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 489 All rivers preserve, to a certain extent of space, which is propor- tioned to the velocity of their streams, a current of water, into the sea, beyond t!ie points of land, that form their embouchures ; when, by the continued resistance of the sea, they at last lose their mo- tion. The mud and sand suspended in these waters, during their motion, are deposited, when that motion ceases ; or raflier, they are gradually deposited, as the current slackens : according to the gra- vity of the substances that are suspended. This deposition, then, will form a bank or shallow, in the sea ; and which will be of a Ja7i-like shape, consistently with the form, in which the water of the river disperses itself. This bank is of very considerable breadth ; and is, of course, constantly on the increase, in height, as well as extension : and the additions constantly made to its breadth, will be on the side towards the sea. Until the bank rises up nearly to the surface, the river water which is continually poured into the sea, escapes freely over it : but when the bank has risen so high, as to inclose the water in a kind of lake, it is then compelled to force its way thivugh the bank : although the passage will be both Jiarrow and shallow, whilst the bank remains under water. This passage is technically named a Bar : for such it is, in respect of the channel of the river, although it be the deepest part of the entrance to it. The position of this opening through the bank, will be regulated by the direction of the stream of the river, at its termination in tlie sea; and this direction, again, by the prevalent motion of the sea, along the coast; the mouth of the river always falling obliquely into the line of the sea current.* Accordingly, when the river enters the sea obliquely, the bar will be at one side of the bank ; and on that side whicli is the farthest down, in respect of the sea • Here it is proper to observe, that although the general motion of the sea, is to the east, along the coast of Egypt, yet that there is a counter current, from the Rosetta river, through the bay of Abuktir ; at whose point, it falls into the general easterly current, which is throivii off from the coast by the projecting form ot that point. 4^0 ALLUVIONS or THE NILE, current. But if the river enter the sea, in a line perpendicular to its shore, the opening, or bar, will be through the middle of the bank.* As the bank rises to the surface, the opening increases in depth and width, until it becomes absolutely a continuation of the course of the river ; since its waters require the same breadth and depth to escape here, as in the upper parts of its course. And thus the upper part of the bank becomes gradually a portion of the firm land; whilst the outer part goes on accumulating, and the bar is gradually removed farther out : in effect, there will be a repetition of the same order of things. And hence it will clearly appear, that the bank thus laid in the sea, by the current of the river, is, in rcalit}', the GERM of the growing alluvion. The bars are usually swept away every season, by the periodical flood ; which, although it cannot rise to a higher level than the sea, is increased in velocity, by the increase of the body of water, above; and also by that of its descent ; as the flood swells to a greater height above, and therefore forms a slope towards the sea. These floods also bring the greatest addition to the grov^'ing alluvion : and, not unfrequently, cliange the direction of the channel, and with it, of * The position of the bar of any river may commonly be guessed, by attending to the form of the shores at the embouchure. The shore on which the deposition of sediment is going on, will he Jiat, whilst the opposite one is steep. It is along the side of the latter, that the deepest channel of the river lies ; and in the line of this channel, but without the points that form the mouth of the river, will be the bar. If both the shores are of the same nature, which seldom happens, the bar will lie opposite the middle of the channel. See the Map, No. VII. at page 449. Rivers in general, have what may be deemed a bar, in respect of the depth of the channel within ; although they may not rise high enough to impede the navigation : for the increased deposition that takes place, when the current slackens, through the want of declivity, and of shores to retain it, must necessarily form a bank. Bars of small rivers may be deepened, by means of stockades to confine the river current, and prolong it beyond the natural points of the river's mouth. They would operate to remove the place of deposition farther out, and into deeper water. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS, 49 1 course, the position of the bar : their depositions being laid farther out in the sea, by reason of the greater velocity of the current. Having endeavoured to explain the mode in which the alluvion gains on the sea, we shall next endeavour to explain the manner in which the changes and modifications of the existing alluvions are wrought. The alluvions thus formed in the sea, are, in their original state, fiat, and are also on a level with the ordinary surface of the sea : but as the surge repels that part of the deposited matter, which rises to the surface, it will be raised somewhat above the level : and as this agency has regularly operated on all the new made alluvion,* it must have formed one continued level, but for the interposition of tiie periodical floods, which have formed it into a regular slope, corresponding with its own.-f As the alluvion, then, is extended into the sea, so is its level gra- dually raised into a slope: an operation that is constantly going forward, but which cannot keep pace with the extension, because every addition to it, occasions a deficiency in the sloi>e. Until the new formed alluvion was considerably raised, it must have partaken very much of the character given it by Herodotus ; "who says, that in ancient times, " the whole of Egypt, except the province of Thebes, was one extended marsh:" Euterpe, 4: and that when " the Nile rose to the height of 8 cubits, all the lands above * An exception will be stated in the sequel. t The sea alluvions differ from those of rivers, in that they form a slope toxvards the land ; the muddy sea, like the muddy river, depositing more matter on the bank, than at a distance from it. But the matter itself may have been first carried by a river into the sea, and afterwards cast up in the most convenient place. It cannot be doubted but that the flat part of the island of Trinid.ida is formed of the mud of the river Oronoko, &c. which the perpetual westerly current, that ranges along the coast, deposits. Romney Marsii appears to owe a part, at least, of its extension, to a like cause. The general motion of the sea, is more easterly, than westerly, along the south coast of England ; as is proved by the general state of the alluvions. 49a ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, Memphis were overflowed." (Eut. 13.)* Both of these traditions clearly point to a state of things that had existed; although, pro- bably, at a period too remote to be fixed : for there must have been a time when the Delta was not only a marsh, but was even covered with water ; and when the sea must have advanced so near to the site of Memphis, as to allow the annual flood to rise no higher than 8 cubits, or 12 to 14, feet, at that place. He afterwards remarks, that it rose 15 or 16 cubits in his time ; which was the natural pro- gress of things ; as the point of contact of the land waters, with those of the sea, was removed farther out. So long as the alluvion of the Delta remained in the state of a marsh, the waters of the Nile, through the want of declivity to carry them off, and the pressurc of the sea water from without, when the river was low, may be supposed to have formed a tissue of canals, interspersed with lakes and marshes. But when the land began to acquire some degree of solidity in the upper parts of the Delta, canals, in the nature of drains, would be formed by the hands of men, and dykes raised along the banks of the rivers, in order to exclude the redundant waters from the appropriated lands. And this is probably the period referred to by Herodotus, when he de- scribes " the vast and numerous canals by which Egypt is inter- sected;" and which he attributes to Sesostris. Euterpe, io8. He was also told, that the same prince made a regular distribution of the lands of Egypt, assigning to each Egyptian a square piece of ground; and that his revenues were drawn from the rent, ^\'hich every individual annually paid him. ( log.)-!- * In Euterpe, 15, he says, " the Delta, as I was myself convinced bjr observation, is still liable to be overflowed, and was formerly covered luith water. + The date of this event was doubtless beyond the reach of history ; but it has been the general custom, to refer every transaction, however remote, to some person, whose name is celebrated in the history of the country, in which it hap- pened. Herodotus adds, that " whoever was the sufFerer by the inundation of the Nile, AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 493 As the land rose by depositions, the waters would naturally con- fine themselves to fewer channels ; since the land, when in a firmer state, would require a greater force to divide it. At a time when the upper part of the Delta, had acquired a degree of firmness and elevation, we learn from our Author, that three natural channels, alone, conveyed the waters of the Nile to the neighbourhood of the s^ ; a quarter in which the alluvial land must ever be regarded as in an imperfect state of formation. At present, two alone convey it to the same quarter, during the season when the river is not swoln ; and one of these is growing shallow. Can it be doubted, then, that a delta, is, (comparatively speaking) land in an imperfect state of formation ; that tlie natural progress towards completion, is that of the river's confining itself to fewer channels ; and that the inunda- tion, from being a complete mass of water, spread uniformly over the country, becomes merely an overflowing of the river, extending to a certain distance, and forming the country adjacent to each bank, into a slope of several miles in breadtli, of which, the highest part is the crest of the bank itself; from tlie circumstance of its depositing more sediment near the bank, than at a distance from it .'' But as long as the alluvion continued too flat to communicate a sufficient velocity to the river, when in its low state, it would continue to separate itself into many different streams, although one of them would probably surpass all the rest, in bulk. On the above prin- ciple, then, as the greater slope, described in page 485, extends itself down\\ ards, the Delta ought to retire from it : or, in other words, was permitted to make the king acquainted with his loss. Certain officers were ap- pointed to inquire into the particulars of the injury, that no man might be ta.xcd be- yond his ability. It may not be improbable to suppose that this was the origin of geometry, and that the Greeks learned it from hence. As to the p»le, the gnotnon, and the division of the day into twelve parts, the Greeks received them from the Babylonians." Euterpe, 109. Tiie like kind of humane and judicious attention to the damages sustained by indi- viduals, by the floods or incroachments of rivers, prevails in Bengal, as in Egypt. The changes of property, by alluvion, are equally attended to. 494 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, the river, in its course tlirough the high level, should flow unique ; and the base of the Delta should gradually contract : and this, we trust, will be satisfactorily proved, in the sequel. It has been said, that in early times, the place of separation of the branches that formed the Delta, was much higher up, than at present. To satisfy ourselves on this head, little more is necessary than to refer to the ancient accounts of the situation of the apex of the Delta. This is indeed a fact that ought to be impressed on the mind of the reader ; as without this conviction, he may not readily give credit to the reports of other changes, that have taken place. This is a point, therefore, on which we mean to enlarge ; but as, besides the notices concerning its position, in respect of the cities of Heliopolis and Cercasora, which stood very near it, its distance from Memphis is also given. So that it becomes necessary to as- certain the position of this latter, as a point of outset : in the course of which inquiry, several very curious circumstances will arise, re- specting the ancient course of the Nile, in that quarter ; which will be perfectly illustrative of our subject, at large. Positio7i of Memphis.* Herodotus, speaking of the inundations of the Nile, says, Euterpe, 97, " as long as the flood continues, vessels do not confine them- selves to the channel of the river, but traverse the fields and plains. They who go from Naucratis to Memphis, pass by the Pyramids : this, however, is not the usual course, which lies through the point of the Delta, and the city of Cercasonis." Pliny also says, lib. xxxvi. 12. " The Pyramids are situated between Memphis and the Delta." Consequently, by both of these authorities, Memphis was situated above, that is, to the southward of, the Pyramids. * The reader is referred to Map, No. VIII. for the explanation of this part. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 495 The Aiitonine Itinerary gives 24, MP. between Heliopolis and Memphis; of which, 12 are taken up between Heliopolis and Ba- bylon. See pages 163, 169. The former of these places is univer- sally allowed by travellers to liave been at Matarea, where, amongst other remains, an obelisk is yet standing: and the latter is presumed to have been at Fostat, or old Cairo, where the canal attributed to Trajan, led out of the Nile, according to the authority of Ptolemy; and where a canal still exists. These places are distant from eadi other about 8^ G. miles in direct distance ; answering to 12 MP. allowing the windings of the road.* The site of Memphis, then, ought to be 8|- G. miles from Fostat : or 17 from Heliopolis, through Fostat: consequently, its general position is on all hands admitted to be on the south of the Pyramids ; since these are no more than three or four such miles to the south of the parallel of Fostat. And, following the authorities of Strabo and of Pliny, in addition to that of the Itinerary, the particular po- sition may be ascertained. Here it is necessary to remark, that, as Memphis is said to have been a city of 150 stadia, or at least 14, English miles, in circumference ; and that, it may probably have • Besides the remains at Matarea, which are by no means equivocal, in respect of the fact which they indicate, there are other circumstances, which must be al- lowed in proof of the position. The fountain at Matarea is named jlin Schams, or the Fountain of the Sun. A modern town, situated so near to the site of the remains at Matarea, as that the skirts of the two are within a mile and half of each other, is named Keliub ; which is no doubt the same name with Heliopolis, a little changed. The province is also named Keliubie ; and answers to the ancient prefecturate of Heliopolis ; bounded by the Nile, and its Pelusiac branch, on the west and north. The mound of Heliopolis, according to Dr. Pococke, is about a mile in length, by half that breadth. The obelisk, now standing, occupies nearly the centre of it. Good water is obtained by digging to the depth of a few feet, at Matarea, and in the country between it and the foot of the hills ; but towards the river, they go deeper to find the springs. (Pococke, Vol. vii. p. 24.) It is by no means usual to find good water by digging in Lower Egypt. It may be observed, that Heliopolis is not far from the visible base of the hills ; and which, it may be supposed, extends much nearear, .ilthough covered with alluvion. 45^ ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, extended along the bank of the Nile, four or five miles, and inland from it, two, or more; it may be somewhat difficult to apply the distances given. It is, however, most probable tliat tlie measures in tlie Roman Itinerary, apply to the centre of Memphis ; as it ap- pears to have been tlie practice of the Romans to reckon the Mil- liaria from the centre of Rome. And again, the measures of Pliny and of Strabo, are likely to have been from the extremity of the city, towards the Pyramids ; when they spoke of the space betzceen the Pyramids and Memphis. Ptolem}'^, perliaps, reckoned his latitude and longitude from the centre. Pliny says, that the Pyramids were six MP. from Memphis : Strabo, 40 stadia : * and as his stades are of 700 to a degree, the mean of the two accounts will be about 4^ G. miles : and if to these be added i^ more to the centre of the city, we have an aggregate of rjX miles ; which will intersect the line of distance from Fostat and Hehopolis, at a point somewhat less than three miles to the NNE of Sakkara ; two from thep?-£se7it western bank of the Nile; and in a SE direction from tlie Pyramids. -f- The accompanying Map has been constructed chiefly on the authorities found in Niebuhr and Pococke ; but with some additions * Pliny, lib. xxxvi. c. 12. : and Strabo, pages 807, 808. t The Pyramids, denominated from Giza, are always intended by the Pyramids: and Herodotus mentions no others. There are pyramids at intervals along the edge of the rising ground, or sand hills, that skirt the western bank of the Nile, all the way from Giza to Meduun, a space of 26 G. miles. Next to the Pyramids of Giza, those of Sakkara are the largest, and also the most numerous. M. Niebuhr places the Pyramids of Giza, in a direction of W 35 S from Giza : and the distance, according to the mean of the different authorities, is about seven G. miles. Most persons have placed them on a /«x southerly bearing : but it may be observed in M. Norden's Views, that the north face of the Great Pyramid is seen from Deir Eteen, which is half a league to the S of old Cairo, or Fostat : conse- quently, this could not be, if the Pyramids, as M. Norden says, lay WSW from Giza ; as their sides front the four cardinal 'pt)ints. Probably he omitted to allow the variation ; which was 12 degrees westerly, in 1762. (M. Niebuhr.) This al- lowance would bring it near to W 35 S. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS, 497 from Norden, Bruce, and Savary; and is extended on a distinct scale, from the head of the Delta, to a point far above the site of Memphis. The positions of Mokanaji, Meirahenny, and Menf, which are particularly connected with that of Memphis, are ascer- tained in part from the text and map of Dr. Pococke ; from the report of Mr. Bruce, who also visited them ; and from that of Mr. Savary, who collected his information from report only ; but which agrees with the others. (See the Map, No. VIII. at page 494.) It appears then, that MemJ, Menf, or Menouf, which is rather a positioJi, than a village, as perhaps referring to the site of the latest remains of Melnphis, lies within half a mile (and that to the NE) of the position above pointed out, by the meeting of the two lines ■of distance from Fostat and the Pyramids.* And that this Menf is on the site of Memphis, there is little doubt ; since Abulfeda de- scribes the situation of that capital, which existed as a considerable "city, so late as the seventh century, when Egypt was conquered by the Mahomedans. This Author says, that it stood at a short day's journey from Cairo: and as the site of Menf may be taken at 14 road miles from Cairo, it agrees very well."]- To this may be added, that M. Maillet, Dr. Pococke, Mr. Bruce, and Mr. Browne, agree that there are remains which prove the existence of a former city, j; * M. Savary says, that Menf is two (French) leagues to the southivard of the ■Pyramids. He speaks of Giza, as being on the east, the Nile and Menf, on the south; when looking from the Pyramids. Bruce remarks, that the Pyramids of Giza bore about NW, and those of Saklara, SW, when he was at Metrahenny. As Menf lies at no great distance to the W of Metrahenny, this authority for Menf, agrees with that of Savary. t Abulfeda's Egypt, article Memf. % IDr. Pococke, Vol. i. pages 40 and 41. " I conjecture this city (Memphis) was about Moianan and Metrahenny, which are rather nearer to the Pyramids oi Sakkara, than to those of Giza; for at Mokanan I saw some heaps of rubbish, but much greater about Metrahenny, and a great 3S ^p8 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, We may surely rest the proof of the position of Memphis, here : and it is very extraordinary how an idea ever came to be entertained, that it was situated at Giza. The words of Herodotus alone ought to disprove it, as well those which are quoted above, as in Euterpe, gg, number of grottos cut in the opposite hills, &c. — I observed also a large bank to the southward of Metrahcnny, running towards Sakkara," &c. P. 40. " I saw near Sakkara a sort of wood of the Acacia tree : this and Dendcra being the only places in Egypt, where I saw wood grow without art : and it is possible this wood may be some remains of the ancient groves about Memphis." P. 41. He crossed the Nile at St. George's Convent, five miles to the S of old Cairo, and going on to the west, " came to the large village of Mokanan, with fine plantations of palm trees, and heaps of rubbish to the N of it. About two miles further to the SW, we arrived at Metrahcnny ; about this place also I observed several heaps, and a mound, extending a mile N and S, and then towards the Pyramids at Sakkara." P. 55, 56. Mr. Bruce, Vol. i. p. 53. " All to the W and S of Mohannan, we saw great mounds and heaps of rubbish, and calishes (canals) that were not of any length, but were lined with stone, covered and choaked up in many places with earth. " We saw three large granite pillars, SW of Mohannan, and a piece of a broken chest or cistern of granite ; but no obelisks, or stones with hieroglyphics ; and we thought the greatest part of the ruins seemed to point that way, or more southerly. " These, our conductor said, were the ruins of Mimf, the ancient seat of the Pharaohs, kings of Egypt. " Memphis, if situated at Metrahenny, was in the middle of the Pyramids ; three of them to the NW, and above threescore of them to the south," P. 56. M. Maillet, p. 265, " The most probable opininion is, that this superb city was built at the entrance of the Plain of Mummies ; at the north of which the Pyramids are placed. The pro- digious ruins which present themselves in this spot, will serve for a long time, as proofs of the greatness of that city, of which they are the remains ; and the incon. testible evidences of its true position."' Again, he says, p. 274, that out of so many superb monuments, &c. " there remain only at present some shapeless ruins of broken columns, of ruined obelisks, anJ some other buildings fallen to decay, which one still discovers at the bottom of a lake, when the increase of the Nile is too small to furnish it with its usual supply of water. This circumstance has twice happened during the 17 years of my Consulship ; par- AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 499 where he says, that " it was situated in the Jiarrowest part of Egypt." Let any one cast their eyes on the Map ; this description cannot accord with any place belozv the Pyramids of Giza. It is very uncertain whether, in the time of Herodotus, the Nile ran exactly in the same bed it now does, in the part about Memphis. It is certain, that Pliny says, that the Nile ran at the distance of 4 MP. only, from the Pyramids; which seems unlikely, as Memphis was half as far again from them ; although there is no question but that the Nile, in early times, ran between the site of Memphis and the Py- ramids. Tliis, however, must have been previous to the foundation of Memphis, and before the operation described by Herodotus; and which appearances abundantly justify. He says, Euterpe, gg, " Menes, as I was informed, effectually detached the ground on which Memphis stands, from the water. Before his time the river flowed entirely along the sandy mountain on the side of Africa. But this prince, by constructing a bank, at the distance of loo stadia from Memphis, towards the south, diverted the course of the Nile, ticularly in the year 1697, when the surface of the lake sunk five or six coudees, and discovered at the bottom of this vast reservoir, a kind of city, which excited the ad- miration of every one. This lake can never be dried up, or drawn off again, as be- fore, because they have neglected to keep up the canal, which served to drain off the water. There are also some heaps of ruins in the plain, of three leagues in width, that separates the northern from the southern Pyramids ; and in which, this ancient city extended, from the borders of the lake, towards the Nile, eastward. These are the faint traces of so much magnificence," &c. Mr. Browne, page 173. " I visited the pleasant site of the ancient Memphis, on the left bank of the Nile, about two hours to the south of Kahira, in a plain above three miles broad, betwen the river and the mountains. The land is now laid down in corn, with date trees towards the mountains. Nothing remains except heaps of rubbish, in which are found pieces of sculptured stone. The spot has been surrounded with a canal, and seems every way a more eligible situation than that of Kahira (Cairo). Its extent might be marked by that of the ground where remains are dug up, and which is always overgrown with a kind of thistle, that seems to thrive amongst ruins. It is most conveniently visited from the Coptic Convent called Abu Nemnis." 3S 2 500 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, and led it, by means of a new canal, through the centre of tlie mountains. And even at the present period, under the dominion of the Persians, this artificial channel is annually repaired, and regu- larly defended. If the river were here once to break its banks, the town of Memphis would be inevitably ruined. It was the same Menes, who, upon the solid ground thus rescued from the water, first built the town now known by the name of Memphis, which is situate in the narrowest part of Egypt. To the north and the west of Memphis, he also sunk a lake* communicating with the river, which, from tlie situation of the Nile, it was not possible to effect towards the east." From this description (a part of which, however, is obscure), together with the description of the ground, in Dr. Pococke, and the aid of our own observations, on other capital rivers, it appears very clearly that the Nile in ancient times, ran through the Plain of Mumfnies, near Sakkara ; and thence along the foot of the rising ground, on which the Pyramids of Giza stand ; and finally, in the line of tiie canal of Beheira, into the bay of Abukeir, or Canopus. This appears more particularly, from the following remarks of Dr. Pococke. He says (Vol. i. p. 40, 41.) that " he saw several large lakes to the north and west of Metrahenny ;" and that he thought it pro- bable that " the canal of the Pyramids, and the western canal, some miles beyond Metrahenny, and which at present runs under the hills, may, at least in some parts, be the remains of the ancient bed of the Nile." And again, (page 42.) he describes a great causeway of 1000 yards in length, and 20 feet wide, built of, or faced with, hewn stone, extending across a bolloiv part of the country, and terminating at the distance of a mile to the NE of the Pyramids,, where the ground begins to rise.-\ * Perhaps for Mt, we should rather read canal. The old bed of the Nile would leave lakes enough, probably: a canal would- have been useful, and such is found, there at this day. ■t See again the Map at page 494. AND SITUATrON OF MEMPHIS, JOl He furtlier says, " the country over which the causeway is builfe, being lozu, and the water lying on it a great while, seems to be the reason for building it at first, and continuing to keep it in repair." There are inchided in its length, two bridges, each of about 12 arches, of 20 feet wide, on piers of 10 feet ; and the bridges arc separated by a portion of the causeway. What so probable, as that this hollow part, of 1000 yards in breadth, which is so deep in all places, as to require a causeway, and in some, as to require bridges which occupy more than 700 feet of space, was the. ancient bed of the river } The lakes, too, on the N. and W, of Metrahenny, are in the line of the same canal : and it appears probable, that advantage was taken of the hollow ground formed by the remains of the ancient bed, in the construction of the canal ; whose course seems through- out, to be that which the Nile would naturally take if no impedi- ment had presented itself* And on the whole, we conceive that the fact mentioned by our Author, respecting the change of course of the Nile, may be understood in the following manner : That the Nile, having gradually raised its bed too high to allow the whole of its waters to run with freedom in the old bed, along the foot of the western hills, sought a new one for a part of its waters, ia a. lower place,, nearer to the centre of the valley ; and thus, by a division of its waters, formed an island. From the date of this separation, the original cause still continuing to operate, the old channel gradually filled up, whilst the new. one, in like manner, became deeper; A proof of the length of time required to fill up such a channel (if ever it be completed at all), is, tJiat the deserted bed just mentioned, remains visible, although the change happened * M. Niebuhr also remarks these bridges and causeway, Vol. i. p. 154, 155. He regards the whole work, as of Mahomcdan origin ; and estimates the length at about 1600 double paces, or about a mile and half. He also calls the hollow space, across which it is built, a " considerable branch of the Nile." M. Norden has introduced the causeway and bridges in his View. of. the Pyramids, Plate XLII. This, and the Plan XLIII. give a very good idcaof the ground on. which the Pyramids stand, &c. 503 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, before the foundation of Memphis ! It must however be considered, tliat the mound, by preventing the free access of the Nile water, charged with its mud, has doubtless retarded the operation, in this instance. It may be conceived, that the separation took place, at, or above Dashour, which stands about lOo stadia above the centre of Mem- phis ; and that the mound described by Herodotus, was thrown across the head of the ancient, or western channel, so as to point the course of the great body of the Nile, into the new channel. M. Savary, indeed, (Vol. i. Letter 26.) reports that the remains of such a work actually exist, between Sakkara and Dashour : but it does not appear that he saxv it; nor does he quote his authority. The fact is, however, very probable. According to these ideas, we may conceive that Memphis might have been in some danger, by the breaking of the mound : * but by no means can such danger be understood, had the Nile been turned from the valley named Bahr-bela-ma, into that of Memphis : for had the Nile ran in any other valley than that of Memphis, how could the ground of that city have been previously covered by the waters of the Nile .'' By the expression of " turning the course of the river through the centre of the mountains," should therefore most surely be meant, into the middle, between the two chains of hills that form the proper valley of Upper Egypt ; instead of the course it before held along the foot of the sand hills, that form the western boun- dary of it. This seems to be the true meaning of our Historian, or of those who communicated the information to him : and this is rendered the more proba})le, by the expression, that " before the time of Menes, the river flowed entirely along the sand}' mountain on the * Mr. Browne says, that •' of the fact of Memphis having been surrounded by water, some evidences appear even at this day. Parts of the banks of the canal are yet visible towards the mountains, and at the extremities of the ground, where ruins arc distinguishable." Page 173, AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. ^Og side of Africa." "What can be understood, but the line of sandy hills, which are known to extend by Sakkara, and along the course of the Nile ? It has certainly been supposed, by some persons, that tiie Nile, at an early period, passed to the NW, througli a hollow space or chasm, in the just mentioned hills ; and thence either through the lake Kai- run, or by a more direct passage, into the gulf of the Arabs. Mr. Browne and Dr. Pococke each remarked a chasm in the hills ; the former near Sakkara, the latter nearer to the lake Kairun : * but neither of these are ancient beds of the Nile ; for Mr. Browne in- forms the Author, that " there is absolutely notiiing resembling a course for water, through the hills between Bedis and Tamieh." This remark is of great importance to our subject, as it tends to remove the doubt, (if any remained) respecting the meaning of Herodotus ; and to shew that the change which he had in contem- plation, was merely from one part of the valley to another. The Bahr-bela-ma intended by Mr. Browne, p. 170, appears to be a part of the ancient communication (whether natural or artifi- cial) between the canal of Joseph and the lake Kairun ; leading out of the former at Illahon, (the only communication, indeed, that has ever existed between it and the country of Faiume) but whicli, in its course towards the lake, now passes more to the west, leaving the bed of the Bahr-bela-ma dry. As Bahr-bela-ma (or river without water) appears to be a general term for a deserted channel of a river, it may be conceived that the one just mentioned, has no connection with the supposed bed of a river situated to the west of the Natron lakes. Mr. Browne says, " on the coast, in going to Siwa, I recollect no place where a channel could possibly have issued, unless it be near the bottom of the gulf of the Arabs ; on the east of which gulf the ground is elevated ; but to the S, or S a little west, considerably lower; but hardly enough * See Dr. Pococke, Vol. i. p. 56 : and Mr. Browne, p. 167 : also the Map No. VII, at p. 449. 3S4 ^04 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, to persuade me that the river could ever have had its egress at that place; nor are there any visible marks of water having flowed there." Wheresoever such a river as the Nile has flowed, there ought to have been marks of alluvion ; and particularly near the sea. No such, however, appear : on the contrary, the channel of the Bahr- bela-ma is saidto be formed in part of petrified substances. And with respect to the channels through the sand hills, their levels ap- pear to be far above that of the present river, whose bed must once have been a vast deal lower than it now is. We return to the subject of Menipiiis, and the head of the Delta. * Having thus established the site of the centre of Memphis, which falls in the parallel of si9^53''j- and its northern skirt in about Qg^jj'; (being 8 minutes of latitude south of Cairo, 18 south of the point of the Delta ; which latter is fixed by the celestial observation of M. Niebuhr, in 30° 13') ; we proceed to examine the ancient autho- rities for the position of the point of the Delta, in respect of Memphis and Heliopolis. * It is difScult to believe that the course of the Nile ever lay through the lake of Kairun (MoerisJ : first, because the lake is said to be shut up by elevated lands : and secondly, because it is probable, that in early limes, the bed of the Nile was too low to admit its waters to flow into the hollow tract which now contains the lake. Concerning the lake Moeris, the ancient stories are so improbable, that one natn- fally looks for a more rational account of its formation. Might not the opening of a canal for the purpose of filling the hollow space which now contains the lake, be the great work of forming the lake Motris? They might have built the edifices, de- scribed by Herodotus (Euterpe, 149), previous to the final influx of the water. The circumstance of the water flowing alternately into the lake, and back again into the Nile, according to the seasons, is perfectly reasonable ; since the passage to it was narrow, and the expanse of -water very great, Pococke reckons it 50 miles in length by 10 wide : Mr. Browne says, fp. 169.) the length may be between 30 and 40 miles ; the breadth nearly 6. " Nothing (says he) can present an appearance so unlike the works of men — On the NE and S is a rocky ridge, in every appearance^ primeval." + Ptolemy allows 29° 50'. ' AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 5O5 Herodotus, unluckily, is silent, concerning this matter; but it may be inferred from circumstances, that in his time, the point of the Delta was nearly opposite to Heliopolis ; of which, more will be said, presently. Had he fixed it positively, it would have given an idea what change, or whether any material one, took place, between his time, and that of Strabo ; an interval of between four and five centuries. Strabo says, (p. 807.) that the head of the Delta was three schoe7ies below Memphis ; and these we regard as equal to 12 MP.* Pliny says, (lib. v. c. 9.) 15 MP. Taking these respectively, at ID and 12 G. miles, we come next to Ptolemy, (Africa, Tab. III. Append.) who allows 13^ such miles, from the centre of Memphis; or, reduced to the same point with the others (the northern skirt, as may be understood), 11^. Here, the utmost given distance of the head of the Delta from Memphis, is 12 G, miles ; which is 6 G. miles, or 7 British, ^607'^ the place where it is at present; or, taking a mean of the different reports, nearly 8. There is every reason to suppose, that in the time of Strabo, it was at least as high up as Heliopolis : but in order to make it agree with his report of the distance from Memphis, it ought to have been at the head of the canal of Keliuh: which is nearly 10, from the present head of the Delta.f The same author, in his description of Heliopolis, takes occasion to say, page 806, that Eudoxus, who studied astronomy there, had an observatory near it ; which observatory was also near to the city of Cercasora; at which place the Nile, according to Herodotus, (Euterpe, 15 and 17,) separated, in order to form the Delta. • See page 19 of this work, where the schoene is fixed at four Roman miles ; or 40 stadia nearly. t The head of the Delta was found by M. Niebuhr, who took an observation of latitude there in ijSi, to be in 30° 13'; whilst Cairo was in 30° 3'. Heliopolis, by reference to the last place, lies in a little above 30° 7'. See Niebuhr, Vol. i. p. 46, 80 and 91. 3T ^06 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, Although Herodotus describes the city of Cercasora (or Cerca- soras) to be opposite to the head of the Delta, yet he does not say bow it was situated, in respect of Heliopolis. But as he says that the Delta commenced at Cercasora; and as this place is so satis- factorily fixed by Strabo, in a position opposite to Heliopolis, it must be concluded that the head of the Delta was in much the same place in the time of Herodotus, as of Strabo ; both of whom, wrote from actual observation. However, a slight variation would have passed unregarded : and although Herodotus might have seen the separation at a point a little above Cercasora, and Strabo somewhat below, no distinction might have been made ; and thus, a variation of a mile, or two, might have taken place, without any particular remark. Cercasora too, might have extended a great way along the river bank.* It is wortliy of remark, that Diodorus says (lib. i. c. 4.) that Memphis was founded at the place of separation of the two branches of the Nile : but whether this relates to the separation above the city, which was done away by the mound ; or to a separation lower down, cannot be ascertained ; but the assertion is a i-emarkable one, and had very probably a foundation in truth, considering how long * Strabo also remarks, (p. 806.) that the prefecturate of Heliopolis occupied the .Arabian, and that of Litopolis, the Lybian, side of the Nile. Ptolemy has the same arrangement ; with the city of Latone for the capital of the latter. In the Antonine Itinerary is found Letiis, at 20 MP. to the northward of Memphis, or about 14^- G. miles, direct. If this distance is to be reckoned from the centre of Memphis, Letus will fall nearly opposite to Heliopolis; that is, in the position assigned to Cercasora. It appears not improbable, that Letm or Latone may have succeeded to Cercasora, xin the same, or nearly the same site, before the date of the Itinerary ; for Letus is not mentioned by Strabo, although the prefecturate is ; and it may be conceived, that he intended Cercasora for its capital. Ptolciiiy places Latone lelow the head of the Delta ; and the boundary of the pre- fecturate, of which it is the capital, at the head of the Delta ; whilst the prefecturate of Heliopolis Is extended above it. These circumstances furnish at least some presumptive evidence in favour of the change of position of the head of the Delta. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 507 an interval passed, between the foundation of Memphis, and the time when the Delta had its commencement opposite to Heliopolis ; and that in 1800 years it has advanced 7 English miles down- wards.* Tlie mode, by which this downward movement of the derivations from rivers is effected, is well understood, and is of two kinds ; the one, exceedingly slow, and gradual ; the other, more sudden, in respect of its cliange of place, allliough the means by wliich tlie preparation is accomplished, may likewise be slow. With respect to the first, it must be observed, that in all great rivers, one branch may be regarded as the main trunk, or river, and the rest as derivations ; they being always of less bulk and depth than the former, and also separating from it, with an obliquity of course; or elboxv. It is the nature of all water courses that run through alluvions, and which have also a winding course, to form difat shore on the projecting side of each elbow, and a steep one on the indented side : the first, being occasioned by the slackness of the current, on the projecting side, which allows the water to de- ])osit its sediment, and thus to form a shelving bank, with shallow water adjacent to it ; the latter, by a strong current and deep water, which insensibly corrodes the indented bank. It will easily be understood, that the constant deposition on the shelving side, will cause the parts of it to rise successively to the surface of the water, and to become in time, Jirm land ; and that it must of course com- pel the stream to borrow on the opposite side, in order to supply the deficiency in its bed, caused by the encroachment of the new land. And hence, the channel of the river must ever be verging towards the indented side. * Had the apex of the Delta always remained in the same place, Memphis should indeed be looked for at Giza, opposite to Cairo ; where Dr. Shav\ , M. Norden, and some others place it. But then it would not have been in the narrewesf part of Egypt ; nor could vessels from Naucratis have passed by the Pyramids in their way to it. 3T 2 ro8 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, O Now, to apply this to tlie outlets of the branches of rivers, it is to be considered, that the upper angle of separation being in the predicament of the projecting part of the bank just mentioned, the shore will constantly receive an increase there; and that, in consequence, the opposite side, that is the point of the Delta, (or island), must wear away in the same proportion: for, most infal- libly, the weakest part of the stream will ever be at the upper point of separation ; because the body of a stream cannot suddenly change its course, to turn round the point, but can only effect its change of direction, gradually. So that the water will be, comparatively, still, near the point ; and will deposit its sediment in that very place : and thus, the outlet, in effect, is removed lower and lower down, by very slow degrees.* This gradual change in the position of the outlet, has the natural effect of producing, in time, an entire change in the general direc- tion of the arm of the river, that helps to form the Delta : for, as the direction of the upper part, must gradually become more and more oblique to that of the main river, it at last becomes too oblique to the general slope of the alluvion, (which is regulated by its floods,) to run any longer as it ought, for want of declivity : and * See tlie account of the Ganges and Burrampooter rivers, in the Appendix to the Memoir of the Map of Hindoostan ; and in the Philosophical Transactions for 1781. Here it may be proper to remark, (by the bye), that as the outlets of rivers, in alluvial tracts, have a tendency to form obtuse angles at the place of separation ; so the confluences of such branches have a direct opposite tendency ; as they form very acute angles at the point of conflux : it being the effect of the mutual repulsion that takes place on the collision of the two streams. This operation will produce a shallow at the angle where the water is either still, or moves with little velocity. If the adjunct stream bear any proportion to the principal one, it will give a new direction to it, partaking more of that of the adjimct. It happens sometimes, that the acute angle just mentioned is so small, that the confluent rivers appear like one, long before they actually join. M. Condamine says of the river Negro, that for several leagues, it would be taken for an arm of the Amazon, but for the diflTerent colour of its waters. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 5O9 then it is, that the stream, thus become languid, and more particu- larly, during the falling state of the river, deposits out of measure ; and raises its bed so high, that the next year's flood seeks an easier passage, at least for a part of its waters, at a loxver place. And this is the sudden operation alluded to, above, as the second of the modes, by which the head of the Delta is removed lower down. In order to render the latter operation more intelligible, it will be proper to advert to what has been said concerning the slopes formed by the overflowing of the rivers, in page 493. It has been said, that the crest of this slope, is at the river bank, and that it declines towards the country; so that the several diverging branches of a river, have the effect of forming the Delta into alternate ridges and hollows. Whensoever therefore, the branches of a river corrode and destroy their banks, which constitute the higher part of the slope, a part of their waters, at least, will throw themselves into the hollows ; and gradually form them into new channels ; which channels, by the direction of the slopes, must needs be parallel, or nearly so, to the old channels : so that every change will be pro- ductive of a loss of ground to the Delta. The period required for this operation, is however of great length; for it may be conceived that the Canopic branch has not varied, otherwise than partially, since it quitted the line of the canal of Babeire ; which seems to have been before the days of Herodotus. There appears to be little doubt, that whensoever any great change happens, it ori^nates in some cause existing above, and not below ; that is, at the outlet of the branch from the main river: and that, being once thrown out of its ancient bed, in the part above, it often happens that it cannot regain its bed at a lower point, for want of a sufficient declivity to give velocity to the Stream. It is said that the artificial canal of M^wom/, which leads obliquely from the Damietta branch, at five or six miles below the head of the Delta, into that of Rosetta, at a place nearly 30 miles below the same point, is now on the increase, whilst that portion of the 510 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, Rosetta branch which lies parallel to the same canal, is grown very shallow, and continues to do so.* It will probably happen then, that by degrees, the upper part of the Rosetta branch will be filled up (for this operation generally goes on, when begun); and the canal of Menouf will become the upper part of the Rosetta branch. This, as one step, would remove the Delta five or six miles lower down-f- it appears unquestionable, that a like change took place between Om JVaratik and Om Dinar,'^ about five miles above the present outlet ; although some other cause than the want of declivity must be assigned; probably by gradual additions. M. Niebuhr, (who is convinced that the head of the Delta has changed its position), says that the channel between the just mentioned places, and which is eight or nine English miles in length, is not an artificial one, but * It appears by the letter of M. Perree in the Intercepted French Correspondence, that he was compelled to leave the largest part of the flotilla, at a place 13 leagues below Cairo (or above TeraneJ after the middle of July (1798); that is, after the Nile had begun to rise. He says that only vessels of five feet (French) draught of •water, could pass. t Since the above was written, Mr. Browne's publication has furnished the fol- lowing very curious facts and obsenations, respecting these rivers : In May 1792, the water was so shallow between Terane and Cairo, that a small boat (a Canj'iaj could with diiEculty pass. Page 44. In November 1796, " The waters of the Nile having almost abandoned the eastern branch, which leads to Damiatt, pursuing the more direct course of the canal of Mentif, after a neglect of many years, it became necessary to apply a remedy. — The purpose was at length effected, by driving piles, and the river returned to its former course." P. 156. Speaking of the Papyrus plant in the quarter of Damictta, he says, " Of late years, the channel of the Nile, which ought to flow to Damiatt, pursued the straighter course offered to it by the canal of Menuf, deserted its bed, and left access to the sea water. Hence, the plants of the Papyrus, &c. were deprived of the prolific influence of the Nile, and expired in the noxious effluvia of a marine marsh." Pages 353, 354. X Edrisi mentions Om Dinar, Daraue, and Akass, which are found in the Map of M. Niebuhr, as places existing in his time near the head of the Delta, but without any indication of their relative position to the head of the Delta. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 5II is very wide, and during the time of high Nile, very deep. Vol. i. p. 84. Thus far the removal of the outlets of rivers, or the heads of Deltas, downwards, is occasioned by the immediate operation of the current of the river, and its depositions : and, it might be supposed, that if no other cause operated to prevent it, the river would restore itself to its ancient state : and that, whatsoever cause had originally occasioned it to divide, at a certain point, would in time occasion it to break out again, there. But here, we conceive that the extension of the greater slope, downward (as spoken of in page 4,86), by raising the level of the country, prevents the return of matters to their original state. It appears then, that the heads of deltas move downwards : * and that the consequence of this change, is, a contraction of the Delta itself, on the side towards the sea : because that, as the outlets of the branches of rivers, have a perpetual tendency to move down- wards, so that movement has a tendency to produce an obliquity of course, which destroys the velocity of the stream, and compels it to seek a line of greater declivity; which line can only be found within the former Delta. And finally, that the extension of the greater slope, downwards, prevents the branches from breaking out again, in a higher situation. And hence it may be supposed, that the state of a delta, is that of an imperfectly formed country : and that the pro- gress of matters towards completion, is, that of tlie river forming itself into one channel. That is, from a mud bank, it becomes a marsh ; then a field, intersected by drains, and deeply inundated, at particular periods : and finally a firm field, subject to slight inun- dations, but without any natural derivations from the river. We do not presume to say, under which of these circumstances, the lands * During the Author's residence in Bengal, the head of the Jellinghy river, or western arm of the Delta of the Ganges, moved lower down. It was also the case of other outlets and inlets, of the branches of the Ganges. 512 ALLLUVIONS OF THE NILE, are best fitted for the use of man, but merely remark, that the changes are such.* Before we dismiss the subject of alluvion, it will be proper to say a word more, concerning the gradual rise of the soil, by deposition. The instances that might be given in proof, are very numerous, in every quarter ; but we shall select a few, only. Tlie obelisk yet standing, at Heliopolis, is immersed more than 5^ feet above its base (meaning the level of the ground; for it is not known how deep it may go into the ground), in the periodical inundation of the Nile. Now it cannot be sup[X)sed that Heliopolis stood originally on ground, that was subject to be overflowed: on the contrary, Strabo says, page 805, that it stood on a great mound. The height of the mound, is not mentioned, but it must probably have been several feet above the inundation ; and now the inundation is several feet above the mound : unless, indeed, Strabo meant the dam or dyke that inclosed it : and even the necessity for that dyke proves the rise of the general level .-f- Another instance occurs in the digging out of the sarid, the marble columns near Rosetta ; mentioned by M. Niebuhr. But the fact is much more pointedly established, by what Herodotus says, concerning the level of the temple at Bubastis ; and by the neces- sity of raising the ground of the different cities of Egypt. He says then, that during the reign of Sabacus, King of Ethiopia, (who possessed Egypt 50 years,) the ground on which the cities of Egypt stood, was more and more elevated, by manual labour : and that, although they were somewhat raised under the reign of Sesostris, by the digging of canals, they became still more so, under * Mr. Browne gives this general idea of tlie Delta, p. 352, " The reader may conceive a vast plain, intersected in all directions, by minute channels, (the canal of Meniif being almost the only important stream,) by which, and by pumps, the inter- stices are watered, and brought to the utmost fertility." + Possibly, the inundation may have found its way within the dyke, through the entrances described by Dr. Pococke, page 23. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 51 3 the Ethiopian. Moreover, this was more particularly the case, with the city of Bubastis, in which stood a famous temple of Diana. This temple, he observes, was in the centre of the town, and in every part, a conspicuous object ; its situation having never been altered, although every other part of the city had been elevated ; Euterpe, 137. 138-* Hence we collect that the gradual elevation of the soil of Egypt, was such, as that it was necessary, at that early period (for it was so early as the fifth reign, after tlie building of the great pyramids), to raise the ground of the cities ; which, no doubt, had been ori- ginally placed in elevated situations. But by what is said con- cerning the mode of raising the ground, as well as the appearances that now present themselves, it may be understood, that in most cases, the operation was that of raising a lofty dyke round the existing city : and not that the houses were generally taken down, in order to rebuild them on higher ground. Dr. Pococke remarks that the site of Heliopolis, as well as those of the temple of Isis, near Busisris ; and of another city wliich he took for Bubastis, but which can be no other than Athribis;-f were encompassed by high mounds of earth. See Vol. i. p. 21, 22, 23. Mounds for the villages and towns, are universally raised, in the lower parts of Bengal : and they often consist of one long narrow street, only. One of the mounds seen by Pococke was about a furlong in breadth. These particulars appear to be perfectly decisive, respecting the * The description of the temple is worth attention. Its remains do not appear to have been visited by modern travellers. It would be curious to know how far the description of the ground plan of Bubastis, by Herodotus, agrees with modern appearances. t The site in question is very close to Trieb, or Atrib, and on the Sebennitic branch : whereas Bubastis stood on the Pelusiac branch, which was also called the Bubastic. M. Niebuhr speaks of the remains in question, as belonging to Athribis ; Vol. I. p. 79. He names the place Benha Assel: Pococke, Benclhassar. 3U gl^ ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, gradual rising of the soil. The temple of Isis stood a little below the centre of the Delta : Athribis about one fourth part down, and Heliopolis opposite to the head of it : so that the operation went on every wiiere. But the degree in which it rises, any more than the extent formed in the sea during any given time, must remain unde- termined. It may, however, be concluded, that, in early times, the extension of the alluvion was more rapid in proportion to the eleva- tion of the soil, than in latter times. It is highly probable that those parts of the city of Memphis, Avhich lay very low, have been covered with deposition : that the lake spoken of by M. Maillet, and which had ruins at the bottom of it, was a part of that ground, surrounded by a dyke : and that the country zvithout, was raised by deposition, whilst the inclosed ground remained a hollow ; and finally, that the inundation flowed over it, and formed it into a lake. (See notes to p. 498.) We might adduce abundance of instances from other countries. When the great reservoir was dug in the city of Calcutta, whole trees were found at a great depth. At Utrecht, at the side of the ancient bed of the Rhine, edifices have been found at a great depth below the present level.* It may be proper to add a few words also, concerning the over- flowing of rivers, in order to shew, that, nothwithstanding the continued rising of the soil, the river must still continue to overflow. All rivers and streams must at times overflow, because there i? no provision made in their beds, for a sudden increase of water : for this sudden increase being immediately diffused over the country, can have no effect in deepening and enlarging the river beds. But where the situation admits of a regular system of dykes, to retain * Dr. Pococke found the level raised, in almost every place in Upper Egypt, where there are buildings, whose proportions help to shew it. This appeared more particularly at Thebes. But there are no means of knowing, whether it be occasioned by rubbish, by drifting of sand, or by deposition ; or whether ail the three may not kave had a share. The Doctor thought the ground had risen 17 feet, at Thebes. AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 5I5 the surplus waters, the bed will doubtless be enlarged beyond its natural size. This operation, however, will prevent the general surface of the land from rising; and hence it is, that mankind, by a too hasty occupation of alluvbns, and by tampering with the courses of rivers, have not only entailed endless expence, but brought destruction on their posterity, on occasion of a higher land, or sea, flood, than ordinary.* Under these circumstances, the whole river bed will rise by degrees, above the surface of the country, in places remote from the sea : and the dyke must be gradually raised: as well as strengthened, to a degree proper for resisting the pressure. Mr. Browne, who travelled into Upper Egypt, speaks in the following manner concerning the inundations of the Nile, generally: page 64. " In Upper Egypt, the Nile is confined by high banks, whicii prevent any inundation into the adjacent country. This is also the case in Lower Egypt, except at the extremities of the Delta, where the Nile is never more than a few feet below the surface of the ground, and where the inundation of course takes place." Again he says, of the inundation in the Delta, page 352, " As to real inundation on the rise of the Nile, that must be regarded as confined to a small space, bordering on the sea." It appears from the dates, that Mr. Browne did not travel during the season of the floods of the Nile, and tlierefore he must have heard this from others : and we suspect that his information has not been correct. In respect of the Delta, it might relate to the neiglibourhood of the principal branches of the river, where the ground is the most raised by depo- * Thus, the Zuyder Zee, or sea of Amsterdam, has been increased chiefly by breaches of the sea, from a small lake, to its present size. It is probable that the admission of so large a portion of the waters of the north branch of the Rhine, into the bed of the Isel, may have originally increased the lake, and prepared the ground for some of the changes that have followed. It was Drusiis, the Roman general, who cut a canal from the Rhine to the Isel, between Arnheim and Docsburgh. 3U 3 5l6 ALLUVIONS OF THE NILE, sitions : for we have not only seen the like in other countries, but have heard that inundations do really take place over the lower part of the Delta, generally, though in a greater degree on the eastern, than on the western, side. As to the question of Upper Egypt, it can only be said that authors in general either describe an inundation, or leave us to understand that an inundation does take place there; although some of them admit that it is not universal. Some of the passages that occur in Pococke and Norden, are very pointed, as may be seen in the notes ; and the existence of an inundation appears to admit of no doubt.* M. Norden also speaks of a dyke generally in Upper Egypt, and describes it in his plan of a part of the ground of Thebes. And from all the circumstances considered, it appears probable that the "* Dr. Pococke says, p. 79, *' We passed several little lakes of water, made by the tverfowings of the Nile," This was near Achmim, in Upper Egypt. In page 197, speaking of Upper Egypt generally, he says, " If the hills are above four or five miles from the Nile, they have villages in the middle, between the hills and the river, which are built on raised ground, where the Nile overflows." What follows, ia the same place, is curious in respect of the inundations in Lower Egypt. In p. 199, he says, " It seemed visible to me, that the land of Egypt is lower at a distance from the Nile, than it is near it; and I imagined, that in most parts it appeared to have a gradual descent from the Nile to the hills ; that is, to the foot of them, that may be said to begin at those sandy parts, a mile or two distant from them, which are gentle ascents, and for that reason are not oversowed by the Nile." Here, from the circumstance of the hills, Upper Egypt must of course be intended ; and it is implied in the strongest manner, that the space between the crest of the banks and the base of the hills, is overflowed. At the same time he says, in p, 198, and aoo, that many parts of Egypt are not overflowed. M. Norden, speaking of the country above Cairo, Vol. i. p. 57, says, " These canals they carry quite to the mountains — so that when the Nile increases, its water enters into the canals — when the river has swoln to its pitch, and diffused its waters on the surface of the ground, they then think of retaining them for some time, in order that the earth may be sufficiently soaked. For this purpose they tnake banks, which hinder the water itomf owing off, &c. At length, when the earth is sufficiently moistened, they cut the bank to facilitate the removing off of the waters." AND SITUATION OF MEMPHIS. 5I7 present inundation is effected by means of canals that lead from the river towards the hills ; and that the use of the grand dyke is to command the period of the inundation, which might prove incon- venient, if left to operate casually. We are told of various canals, that are opened at different periods, depending on contingencies. It is, however, a subject concerning which one naturally wishes to re- ceive more information. It may be remarked, that whatsoever might be the state of the case at present, the slope described by Dr. Pococke, from the margin of the river bank, to the foot of the hills, plainly proves that inundations have regularly taken place in former times. This is the slope spoken of in pages 493, and 509; and which is found in the course of every river that runs through an alluvial tract. 11518 -} SECTION XIX. CONCERNING THE NUMBER, ORDER, AND POSITION OF THE BRANCHES OF THE NILE, ANCIENT AND MODERN: WITH VARIOUS PARTICULARS RESPECTING THEM. Description of the Branches and Mouths of the Nile, by Herodotus — Doubts respecting some of the inferior Branches. — Seven navigable Mouths allozved generally by the Ancients. — Dimensions of the Delta well known to them. — Watch Tower of Perseus. — Number, Order, and Position of the Branches and Mouths of the Nile — Canopic, the most zvestern — inuch ancient History belonging to it, and the City of Canopus — the latter no less celebrated as the tnodern Abukeir, the Scene of the glorious Battle of the Nile. — Sites of the ancient Cities of Metelis, Naucratis, a?id Hermopolis, ascertained. — Error of modern Geographers, respecting the Lake Mareotis. — Naucratis, the ancient Emporium of Egypt. — Greek Establishments in Egypt. — Change of Course, of the zcestem Branch of the Nile. — Bolbitine, o?- second of the ancient Branches, be- come the first. — Sebennitic, or third Branch ; nozc the Outlet of the Lake Brulos — Phatmetic, or fourth Branch ; now the Da- mietta, or eastern Braiich — Mendesian and Tanitic, anciently the fifth and sixth Branches ; noiu only Outlets to the Lake Men- zala— tPelusiac, the seventh and last : now a periodical Stream, only — its a?icient Course traced. — Temple and City of Onias. — Situ- ations of ancient Jewish Establishments in Egypt, known — that of Oniasjixed. — Lake of Menzala, aticiejitly Tanis. — Remarks on the Lakes and Hollows, formed in the Alluvions of Rivers. It has been said that our Author describes three natural branches of the Nile, as existing in his time : and which separated at Cercasora, situated at six or seven miles above the present head of the Deha. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 519 At this point, says he, Euterpe, 17, " it separates itself into three branches ; that which directs itself towards the east, is called the Pelusian mouth ; the Canopic inclines to the west ; the third, in one continued line, meets the point of the Delta, which dividing into two parts, it finally pours itself into the sea. This arm is equally celebrated, and not inferior in the depth of its waters ; it is called the Sebejinitic mouth, and this again divides itself into two branches ; one is called the Saitic, and one the Metidesiaji channel ; both empty themselves into the sea. There are two other mouths, the Bolbi- tinian and the Bucolic; these are not produced by nature, but by art." He also speaks (in Euterpe, 10.) of " the Jive arms of the Nile;" but it is certain that he has enumerated no less than six; and later authors, seven* As we learn from Strabo, page 802, that the Tanitic mouth had also the name of Saitic given it, no difficulty arises concerning the identity and positions of the several branches above described ; the Bucolic excepted. But Herodotus seems to have been guilty of an omission in stating two mouths only, as the number of subdivisions of the Sebennitic branch : and it is probable that he should have said three. For he has in fact described the Sebennitic mouth, most clearly, in saying that it met the point of the Delta ; that is at Berelos, or Bnilos, where also, the Sebennitic mouth of Strabo and Pliny, must be looked for. Therefore, he ought, probably, to have said, that besides the embouchure, properly named Sebennitic, it formed two others ; the Mendesian and Saitic, (or Tanitic). For as, after he had spoken of " the Jive arms of the Nile," he enumerates six, it is probable that he had not a distinct idea of the subject. * Pliny, lib. v. c. lo, speaks of eleven mouths of tlie Nile, besides four others which he cMs false ones : but he allows seven principal ones only ; agreeing thus far with Strabo. The reader is referred to the Map No. VII, page 449, for what relates to the Delta of the Nile ; and for the general course of this river through Egypt, as well as the countries bordering on Egypt, to No. IX. 520 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. Nor is it extraordinary that a stranger should have been ill in- formed, concerning such a matter, when the Europeans settled on one of the arms of the Ganges, remained in total ignorance respect- ing the mouths of that river, for near two centuries. Seven was the number of navigable mouths of the Nile, according to the ancients in general. The Bucolic cannot be placed : and he omits the Pbatmetic, which is known to be represented by the modern embouchure of Damietta. This mav possibly have been the Bucolic. Concerning the smaller subdivisions of the branches, near the sea, it is said byStrabo (page 801), that many of them were navi- gable for boats: so that they may be regarded in the nature of creeks of the sea, rather than as the mouths of rivers : and it may be sufficient for the present purpose, to regard the three branches above specified, as the proper arms of the Nile, in the time of our Author ; and which were subdivided, near the sea, into several others. And unless we were to suppose, that the Nile carried a greater body of water in ancient times, than in the present, one does not easily comprehend how three branches could be so copi- ously supplied, as the descriptions of our Author seem to imply.* It is true, that the ancient ships were very flat, and required but a small depth of water, compared with the modern ones : and this makes a great difference in the question. The Canopic branch, whether from its greater depth, and more convenient position, or from political reasons, was originally " tlie sole emporium of Egypt," * Mr. Browne's general description of the Nile, and its banks, merits attention, and may be easily referred to, in pages 63 to 66 ; as also in 352. In particular he says, that " the greatest breadth of this majestic river may be computed at 2000 feet, or about y of a. geographic mile. Its motion is oven slower than the Thames, and does not exceed three miles per hour." This rate has been observed to be that of the Ganges and Burrampooter (in Phil. Trans, for 1781); and perhaps is that in general, of rivers that run through beds, formed of their own alluvions. This is to be under- stood of the season, when they are not swoln by the periodical rains. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 521 according to our Author ; and strangers were not allowed to enter the other branches. He is silent respecting the navigation of the Sebennitic and Pelusiac branches; although it cannot be supposed otherwise, than that they were used by the Egyptians themselves : and it may be suspected that he knew very little concerning the lower part of the Delta, since he omits to mention some of the great lakes, that occupy so considerable a proportion of it.* The Pelusiac branch has long ceased to be a perennial stream ; the eastern and principal part of the Nile, being now collected in the Damietta, or ancient Sebennitic branch. By this change, about one half of the Delta has been lost, not only in the geographical arrangement, but in its use as cultivable land : the tracts which the river has left, having for the most part, become sandy deserts ; as has happened on the opposite' side, by the change of course of the Canopic branch. The ideas of the ancients, respecting the dimensions of the base of the Delta, were accurate enough, if we suppose that some spoke of the circuit of the coast, others of the direct line between tiie two extremities. Herodotus says (Euterpe, 15), " This regioii, (that is the Delta) from the Watch Tower erected by Perseus, extends along the coast to the salt-pits of Pelusium, to the length of 40 schoenes." Taking these as before, at 40 stadia each,-f we have 1600 stadia for the extent of the coast. But where was the Watch Tower of Perseus ? Strabo places it (page 8oi), at the eastern point of the Bolbitine branch, on a projecting sandy point. But the Canopic, and not the * He knew the lake o( Biitos (or BrulosJ, for he speaks of it (Euterpe, 156), as being spacious and deep : but he omits the lake of Tanis, as well as that of Mareotls. Respecting the lotus, which he says abounded in the inundated parts of Egypt, (Euterpe, 92) it may be suspected that he has confounded together different species of plants. At all events, however, the Egyptian lotus, whatsoever it may be, is totally distinct from that, from whence the Lotophagi were denominated. More will be said concerning this subject when we speak of the Lotophagi. t See above, pages 18 and 19. 3X 522 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. Bolbitine, mouth, terminated the Delta on the west ; and there, surely, we ought to look for the tower. The words of Herodotus could have no meaning, unless the tower stood at the opposite ex- tremity of the Delta to Pelusium : and therefore the rocky promon- tory of Abukeir, on which Canopus stood, was probably the site of the Watch Tower of Perseus : and which at present contains a romantic castle and tower, views of which may be seen in Norden, Plate XIV. There appears to be more reason, to expect a watch tower on an elevated rock, near the mouth of the Canopic branch, which led to the grand emporium of Egypt, than at the entrance of an artificial canal, and on a sandy shore. The reading in Strabo may therefore be suspected. The 1600 stadia, calculated on our mean scale of 718 to a de- gree, produce nearly 134, G. miles ; and the curvilinear line of the coast, between Pelusium and Canopus, measures 13&. Strabo, page 791, allows 130c stadia ; Pliny, lib. v. c. 9, 170 MP, which were probably calculated from stades, at 8 to a mile ; whence 1360 stades will be the result. The 1300 of Strabo, on his scale of 700, are equal to iii-r G. miles ; and those of Pliny, on our mean scale, to 11 3-5-: and as it must be conceived, that these measures are intended for the base of the Delta, reckoned in a direct line be- tween the two beforementioned embouchures, they fall short by a few miles only; the actual length of the base, being 117.* Herodotus is silent, respecting the length of the sides of the Delta : and his statement of the distance, between Heliopolis and the sea, is evidently erroneous, as we have shewn. (See the note to * According to our Author, Euterpe, 6, the sea coast properly reckoned to Egypt, extended from tlie bay of Plinthine, which begins about 20 G. miles to the SW ot Alexandria, to the lake Sit bonis, close to M. Casius ; and was in length 60 schoenes : that is, half as much again as the sea coast of the Delta. Accordingly, the whole length of the coast of Egypt should be 201 G. miles, by this account : and we mea- sure on the Map, at page 449, 199. Scylax allows 200 stadia between Pharos and the bay of Plinthine. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 523 page 487). Strabo also, omits to give the dimensions: he only says that the sides are not equal to the base, which is true. (Page 70 1 ). Pliny allows 14,6" MP. for the length of the Canopic branch; but it could never have exceeded 89 G. miles; which falls short about 300 stadia, of Pliny's calculation. The present Delta appears to have a base of 61 G. miles, and the sides, 83 and 86, respectively; of which the eastern is the long- est: and, it is pretty certain, that its area is only equal to one half of the ancient Delta.* Having thus stated the ideas of our Author, respecting the gene- ral subject of the Nile, and its Delta, we shall bring into one point of view, the number, and order of position of the several branches of the Nile; according to the ancient authorities iti general; together with the modern ones that correspond to them. I. The Canopic branch. This was also named Heraclean, from the town of Heradeum, situated near the entrance : for the city of Canopus lay beyond it to the west;-\- and in the time of Scylax, the site of it was a desert and rocky island. For he says (p. 43), that at the Canopic mouth of the Nile, there is a desert island, which they * This tract appears to have lost about 70 British miles of its base on the east, 18 on the west : making in all, a defalcation of 88 B. miles : and leaving about 71 for the present base. t Critically speaking, Canopus was situated at 120 stadia, or 12 British miles to the eastward of Alexandria : (Strabo, p. 8or : Pliny, 12 MP. lib. v. c. 10.): and the Canopic mouth at 30 stadia, or 3 miles beyond the town : for according to Strabo it was 150 from Alexandria ; and the same from the Island of Pharos, according to Scylax. It must be noted, that these measures respect the ancient Alexandria, which stood to the eastward of the modern city : so that the centres of the two cities were at least two miles asunder. Reckoning from the modern Alexandria, the distances, respec- tively, should be increased to 14 and 17 miles. Scbedia, a city of note on the Canopic branch, was situated at about 6 G. miles above the entrance. This may be collected from Strabo. A canal connected this part of the Canopic branch, with Alexandria. 3X 2 524. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. name Canopus ; and that the sepulchre of tlie pilot of Menelaus, by name Canopus, vvlio came from Troy, is shewn there. By this ac- count the city of Canopus was not built till after the time of Scylax, who is supposed to have been cotemporary with Darius Hystaspes. Scylax, who wrote a Periplus for the guidance of navigators, is likely to have been critical in such a matter : and therefore, the existence of an island, and that island a desert one, seems to be proved.* Since that time, it has been joined to the main by alluvions, which appear to be hardly yet consolidated into firm land. The Island of Pharos is also spoken of by Scylax ; since which it has also been joined to the main land, by sea alluvions, aided in their operation by a causeway, built by Alexander: and on which alluvions, the modem city of Alexandria stands. When Paris was driven by contrary winds, to Egypt, he came to the Canopian mouth of the Nile, and to Tarichea ; in that situation was a temple of Hercules, which remained to the days of Herodotus. Tliis temple, it may be supposed, afterwards gave name to the town of Heracleum, mentioned by Strabo ; and which might be the same with the Tarichea of Herodotus, four centuries before. To this temple, the servants of Paris repaired, and gave the information that led to the seizure of Paris and his effects, and the detaining of Helen. After this, Menelaus himself visited Egypt, and received back his wife, and his effects from the king.-f Thus the classic importance of Canopus, is very great, considered either as a place visited by the heroes of the Trojan war ; as the • It is worthy of remark, that when Nearchus passed the Island of Ormus, after- wards famous for its city and emporium, it was uninhabited ; and is described by him as a desert island, under the name of Organa. t See Euterpe, 113, et seq. where the story of Paris is given ; and which is well worth the attention of the reader. There will also be found our Author's ideas re- specting the true history of the war of Troy. It may be retnarked, that the conduct of the king of Egypt, in the matter of Paris, was that of a just and magnanimous prince, doing honour to himself and his country, at the same time. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 525 reputed burial place of tlie pilot of Menelaus ; or in respect of the rank which it held amongst the cities of Egypt:* but as some ancient places have been so fortunate as to renew their classic importance, in modern times, as if to insure the certainty of a longer term of celebrity ; so this place, under the modern name of Abukeir, has received a new, and perhaps a more lasting, impres- sion, of " the stamp of fate," by its overlooking, like Salamis, the scene of a naval battle, which, like that of Salamis, may lead to a decision of the fate of Europe. This most brilliant victory, achieved solely by Britons, Europe felt as her own ; and French- men alone, mourned the defeat. To this spot, the genius of Britain conducted his favourite Nelson, who at one blow destroyed the fleet of the enemy, and cut oif, for ever, the veteran army of France, from her shores. But what secluded shore of the ocean, has not in its turn, rever- berated tl.e British thunder? During the present struggle what walls have resisted, save the wooden walls of Britain ? Nor shall history, although she delights more to record a brilliant victory, than the councils that produced it, sink to posterity the name and character of the naval minister, who so successfully directed the great engine of British power ! Devoted to her service, his country shall claim him for her own, to the latest times; whilst France shall recognize in the descendant of Marlborough, the hereditary foe to her schemes of ambition and aggrandizement l-j^ * From the Travels of M. Sonnini, just published at Paris, it appears that very considerable remains of Canopus are now visible at Abukeir: such as broken coluinns of granite, vast foundations, mutilated statues, and heaps of rubbish. Some of the foundations extend into the sea : and according to the opinion of M. Sonnini, the sea gains on the land there ; which is contrary to the ideas of the people of Alexandria, respecting that city ; as we learn from Mr. Browne. The people of Abukeir call the ruins, those of the city of Pharaon, or Pharaoh. See Vol. i. p. 390, et seq. : and also the volume of plates for the drawings of the ruins, &c. t The answer of the Delphic oracle to the Athenians, when threatened by Xerxes, (Polymnia, 141.) was thought to be so applicable to the circumstances of this country. 526 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. The Canopic, was the most westerly of all the branches of the Nile, at the date of our Author's history. Varying its course, more and more to the east, in the part near the sea, it formed at last, a deep winding, which approached so near to the sea in the quarter where Rosetta now stands, that a canal was opened in that direction, and took the name of Bolbitine, from a city, whose ruins are found a little above Rosetta, at a place named Abii-Mander* This branch is also named Tali, by Ptolemy. Not far below the separation of these branches, stood the city of Metelis (according to Ptolemy); whence, it may probably have occupied the position of the present town of Mentubes, eight miles above Rosetta : for there M. Niebuhr saw the traces of an ancient city.-|- M. D'Anville places Metelis at Ftia, which is considerably above the division of the branches. The Canopic channel gradually filling up, that of Bolbitine bec.ime deeper, until it assumed the place of the former : so that the ancient passage, which at all times led through a series of shallow that the phrase of " wooden walls" is in every one's mouth, without a consciousness of its first application. However, as it respects mere defence, it must be taken in a qualified sense ; a fleet operating rather as a systematic check on the designs of the enemy, than as an effective shield or weapon, in the last resort. Its perfection appears, in the subjection of an enemy's foreign possessions, and the protection of our own : but in respect of our own island, its vicinity to the coasts of the enemy, is such, that no security can be derived from a fleet, without the presence of a con- siderable land force also. Neitlier of the two, singly, to any reasonable extent, would avail ; but the compound preparation, although moderate in each department, produces absolute security. By doubling the hazard, on the part of the enemy, they compel an increase of preparation, even to unweildiness, and thus narrow the chance of an opportunity to .'trike a blow. • See above, page 448 of Section xviii. ; and M. Niebuhr's Voyage en Arable, &c. Vol. i. p. 45. + See the same volt me, pnge 78. The Milfsian wall spoken of by Strabo, page 801, 802, was probably built across 'the narrow tract between the Bolbitine branch of the Nile, and the lake of Butos; so as to oppose any attack from the Egyptians, from the side of Memphis. Butos, which stood at the side of the lake, was at no great distance from the river, so that the 'extent of the wall need not to have been very great. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 527 lakes, is now dry during the low state of the Nile.* The present branch that passes by Rosetta, must therefore be regarded, gene- rally, as that of Canopus, in tlie part between the head of the Delta, and the outlet of the branch, that leads to the bay of Abukeir. However, it has doubtless undergone many changes, in particular parts of its course ; and is also shortened by the change of place of the apex of the Delta. At the side of this branch were also situated, amongst others, the ancient cities of Naucratis, the emporium of Egypt, and Hermopolis the lesser. It will be proper to speak of both these situations, as we differ exceedingly from M. D'Anville concerning the latter ; and as the former appears to be recognized in the ruins seen by M. Niebuhr, at Salbadjar. M, D'Anville places Hermopolis at Damanhin; a town situated on the canal of Alexandria, about lo or 12 miles below its outlet from the Canopic branch, at Rahmany, The ancients however place it, not at the side of the canal, but at the river itself :'|^ and this is justi- fied 6y the Antonine Itinerary, and by its application to the actual geography. Hermopolis, therefore, should be placed at Rahmany. The Antonine Itinerary allows 159 MP. between Alexandria and Memphis : and the Theodosian Tables have the same number. The road, in the former, leads through Chereu, Hermopolis, Andro- polis, Nicia, and Latopolis;X and the distance will be found to * The course of the ancient river is well known to the people of the country, who point it out to travellers. t Ptolemy, Africa, Tab. III. Appendix ; and Strabo, page 803. X Alexandria 24 Chereu 20 Hermupoli 21 Andro 31 Niciu 28 Lctus 20 Memphi: total, 144 only ; but in the road from Pelusium to Alexandria 36 are allowed between Andropolis and Hermopolis : as, Andro 12 Nithine 24 Hermupoli : and the corrected total will be 159. See Ant. Itin. pages 154, 155, 156. The Theodosian Table has, Alex.-indria 24 Mclcati 32 Naucrati 43 Niciu 36 Auleu 24 Memphis : total also 159. Although the totals agree, with each other, and with the actual geography, yet the reader will perceive a considerable difference between the details. 528 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. agree, if reckoned through Rahmany, considered as HermopoUs: as will that in tlie Tables, if reckoned through Rahmany and Nau- cratis. There appears to have been a necessity for the angle in the road, at Hennopolis, because of the intervention of the lake Mareotis;- which we conceive to have extended in a different direction from that assigned it by M. D'Anville. For Strabo allows it a length of 300 stadia, or about 30 British miles, with a breadth of 100 stadia, or 10 miles : and he also speaks of several canals, which led to it, from the Canopic branch of the Nile. Moreover, he speaks of this lake and its islands, as lying on the right of those who go from Schedia to Memphis* A slight inspection of the Map will shew, that the lake in question, must have extended to the ESE, from Alexandria ; for had it extended to the S\V, appearances would manifestly shew its site, by a soil differing totally from the natural soil of Lybia. Mr. Browne says, " In my excursions about Alex- andria, the low ground and some verdure, which I considered as marking tlic former extent of the lake Mareotis, appeared to me to reacli SW, a league : or perhaps a league and half, and no more. In going along the coast we saw little or nothing that could assist, in fixing its extent." Of necessity then, both the land road, as well as the canal which supplied the cisterns of Alexandria with the water of the Nile (for that of the lake we may suppose was not proper for keeping), must have led by the north of the lake, and at a great angle with the line of direction between Alexandria and Memphis. The 7iavigation from the Nile to Alexandria, was no doubt by those canals described • Strabo, page 803. Pliny, lib. v. c. 10, allows 30 Roman miles for the extent of the lake Mareotis ; or 60 in compass : but he says that some allowed it a much greater extent. No doubt, it had been constantly on the decrease : it having now totally disappeared, and the site of it become a plain, with palm trees in divers places. Ptolemy allows it a length of 34 G. miles ; which would reach upwards to the parallels of Naucratis and Sais ; and beyond the ruins which we fake for those of Momcmphis. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 529 by Strabo, from a point above Hermopolis, to the lake Mareotis ; which might approach within a few miles of the Nile, on one side, and close the walls of Alexandria, on the other.* There appears, therefore, no necessity for supposing a canal navigation of more than 35 British miles, between the Canopic branch and the lake Mareotis ; as M. D'Anville describes. The use of this lake, as a medium of direct communication, with the Delta, and Upper Egypt, without the hazard of putting to sea, was, no doubt, one of the advantages reckoned upon by Alexander, in his new establishment.-!" To return to Hermopolis, and the road to Memphis — Hermopolis is 44, MP. from Alexandria, and therefore agrees in distance, to Rahmany, at the side of the Canopic branch. Kuravi, which lies between, agrees to the Chereu of the Itinerary, 24 MP. from Alexan- dria: and at least, seems to prove that the first 24 miles lay in the line towards Rahmany.;); Sah, the site of the ancient Suis, stands, according to M. D'An- ville, at five miles to the east of Lahben, a position in M. Niebuhr's Chart. Strabo says, page 803, that Naucratis stood at two schoenes by water from Sais : and as the latter lay inland, to the east, from the Canopic river, but the former on that river itself, the water passage must have been by a canal, crossing the Delta : and as the canals at present, run to the NW, at that very place, Naucratis * Scylax .says that the distance from the lake, to the Island of Pharos, was very small. + It has been said, that Herodotus does not appear to have heard of the lake Mareotis. It must be recollected that he visited Egypt before the foundation of Alexandria ; and when the lake in question had not excited the attention of the Greeks, as it afterwards did, on occasion of its connection with that city. Probably, it was even more extensive in the time of Herodotus, than of Strabo : and might have approached very near to the Canopic branch. J The march of Bonaparte from Alexandria towards Cairo, was along the road described in the Roman Itinerary, to Hermopolis, or Rahmany, 3Y 53© BRANCHES OF THE NILE. should have been to the NW of Sais : and at the distance of about ciglit miles from it. Again, Naucratis, by the Theodosian Tables, is 56 MP. from Alexandria, towards Memphis : and as this road must also be sup- posed to lie through Rahmany (taken for Hermopolis), Naucratis should be 12 MP. beyond Hermopolis, towards Memphis. In other words, Sais and Hermopolis should be 20 MP. asunder; of which, 12 are between Hermopolis and Naucratis; eight between the latter and Sais : and the construction, founded on the abovementioned data, allows 22 : which is sufficiently exact for the purpose in hand, Naucratis should then be 103 MP. by the road, from Memphis, and the construction actually allows 101. This position of Naucratis falls precisely at Salhadjar, about 28 G. miles above Rosetta; at the east side of the river, or within the Delta. M. Niebuhr says, Vol. i. p. 78, that there are indications of an ancient and extensive city, at that place; and that, in consequence, he visited the spot. But he found little to repay his curiosity, although he satisfied himself as to the fact of the remains : he does not, however, appear to have referi'ed them to Naucratis. Such are the remains of this once celebrated emporium, the seat of wealth and beauty, and the resort of merchants from every quarter ! Even Alexandria which succeeded it, has long lost its consequence. " Formerly (says our Historian) Naucratis was the sole emporiuin of Egypt. Whoever came to any other than the Canopian moutii of the Nile, was compelled to swear that it was entirely accidental ; and was in the same vessel obliged to go thither. Naucratis was held in such great estimation, that if contrary winds prevented a passage, the merchant was obliged to move his goods on board the common boats of the river, and carry them round the Delta to Naucratis;'" Euterpe, 179. Perhaps this restriction originated in the same jealousy, which in the empire of China, limits the trade of Europeans to the port of Canton : and one cannot help remarking BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 53I how parallel the two cases are, in this respect. The Greeks were pennitted to have a commercial settlement at Naucratis, and they were allowed places for the construction of temples, for their reli- gious rites. Strabo attributes to the Milesians, the foundation of the city Naucratis ; after they had established themselves near the mouth of the Bolbitine branch, in the reign of Psammitichus : (pages 801, 802.) Amasis is said to have been " very partial to the Greeks, and to have favoured them upon every occasion. Such as wished to have a regular communication with Egypt, he permitted to have a settle- ment at Naucratis. To others, who did not require a fixed residence, as being only engaged in occasional commerce, he assigned certain places for the construction of altars, and the performance of their religious rites;" Euterpe, 187. Amasis reigned at about a century after Psammitichus, and was of the city of Siupb, in tiie district of Sais ; (172.) 5'a«^^, is perhaps the place intended.* It appears from the same book (180), that on occasion of the destruction of the temple of Delphi, by fire, collections were made for the purpose of rebuilding it : and that the Greeks who resided in Egypt made a collection of 20 minas. Thus may be seen in all ages, the same patriotism and generosity towards the mother country, in their foreign commercial establishments. The British subjects residing in the East and West Indies have manifested the * Sais was a city of very great note, far down the Delta, and towards the Canopic branch. Here the kings of Egypt had a magnificent palace ; "Euterpe, 163, 169. Edrisi mentions it under the name of Sah. Some circumstances in the history of Amasis, furnish a general idea of the position of Momemphis, at which place the battle that transferred the dominion of Egypt, from Apries to Amasis, was fought. From Euterpe, 161, 163, 169, it would appear to have been at no great distance from Sais, on the road to Cyrene. The ruins of a city are noticed at 12 G. miles to the westward of Sais, and about four from the western bank of the Canopic river. Ramsis is the nearest village to the ruins. (Nicbuhr, Vol. i, p. 78.) 3 Y 2 533 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. same spirit in these times, as the Greeks did in Egypt. However mistaken the object in the latter case, the motive, as well as the praise, is the same, in both. It was to perpetuate the ancient system, under which they had flourished. On the above occasion, Amasis presented the Delphians with looo talents of alum * Herodotus remarks that the courtezans of Naucratis were gene- rally beautiful. Amongst them was Rbodopis, whose beauty was universally celebrated ; and to whom the Greeks, erroneously, attributed the building of one of the pyramids of Memphis. Our Author, by way of refuting this assertion, says, that although her beauty procured her considerable wealth, it was by no means equal to the construction of such a pyramid : and he adds, that " whoever pleases, may now ascertain the sum of her riches ; for that wishing to perpetuate her name in Greece, she contrived what had never before been imaguied, as an offering for the Delphic temple : she ordered a tenth part of her property to be expended in making a number of iron spits, each large enough to roast an ox; they were sent to Delphi, ^\here they are now to be seen, behind the altar presented by the Chians." Euterpe, 135, It is worthy of remark, that in this short history of Rhodopis, our Author has introduced several celebrated personages, with some curious particulars relating to them. Rhodopis, who was of Thracian origin, was fellow-servant to Esop : and had her liberty pui'chased by Charaxus, the brother of Sappho : and finally, on his return to Samos, his sister treated him (we must suppose on occasion of this transaction ) with great severity, in a copy of verses. The resort ♦ Mr. Browne informs us, that " Sheb is marked by the production of a great quantity of native alum, as the name imports. The surface, near which the alum is found, abounds with a reddish stone : and in many places is seen argillaceous earth ;" p. 186. This place is situated in the Desert of Selime, six days to the S of the Great Oasis, three short of Selime : (lat. 23° 35' ;) and consequently within the boundary of Ancient Egypt. Water is found there, by digging to the depth of a few feet in the sand. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 533 of SO many beautiful females to Naucratis, may perhaps be admitted in proof of the general opulence of the place ; and of the people who resorted to it. We now return to the subject of the Canopic river. Doubtless the Canopic branch may at least be regarded as one of the deepest, if not the deepest, in ancient times ; for the city of Naucratis stood at more than 30 G. miles, in a direct line from the sea ; or perhaps, about as far as London from the Nore. Its course appears to have been originally in the line, between Memphis and Canopus ; passing at no great distance from the foot of the hills or eminences tliat bound the flat country of Egypt, towards the west : for the canal of Buheira, which passes in that track, appears to oc- cupy part of an ancient bed of the Nile. (See above, page 500.) By degrees, it has verged eastward; has completely desert jd that part of its bed which led into the sea at Canopus, and occupies the Bolbitine channel, which was originally an artificial one. By this change, the Delta has been abridged, as has been observed before, about 18 British miles of the western part of its base; and which is become as barren a desert, as the adjoining one of Lybia.* II. The Bolbitine mouth. This, from its connection with the former, has already been amply discussed. The ancient authors are perfectly agreed respecting the position and nature of both. They are about 16 miies distant from each other. This is at pre- sent named the Rosetta branch, from a city of that name (or rather Rdschid) near its junction with the sea. It may be remarked, that the bar has no more than six feet depth of water on it, at present ; and as there is scarcely any tide in this part of the Mediterranean, either the ancient Canopic branch must have carried a greater body • This seems t" be the natural prot^ress of things, in the neighbourhood of a sandy desert. The southern and principal branch of the Oxus, which ran into the SE part of the Caspian, has deserted its bed ; and according to Abulgazi Khan, the tract it ran through, from the condition of fertile and well planted field, is become a sandy desert ! S34! BRANCHES OF THE NILE. of water, or ships must have visited it only during the season that tlie bar, or bogas, was swept away by the floods ; and before it again accumulated. III. The Sebennitic mouth. There appear, as we have seen, some doubts respecting the position of this embouchure : nor is it a matter of surprize, that there should have been some confusion amongst the descriptions of the different oj^enings of this branch, as it separated into so many channels, previous to its falling into the sea. We find no such confusion respecting the Canopic, the Pelusiac, or the Bolbitine: whence it may be concluded, that the principal channel of the Sebennitic, had varied its course in different ages, in the part towards the sea ; as well as in the number of its openings. Strabo, as well as Herodotus, regards that as the Seben- nitic mouth, which lies next to the Bolbitine, eastward ; and the lat- ter says, that it runs to the point of the Delta ; but then he also says, Euterpe, 155, that Butos, which is known to have been at no great distance from the Canopic river, stood at the side of the Se- bennitic. Ptolemy says the same : so that here is a proof that the name was applied to different branches ; for Butos is so far from being opposite the point of the Delta, that it is rather three-fourths of the distance across, from Pelusium towards Canopus. A branch of, or a canal drawn from, the Sebennitic river, appears to have passed by Butos, into the lake of the same name. It would there- fore be wasting time, to go into any farther inquiries concerning the application of the term Sebennitic, as far as respects the opening to the sea ; more especially as Herodotus had not a clear idea of the subject, when he spoke of the same river, as passing in one conti- nued line to the point of the Delta, and also as passing by Butos. In effect, whatsoever he has said concerning the bulk and course of this branch, appears to apply to the tipper part of it; or, at least, not to the part near the sea: and it is well known, that it divides itself into a number of channels about the parallel of Busiris, (or Abusir); some running to the NW, others to the ENE. Of these, BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 535 the one that passes to the point of the Delta, at Brulos, is the one apparently intended for the Sebennitic. by our Author; and pro- bably by Strabo and Pliny also ; and may have been the principal channel of this branch, in early times : Strabo, however, allows the Pbatmetic the pre-eminence. The Sebennitic mouth is about 30 G. miles to the E of the Bolbitine. IV. The Phatmetic, which answers to the modern Damietta mouth, succeeds the former, at the distance of about 32 G. miles ; and is a continuation of the ancient Sebennitic branch, of Herodotus. At present it is also the principal channel of the Nile: and whatso- ever variations tJiere may have been, in tlie state of the different embouchures of this branch, in different ages, it appears from tiie state of the alluvi-Dns, that this, and the Canopic, have kept their general line of course, the longest. The quantity of firm land formed by these, in the parts towards the sea, whilst so great a space re- mains in the form of lakes, in otlier parts, furnishes much internal evidence, concerning this question; and indeed, the general course of the Nile being to the northward, it might have been expected to produce a greater effect in the direction of the Sebennitic and Ca- nopic branches, than in any other. With respect to the depth of the Phatmetic opening, it has been shewn from the arrangement concerning the fleet of Antigonus, that it was then a deep river. It is worthy of remark that the modern Egyptians denote the tracts on different sides of this branch, and within the ancient Delta, the eastern and western divisions : but whether this distinction ob- tained, during the existence of the Pelusiac branch, and meant to express the different portions of the Delta; or whether it was adopted in more modern times, and had a reference to the Damietta branch, as the proper Nile, we know not.* * The body of the present Delta is named Gharbia, or the western quarter ; and the opposite tract, which formed the eastern part of the ancient Delta, Sharkia and Shurruckia, or the eastern quarter. Keliube answers to the province of Heliopoh's, 536 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. V. and VI. The Mendesian and Tanitic, (or Saitic) branches. These are situated at the eastern side of the Delta; the first at 21, the other at 38 G. miles beyond tlie Phatmetic, or that of Damietta. Towards the sea, these are merely openings from the great lake of Menzala, orTanis; but the Mendesian branch, supposed to answer to the modem canal of Mansura, is represented by travellers, as a pretty considerable river, although it has no great length of course before it enters the just mentioned lake. This is also the river that presents itself in so critical a position, in the war of Louis IX, in Egypt. (See Savary's Travels.) Very little is known concerning the modern state of the lake Menzala, which is generally named in the country, Babeira, a name given, as we have just seen, to lakes, or waters. During the floods of the Nile, the lake Menzala is fresh ; at other times, either salt, or brackish. It extends, either in a continued surface, or in a con- geries of lakes, joined together by narrow straits, about 60 English miles, between Damietta and Pelusium ; and contains islands which have in them the ruins of towns and cities. Strabo speaks of these lakes (page 802); and it is probable that they have undergone little alteration since his time ; as the principal course of the waters has been more to the west, and the deposition here, in consequence, lessened. The modern name of the Mendesian mouth, is Dib^, or Pescheira; and that of the Tanitic, Eumme-faregge. Vllth. and last, the Pelusiac* In point of situation, it is about to the eastward, and G!za to that of Latopolls, to the westward ; of the upper part of the Delta. It would appear, that, as the Pelusiac branch has moved downwards, the province of Keliube has advanced with it, and that of Shurruckia has retreated : so as to keep their places, respectively, the one without, the other within, the Delta. Bohtira commences below Giza ; and appears to have been named from the lake Mareotis and its canals ; Bahr being the term amongst the Arabs, for lakes or waters. * It was also called the River of Bubastis, from whence the importance of that place may be inferred. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 537 23 G. miles to the SE of the Tanitic : and in bulk, although it was a principal branch, in ancient times, yet it may be supposed that it never equalled the Phatmetic and Canopic branches. Concerning the present Pelusiac river, we have already spoken, under the name of Terraet Mues ; * and which is no more than a periodical stream, separating from that of Damietta, at 16 or \'] G. miles below the present head of the Delta. But the ancient Pelusiac river, in the time of Herodotus, (as we have shewn), separated from the others, about the parallel of Heliopolis, and at the town of Cercasora ; from whence we trace its course to the north-east, to- wards Bubastis ; in which neighbourhood the canal of Necho to the Red sea, commenced. It is certain that there are no positive notices respecting the distance at which Cercasora stood, from He- liopolis ; but from the manner in which Strabo speaks of the relative positions of those places, and of the Observatory of Eudoxus, one cannot suppose the Nile to have passed, as at present, near four English miles and half from Heliopolis. The main body of the river, therefore, must have verged more to the west, in that part, since the times of Herodotus and Strabo, as it is apparent the Seben- nitic branch has. And this variation in its course, may have been the immediate cause of the defalcation of the waters of the Pelusiac river. One may naturally suppose, that, at a time when the separation of the arms of the Nile was yet higher up, than in the time of He- rodotus, the Pelusiac branch passed successively in the line of the canals of Trajan and Omar; which canals appear to have been made through the hollow ground left by the river, at diiferent times. This appears no less by the direction of those canals, than by the small lakes that seem to mark the ancient beds of the river, in diffe- rent places.'j- But, to descend to later times — the Pelusiac branch, * See above, page 460. t In Plate XVIII. of M. Norden's Views in Egypt, where the ceremony of the opening of the canal of Cairo, is described, the appearance of the ground is that of an ancient bed of the Nile, of which the canal ttiakes a part. It appears that Mr. Browne considered all the soil as alluvial, below Cairo. 3Z 538 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. when it separated at Cercasora, must have passed near the an- cient city and temple of Onias, situated to the north-eastward of Heliopolis, at the distance of about eight G. miles. As this is very much to the point of our subject, and as M. D'Anville seems to have mistaken the site of that famous establishment of the Jews, the reader may not be displeased at our giving the detail of its position. It is well known that Onias, the High Priest of the Jews, founded a temple, and a small city in Egypt, by permission of Ptolemy Philometer, in the Nomos or province of Heliopolis. This city, as well as the district immediately around it, took the name of Onias, or Onion, and as such appears in the geography of Ptolemy. The ancient notices concerning its position, are not so precise as could be wished, that of Ptolemy excepted. Josephus, from whom the whole history of the place is collected, says,* that it stood at 180 stadia from Memphis : but as this points to a situation nearest to Heliopolis, it is, no doubt, a mistake. However, some have, from this circumstance, referred it to Heliopolis, itself; which arrange- ment is not authorized, either by the history, or the geography. Ptolemy's report allows a distance of 17 G. miles between Baby- lon and Onii Metropolis, which latter stands at, or very near to, the river of Pelusium ; and in a north-easterly direction from Babylon (that is, Fostat, or ancient Cairo.) That this was the general posi- tion of Onion, is evident, from its lying in the road between Pelu- sium and Memphis ; and not xvithin the Delta, although the plain denominated from the Jews, was situated within that tract ; as appears from the ^ame authority .-j'- There occurs in the Antonine Itinerary (p. 169), a Jewish town or village, at 30 MP. from Heliopolis, towards Pelusium ; but this He says, page 46, " From the north (of Cairo) a plain extends to the Delta, which it resembles in soil and productions." * History of the Jewish War, lib. vii. lo, 3. + For both of these notices, see Jewish War, lib. 1 . 9, 3 ; and Antiquities, lib. iiv. 8, I. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 53c) is not only much too far removed from Heliopolis, but, by the construction in page 452, must be situated on a different road from Pelusium. M. D'Anville, however, regards this as the position in question ; but he had not the advantage of M. Nicbuhr's observa- tions, to set him right; for this gentleman's inquiries lead to a perfect confirmation of the above report of Ptolemy ; without dis- crediting the authority of the Itinerary ; since there are the remains of other Jewish establishments, besides the one formed by Onias. M. Niebuhr then, was informed that the people in and about Cairo, knew from tradition, the situations of several towns that had heretofore been inhabited by the Jews ; and of which some remains were still visible. The Jews in question, might either be a part of those who fled into Egypt, on occasion of the murder of Gedaliah ; or who might be attracted thither, by the temple and establishment of Onias. M. Niebuhr gives the names of seven such sites, at the distance of tzvo, to ejgbt leagues from Cairo, to the north-cast ; and apparently, all of them within the Nomos of Heliopolis ; or, as it is named at present, (no doubt corrupted from the ancient name) Keliubie. It appears probable that the original establishment of the Jews in Egypt, was in this province of Helio|X)lis ; as the family of Jacob, was no doubt placed at no great distance from the then capital, whether Heliopolis or Memphis ; and indeed the history of Moses shews, that the place of his nativity could not be far from the capital, by the circumstance of the king's daughter finding him in the course of her walks. There were also reports that Moses himself was of Heliopolis.* If the original settlement of the Jews was in this * Heliopolis, supposed to be the On of the Scriptures, was celebrated as a school of science from very early times. Herodotus says, (Euterpe, 3.) that the inhabitants of this place " are deemed the most ingenious of all the Egyptians." We learn, moreover, from Strabo (pages 805, 806,) that it was afterwards the school of Plato and Eudoxus. Moses is said to have been " skilled in all the learning of the Egyp- tians." If he obtained it at Heliopolis, it must have very long indeed preserved its 3 Z 2 54,0 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. quarter, it appears natural enough that Onias should select a place for his temple, within the same tract.* Amongst the remains of Jewish establishments, one in particular was pointed out to M. Niebuhr, under the name of Tel el Jebud, or Kabar Jehiid Bemderutbe, at eight G. miles to the NNE or NE b. N of Heliopolis; and which he himself saw, at the distance of four miles to the northward, on his way from Cairo to Suez.-|- It was reported to have been a considerable city, and it forms at present a great heap of ruins, conspicuous from afar, Josephus relates that some parts of the temple were 60 cubits in height. It was also fortified. It is certain that the situation of this heap of ruins, answers to the abovementioned place in Ptolemy; for it is about 16^ G. miles to the NE b. N of Babylon, whilst Ptolemy's is 1 7, about NE -j E. ^ He also leads the Pelusiac or Bubastic arm of the Nile, by the west side of it ; and such is really the course that it may be expected to have taken, from Cercasora to Bubastis : and it must be allowed, that this circumstance furnishes a presumptive proof, in favour of consequence ; for Moses lived about eleven centuries before Herodotus : but it might nevertheless have been so. The Israelites, when they began their march out of Egypt, must have been on the east side of the Nile ; for they certainly did not cross it, in their way to the Red sea. * There had been a heathen temple, there, originally. Probably the site might have been chosen, for the sake of the mound of earth, already raised there. Such mounds appear at Heliopolis, and other places : and such a one is described by He- rodotus, at Bubastis, &c. See above, page 513. Was it not, that the context of the geography renders it quite improbable, one might have suspected that Bubastis itself, was the place intended by Josephus, when he places it in the district of Bubastis, or country of Diana : and also on the site of an ancient heathen temple. But the Geography of Ptolemy has in it, Bubastis, as well as Onias. t See M. Niebuhr's Voyage, Vol. i. p. 81, 82, and 172. % It is proper to remark, that M. Niebuhr himself conceived that the ruins were those of the city and temple of Onias. See Vol. i. p. 81. BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 54,1 the assertion of Herodotus, that " the Pelusiac arm of the Nile directs itself towards the east from Cercasora." It may be re- marked, that Ptolemy derives the branch that passed before Athribis, from that of Bubastis, a little below the apex of the Delta ; which appears probable, and furnishes another presumptive proof, that the great body of the Nile has gone to tTie west, in that quarter. The bulk of the Pelusiac branch of the Nile, may be inferred, as well from the security it afforded to the eastern frontier, as from its being able to furnish a copious supply of water for the canal of Suez. It may be conceived that whilst the separation of the arms of the Nile, was high up towards the entrance of, or within, the valley, the Pelusiac river ran in such a direction, as to have a proper descent, along the general slope of the alluvion : but that when the Nile continued its course in a collective stream to a much lower point, that of the Pelusiac branch became almost at right angles with the general course of the Nile ; so that it was deprived of the declivity necessary to preserve its course to the sea. And hence, probably, we are to. account for the faiku-e of tliis once copious stream. "When we regard the general arrangement of the lands of the Delta, and the adjoining tract; in the lower part of which, towards the sea, is found a lake, and a portion of land, alternately; with a large arm of the Nile passing through each of those portions of land; it appears almost certain, that these narrow tracts of land have been extended so far beyond the great body of the Delta, by the long continued courses of the rivers, through them ; as the lakes are occasioned by the absence of tiie rivers.* The lakes may be considered as portions of the sea-, not yet filled * The mouths of the Rhone, seem to furnish the same kind of examples ; together with appearances of the change of place of the head of its Delta, downwards. Probably, an examination on the spot, would substantiate the fact, beyond dispute. 5i« BRANCHES OF THE NILE. up; but which are daily filling, though in different degrees, accord- ing to situation and circumstances. For it may be perceived, that the operation of filling up the lakes, and raising the soil of the lands, has gone on the most rapidly, in the western part of the Delta, and its adjacencies; the lake of Mareotis, which formed an expanse of 30 miles in the time of Strabo, being now filled up, nearly to the level of the country ; and the lakes by Canopus much in the same state : whilst that of Butos, (or Brulos) near the middle of the maritime part of the Delta, remains ; although it be mucli smaller than that of Ta72is (or Menzala), which is the furthest removed from the gene- ral line of course of the Nile. It may therefore be inferred, by the hollow and imperfect state of the Delta on the east, that much less of the matter of alluvion has been carried that way, than towards the north, and north-west: and it seems agreeable to reason, that the issue of the waters should be in the direction of the general course of the Nile, which is northerly: and that the greatest deposition should follow the great- est discharge of water. In the eastern quarter, therefore, the new land is found in the most imperfect state : large lakes and morasses lying midway down the Delta : and a vast lake (that of Babeira, or Mefizala) near the sea, inclosed on that side by a bank, formed apparently of the sediment carried to the eastward, by the prevailing current, along the coast ; and deposited along the edge of its track, in the form of a narrow dam ; and which lias been raised higher than the mere act of deposition could have placed it, by the surge of the sea. The progress of filling up has been very slow; for Strabo speaks of it, page 802, much in the same way as modern travellers do. It is possible, however, that breaches of the sea, may have protracted this operation, as they have enlarged the Ziiyder Zee, in modern times. Besides the instance of the Mareotis, history furnishes several examples of the filling up of lakes, by depositions. The Tigris and BRANCHES OF THE NILE. 543 Euphrates in the time of Nearchus, formed an extensive lake near the sea. That lake is no more to be found. The upper part of the Paludes, into which the Pallacopa led, below Babylon, now forms a plain, although it retains its former name of Bahr Nedjiiff; that is, the sea, or lake of Nedjiiff. It has also been remarked, that the site of the lake Mareotis still bears the name of Baheira, or the Ikke'. Travellers have remarked chains of sand bills, along various parts of the coast of the Delta ; and more particularly in the parts opposite to the lakes of Brulos and Menzala. It may be conceived, that these have remained for ages, in the nature of mounds, to retain the waters of the lakes ; the progress of extending the allu- vions into the sea, in these places, having been so slow, as to leave the margin of the coast so long exposed to the operation of the surge raised by strong northerly winds, as to produce the effect above described. This opinion, if founded, overthrows the idea of a rapid extension of the Delta ; at least, in the parts removed from the mouths of the river. Such chains of sand hills are also found in other alluvial countries, and sometimes many leagues inland; though always, we believe, extended in a direction parallel to the sea coast. In these cases, it may be supposed that the lakes to which they served as mounds, have been filled up ; and the allu- vions, (either of the sea or of rivers), extended beyond the sand hills, which, in consequence, would be left inland. Considering the maritime lakes of Egypt, as having been origi- nally parts of the sea, one ought not to treat lightly the tradition preserved by Homer, that the Island of Pharos, in early times, lay at the distance of a day's sail from the mouth of the Nile.* The lake Mareotis is described by Strabo and Pliny to have an extent of about 30 Roman miles; and by Ptolemy, who Uved on its * It has been shewn that Canopus, as well as Pharos, was anciently an island. i 4,4 BRANCHES OF THE NILE. banks, of 34, G. miles inland, from Alexandria : and 35 was tlie space sailed through in a day, by the ancient ships ! Who can help supposing, when he considers the disposition of the land and water, in tlie Delta of the Nile, and the process of forming new alluvions, however slow, that such was once the state of things ? n 545 1 SECTION XX. CONCERNING THE OASES OF EGYPT, AND LYBIA, DESCRIBED BY ■ THE ANCIENTS : AND FIRST OF THE EGYPTIAN OASES. Tbe Term Oasis, applied by the Ancients, generally, to those Islands of the Desert alone, that were subject to Egypt — well hiown to the Arabian Geographers. — General Description of the Oases: with their supposed Origin — their Fertility, Beauty, and Celebrity — -oit'e much, however, to the Contrast, arising from their singular Situa- tion — instrumental to Superstition in ancient Times — ^ised by the Caravans, as Places of Refreshment — like some Islajids of the Sea, they have been Places of Banishment for Offenders. — The Tract which co?ttai}is tbe Egyptian Oases, denominated Al Wahat; fro?}i Wah, the Arabic Term for such Isla?ids — Position and Extent of Al Wahat. — Of the Oases, two belong to Egypt ; one to Lybia — general Ideas of the Arabian Geographers, and of the Ancients, concerning them. — First, or greater Oasis, determined — its Posi- tiofi opposite to Abydos, and not far from Thebes — named Al Wah hy the Moderns. — Second, or lesser Oasis, nearest to the Lake Moeris : and is the Bahnasa of the Desert — less Imown than the other, to the Moderns. — Investigation of the principal Points, in the Geography of Lybia ; an Operation necessary to the final Adjust- ment of the Position of tbe Third Oasis; or that of Amnion. — The Positions of Fezzan, Angela, and Seewa ; zvith the Route between Fezzan and Egypt ; determined. Proofs that the Santa- riah of the Arabian Geographers, is tbe Seewa of the present Time. JVlucH has been said, as well by the ancients as the moderns, concerning the number and position of the Oases, or Islands of the Desert, in and about Egypt and Lybia; but, as might be expected, in 4, A 54© OASES OF EGYPT. a matter where so many have written, and so few have understood the subject, simple as it really is, in itself, there has been much difference of opinion, and much error. It may be conceived that this has chic-fly arisen from their having confounded certain of the Lybian Oases, with those of Egypt. For, it is proper to remark, that, although islands are scattered over the whole Lybian Desert, yet that the ancient geographers in general (Strabo, however, is an exception) applied the term Oases to those alone, which formed a part of the Egyptian dominion, along the west of the Nile, and be- tween it and Lybia ; and this rule appears to have been generally followed by the Arabian geographers. Even the latter syllable of Seewa, it appears, does not express the term fVah or Oasis* Every one knows that the Oases are insulated fertile spots like islands, in the midst of an expanse of desert : and commonly sur- rounded by higher lands. Abulfeda calls them, in the most im- qualified terms. Islands of the Desert : and applies the term also to large tracts, such as Fezzan, Augela, Wadan, &c. for although die general character of the Oases is that of very confined tracts, yet some of them are very large; and Fezz.an, in particular, is equal to a small kingdom ; notwithstanding that, by its being com- pletely enveloped in deserts, it is in every respect to be deemed an Oasis. The ancients also appear to have had a most perfect idea of the face of North Africa, by their comparing it to a leopard's skin.-f- Probably it is spotted, more or less, with Oases, over the whole ex- tent of the desert : for even in the Sahara, which has a breadth of more than 50 journies, there appear to be certain spots interspersed, which peep above the surface of the sandy waste, like islands rising above the face of the deep. The description of the Oases is very brief They are aptly com- * There seems to be no question, that the Greek term Oasis, is derived from the Arabic Wah. t Strabo says so, p. 130, quoting Cneius Piso. OASES OF EGYPT. 54.7 pared to islands in a sea of sand ; * but ihey surpass those of the ocean, in that they are ahnost universally fruitful, whilst the others are more commonly naked and barren : the former, probably, ow- ing their very growth and existence to that principle, which ferti- lizes them ; namely, fountains of water, springing up in the desert ; whilst the latter are either the ruins of ancient lands ; the produc- tion of volcanoes ; or accumulations of marine substances. The Oases, with very few exceptions, are plentifully supplied with fountains of pure water : and seem to possess a greater pro- portion of that useful element, than falls to the share of small tracts of land, in other situations. Is it then too much to suppose, that the foundations of these islands were first laid by vegetation, occasioned by springs ; the decay of which vegetation produced soil, until it gradually increased to the state in which we behold them ? They appear universally to be surrounded by higher lands, which may well account for the springs. In particular, Fezzan-j- is nearly encircled with mountains : and the descent from the west- ern barrier of Egypt, into the middle level of the Greater Oasis, is strikingly marked by Mr. Browne, page 184. It is not improbable, however, that the Oases might derive a part of their reputed superiority in fountains, verdure, and fruits, from the striking contrast between them and the surrounding waste ; as they can only be visited by persons who have been at least four or five days, perhaps twice that number, in the midst of burning sands ; and who are consequently prepared to set a high value on the com- forts of shade and cooling streajns, which abound, in those secluded spots ; and the want of which had constituted the chief evil of the journey. To these solid advantages, is to be added, the effect pro- * Thomson thus poetically styles them, the tufted isles. That verdant rise amid the Lybian Wild Summer, ver. 912. t African Association for 1790, Chap. IV. 4 A 2 548 OASES OF EGYPT. duced on the mind, by the romantic nature of the situation; for we are apt to regard a beautiful scene in an insular situation, as more interesting than one of the same kind, in an ordinary, and an acces- sible situation. Probably the Island of St. Helena, however beau- tiful its scenes, or its women, may derive a part of its praise from the length of time to which its visitors are confined to the watery waste, in their way to it. It can hardly be doubted that the temple of Jupiter Ammon was placed in the most retired of the Oases, with a view to derive advan- tages from the effects of various impressions made on the minds of its visitors, by its singular situation. It is remarked by Arrian, that Alexander himself was surprized at the nature of the place. The perilous nature of the journey to it (that of Alexander, and the army of Cambyses are examples) would subdue the minds of ordi- nary persons, and fit them for the operations of priestcraft. The island itself, situated in the midst of a boundless tract of moving sand, would appear to such minds, a kind of continued miracle: and the temple may possibly have had a history belonging to it, something like that of Loretto ! Mr. Browne's description of the Greater Oasis, however, lessens somewhat of the importance attached to it, from the reports of for- mer travellers ; Poncet in particular : for Mr. Browne's praises are bestowed chiefly on the Oasis of Seewa, (and no doubt, very de- servedly) ; and of the other he says little more than there is good water, and plenty of dates. It appears to consist of a number of detached fertile spots, or islands, extending in a line parallel to the course of the Nile, and of the mountains that border the valley of Upper Egypt ; separated from each other by deserts of two, to four- teen hours travelling : so that the whole extent of the chain may be 100 English miles; but by far the greatest part of it, desert. M. Poncet, who visited it, in his way to Abyssinia, in 1698, agrees in his description, with the Arabian geographers, and also OASES OF EGYPT. 54-9 with those of the ancients. M. Poncet says, " Here are to be seei) a great number of gardens, watered by brooks ; and forests of palm- trees that preserve a continued verdure." Mr. Browne describes one principal town, Charje, and several villages. The whole Oasis is subject to Egypt, and has ever been reckoned an appendage to it. It appears that the Greater Oasis, and that of Seewa or Siwa, are made use of by the caravans, as places of refreshment, by the way. The former occurs in the road from Egypt to Abyssinia, and Darfoor ; the latter, in that from Egypt to Fezzan, and Western Africa in general, and is the most in use of the two; not only as the trade to the west, is more extensive than that to the south, but because the pilgrims to Mecca, form a part of these caravans. The Greater Oasis, indeed, occurs too near to Egypt to be of the same advantage, as that of Seewa, which is 15 or more journies from Egypt, whilst the other is only five. Perhaps the Oasis of Seewa may not be unaptly compared, in respect of the caravans, with the Island of St. Helena, in respect of our India fleets ; as it affords water, refreshments, and a convenient place of rest. It is possible too, that it may often afford that kind of intelligence, re- specting the political and commercial state of the countries, which the caravan means to visit, as to enable the merchants to arrange their plans with more security and advantage, than if they had kept to the Desert through the whole route ; for it is to be observed, that Seewa does not lie in the direct route.* The Lesser Oasis appears to be but imperfectly known to the Egyptians, as it lies quite out of the track of the caravans ; and is therefore seldom visited by any but the Arabs of the Lybian Desert * Seewa lies about | of the way from the plentiful country of Fezzan, towards Egypt. That the caravans go out of their way, to Seewa, is plain, from what Mr. Browne tells us ; for EI Sogheir lies two journies to the NE of Seewa, and the Plain of Gegabib three to the NW of it ; and the general line of the road from Egypt to Augela is west. ^50 OASES OF ECYPT. Consequently, a traveller who visits Egypt, is likely to hear less of this, than of the others. Mr. Brown's inquiries, however, have brought out some new lights concerning it; but notwithstanding, the subject is far from being clear. P. Lucas was told that it had no springs, and that the inhabitants were supplied from wells only. But this circum- stance does not accord with probability, since by what Mr. Browne heard of i% it is much the same kind of place w ith the Greater Oasis ; which, as well as that of Seewa, seems evidently to owe its exist- ence to springs. It is a matter of great satisfaction that Mr. Browne has visited the two principal Oases ; so that we have descriptions that may be depended on. The Oasis of Seewa (taken for Ammon) appears to be by far the finest spot ; but what is singular, this favoured place is inhabited by a most unquiet race of beings ; perhaps rendered so by the nature of their government, which is placed in the hands of certain turbulent chiefs, whose elections and intrigues frequently produce civil broils and bloodshed.* In the days of Herodotus, as well as of Alexander, they were governed by a king : and we hear of no troubles or dissensions at that time. The religion of Ammon might also be milder, and more tolerant, than that of Mahomed. The Greater Oasis, and that of Ammon, were used as places of banishment by some of the monarchs of the lower empire. Atha- nasius, Bishop of Alexandria, the champion of the doctrine of the Trinity, was banished in the 4,th century to the Oasis of Ammon, and died there. Nestorias, Bishop of Constantinople, was also ba- nished in the succeeding century, to the Greater Oasis ; which was invaded and destroyed by the Blemmyes, an Ethiopian tribe, during his residence there. Others of less note suffered a similar fate, in both these Oases. The practice of banishing people thither for ordinary offences, had probably been in use amongst the ancient ♦ Sec Proceedings Afr. Assoc, for 1790, Chap. X.; and Mr. Browne's Travels, page 24. OASES OF EGYPT. 55 i Egyptians. The islands of the Persian gulf, as we have seen, were places of banishment under the Persian nionarchs : and it is pro- bable that people would find it even less ditiicult to escape from the islands of the sea, tlian from those of the Desert. In order to collect any precise ideas respecting the positions of the Oases, as they are described by the ancients, one must first lay down as a ground work, the descriptions given by the Arabian geo- graphers; together with the information collected by intelligent modern travellers : as from these, collectively, we are likely to obtain a greater mass of information, than is to be found in the writings of the ancients, how much soever they may have knozvn concerning the subject. It appears that the Arabian geographers* express by the collec- tive term Al Wahat, the Desert which contains the fVahs or Oases dependent on Egypt ; although no such collective idea appears amongst the ancients. This tract of Al Wahat claims our first at- tention ; not only as it included the Oases belonging to Egypt, but because the discrimination of it leads to some important geographi- cal conclusions. -f- Edrisi says, p. i8 and 19, that Al Wahat lies near, or adjacent to Assouan (i. e. Syene: it may be supposed that the district is meant), and extends downwards along the border of Egypt. In p. 43, it is said also to border on the canal of Menbi ; that is of Joseph ; which opens into the lake Faiume, or Mceris. Again, p. gy, it touciies the border of Nubia, near the southern extremity of Egypt; and, p. 18 and 19, also touches on the countries o{ Kucu and Kavar.'l Thus far Edrisi. Abulfeda says, that Al Wahat lies to the SE of Santariab (that is * Edrisi, Abulfeda, Jacutus, and Ibn al Wardi. t The reader is referred, for geographical explanation relative to this Section, to the Map, No. IX, at page 545. J These countries will be found in the new Map of North Africa, published by the African Association, in 1798. 552 OASES OF EGYPT. Seezva) : and that the district of Angela is situated between Magreh (Muggreb, or Western Africa) and Al Wahat.* Again, the com- mon boundary of Egypt and Magreb, is a line drawn from a cer- tain mountain on the coast, (implied to be the lesser Catabatbmus) to the tract of Al Wahat, and thence along it, to the boundary of Nubia.-f- Al Wahat is there said to be composed of a number of tracts like islands, surrounded by the Desert : and that there is a space of three journies between it, and &iide (Upper Egypt). And, quoting Jacutus, he says, that it is composed of three districts on . the west of the Saide, and beyond the mountains ; extending in a direction parallel to the course of the Nile. Jacutus (quoted by Hartmann)|' says, that '* it extends from a point opposite to the lake of Faiume, to Assuan." Ibn al Wardi, Hartmann, 491, only says of the situation, that ** there are places (or tracts) named Aloubat, situated along the mountains, which are behveen Egypt and the Desert." He is sin- gular in arranging Al Wahat as a division of Africa, and not of Egypt. He makes that division, which he calls the third, to consist of Al Wahat, Barca, Alexandria, and the Desert on the west : and names it Sus al Adna, or the nearest; meaning, it may be presumed, in respect of Egypt. Thus we have before us the ideas of the Arabian geographers, concerning the iK)sition and extent of the tract called Al Wahat ; which, however, we must conceive to be included within imaginary boundaries, except on the side towards tlie Nile. For, it will be found, that the Oases occupy only a part of it ; and we can conceive no distinction of boundary, in a trackless desert. Taking it, how- ever, according to the descriptions, one may suppose it to have an extent of 350 G. miles from north to south : and 150 from east to west : and it appears certain, that it contained no other Oases, than those properly belongmg to Egypt ; that is, the greater and lesser. * Tab. III. Africa, marginal notes. t Tab. II. Egypt, marginal notes. \ Hartmann's Edrisi, p. 494. OASES OF EGYPT. 553 We come next to the consideration of the number and particular situations of the Oases or Wahs. And here the Arabian geographers fail us ; for not one of them is accurate and decided, with respect to all; and it is not without great difficuhy, and by the help of modern travellers, that the truth is unravelled. And, in effect, it will appear that the Oriental geographers, taken separately, either knexv less, or have expressed less, concerning the general subject, than some of the ancient geographers. However, it will be very satisfactorily made out (we trust) that the most consistent descriptions, ancient and modern, agree in fixing three Oases ; two of which properly belong to Egypt, and the third to Lybia. We solicit a patient hearing from the reader, as he will have to attend to much dry, and intricate discussion. The positions of the Oases given by Jacutus (as quoted by Hart- mann, p. 494,) may easily be shewn to be so erroneous, that it would be taking up the time of the reader to no purpose, were we to state them in detail. In effect, he describes the three Oases to extend in three lines, which are parallel to the Nile, and to each other ; and separated by ridges of mountains. Moreover, he extends them in length, from the lake Moeris to the parallel of Assuan. Nothing can be more unlike the truth. Ibn al Wardi, (Hartmann, 491.) does not specify the number, or particular situation. He appears to speak only of Al Wahat, or the Egyptian Oases, collectively. It would prove both tedious and useless, to quote indiscrimi- nately the information respecting the Oases, contained in the ordi- nary books of European travellers. We shall therefore content ourselves with having recourse to M. Maillet, and a very few others, whose information seems to be of a superior kind to the rest. M. Maillet says, p. 303, 304, that Al Wah is nearest to Manfoulet, at the left of the Nile : and that the caravans of Nubia pass to it, from Egypt, after 13 journies. These notices apply to the Greater 4B 554 OASES OF EGYPT. Oasis ; which indeed appears to have been the only one known to M. Maillet. M. Poncet, who passed tlirough it, in his way to Abyssinia, in 1698, made five joumies to it, from the bank of the Nile, near Manfoulet, which agrees with M. Maillet 's report; as his 13 joumies are reckoned from Cairo, Dr. Pococke speaks of tzvo Oases only; but then he must be understood to speak of Egypt merely : and the omission of the third cannot therefore be charged as a deficiency. His remarks are drawn from the ancients, save in the single particular, respecting the distance between the two Oases; which he reports to be 100 miles.* Lucas appears to have heard of one only, and tliat the Lesser Oasis. We are concerned to state, tliat M. Savary, whose opinions and writings in general are entitled to mucli respect, has given no au- thorities of his own collecting, for the number, or position of the Oases ; and that, moreover, he has, in our idea, failed in the mode of digesting, if not in the construction of the materials, which he has drawn from the ancients, and from the Arabian geographers. Mr. Browne having visited both the Greater Oasis, and that of Ammon ; and having also lieard some particulars respecting the lesser one, during his residence in the former of these ; much light will be thrown on the subject, by the aid of his remarks : and there is little doubt but that the three Oases, spoken of by the ancients, may be very satisfactorily placed in modern geography. In the next place we shall adduce the principal authorities from the ancient authors. Strabo (p. 813.) speaks distinctly of three Oases. The first situated opposite to Abydos, at the distance of seven journies ; abounding with water, vines, and other productions ; and well inhabited. The second was near the lake Moeris; and the third, near to, or at, the Oracle of Ammon. He had previously said, in * As Ptolemy allows 115 miles between them, we must infer that Pococke spoke from some modern authority . OASES OF EGYPT. ggg p. 79 1 , that there were three Oases subject to Egypt ; which might very well have been the case, in his time; when Ammon was included in the Egyptian province, subject to Rome. He confesses his ignorance of what lay beyo?id Ammon, and also of the Oases in Lybia. P. 839. The Egyptians, says he, p. 791, call those tracts AuAsrs, which are surrounded by the wide Desert, like islands in the sea.* Ptolemy has two Oases only, which he so names ; the Greater and Lesser, -f The first, he places in the parallel of Abydos ; and the other, not far from the lake Moeris, but to the south of its pa- rallel. Of course, these have a pretty exact agreement with the Jirst and second Oases of Strabo : and that of Jupiter Ammon an- swers to the third, although not by him denominated an Oasis. Ptolemy's Greater Oasis is placed in latitude 26° gg' : the Lesser in 28° 45'. It may reasonably be supposed that these points or stations, are meant to represent some principal place, or town, in Ptolemy's Geography : perhaps the principal town of each of the Oases. Pliny speaks of two Oases only, bordering on Egypt. He also knew the position of Ammon, lib. v. 5 and 6*, but confines the term Oasis, like most others, to those of Egypt. Herodotus appears to have known but of one. In Thalia, 26, he describes the Greater Oasis, under the name Oasis, as appropriate to it ; not having, we may suppose, heard of its application generally, to the islands of the Desert. But he, nevertheless, describes those of Ammon, Angela, the Garamantes, &c. ; though not under tiie name of Oasis. Thus the ancients are generally agreed, in limiting the Egyptian Oases to two only ; placing the tliird at the Oracle of Ammon in * "Ajaai?, instead of AiWij, is found every where in the text of Strabo (particularly in page 813} ; but there can be no doubt that the » has been substituted for the v. t Savary erroneously gives three Oases to Ptolemy. 4,B s 556 OASES OF EGYPT. Lybia: and, in this idea, the best informed modern writei*s appear to be agreed. We shall now bring together the principal autlio- rities, ancient as well as modern, for the positions of them, severally; adding our own opinion to each. I. The Greater Oasis: the best known of all to the Egyptians and Arabs, and generally intended by Al Wah ; or The Oasis, by way of excellence. This is established in modern geography by the tracks of the caravans from Egypt to Abyssinia. The caravans leave the Nile in the neighbourhood of Siout, or of Manfoulet, in Upper Egypt, situ- ated at 75 to 80 G. miles short (northward) of ancient Abydos, to which the centre of the Great Oasis is nearly opposite. M. Maillet informs us that Manfoulet is the nearest point of the Nile to Al Wah : and that the distance from the place of departure of the cara- van (i. c. Cairo) to Al Wah, is 13 joumies. We find on D'Anville's Map of Egypt, about 220 miles between Cairo and the NE part of Al Wah ; equal to 17 miles per day ; agreeing very well. It also appears that the same part of Al Wah is 80 miles from Manfoulet (about SWb. W); and M. Poncet's caravan employed five days between those two points ; which is equal to a rate of 16 per day : and differs but little from M. Maillet. Mr. Browne fixed the position of Siout, or Assiut, by celestial ob- servations, both of latitude and longitude : and it is remarkable, that it differs but a shade, from the position assumed in the Map of North Africa (1798), published in the Proceedings of the African Association. This affords much satisfaction, in respect of the remain- ing positions in Upper Egypt, which rested on the truth of Mr. Bruce's observation of longitude at Assuan. Mr. Browne fixed the Greater Oasis, that is, the principal town in it, Cbarje, by an ob- servation of latitude ; and calculated its longitude by his bearings and distance from Siout. The result of both will be found in the note ; where it will be seen, that Charj^, in our map, stood only OASES OF EGYPT. 557 4 min. of lat. more to the south, and 5 of Ion. more to the east, than by Mr. Browne's calculation.* The Nubian and Darfoor caravans appear to travel nearly 100 Bri- tish miles,-f- through the Great Oasis, in a direction of south, a little west ; so that it reaches somewhat to the south of the parallel of Thebes. But this being yet near a degree and half short of that of Assouan, Jacutus, as we have said before (page 553) is incorrect, in extending the first Wah so far to the south : as is Edrisi, in saying that it lies to the west of Assouan : imless they both might intend the tract of Ai fVabat, merely. It appears pretty certain that Al Wah extends very little either to the N or S beyond the space which the caravans travel through it: for they appear to go out of their way, in order to profit as much as they can, of the advantages which it offers, in point of refreshment. It ma}'^ be perceived that the Jirsl Oasis of Strabo, placed opposite to Abydos, and at seven journies from it, is evidently meant for Al JVah : but the distance is rather too great, it being only about q^ G. miles. from Abydos to the nearest point of the Oasis. Ptolemy has 96, exactly. Herodotus allows seven journies between Thebes and the Greater Oasis (the only one known to him). He says that this journey was " across the sands ;" which well expresses the idea of the road to it. The approximating parts of Thebes, and of the Oasis, may be reckoned 140 G. miles; which require 20 such miles per day, direct; which is above the common rate, although it be lower than that of the journies from Seewa ; according to the information communi- O / Of * Mr. Browne places Siout, in - - - lat. 27 24 Ion. 31 24 The Map of Africa, 1798, has - - - - — 27 22 31 19 Mr. Browne places Charje - - - - - — 26 25 29 40 The Map - - — 26 21 29 45 + That is, including the intermediate intervals of desert, which separate the fertile spots. 55* OASES OF EGYPT. cated by Mr. Browne. He was told that Al Wah was distant is jouriiies, onl}^, which requires a rate of more than 20. He was told the same of Cairo, which requires 22 ; and that Derna was only 14 journies distant. But as all of these journies are of the same length, as those of Mr. Browne from the sea coast to Seevva, in whicii they travelled ii or is hours each day, they must be regarded as forced marches: for he tells us, page 17, that there being little or no water in that track, " they were obliged to use all possible dili- gence in the route:" and the other tracks being much of the same kind, it may be supposed that by these journies are meant such as are undertaken by very small parties, lightly equipped. Our Author adds, that " the Oasis was said to be inhabited by Samians, of the Mschiyonian tribe :" and that the country was called in Greek, " the happy Islands." Thaha, 26. It appears that no part of this Oasis approaches nearer than 75 or 80 G. miles, to the Saide, or Upper Egypt ; which is understood to include only the narrow valley through which the Nile runs; and which is bounded on either side by a ridge of hills or moun- tains. However, Abulfeda says, that tlie Wahs are no mor^ than three journies, (or less than 60 miles) from the Saide. Either the calculation may be coarse, or the Saide may extend farther from the Nile, than we suppose : but the question is of little importance ; for, in effect, nothing appears more certain than that by the Greater Oasis, the ancients intended the Al Wah of the moderns : and it is equally certain, that the position assigned to each, respectively, by the ancients and moderns, is one and the same; so that not a sha- dow of doubt ought to remain, regarding the identity of the place. II. The Lesser Oasis. Since this does not lie in the track of any of the caravans, it hap- pens that we know much less about it, than the other Oases. It has appeared, that Strabo and Ptolemy, amongst the ancients ; Pococke and Lucas, amongst the moderns, have placed it towards the lake OASES OF EGYPT, ^59 Kairun, or Moeris : and that the descriptions of the Arabian geo- graphers imply an inhabited, or at least an habitable tract, in that quarter. But its exact site, any more than its extent, cannot be ascertained, and we must be content with approximating certain points in it. Ptolemy, who alone of the ancients, gives any positive infonnation concerning its site, places it in the parallel of 28° 45'. He also places it 75 G. miles to the westward of Oxyrymchus, a city, which, accord- ing to M. D'Anville,* stood on the site of the present Babnasa, at the canal oi Joseph (called also Menhi); but it happens that Pto- lemy, by an utter derangement of the position of Oxyrynchus, and the lake Moeris, in respect of Alexandria, places this Oasis in the meridian of the lake, when it ought rather to be 70 miles to the west of it. That is, he places Oxyrynchus very much too far to the eastward of Alexandria : and the lake to the west, instead of the no7-th, of Oxyrynchus. But there is still no reason to suppose that he mistook the general position of the Oasis itself. However, the position thus assigned by Ptolemy must relate to some single point, which might probably be the principal town of the Oasis ; a conjecture rendered still more probable, by our learn- ing from Abulfeda, that a city named Bahnasa stands in the tract of Al JVahat, and in this quarter; and from Edrisi, that it lies on the road from Cairo, towards the quarter of Fezzan and Morocco. This matter of Bahnasa, however, not being perfectly clear in all its circumstances, the reader must determine for himself, after we have set the particulars before him. Abulfeda then, (article Bahnasa) says, that "besides the city of * Respecting Egypt, M. D'AnvlUe is our guide in such matters as have not been otherwise explained by M. Niebuhr, and other travellers, whose observations have been made since the date of M. D'Anville's writings. The apparent accuracy, and great critical knowledge displayed in the geography of Egypt, by M. D'Anville, as far as he was master of the actual geography, appear to have rendered this depart- ment of ancient geography, as perfect as any one whatsoever. 5^0 OASES OF EGYPT. Bahiiasa, at the canal of Faiume, (and which he distinguishes by calling it the Egyptian Bahnasa), there is another of the same name in Al ff^'uhal, near the frontiers of Nigrita."* Edrisi, p. 106, places Bahnasa at seven jouniies from Cairo to- wards Segelmessd, in Western Africa. But the reader should be informed, that Edrisi, in another place, allows seven days between Cairo and the Egyptiati Bahnasa : an evident mistake, as it is no more than about 4^, according to his ordinary scale. With respect to the road from Cairo to Segelmessa, we conceive there must either be some error, or omission, in Edrisi : for there are no more than 41 journies given, between the two places, al- though the distance be near 100. The road would doubtless pass through the country of Fezzan ; probably through its capital also ; and in that case too, through Temissa, (a considerable town in the same country of Fezzan) at seven journies to the east, or ENE, of the capital.-f Now, we find, in the route just mentioned. Tamest^, or Tamaset (for it is differently spelt in the different translations of Edrisi), at 40 stations out of the whole 41, from Cairo; which is actually the distance between Cairo and Temissa, on the Map con- structed for this Work, at page 545 ; followmg the scale of Edrisi., And hence it may be supposed, that he might originally have given the whole route from Cairo to Segelmessa, and that the remainder of it is lost. To this may be added, that the mountains of Salaban, in Edrisi, occupy the position of those of Ziltan on the same Map ; besides, there being a general accordance in the nature of the country, to a considerable extent. Perhaps, therefore, from the coincidence of so many particulars, we may well assign to Bahnasa, its proportion of the distance, on the same route ; which being 7 days at 19, equal to 133 G. miles from Cairo, will, if laid off to the parallel of 28° 45', (that of Ptolemy's Lesser Oasis) place the Bahnasa of the JVah * Here Nigrilia seems to be interpolated for Lybia, + See Proceedings of Afr. Assoc, for 1790, chap. iv. OASES OF EGYPT. §6l at 83 G. miles to the westward of the Egyptian Bahnasa ; whence, ■of course, it falls only eight to the west of the Lesser Oasis of Ptolemy ; which, as has been shewn, he places at 75 miles from Oxyrynchus, whose site is now occupied by the Egyptian Baiinasa.* We also collect from Edrisi, p. 41, that Al Wah is nine journies-f from Santrie (or Santariab,) a known position, (the data for which will be given in its place, and which will appear to answer to tlie Oases of Seewa and of Jupiter Ammon), at about 254, G. miles to the westward of the Egyptian Bahnasa; so that the Bahnasa of the Wah, or in other words, of the Lesser Oasis, lies immediately between them. Now, as we have seen that this latter is about 83 miles from the Egyptian Bahnasa, and is precisely in the line to- wards Santariah, it is evident that the complement of the distance to 254, which is 171, will just answer to the nine days between Santariah and Al Wah. So that the Lesser Oasis is certainly in- tended by Edrisi ; and the particular point in it, Bahnasa ; which minutely coincides with the distance from Cairo, in the opposite quarter. M. Maillet, although he is silent respecting Bahnasa, in the text of his book, places a district of tliis name in his map. It is described to lie to the westward of the lake Kairun (Moeris), and about the parallel of 29°: and it bears about SW b. S from Alexandria, which is actually that of our Bahnasa, from the same place. Dr. Pococke had heard that the two Oases of Egypt were 100 miles distant from each other. These were probably meant for * See D'Anville's Egypt, ancient and modern. t Edrisi says, from Bahrein (or the two lakes) to Giofar, two stations ; and thence to Al Wah, three ; the country dry and sterile. Again, from Bahrein to Santariah, four stations ; Bahrein therefore lies between Santariah and Al Wah, i. e, the Lesser Qasis, which by the distance should be meant. There are two lakes in Ptolemy, but much too far to the south, for Bahrein. 4C 562 OASES OP EGYPT. British, and in road distance ; and therefore may be taken at about 77 G. miles in direct distance ; and would reach from the northern- most point of the Greater Oasis to about the parallel of 29°, or short of Bahnasa, by about 45 miles. But as this points to no particular part of the Oasis, all that can be inferred from it, is, that it extends so far to the south. P. Lucas had heard of this place, whilst in the neighbourhood of the lake Kairun. He appears not to have heard of the Oases of Egypt, under that Jiame ; and therefore his testimony ought to have more weight, as being unconnected with any system. He speaks merely of an inhabited spot in the Desert. He says, " There is, in the Desert, at the distance of some joumies from Faiume (the city so named) a place of inconsiderable extent, full of palm trees, which bear the best dates in all Egypt* The Arabs, who possess and cul- tivate this spot, draw their scanty supplies of water from wells, which they have with much labour and industry, dug in the Desert ; and water them with great care. They pay their tribute to the Pacha, in dates." (Vol. ii. of the Third Voyage of Lucas, p. 206.) A position, at some joumies distance from Faiume, and in the Desert to the west, can answer to no other place than the Lesser Oasis ; which, by our data, falls at about five journies from the town of Faiume; four from the nearest part of the lake of the same name. And it may readily be conceived, that the city of Bahnasa, (or what remains of it) is situated within the tract intended by Lucas and Pococke. It is not unworthy of remark, that the assumed position of Bah- nasa, (in theWah) is removed to much the same distance to the west of the Nile, as the Greater Oasis. In effect, the ridges of mountains in this part, and to which the Oases seem to owe their • The same is said by Jacutus, respecting the superior quality of the fruits of the Oases. OASES OF EGYPT. 563 their position, run parallel to the general course of the Nile, which is from S to N ; and appear to terminate on the coast of the Medi- terranean, after bending somewhat more to the west, from the Lesser Oasis. This termination answers to the Lesser Catabatbmus of the ancients, situated opposite to the Hennaan Promontory; and about 40 miles to the eastward of Paraetonium. The road of the caravan from Augela to Seewa and Cairo, lies across this range of mountains, for seven days' journey, between Seewah and the Convent of Lottron. The line of the road passes at the distance of 70 or 80 miles to the northward of Bahnasa ; and ascertains the fact, that the Lesser Oasis does 7iot extend so far to the north. Thus we have given our authorities for the general position of the Lesser Oasis : but which are infinitely less conclusive than those for the Greater. However, concerning the question of Bahnasa, there seems little doubt. The nine journies from Santariah (which is Seewa), the tliree from the Saide and the seven from Cairo point generally to the same place : and the whole is strengthened by the report of its being near the parallel of the lake Moeris ; as well by the ancients as the moderns. M. D'Anville has omitted the Lesser Oasis in his modern geo- graphy, although he had before him, the same materials as we have made use of; Mr. Browne's excepted. Of course, we may conclude that he doubted the authorities. There can, however, be no doubt respecting the existence of an Oasis in this general situation, in proof of which we shall now adduce the information recently obtained from the observations of Mr. Browne. This gentleman was informed by the Muggrabin or western Arabs, whilst in Al fVah, that the Lesser Oasis (called by them Al-Wah el-Gberbi, which appears to mark poverty or inferiority, perhaps on a comparison with the other) approached, at its soutiiern extremity, within the distance of 4,0 G. miles of the northern extre- 4C 2 564. OASES OF EGYPT. mity of the Greater. Mr. Browne also says, that the Lesser Oasis " forms a kind of capital settlement, if I may so speak, of the Mug- grabin Arabs, who extend even to Fezzan and Tripoly." (Page 13a.) He adds, that " several ruins are said to be found tliere:" (perhaps those of Bahnasa amongst the rest). Again, in page 170, he speaks of these Arabs passing from the Lesser Oasis to the western extre- mity of the lake Kairun ; whose shore, on that side, is also in their possession. This information, of course, ought to have its due weight; but although a part of the Lesser Oasis may approach southward to the neighbourliood of Al Wah, yet there is no reason why it may not extend northward to the parallel above assigned. Even the circum- stance of the Arab possessors of the Oasis, passing from it to the lake Kairun, seems to shew that a part of the Oasis lies well up towards the neighbourhood of that lake. Mr. Browne describes the Greater Oasis to consist of large detached spots ; or a number of islands extending in a chain, separated by intervals of desert. Pro- bably the Lesser Oasis may be of the same nature ; as the same mountains that impend over the Greater one, are known to continue northward : i. e. in the same direction with the Lesser Oasis. Bah- nasa may be in one of the spots, and tlie most northerly of all ; and . the southernmost spot may lie within 4c miles of the northernmost of those of the Greater Oasis : and the two, collectively, may form, in effect, one long chain. And finally, the interval of 40 miles, by being very much greater than tlie intervals between the other islands, may occasion the division into Greater and L^wer Oases; each consisting of a number of islands separated by narrow deserts. According to Mr. Browne, the greatest interval between the islands of the Greater Oasis, is about 28 G. miles. No idea is given any where, of the breadth of the islands : but it is probably small. It is certain that the above supposition will give a greater extent OASES OF EGYPT. 565 to the Lesser, than to the Greater Oasis : but the titles may have been bestowed more from the quantity or quahty of the produce, than the mere extent, and it seems to be allowed that the lands of the lesser Oasis, are far inferior to the other.* Before we proceed to fix the place of the third Oasis, it will be necessary that the positions, in respect of which -it is to be placed, should be arranged ; and as these extend in a regular chain, from Egypt to Fezzan, and have a mutual dependance on each other, it will be proper to enter into a discussion of the whole, in the first instance : and although the length of the discussion may occasion some interruption to the matter immediately in hand, yet some time will be saved in the end, by going through the whole at once : since it must otherwise have been resumed, when the subject of Lybia came under consideration. There will be found, in the accompanying note, the latitudes and longitudes of the several places, on which the construction of the Map, No, IX. at page 545, is founded ; several of which are from celestial observations, and others from the Con. des Temps, &c. The Map in question serves to explain, not only the relative positions of the Oases to each other, and to the neighbour- ing countries, but exhibits also the whole coast of Lybia, and that of Syria ; together with the eastern bason of the Mediterra- nean sea.-f * The Author Is indebted to his friend Mr. Wilkins for tlie following interpreta- tion of the word Gherbi. " The word Gherbi .signifies distant, afar off, western. It is derived from the same root as Gherib, a man from a distant country, a stranger, a poor man, &c. Meghreb, the place where the sun sets ; the west ; Africa, t The Map in question contains, besides the geography of the countries, a sep.i- rate delineation of the positions, according to the several authorities. The reader will be pleased to observe, that although in this Map of Positions, the different results of the separate authorities are shewn (and which, is the principal use of itj, yet that in the geographical Map, it was necessary to fix the positions, according to ^66 OASES OF EGYPT. Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan, is placed, according to the re- port of modern travellers, in a due south direction from Mesurata ; a town situated on the coast of the Mediterranean, and within the district of Tripoly. The distance is given at 17^ caravan journies, taken at 15 G. miles each in direct distance; or 262 for the whole. Hence Mourzouk falls in latitude 27" 48': and being under the same meridian with Mesurata, its longitude will be the same, which is 15° 3' east of Greenwich. -f- The bearing and distance of Fezzan (Mourzouk) from Mesurata, receives some degree of confirmation, from certain notices in Edrisi. the most approved mode of combination. Consequently, some small differences will appear, in certain cases, between the two Maps. Table of latitudes and long itudes of the leading positions, in the Map • Lat. Lon. East. Lat. Lon. • 1 e 1 e ' a 1 Aleppo . ♦36 II *37 9 j Sclime - - - •22 15 30 15 Jerusalem . 31 46 35 20 Seewa - _ - •29 12 26 18 Gaza - 31 30 34 32 Parastonium 31 9 26 49 Suez - ♦30 2 •32 28 Angela - - - 30 3 22 46 Cairo - 30 3 31 19 Koseir . - - •26 h •.14 8 Alexandria - •31 12 *3o 8 Cyrene - . - 32 48 21 22 Bahnasa, in Egypt - 28 48 30 48 Barca . _ - 32 20 20 28 Siout, or Assiut . *27 24 *3i 24 Mesurata 32 10 15 3 Thebes Assouan, or Syene - 25 32 *24 32 26 *33 30 Fezzan . . "1 Mourzouk . - J 27 48 '5 3 Cliarje - *26 25 29 40 Tripoly 32 52 13 20 Sheb . •23 35 30 lO Tunis - _ - 36 44 10 20 * These mark the celestial observations. t This is the calculation. Mr. Beaufoy, Afr. Assoc. 1790, chap. v. says, that the caravan (which is understood to be that of Tripoly), travels only seven or eight hours per day, and at a rate of three miles in the hour. But we have ascertained in the Phil. Trans, for 1791, p. 142, that 2i miles is nearly the rate. It is shewn also, in the same place, that the heavy or haded caravan across the Arabian Desert, travels about 7I hours per day ; agreeing with Mr. Beaufoy's Tripoly caravan. Then, about 19 British miles will be a day's journey, by the road, and 15 G. miles in direct distance. This statement of the rate of the Tripoly caravan, falls short of that of the African caravans in general, which has been shewn to be upwards of 16. OASES OF EYGPT. 567 Wadan is situated on this road, at eight caravan journies southward from Mesurata, q\ short of Fezzan. Now Edrisi says, page 135, that Wadan is five journies from Sort, which is known to be situated at the shore of the Greater Syrtis ; distant from Trijwly, according to the same authority, in page 88, 210 Arabic miles, equal to 222 geographic. The five journies being equal to 90 or 95 such miles, Wadan must of necessity lie in a southerly direction from Mesurata, in order to preserve its proper distance from Sort. Again, Zuela, which is a known position, at about 60 G. miles to the east, some- what north, from Mourzouk, is stated by Edrisi, to be eight jour- nies from Wadan ; nine from Sort : and Abulfeda adds, to the southward of the latter. From these data collectively, one may rest satisfied that the capital of Fezzan lies very much southerly, if not directly south, from Mesurata.* The difference of longitude between Fezzan (thus arranged) and Cairo, as will appear by a reference to the foregoing table, is 16° 16'; giving a direct line of distance between them of 861 G. miles. Between Fezzan and Cairo, there are certain notices, which en- able us to arrange the intermediate positions, with some degree of general accuracy. In the first place, Edrisi and Abulfeda furnish, between them, a complete chain of distance in journies ; together with three cross lines of distance, from the coast, at very convenient intervals for determining the direction of the longer line ; which is far from being straight, since it leads through several Oases, or fer- tile tracts, in order to obtain refreshments and water, for the cara- vans. A second aid is derived from the number and arrangement of the caravan journies. The principal bend in the line between Fezzan and Cairo, is * M. D'Anville has greatly misplaced this capital of Fezzan : for it stands in his Map of Africa, about 2^ degrees of longitude too far to the west ; i°f of latitude too far to tlie north. In effect, it is made to bear to the south-westward, instead of the south, of Mesurata, 568 OASES OF EGYPT. nearly about the middle of it, at Angela : and at this place, fortu- nately, a line of distance from Barca (situated near the sea coast of Lybia Pentapolis) to Augela, determines the position of the latter.* Hadjee Abdalla reckons 53 journies of the caravan between Fez- zan and Cairo ; of which, 26 arise between the former and Augela; 37 between the latter and Cairo. -f These give, on the direct line, a proportion of 16,3 G. miles per day, nearly : but as the distance is increased by the angle, at Augela, from 86 1 to S6g miles, the mean rate will be increased to 16,4,. The process of fixing the exact, or rather approximated, position of Augela, although tedious, must be gone through, in the first instance ; otherwise, neither the intermediate positions, nor the place of the Oasis of Ammon, the ultimate object, can be arranged with precision. Edrisi allows 10 journies between Barca and Augela. His ordi-- nary scale is 19 G. miles for each day, but as it appears that the mean rate is no more than 18, on 44 journies between Bahnasa in Upper Egypt, and Zuela in Fezzan, through Augela, it may be proper to adopt it here; and then 180 miles will be the distance between Barca and Augela. X Here then are given, tzvo sides of each of the two triangles, formed by the points of Cairo, Barca, and Augela ; and by Fezzan, Barca, and Augela ; the third sides of which triangles are to be found in the proportioned distance between Cairo and Fezzan, through the point of Augela : and the result is, that the 27 journies between Cairo and Augela, give 443; and the 26, between Fezzan and Augela, * See the position of Barca, in the Map at page 545. t See Proceedings of the Afr. Assoc, for 1790, chap. x. Leo allows 60 journies ; Mr. Browne and Mr. Ledyard, 50 each. The mean of the /«:<;• accounts, is 53^ : differing only a fraction from Hadjee Abdalla. ^ The following is the statement of the road, from Edrisi and Abulfeda. Bahnasa to Santariah, 14 journies: (Abulf. Tab. Egypt, article Bahnasa) : to Au- gela, 10 (Edrisi, p. 41.): to Zala, 10: to Zuela, or Zawila, 10 (Ed. p. 40. J : total 44 days. The distance through these points, on the construction, is 795 G. miles ; and consequently, the daily rate, 18. OASES OF EGYPT. ^6^ 426 G. miles ; and tliat the mean caravan journey comes out 16,4, on each of these lines ; although on the direct line between Fezzan and Cairo, it fell short of 16,3. Moreover, it appears, that Augela falls in latitude 30° 3'; longitude 22° 46'; by this result. It may be proper to remark, that although it be true, that the country in the line of the road on the zvest of Augela, is more mountainous and rough, than that on the east* yet that the cir- cuitous nature of the road, on this side, by its leading through Seezva, so fully balances the loss of direct distance on the other, that Augela may be allowed to stand in the position assigned to it. We shall next examine how this position accords with the dis- tances allowed by Edrisi and Abulfeda. The former, it has appeared, page 568, allows 20 joumies between Zuela and Augela ; or, according to the mean rate, above adopted, 360 G. miles. Zuela is a known position, 60 miles from the capital of Fezzan, to the east somewhat north ; and in the road towards Augela. Of course, 420 miles are to be taken for the distance be- tween Fezzan and Augela ; and 426 has appeared to be the result arising on the proportioned caravan journies : or 6 only, more than the other. That the 20 journies lie in one direct line, is proved by the position of Zala ; and the 60 miles from Fezzan to Zuela, differ so little in bearing from the other, as to render any allowance un- necessary.'f- In effect, then, the position of Augela rests on three lines of distance which intersect each other nearly in the same point ; * See Proc. Afr. Assoc. 1790, chap. x. Eleven of the journies are through rocky deserts ; and over mountains. t Zuela is said to be eight days from fVadan, nine southward from Sort : (Edrisi and Abulf.) : and Zala is nine SE from Sort ; ten NE, or between the east and north, from Zuela. Consequently, Zala falls in the line between Fezzan and Augela. See also the Map at page 545. Care must be taken not to confound Zuela and Zala : the former lies within Fezzan ; the latter midway between Fezzan and Augela, There are several places of the name of ff^adan. The position of Sort has been given in page 567. 4D .;-0 OASES OF EGYPT. that h, the lo journies from Barca, and tlie 20 from Zuela; toge- ther with the proiwrtioned distance from Cairo, and Fezzan. Nothing can well be more satisfactory than this, general result : ])ut besides this, the data on the side of Egypt agrees to the interval, although that data can only be admitted as such, on a supposition that the author (Abulfeda) has by mistake substituted Balmasa of the JVah, for that of Egypt : a supposition extremely probable, as the position accords perfectly with the one, and differs more than a third, from the other.* If then it be admitted, that Abulfeda meant to say, that Santariah (a celebrated Oasis, and no doubt that of Seewa), was situated at 14 journies from the Egyptian Bahnasa, instead of that oi Al JVahat, the distance between Augela and Cairo, will be clearly made out. For the position of the Egyptian Bahnasa, is well known, in respect of Cairo (being 83 G. miles to the SSW of it, and at the canal of Joseph) ; and the interval on the construction, between this Bahnasa and Augela, is 428 ; whilst Abulfeda and Edrisi allow 24 journies, equal to 432. The space between Augela and Santariah being 10 journies, according to Edrisi ; 14 will of course remain between Santariah and Bahnasa. -j- At all events, the position of Santariah in respect of Augela, re- mains uncontroverted. For the reported distance of 10 journies, or 180 miles eastward from Augela, is conveyed as a positive notice; and Abulfeda allows eight journies to it, from the lesser mountains on the sea coast ; taken unquestionably for the Lesser Catahathmiis , near the Hermaan Promontory. Edrisi allows nine journies from the sea coast, but without any discrimination of place. If we mete • The subject of Bahnasa has been amply discussed, in page 559 et seq. "t As a farther confirmation of the interval of distance between Cairo and Fezzan, we learn from Edrisi (see above, p. 560.) that it is 40 journies between Cairo and Tamest, or Temissa, in Fez-zan. The space on the construction is 749 G. miles; allowing a rate of 18^ per day ; or only | of a mile short of Edrisi's general scale, which is 19 : and \ short of the result between Bahnasa and Zuela. OASES OF EGYPT. 57 1 the line of 180 from Augela, with tiie 144 from the Hermsean Pro- montory, Santariah will fall in latitude 29° 9', longitude 26° 5'. It appears very certain that the Santariali thus spoken of by Abul- feda and Edrisi, is the same place with the Seewa or Siwa, of our Maps ; since the route and observations of Mr. Browne prove it. It will appear also to be the Oasis that contained the temple of Jupiter Ammon, the remains of which have been recently discovered by Mr. Browne, although he declines to regard them as such, in his book. It will be proper therefore, as the next step of this investigation, to compare the position of Sa?itariah, with that of Seewa ; for in ad- ducing the evidence for the position of Jupiter Ammon, it is highly important that the reader should not be left in doubt, whether there is more than one place that might suit the general jwsition and de- scription. It will no doubt appear very clear to him, that Seewa and Santariah are one and the same place. We shall here compare the geographical positions alone ; meaning to compare the descrip- tions, afterwards. Mr. Browne set out from Alexandria, for the Oasis of Ammon, with an intention of following the same general line of direction, described by the historians of Alexander, to have been pursued by that prince. Accordingly, he went along the coast, westward, to a station, about 20 G. miles short of Al Bareton (the ancient Para- toniiim), and then struck inland to the SSW, and afterwards more westerly. On the first line, along the coast, he travelled 75^ hours ; and on the latter, 60.^. The rate was regulated by the pace of the camels ; which experience points out to be about two G. miles per hour, in direct distance, on ordinary ground, and on lines of this length.* Perhaps, along an indented coast, like the one in question, (for Mr. Browne seldom lost sight of the coast), sometliing may be deducted : and the more so, because Parsetonium stands at 169 • The rate is i\ British miles per hour on the road, which produce somewhat above two G. miles in direct distance. But this depends on the nature of the ground. 4, D 2 572 OASES OF EGYPT. G. miles from Alexandria, in M. D'Anville's Map; and the 754 hours at two miles per hour, would leave only 18 for the distance of the last station on the coast, from Parzetonium. Accordingly, 149 only are allowed.* Mr. Browne had furnislied himself with a compass, amongst other instruments, and attended to the direction of the route the whole way. The particulars he has very obligingly communi- cated, since the publication of his valuable Book of Travels ; and they supply tlie following information, respecting his line of course, inland : That the bearing of Seewa, was South 19 W, (clear of varia- tion) from the station 20 miles to the eastward of Paraetonium: and the distance, 124,3- ^- mil^s, (being two per hour) on that course, gives 11 7y difference of latitude, 4,03- of westing: conse- quently, as the station appears to have been in 31° 7', the latitude of Seewa, by account, should be 29° 9' 30" : and the longitude 26* 25' i5".-f- * Alexander is said to have travelled 1600 stadia along the coast, lo Parxtonium (Arrian, lib. iil.) : these may give 137 G. miles, which distance is yet 12 miles short of Mr. Browne's station, and 32 short of Parastonium. It should rather be 2000 stadia ; or even more. There is reason to suppose that Alexander did not leave the coast, as Mr. Browne did, before he came the length of Parastonium. Pliny, lib. v. 5, allows 200 MP. between Alexandria and Paraetonium : or just 160 G. miles. t Mr. Browne, on leaving the coast, went SSW for the first day and half; but then more to the W, so as to make a course of about S 31 W to the village of Karet-um-eUSoghetr : and from thence to Seewa, about S 40 W. The variation is talcen at 15' westerly : and as Sogheir appears to be situated at about two parts in three of the whole 62| hours, from the station on the coast ; one short of Seewa ; the general course, clear of variation, will be S 18^, or say 19 degrees, W. Herice arises a diff. lat. of 1° 57' 30" ; departure 40^ ; and Seewa, by account, would be in 29° 9' 30' lat. and 20^ G. miles west of the meridian of Parastonium. 0^ It does not appear that Mr. Browne noted the variation in this track : but in Darfoor, he found it to be 16 degrees. His station was about the parallel of 14° N, and Ion. 28° E. In our Variation Chart in the Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1798, 17! is OASES OF EGYPT. 573 The latitude of Seewa, by Mr. Browne's observation, was how- ever 29° 12': so that if any dependance could be placed on the truth of the latitude of the sea coast, the distance infers a more westerly bearing by g-^ degrees ; and an addition to the difF. Ion. which would place Seewa in 26* 18', or 7^ west of the former. A third result arises from the given number of journies of the caravan, from Cairo to EI Sogheir; combined with Mr. Browne's distance, from the sea coast to the latter place ; and thence to Seewa. It is to be observed tliat the village of Karet-um-el-Sogheir is the Umsequir of Hadjee Abdalla ; and although placed by bitn, or very possibly by the mistake of the interpreter, at one journey only to the NE of Seewa, was found by Mr. Browne to be two long journies from it. Thirteen journies of the caravan, are reckoned between Cairo and the above village ; and these, from the angle made by the road at Seewa, require 16,9 G. miles, in the detail. The 13 journies, then, are equal to about 220 miles ; which line of dis- tance intersecting the route of Mr. Browne at a point two parts in three, from the coast towards Seewa (see the last note), or in po- sitive distance 84-^ G. miles, places El Soglieir in lat. 29° 42', Ion. 27" 6'. The remaining ^ of the route to Seewa, equal to 42-i miles, laid off to the parallel of 29" 12', places that town in Ion. 26° 32'. It is proper, however, to remark, that although this statement is admitted, in order that the route may be considered in every point of view, yet that it is manifestly erroneous on the face of it : because it supposes El Sogheir to bear only four degrees to the W of S from Mr. Bro\NTie's station on the coast ; and he found it to bear about S 13 W true. And there can be no question that the other results should be preferred. The difference of 6^ G. miles (or 7' 15" of longitude) between the two former results, is hardly to be regarded, in this question: found in the same spot. Mr. B.'s observation is in proof of the system, there ad- vanced : the difference of i j degree, whether arising from the difference of compasses, or from error in the calculation, is of little importance to the systern. 574; OASES OF EGYPT. and it is somewhat remarkable that a bearing and distance taken in so coarse a way, should agree so nearly to the difference of lati- tude.* The general result is therefore very satisfactory; and it may be preferable to take the mean of the two calculations, which places Seewa at a bearing of S ii W from Pareetonium, distance 119 G. miles : and in longitude 26^ 21' 30". At the same time the Author is strongly of opinion, that Seewa is somewhat more to the west: and the reason is, that in cases of this kind, where the rate is determined by camel travelling, the distajice is more susceptible of accuracy, than the hearing. The operation of the distance, simply, carries it, as we have seen, more to the west : and it is possible that even the rate of two G. miles per hour, may be too low ; but it would require a very critical knowledge of the ground, to deter- mine the question with accuracy. Such are the authorities for the position of Seewa. Now, as it has appeared that Santariah, according to the autho- rities, is situated in lat. 29° 9', and Seewa in 29° 12' ; and also that the former is situated in Ion. 26° 5', the latter in 26° 21' 30"; which difference is equal only to 14^ G. miles in easting, and 3 in north- ing; whilst the place itself occupies a space nearly equal to six miles, by four and a half; and is surrounded by a wide desert; no kind of doubt can be entertained, that both names are applied to the same place. It may also be remarked, that 18 G. miles only, have been taken for each of the 10 journies between Augela and Santariah, heczwsQ such was the proportion arising on tlie whole line of 44, journies between Egypt and Fezzan : but it is evident that in the detail of a route, of which we have not a competent knowledge, places often lie wider of the direct line, and tlius occasion larger intervals, than are allowed for, in the gross : and moreover, that the intervals are not always well proportioned to each other, although • It may however be recollected, that Mr. Carmichael, on a line of 720 miWs be- tween Aleppo and Bussora, erred no more than six or seven degrees. See Phil, TraiiS. for 1791. OASES OF EGYPT. 575 one is compelled to arrange them, as if they were. The ordinary day's journey, in Edrisi, is 19 G. miles, and if this be allowed to operate between Augela and Santariah, this latter would fall pre- cisely at Seewa, according to Mr. Browne's distance and parallel. Thus we conclude the construction of the Lybian geography; and proceed to the examination of the authorities given by the ancients, for the Oasis and Temple of Ammon, which will be found in the next Section. C576:) SECTION XXI. THE SUBJECT CONTINUED — OASIS OF JUPITER AMMON ; ITS TEMPLE AND ORACLE. The Third Oasis, that which contained the Temple of Jupiter Am- nion. — Country of Ammon distinct frotn Egypt. — Position of the Oasis, as determined by the Authorities of the A7icients, collectively. — General Agreeme?it of these Authorities. — Seewa, lately visited by Mr. Browne, anszvers decidedly to the Oasis of Ammon : and the Remains found there, appear to be those of the Temple. — No other Oasis in that Quarter. — Elucidations of the Subject, from Ptolemy. — Ancient Descriptions of Ammon compared with those of Seewa ; and that of Seewa with Santariah. — Some Remarks on the Temples and Oracles of Jupiter Ammon. — Greeks borrow their Mythology from the Egyptians. — Ammon, in Africa, the same as Jupiter. — The Oracles of Jupiter, at Thebes, Ammon, and Dodo?ia, similar to each other. — Stupendous Remains at Thebes — Silejice of Hero- dotus respecting them, remarkable. The Edifice discovered at Seewa, resembles certain of those at Thebes and Hermonthis. — Remark on the Style of Egyptian Architecture. — The Remains at Seewa, unquestionably Egyptian. — Mr. Browne entitled to great Praise, for the Perseverance and Zeal zvhich led to this curious Discovery. JL HIS Oasis, as it contained the celebrated Oracle of Jupiter Ammon, visited by Alexander, although in dimensions the least, is of the greatest importance of the three, as it respects public curio- sity. The state, or kingdom of Ammon, occupied, in the time of Herodotus, a considerable extent of space in Lybia, between Upper OASIS AND TEMPLE OF JUPITER AMMON. 577 Egypt and the Desert of Barca, on the E and W (Melpom. 181, 182), and between the Nomadic tribes along the coast of the Me- diterranean, on the N, and the great Lybian Desert on the south. It included, therefore, of course, a part of the tract of Al JVahat, before described : although the Oasis of Ainmon is not included in Al Wahat, in the modern division of Africa. (See the Map at page 545)* The position of the Temple of Ammon will first be ascertained by the authorities derived from the ancients : after which it will be seen how far it agrees with any of the Oases, or Walis, described by the moderns. And we have little doubt, but that the reader will finally agree with us, in fixing it at the modern town of Seewa, known to the Arabian geographers, as we have shewn, under the name of Santariah. Herodotus places it at ten journies to the eastward of Augela : but it is remarkable that he does not say how it lies with respect to any place in the opposite quarter. He merely says, " that the territories of the Ammon ians, who possess the temple of the Theban Jupiter, are the people nearest to Thebes ; from which they are a ten days' journey distant." Melpom. 181. But this has no reference to the temple itself, which is more than twice that distance from Thebes. It appears singular, that he should not have mentioned its distance, either from Thebes, or from Memphis ; since he gives it from Augela, a more uncertain situation : and more especially, too, as he speaks of the march of the army of Cambyses to it, from Thebes. For in Thalia, 25, 26, he relates that this prince " sent an army against the Ammonians, with orders to burn the place, or temple, from whence the oracles of Jupiter were delivered ;" at the same time that he himself set out on an expedition against the Ethiopians. Both were unsuccessful : and the only difference was, * One is naturally induced to inquire, what habitable lands, besides the Oasis of Ainmon, were included in this kingdom. No satisfaction, however, can be obtained. It is possible that the Oasis itself might form the most populous part of it. 4E 578 OASIS AND TEMPLE that a remnant of the latter returned ; but the former, according to the Historian, were never more heard of. They arrived at the Greater Oasis, in their way to Ammon ; to which it was at least, eo days march; but were either overwhelmed with sand, or left by their guides to perish in the Desert.* It is unquestionable that the route from Thebes to Ammon must have lain through the Greater Oasis ; but the proper and safe route would have been from Memphis ; from whence it was also about one-third nearer than from Thebes. Pliny fixes the temple at twelve jburnies from Thebes, and as many from Memphis, but whatsoever truth (if any) there may be, in the latter particular, the statement of the distance from Thebes, is evi- dently wrong. But laying out of the question (at present) the po- sition of it, in respect of any place to the eastward, it will be found that the statements, in respect of places on the 7iorth and west, will be satisfactory enough ; taken in a general point of view. Pliny then, lib. v. c. 5 and 6, gives the distances between Cyrene and the Temple; Cyrene and Alexandria; Alexandria and Parseto- nium; respectively: and it was from about the latter place, that Alexander struck off inland, towards the temple. Again, Strabo, Diodorus, and Curtius, furnish the distance between Pareetonium and Ammon, which Pliny and Arrian omit. Herodotus, as we have shewn, gives its distance from Angela ; the position of which has already been very well approximated, from the Pajjers of the African Association; and from Edrisi. From all these, collec- tively, we hope at least to approxinmte the situation of this cele- brated temple and oracle. There can be little doubt but that Pliny's distances are given • M. Savary and M. Poncet have both given a frightful idea of the journies across the Lybian sands. Nothing, however, appears more likely, than that the armies perished through fatigue and want of water. Mn Browne does not so readily give into the belief of the possibility, of a living person being overwhelmed with sand. Sec his Book, pages 248, 249. OF JUPITER AMMON. gyg from computation only, and not from mensuration ; so that it will be satisfactory to compare them with known distances, in the same quarter; which he gives us an opportunity of doing. For he says, lib. V. 6, that the distance is 525 MP. from Alexandria to Cyrene by land : in which is also included a separate line of distance of 200 MP. from Alexandria to Parsetonium. Now, it appears by M. D'Anville's Jyfap of the Coast of Africa, that the former distance, direct, is 460 G. miles; and the latter, 169: whence there results a proportion of 70 MP. to a degree on the former, 71 on the latter; whilst 75 is the acknowledged rate of proportion.* There are, moreover, some other distances in this quarter, given by the same author, in which there appears a similar excess, in point of scale. But the difference, notwithstanding, is not great ; and we may therefore allow Pliny to have been tolerably well informed on the subject. Solinus allows precisely the same distance as Pliny, lib. v. 5, between Cyrene and the temple ; that is, 400 MP. : and these, at 75 to a degree, are equal to 320 G. miles. Strabo, page 799, gives 1300 stadia (of 700 to a degree) between the sea coast, near Para?tonium, and the temple ; which are equal to about Illy G. miles. But besides this authority for the positive distance in stades, there are notices in Diodorus and Curtius, from whence it may be collected, that Alexander was seven or eight days on the road. And as these are not to be taken on the footing of ordinary marches of an army, but rather as approaching to or- dinary journies, 16 G. miles per day may be allowed (10,6 is an ordinary march ) : whence 112 to 1 28 miles will be the result ; or taking the mean of the three, about 117. It would have been ab- surd not to have prepared for a more expeditious movement, than common marching, when delay threatened destruction. -f * D'Anville, Mes. Itin. p. 44, el seq. + From Diodorus, lib. xvii. c. 5, eight journies may be inferred : and from Curtius, iv. 7, about seven. It is said by the former, that having expended their 4E 2 580 OASrS AND TEMPLE According to the historians of Alexander, that prince kept along the sea coast, from the site of Alexandria, to Parcetonium ; and then struck directly inland towards the temple ; thereby making the shortest line of course across the Desert. Strabo says, from Callis- thenes, p. 816, that his course was southu-ard, or soutby from Paras- tonium to the temple: and it will appear that our geographical construction, founded on the general result of the best authorities, makes it little more than a point and quarter to the west of south. Mr. Browne appears to have followed nearly the same line with Alexander, but not exactly, as he left the coast at about 20 miles short of Panetoiiium (Al Bareton), where a fine well afforded the means of recruiting their stock of water : p. \6. Moreover, Alex- ander, whilst on the way, was supplied from casual sources ; Mr. Browne from the wells of a village (El Sogheir, p. 17. ) ; and some- what wide of the direct route. This gentleman observes, on leaving the well at the sea coast, that from " thence to Seewa, there being little or no water, we were obliged to use all possible diligence in the route " Alexander's route lay still more wide (to the west) of El Sogheir ; and it appears probable that there are no springs what- soever, in that line. But his guides do not appear to have managed so well as those of Mr. Browne, To return to the lines of distance. — It will be foiuid that those of 320 from Cyrene, and 117 from Partetonium, fall together in latitude 29° 19'; Ion. 26° 3': and that they leave an interval of 175 miles between the position thus pointed out, for the temple, and Augela; falling short by several miles of the 10 journies allowed by Herodotus ; but which difterence does by no means impeach the general agreement of the authorities.* So that it may with truth be said, that the three hncs from Augela, Cyrene, and Paraetonium, stock of water, at the end of four days, they came to a valley, in which, from the abundant rain that had just fallen, they filled w;tler for four days more. * Ptolemy allows 157 only. OF JUPITER AMMON. 58 1 coincide within five miles ; and leave no kind of doubt respecting the position in which the ancients meant to place the oracle of Ammon.* The reader will be pleased to recollect that the position of Seewa, as placed above (page 574,), on the authority of Mr. Browne, is in latitude 29° 12' by observation ; and in longitude, by deduction from his place of outset, 26' 21' 30" ; whilst that of Santariah, deduced from the Arabian geographers, was lat. 29° 9', Ion. 26° 5' : so that the whole difference of parallel is only ten miles, and of longitude 18' 30", equal to 16' G. miles. But in this arrangement, we have adhered literally to the ancient authorities : and, it will be found, on a more liberal discussion of them, that the position of the oracle, will approximate to that of Seewa, as pointed out by Mr. Browne. In the above calculation, we admitted the longer line of distance from Cyrene, in preference to the shorter one from Augela ; because the former was reported as a positive quantity of distance (that is, in Roman miles), but the latter, in days* journies, only. It has been shewn, that the distance between Augela and Santariah, in the Arabian geographers of modern times, is calculated also at 10 journies : that is, no doubt, just the same as the ancient reckoning, between Augela and the oracle. And these cannot, according to Edrisi's scale, be taken at the lowest, at less than 18 G. miles in direct distance; or 180 for the whole line; and possibly 190. See above, page 568. Again, it has appeared, that in the distances reported by Pliny, in this quarter of Africa, the scale appears to be greater than that of 75 MP. to a degree; and that 70 to 71 were the general pro- portions. It is probable that Pliny, generally speaking, assumes • It is certain that Mr. Browne was told, that Cairo and the Greater Oasis, were both of them but 12 journies from Seewa; but this could mean only such journies as Mr. Browne made from the sea coast to Seewa, as we have before remarked in p. 558 ; which sec. The 12 journaes reported by Pliny, may have been of the same kind. Hadjee Abdalla reckons 13 caravan journies from El Sogheir to Cairo: and El Sogheir is two long journies from Seewa ; as Mr. Browne proved. 582 OASIS AND TEMPLE his numbers of Roman miles, from the stades reported by the Greeks; but it is certain that in the present instance, he must have reckoned otherwise. But taking his scale as we find it, in tliis quarter, the 400 MP. between Cyrene and the temple will produce more than 320 G. miles : and this will also have the effect of approximating the position of Ammon to that of Seewa ; which falls about 18 miles beyond the line of 330 miles from Cyrene: agreeing nearly with the 190 from Angela, There is little question but that this result ought to be preferred to the former one ; although the difference is not so great, but that either of them might be received. In effect then, the coincidence of the authorities, generally, must be allowed to be very close : for when it is considered that all the distances are given by computation ; the points of outset very far distant from each other, and some of them not very exactly defined; that the latitude of Parastonium, or of the coast near it, may not be very correct in the charts ; in short, that the only exact point to be reckoned on in the whole matter, is the latitude of Seewa, as taken by Mr. Browne ; no greater satisfaction could be expected. The variations betw-een all the authorities, ancient and modern, amount to little more than a space equal to thrice the length, and twice and a half the breadth of the Oasis in question ; which is itself, at the utmost, only six miles long, and four and a half or five in breadth. And it is pretty clearly proved, that no other Oasis exists in that quarter, within two, or more, days' journey : but, on the contrary, that Seewa is surrounded by a wide desert; so that it cannot be doubted that the Oasis of Seewa, is the same with that of Ammon : and the edifice found there, the remains of the celebrated temple, from whence the oracles of Jupiter Ammon wci"e delivered. The people of Seewa know of no other Oasis, or of any ruins in that quarter; for the small rocky spot, surrounded by a lake of salt water ; which was also visited by Mr. Browne, is by no means OF JUPITER AMMON. 583 to be regarded as an Oasis. As they have " a communication with Egypt and Fezzan ; and the wandering Arabs pass the Desert in all directions, in their visits to Seewa, from Al Wah, Faiume, Thebes, from Fezzan, Tripoly, Cairo, and Alexandria, it is very unlikely that any considerable ruins should exist within three or four days of Seewa, and unknown to them ; still less so, that they should be ignorant of any fertile spot, where might be found water, fruits, and other acceptable refreshments :" since their visits to Seewa appear to be for the purpose of " furnishing themselves at a cheaper rate with many articles of food, than they can be in the towns of Egypt."* It may be added, that Mr. Browne himself approached it by the NE, left it by the NW, and fairly made a tour round it, at the distance of two to three days journey, from his station in the NW, passing it to the south, at the distance of 32 G. miles (for he went into the parallel of 28''40''f ), and thence falling again into the route to Alexandria. Thus he gained a parallel, far beyond the utmost range allowed by the ancient writers, to the Oasis of Ammon ; we mean those who describe its position by distances from knotvn places. Ptolemy indeed, in his tables, carries it so low as 28°; but then he places Augela, which is known to be in about 30°, in the same parallel with Ammon. Two of the people of Seewa accompanied Mr. Browne, in his expedition to the south-west, and as they originally proposed to carry him to a watering place, in that quarter, it is ob- vious that they know the country to the distance of two and a half or three days. Besides, it is altogether improbable, that, from their habits of life, and communications with those who traverse the Ly- bian Desert, they should be unacquainted with any fertile spot that may exist in that quarter. Before we quit the subject of the geographical position of this place, it will be proper to say a word concerning Ptolemy's geo- * Mr. Browne's Travels, p. a2. t lb. p. 27. ^84, OASIS AND TEMPLE graphy of this quarter (since his residence in the neighbourhood ought to add weight to it) making due allowances for a distorted construction, arising from excess of longitude : and in the present case, to errors of latitude, almost equally gross : so that relative po- sitioji, and not the scale of distance, is to be regarded. In Ptolemy (Africa, Tab. III.) we find Siropum* answering to Karet-um-el Sogheir, in its relative position to Amnion, the Fons Solis, and the Lesser Oasis ; if we allow the three latter to be repre- sented in modern geography by Seewa, (or Santariah) Ain Cais, and the Oasis which contains Bahnasa. Between Siropum (say El Sogheir) and Memphis, in the position in which we should look for the mountainous Desert of Le Magra, which is seven journies across,-)- there is found in Ptolemy a corre- sponding tract of mountainous country under the name of Ogdamos. Again, at the distance of 64. miles on Ptolemy's scale, to the SW of Siropum, stands the city of HammoJi, unquestionably meant for the temple and capital of the Ammonians. The reader will per- ceive, by a slight reference to the Map, at page 545, that these places lie in respect of each other, as Seewa and El Sogheir do. Ptolemy has 205 G. miles between Paraetonium and Ammon, in- stead of our 120: and it will appear that the 64 bear much the same proportion to the 205, as the distance between El Sogheir and Seewa, does to our 120. This is a marked circumstance, and worthy of attention. X * Sirpicum, in Solinus. + Proceedings Afr, Assoc, for 1790, chap. x. and xli. X It may not be amiss also to state a particular or two, that occurs in the road from Cairo through Temissa, &c. given by Edrisi, as they throw some light on Pto- lemy's geography of the parts near Ammon. From Bahnasa (in the fVah) four stations, according to Edrisi, reach to Ain Cais (or fountain of Cais) which therefore should be about five days short of Seewa or Santariah : for although the road does not appear to lead through that town, or Oasis, yet, from circumstances, it cannot pass far to the southward of it. Now we find OF JUPITER AMMON. 585 And lastly, though not less to the purpose, the bearing of Am- nion from Paraetonium, in Ptolemy, has a general agreement with the bearing of Seewa, from the same place, according to the obser- vations of Mr. Browne : the former being S 22 W, and the latter S 1 1 W; whilst the bearing of Ammon, resulting from the ancient authorities, generally, is S 20 W; and Santariah, by the Arabian geographers, S 18 W.* The three Oases, then, will form nearly a right angled triangle, whose legs, facing the N and E, will be nearly equal ; that is, the Lesser Oasis will represent the right angle at the north-east, the Greater Oasis the southern extremity of one leg, and the Oasis of Ammon the western extremity of the otlier. Thus far we have proceeded merely on the ground of geographi- cal agreement, between the position of the Oasis of Seewa, and tiiat of Ammon. But there are so many circumstances of agreement also between the ancient and modern descriptions, that iiad the former proofs been less strong, these alone might, perhaps, have sufficed : so that there is an agreement throughout. We shall therefore collect the scattered notices that occur in the ancient authors, and compare them with those furnished by Mr. Browne ; whose candid and modest exposition of them, entitle him in Ptolemy, much in the same relative position, and at the same proportions of space, respectively, from the Lesser Oasis, and from Ammon, (that is, * from the Oasis, I from Ammon) the Forts Salts; which therefore agrees to Ain Cats. Again, at a station eight journies from Bahnasa, wliich should be about one journey short of being opposite to Seewa, the river Costara occurs in the same route : and it being the only running water mentioned in the whole route, nothing appears more likely, than that it should be formed of the springs that rise in the Oasis of Seewa. * It should be recollected that Mr. Browne had no opportunity of comparing the relative positions of Paraetonium and Seewa : it is possible, therefore, that Seewa may bear more to the west. It is placed in the Map, according to its latitude, and distance from the coast ; whence it bears about S 13 W from Paraetonium, and stand* in longitude 26' 18'. 4F 5S6 OASIS AND TEMPLE to the firmest belief: and who, whilst he only contends for the an- tiquity of the edifice, so adventurously discovered; and its originality, as a work of the ancient Egyptians ; allows the facts to speak the strongest language for themselves, and to pronounce it the veritable remains of the temple of Amnion. Diodorus (lib. xvii. c. 5.) says, Mr. Browne, (p. 23,) says, that the Oasis of Ammon is 50 " The Oasis which contains the stadia in length, and the sa?ne in town of Siwa, is about 6 miles breadth. Arrian, (lib. iii.) says, long, and 4-5- or 5 wide." And little more than 40. QThe high- (p. 17,) " Siwa answers the de- est of these statements, supposing scription given of the Oases, be- the Romati stade to be meant, is ing a small fertile spot, surround- rather short of six B. miles. 3 It ed on all sides by desert land." lies in the midst of an extensive and arid desert. — " It is full of pleasant foun- " Water, both salt and fresh, tains : watered with running abounds : but the springs which streams, and planted with all furnish the latter are most of kinds of trees; most of them them tepid." (P, 24.) bearing fruit." ( Diodorus. ) "A large proportion of the " It is planted with olive and space is filled with date trees palm trees, and watered with (palms) ; but there are also dews." (Arrian.) pomegranates, figs, and olives, " It is watered with many apricots and plantains; and the streams, and encompassed with gardens are remarkably flourish- trees, that grew so thick as to ing. — They cultivate a consider- skreen it on all sides from the able quantity of rice: — the re- rays of the sun." (Curtius, lib. maindcr of the cultivable land iv. c. 7.) furnishes wheat enough for the And, " The temple and palace consumption of the inhabitants." stan^ in the middle of a wood: (P. 23, 24.) OF JUPITER AMMON. 587 and ill a second wood, is the — " It was about half an hour Fountaiii of the Suji." (lb. ) from the time of our entering on Strabo only speaks generally this territory, by a path surround- of its abounding with zvater and ed with date trees, that we came palms. Page 838. to the toxvn, which gives name to the district." (P. 17.) " In the middle of the sacred " We passed along some shady grove, inhabited by the Ammo- paths between gardens, till at the nia7is, is a castle fortified with a distance of about two miles, we triple wall, &c. containing the arrived at what they called the temple, palace, and a place of i-uhis, or Birbe." (P. 19.) — " It arms ; and not far from the resembles too exactly those of castle, stands another temple of the Upper Egypt, to leave a doubt Ammon, shaded round with many that it was erected and adorned fruit trees; next to which is a by the same intelligent race of fountain called Solis," &c. (Dio- men. The figures of Isis and dorus.) Anubis are conspicuous among Herodotus speaks of the tem- the sculptures : and the propor- ple, the oracle, and the kingdom tions are those of the Eg3^ptian of Ammon, in different places : temples, though in miniature, as in Euterpe, 32, 43, 55 : Melp. The rocks which I saw in the 181. " The Egyptians, (says he) neighbourhood, being of a sandy call Jupiter, Ammoun :" and it stone, bear so little resemblance appears that its antiquity was to that which is employed in this equal to that of the oracle of fabric, that I am inclined to be- Dodona : Euterpe, 54, gg. lieve the materials cannot have Diodorus says, (xvii. 5.) that been prepared on the spot." (P. " it was reported, that this temple 27, 28. ) In p. 19, he says, " it is was built by Danaus the Egyp- built of massy stones, of the same tiaji." kind as those of which the pyra- It may be remarked that the mids consist."* — Arabian geographers are silent , ^^^^ ^^.„ ^^ ^^.^ .^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^^ respecting any remains of anti- specting this remarkable edifice. 4 F 2 ^88 OASIS AND TEMPLE quity/mSantariab (i.e. Seewa); " The soil around seems to but M. Schlichtborst, (in his Geo- indicate that other buildings have graphia AJricce Herodotea, p. 151, once existed near the place; the 152. ) says, that " some remains materials of wliich either time has of the temple of Ammon are still levelled with the soil, or the natives to be seen, if the travellers to have applied to other purposes. I Mecca may be credited ; the place observed, indeed, some/)fTC'« stones is called Hesach-bir, or Mole La- wrought in the walls of the mo- pidum." dern buildings." — (P. 20.) Herodotus describes, Melp. " One of those springs, which 181, " the Fountain of the Sun," rises near the building described, at Ammon ; said to vary in its is observed by the natives to be . temperature, so as to be warm sometimes cold, and sometimes in the morning, but excessively warm." (P. 24.) cold Tit noon, &c. — He adds, that when it is coldest, they use it to water their gardens. Arrian, Diodorus, and Curtius, all speak of it much in the same way. The two latter agree with Herodotus in saying that the wa- ter is boiling hot at midnight. And this remarkable spring, Dio- dorus places at, or near, the lesser temple : but Curtius, in a grove, which was distinct from the larger grove : and it is Diodorus alone, who speaks of a second temple ; and tiierefore it is probably a mistake. Herodotus and Strabo speak Approaching Siwa, (p. 17.) generally concerning the saltness Mr. Browne says, " I observed of the soil, of this region : and through a large portion of the OF JUPITER AMMON. 589 Strabo speaks also of the oyster road, that the surface of the earth and other shells, that abound in is perfectly covered with salt." the quarter about Ammon, (P. And, p. 26, " After the rains, 49. ) the ground in the neighbourhood Arrian says, that the country of Siwa, is covered with salt, for about Ammon produces a kind many weeks." of fossile salt. — Lib. iii. " The Ammonians are com- " The complexion of the people posed partly of Egyptia?is, and isgenerallydarkerthantliatof the partly of Ethiopians : and their Egyptians. Their dialect is also dialect is formed promiscuously different — among those whose of both those languages."* (Eu- costume was discernible, it ap- terpe, 42.) proaches nearer to that of the Arabs of the Desert, than of the Egyptians or Moors." -f- * The Arabian geographers say of San- t Mr. Browne visited certain catacombs, tariah, that the inhabitants are a mixture in a rocky hill, close to the Oasis of Siwa. of Berbers, (Barbarians) and Arabs. (P. 21.) They were about 30 in num- ber: of dimensions 12 feet in length, 6 in breadth, and about the same height. This is mentioned, merely to shew, that Egyp- tian customs had prevailed there. In the next place, we shall give the short descriptions of Santa- riah, that are found in the Arabian geographers. Jacutus (quoted by Hartmann, in his Edrisi, p. 495), speaking of the three regions of Al Wahat, or the Oases, says, '• The third is named the PFah (or Oasis) of the city of Sinmaria, or Sanmaria, (meaning no doubt Santariah), in which are abundance of palms; and mineral waters, which the inhabitants drink; but wMch are prejudicial to the health of strangers." j; X Mr. Browne says of Seewa p. 24, " Such is the nature of the water, air, and other circumstances, that strangers arc often affected with agues and malignant fevers." SgO OAStS AND TEMPLE Edrisi (Hartmann, p. 303, from the Parisian MS.) says, " San- tariah is a small city, where tliere is a Mi fiber : (pronounced Mim- ber: a pulpit or raised place, from whence the Koran, &c. is read).* The inhabitants are a mixture of Berbers and Arabs. Palms are in abundance, but there are few fountains." Abulfeda says that it is " an island in the arid Desert, surrounded with hills. That it is watered, and abounds with palms. Moreover, that it produces a pomegranate, that is at first bitter, but becomes sweet, when ripe ; and that it proves unwholesome to strangers." (Africa, Tab. III. marginal notes). Perhaps this latter particular, was originally meant to be applied to the water ; as it then agrees with Jacutus. Part of the sentence might have been misplaced. Lastly, Ibn al Wardi thus speaks of Santariah : Hartmann, p. 303. " Schanfciria is a tract or country, which has a 'city of the same name. It is inhabited by Berbers mixed with Arabs. In it are found iron mines. Between this city and Alexandria, there is a great desert, &c." — Thus far the brief descriptions of Santariah; which, as far as they go, apply equally to Seewa. We shall add to these, two remarks : the one, that those authors who have men- tioned Santariah, have been silent respecting Seezva: a place, surely, of too much importance to have been passed over. The other, that M. Delisle, in his Geography of Africa, 1707, has a city which he names Si-onah, ou Sant-rie, in the position proper to Santariah. It is possible that M. Delisle had positive information to this effect. To this may be added, that the people of Seewa, appeared to Mr. Browne to be ignorant of the name Santariah. On the whole, it will be difficult to overthrow tlie weighty evi- * The Author is indebted to his friend Mr. Wilkins, for this explication. It is «o be recollected that Edrisi wrote early in the i2th century, at which time, the Ma- homedan religion might not long have been introduced into this place. It may be observed that the inhabitants " are not in the habitual use either of coffee or tobacco j" (Mr. Browne, p. 25) ; which seems to arise from-thcir secluded situation. OF JUPITER AMMON. 59I dence, in proof of our position, that Seewa is the long sought for Oasis of Jupiter Ammon ; and that Santariah is only another name for Seewa ; a fact of considerable importance in the question, as it precludes that doubt and uncertainty, which a choice of places, possessing equal pretensions to the claim of preference, must have necessarily occasioned. As it may be conceived that the truth will appear yet clearer, by a close comparison of the edifice at Seewa, with the Egyptian architecture, and more particularly with that of the remams of the temples in Upper Egypt, we shall enter some- what at large, into the subject ; prefacing it with some observations on the oracles and worship of Ammon. Tetnples of JuriTER Ammon. Herodotus speaks of four oracles of Jupiter ; that is, at Egyptian Thebes ; at Lybian Ammon ; at Dodona in Greece ; and at Meroe the capital of Ethiopia. He says, that the one at Thebes was the original temple of that worship ; and those of Ammon and Dodona, were derivations from it. If Herodotus was rightly informed concerning the establish- ment of the oracles at Dodona and Ammon, his report allows a high degree of antiquity to them : for he says, that when the Pe- las^ consulted the oracle of Dodona, it was the only otie in Greece, and was also by far, the most ancient of them all. Euterpe, 52, And, in 54, sg, he tells us that the oracle of Ammon was established at the same time with that of Dodona.* * Herodotus was told by the priests of the Theban Jupiter, (Euterpe, 54, 55,} that the two oracles of Dodona and Ammon were first established by two priestesses, who were violently carried away by the Phoenicians : and at Dodona, that they were estab- lished by two black pigeons which flew from Thebes. He infers, not improbably, (57} that by these are meant two black women. It has been observed, that the same word in the Thessalian language signifies dove and prophetess. ^gq, TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMOX. He gives an instance, Euterpe, 53, of the simplicity, as well as the good intentions of the Pelasgi. " These (says he), as I was informed at Dodona, formerly offered all things indiscriminately to the gods. They distinguished them by no name or surname, for they were hitherto unacquainted with either ; but tliey called them GODS, which by its etymology, means disposers, from observing the orderly disposition and distribution of the various parts of the universe. They learned, but not till a late period, the names of the divinities from the Egyptians, and Bacchus was the last whom they knew. Upon this subject, they afterwards consulted the oracle of Dodona, &c. They desired to know whether they might with pro- priety adopt the names which they had learned of the Barbarians, and were answered, that they might ; they have accordingly used them ever since in their rites of sacrifice : and from the Pelasgi they were communicated to the Greeks." It had perhaps been better for mankind, if they had been content to follow the example of the Pelasgians, in agreeing not to dispute about matters, concerning which, the wisest are so ignorant, that pretended explanations only serve to provoke fresh disputes. He allows that the Greeks derived from Egypt not only the names of almost all the gods, but with them, many circumstances of religious worship, also. And, says he, " that they are of barba- rian origin, I am convinced, by my different researches," Euterpe, 50. Much the same is also said, in Euterpe, 4.* It must be acknowledged that the heathen mythology appears to ordinary readers, to be, not only a collection of childish fables, but also contradictory to itself, in many important points ; as it is related by the different authors who have attempted to give systems of it. The less therefore, perhaps, that is said about it, the better. But since Herodotus himself allows that the Greeks borrowed so largely from the Egyptian mythology ; and since also, Diodorus says, that • There were, in Egypt, not only oracles of JuftteVy but also of Hercules, Jpollt, Minerva, Diana, Mars, and Latona, (Euterpe, 83.) TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. 593 the Egyptians, in imitation of the Ethiopians, deified their good kings; why may not this Jupiter have been the king of Egypt and Lybia, mentioned by Diodorus ; the same whom he also says was named Ammon ; and the estabhshment of whose temple and oracle he refers to his son Dionysus ? Diod. lib. i. c. i.: and iii. c. 4,. The name Ammoun or Ammon, is universally explained by the ancients, to mean the same as Jupiter, amongst the Africans.* "The Egyptians, (says Herodotus, Euterpe, 4,2), call Jupiter, Am- moun; and I should think, this was the reason why the above people named themselves Ammonians." (He was speaking of the Ammonians of Lybia). He observes (58), that the two oracles of Egyptian Thebes and Dodona, " have an entire resemblance to each other." -f And al- though he does not say the same of Ammon, yet no other idea can be inferred, from what is said of it. For laying out of the question, the story of the tzvo priestesses, and of the two bliick doves, (allego- rical of the same story) it is certain, that he speaks in other places, as if the oracle of Ammon resembled at all points, in respect of its religious ceremonies and institutions, that of Thebes. Tlius he styles it, equally with that of Thebes, " the temple of the Theban Jupiter :" Clio, 182., "The Ammonians, who possessed the temple of the Theban Jupiter, ten journies from Thebes:" Mel pom. 181. "The oracle of Jupiter amongst the Ammonians:" Thalia, 25. " The Am- monians borrowed from Thebes the custom of covering the head * Jupiter was named Ammon at Carthage as well as in Lybia. Diodorus. t " And thus," says he, " the art of divination as now practised in our temples, is derived from Egypt : at least, the Egyptians were the first who introduced the sacred festivals, processions, and supplications ; and from them the Greeks were instructed. Of this, it is to me a sufficient testimony, that these religious ceremonies are in Greece but of modern date, whereas in Egypt they have been in use from the remotest antiquity." Euterpe, 58. Herodotus himself was a believer in divination ; or feigned to be such. See his declaration, in Urania, 77 ; and the account of Melampus, ir» Euterpe, 49. 4, G gg^ TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. of the statue of Jupiter, with the skin of a ram's head :" Euterpe, 42. From all which, we should conclude, that the temple or oracle of the Lybian Jupiter, like that of Dodona, resembled the temple of Thebes. Herodotus and Diodorus assign different reasons for placing the head of a ram on the statues of Jupiter ; and for using the repre- sentation of the same animal, or a part of it, as the symbol of the Deity. Herodotus say^, Euterpe, 42, that " before Jupiter shewed himself to Hercules, he covered his head with the skin taken from the head of a ram : and hence (says he) the Thebans abstained from eating of sheep ; esteeming the ram as sacred, and only killing one on the annual festival of Jupiter, in order to place the skin on the image of the god." But Diodonis says, hb. iii. 4. that it was done, because king Ammon wore a helmet in the shape of a ram's head. These possibly may have been stories invented, with a view to satisfy the vulgar, after the true reason had been long forgotten. We are aware that the symbol of the ram has been referred to the sign Aries, or the commencement of the year: but to believe this, we must first forget, that we trace more of vulgar prejudice and super- stition, than of philosophical and scientific reasoning, in the rites of most of the popular religions that have existed in the world, and do still exist. The fact most probably is, that after the customs and ceremonies had been long in use, men of learning and ingenuity found out analogies that never existed ; and thus formed a system. For mankind begin with experiments, and systems are formed af- terwards ; and then, forgetting by what gradual steps they pro- ceeded, they are fond of believing that they began with a system ; as that idea flatters their pride, more than the other. The ancients speak of four temples in or about Thebes : of which, the one whose remains have been described by Pococke, Norden, and others, is universally referred to Jupiter : and, in ef- fect, the city of Thebes itself was named DiospoUs by the Greeks, TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON". gQS from its being considered as the city of Jupiter. Strabo, who had himself visited Thebes, (see page 816), speaks of a temple of Jupiter there.* It appears that amongst the remains of two of these temples, there are found certain parts or members, \viiich bear a resemblance to the edifice discovered by Mr. Browne ; and one of them, in par- ticular bears a most striking resemblance to it. It may be project to remark here, that we speak not only from the brief description in Mr. Browne's book, but also from a drawing exhibited some years ago in this country, as a copy of that, which this gentleman drew, from memory, after he had left the place ; for the history of his reception and treatment at Secwa, plainly prove that it was un- safe to attempt to draw a view of the building on the spot. We mean to speak only of the inner temples, or sanctuaries, of the Egyptian temples, since those structures, taken at large, are quite out of the question, in respect of any simihtude to the build- ing at Seewa. Within the body of the great temple at Thebes, is a room of granite, supposed by Pococke and others, with some reason, to be the inner temple or sanctuary mentioned by Strabo. -f Pococke * Since we learn from Herodotus liimself, Euterpe, 3, that he had visited Thebes, (as well as Heliopolis) it is exceedingly difficult to account for his silence respecting its stupendous remains, and the history of its kings. Could the same person who entered so far into the history and description of the Pyramids of Mcinphis, have viewed the remains of the temples, and the sepulchres of the kings, at Thebes, with- out being so deeply impressed, as at least, to speak of them ! It may also be remarked, that he says nothing concerning the buildings at Perse- polis, or at Pasagarda : but then it is not pretended that he visited these places. t This is Strabo's brief description of the Egyptian temples ; p. 805. " At the first entrance is a court or avenue, paved with stone, about 100 feet wide and 3 or 400 feet long ; sometimes more: this is called the Drsmos. On each side are sphynxes, in two rows, about 30 feet asunder. After this, is one, or more, ves- tibules. After that is the temple, which consists of a large court or ante-temple, and an inuermott temple, which is not very large, and in which there is no sculpture ; or at least, if there is, it is of some beast, but never of the huoiin figure. At the faithcf 4G 2 S96 TEMPLES OF JUPITER A^r^fO>r. also, as well as Lucas, saw a building, similar to it, in a mined temple at Armani, which is the ancient Hermonthis, situated in the environs of Thebes ; and where there was also, as we are told by Stiabo, page 816, a temple of Jupiter. This building was surrounded by the ruins of a larger temple ; and appears to have been placed much in the same relative situation within it, as that of Thebes to its temple. The edifice seen by Mr. Browne (or rather the remains of it, as one of the end walls was in ruins), was indeed of smaller dimensions than the others, in respect of length, although in breadth and iieight, not very different. But the points of direct resemblance between those of Hermonthis and Seewa, are in the roofs ; which in both, consisted of vast blocks of stone laid across the vacant space from wall to wall : and in the walls and soffits being covered with emblematical figures and hieroglyphics. From the description of the temple at Seewa, in the note, its general resemblance to the Egyptian style of building, as found in Pococke, Norden, &c. must strike every one : but the descriptions of the temple at Armant, from Dr. Pococke and P. Lucas, which are also subjoined, will place the matter in a yet clearer point of view.* Wc propose also to enter more at large into the descriptions end of the ante-temple are a 'sort of wings, of the height of the temple ; and the walls as far distant from each other, as the breadth of the foundations of the walls of the temple : and are so built, as to incline towards each other" — (Here the original ap- pears to be corrupted. — If it meant that the walls approached each other, on the ground plan, that is contradicted by the remains of the temples at Thebes, and Her- monthis : and no other kind of inclination can well be conceived.) He concludes by saying that " on these walls, very large figures are cut, much like the Etruscan and Grecian works." • Mr. Browne's description of the edifice at Seewa, pages 19 and 20- " It was a single apartment, built of massy stones, of the same kind as those of •which the pyramids consist, and covered originally with 6 large and solid blocks, that reach from one wall to the other. The length I found thirty-two feet in the clear ; the height about eighteen, the width fifteen. A gate, situated at one extremity, forms the principal entrance ; and two doors, also near that extremity, open opposite tb each other. The other end is quite ruinous ; but judging from circumstances, it TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON, 597 of the inner temples of the Upper Egypt, as well as into a more detailed comparison, between the temple of Hermonthis, and the remains of that at Seewa. It is well known, that the Egyptians formed the roofs of their public buildings entirely of stone ; that is, of long blocks laid across the open spaces in the nature of beams, and then laying shorter ones across them to fill up the remainder of the vacant space. This was may be imagined that the building has never been much larger than it now is. There is no appearance of any other edifice having been attached to it, and the less so as there are remains of sculpture on the exterior of the walls. In the interior are three rows of emblematical figures, apparently designed fo represent a procession : and the space between them is filled with hieroglyphic characters, properly so called. The soffit is also adorned in the same manner, but one of the stones which formed it is fallen within, and breaks the connection. The other five remain entire. The sculpture is sufficiently distinguishable ; and even the colours in some places remain." P. Lucas's description of the inner temple at Hermonthis, Vol. ii. p. 120. " The choir of the temple is still entire ; such as it is seen in the drawing. It is filled within and without, with figures, in which may be recognised the ancient divi- nities of Egypt. At the end of this choir is a little sacristy, where are discovered some bas-reliefs, which seem the work of a skilful hand, and which are so well preserved, that they appear as if just made. This chapel, or this sacristy, whichsoever name one chuses to give it, is covered with five stones, each twenty feet long, five wide, and two feet eight inches in thickness : supposing them all to be equal to that which I measured." Dr. Pococke, Vol. i. p. no. " The ante-temple is very much destroyed ; the inclosure round it, and the temple itself, are very particular, but little remains except the foundations. The inner temple is entire ; there are stairs up to the top, through the wall, which is about 25 feet high : it is adorned with hieroglyphicks within and without. On the outside are four stories of hieroglyphicks of men, but only three appear within. In the ceiling of the first room there are five hawks with spread wings : in the second room seven, and two rams face to face ; the rest of the ceiling is adorned with stars, and on each side are some small hieroglyphicks with human bodies, and the heads of a great variety of beasts," ^c. 598 TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMOK. the ordinary mode; but in some cases (as in tliat of Armant, &c.) the roofs were formed entirely of vast blocks, lying parallel to each other. Tiie Egyptian mode of roofing, induced, no doubt, the necessity of placing so many columns in the interior of their grand edifices. Want of timber gave birth to this system of architecture, which the plenty of good stone enabled them to pursue : and to this state of things we owe the massive style, and consequent duration of their vast piles of building; unequalled throughout the world, in bulk, solidity, and length of existence ! Dr. Pococke enters at large into the nature of their roofing. He says, p, 215, ^^^^^t the stones employed in this way, as beams, are about 14 feet long, 3 wide, and as many deep.* This must be re- garded as the ordinary practice; but this was nothing in compa- rison of the vast masses of stone, which the Egyptians were in the habit of using. Dr. Pococke says, page 61, that " the whole build- ing (of the Labyrinth) was covered with stone; doubtless laid on the massy pillars that were in it." And also, page 63, that the four rooms in the building taken for the temple of the Labyrinth, the largest of whicli has a compass of 25 feet, " are covered with large stones of such a length as to be laid from wall to wall." The great temple at Tentyra, by the plan at page 86', requires blocks of 40 feet in some parts of it. The inner temple at Thebes, which had a span of 19 feet only, might require blocks of 22 : and as P. Lucas says of the edifice at Armant, that it is covered with blocks of 20 (French) feet in length, 5 wide, and 3 deep, we have here an example, in the very environs of Thebes, that stones of these di- mensions were used in roofs. But Dr. Pococke has not said how the roof of this edifice was • Diodorus describes much the same kind of roofing, in the sepulchre of Osman- dyas. (Lib. i. c. 4.) The stones he says were 8 cubits, say 13, or more feet, in length ; and the ceiling azure, bespangled with stars. These stars are noticed by Pococke, at Armant : and by Mr. Browne at another place. TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. 599 constructed, although he describes its sculptured ornaments. It is Lucas alone, who has given us the important information, which is even more satisfactory, from his not having seen the remains at Thebes.* He lias given a coarse drawing of it, (in Vol. ii. p. 119, of his Third Voyage) ; and which has a great resemblance to that of the temple at Seewa. This, as we have already seen, is also covered with blocks of stone; which, as the building itself is 15 feet in breadth, and as they also form a kind of cornicbc without, to which is to be added also, the thickness of the walls; they cannot well be less than 21 feet in length. They are described to be five in width, arid three in depth; corresponding almost exactly to those at Armant ; but as this latter was covered with five blocks only, so that of Seewa had six. Not that the number of stones is decisive of the length of the building, at Armant; for by Dr. Pococke's plan, at page 110, it appears that it is only the large room in the middle, which requires blocks of that length ; the whole structure being divided into three rooms, of which, the smaller ones at the ends, being mere closets, or slips, might have the stones that formed their roofs, laid in the direction of the length of the building. For, as the principal room occupied 26 feet, of the whole length of the edifice, which was 46* only, it is obvious that the end rooms must have been very narrow. These inner temples or sanctuaries, at Thebes and Hermonthis, have certain points of similitude to each other, in their individual proportions, which seems to be the effect of design, although their bidk bears no kind of proportion to those of their respective includ- ing temples. First, the inner temple at Thebes, which Dr. Pococke calls " the small granite room," is about 60 feet long, by 19 wide, and 20 in height, -f- zvitbin ; divided in its lengtli into two equal • He was prevented by illness. t See Dr. Pococke's Plan and Elevation of the Grand Temple at Thebes, at page 92 ; and the description jof the granite room, in page 95. 6oO TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. apartments of somewhat less than 30 each. That of Armant is 46 ' by 16, and 22 in height.* So that the proportions of these two, are about three to one, of the length to the breadth ; whilst that at Seewa, as it now appears, has a proportion of about two to one. It is not however, certainly known, whether it might not have been continued to a greater length, beyond the end that is in ruins ; and whether there might not have been a second room, roofed with smaller blocks, which may have been removed, and applied to other uses ; although those of the large room may be as useless, as they are unmanageable, to the modern inhabitants of the Oasis. It may even be a question, whether the block, said to be fallen down, was not displaced by the operation of removing the end room, and the wall of separation. In the next place, the two inner temples of Thebes and Hermon- this, occupy the same relative situations : they both stand apart from the greater temples, and within high walls adjoining to them; ac- cording to the description of Strabo, p. 805. -j- Again, both are built oi granite i"^ the most precious material for building, in that quarter, from the excessive cost of the workman- ship; whence may be inferred the important or sacred use to which they were appropriated. Dr. Pococke is of opinion, that it was the residence of the beautiful and noble virgin, who devoted herself to Jupiter. Strabo, page 816. Respecting the ornaments of the inner temple at Thebes, we are left in ignorance, by the persons who have visited it; otherwise than that Dr. Pococke says, that it had a rich cornicbe ; of which * See the Doctor's plan and description, at page no of Vol. i. t See above, page 595. These walls certainly bore no roofing at Thebes. If they had, there would have been no necessity for a partieular roof to the sanctuary : and we must conceive the same at Armant. X This we learn of the one at Thebes, from Pococke ; but of that at Armant, from Savary, alone. It has been doubted by some, whether Savary ever visited Upper Egypt : however he may have collected this fact, from others. TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMOIf. 60l he gives a drawing, at page 219.* This is much to be regretted, as it leaves no opportunity of comparing so important a part of the design, with those of Armant and Seewa ; which, as it may be per- ceived, have on the whole, a nearer agreement with each other, than those of Armant and Thebes : at least, as far as we are able to make a comparison. Such is the nature of the roofs ; both of which, as we have seen, are formed of blocks, of the length of about 31 feet, by 5^ wide, and 3 in depth, indicating nearly an equal breadth between the walls, in both structures, and differing in the length of the part, thus covered, by the breadth of one block : for the temple at Armant has only five, that at Seewa, six.-i" In the next place, there are precisely the same number of rows of sculptures, on the walls, within, in both of these edifices ; that is, THREE. That at Armant has four, without :X but as to that at Seewa, Mr. Browne seems to have found the sculptures on the out- side, too much defaced to enable him to form any judgment of the particulars. It was reported at Rome, that Mr. Browne thought he discovered two figures with rams' heads, which apjx^ars highly pro- bable. The materials at Seewa, were not of so durable a nature, as those of Armant and Thebes : and therefore have not preserved the original impressions. § From what has appeared, a doubt can scarcely be entertained that the fabric at Seewa, is of Egyptian origin, and of very high antiquity. Nor can it well be doubted, that it had a relation to the worship of Jupiter Ammon, even by those who may doubt its being that famous * Strabo, in his description of the Egyptian temples, says, that there are no sculp- tures of human figures in the inner temples, or sanctuaries. But this does not agree with the reports of Pococke and Mr. Browne. + The blocks at Seewa must have been 5} English feet broad, in order for six of them to cover a space of 32 feet. The five French feet reported by Lucas, at Armant, would be much about the same. t Pococke, page no. Lucas agrees in his drawing, page 119. § Mr. Browne says, the stones are " of the same kind, as those of whicii the Py- ramids consist." (Page 19.) 4H 602 TEMPLKS OF JUPITER AMMON. temple, itself. If it be objected that more remains ought to be vi- sible, it can onlv be answered, that Mr. Browne saw, in the soil around it, indications of the existence of former buildings : and that he also saw some bezvn stones that were wrought into the walls of the modem houses. Moreover, it may well be said that the tran- sient view alone, that he was allowed to take of the place, generally, will not warrant a decision of the question, whether there be, or be not, in the island, the materials of the edifices described by the ancients.* There is no reason to suppose that the rest of the temple is buried in the sand, because the description of the site allows no ground of supposition that the level has been raised ; the doors appearing to remain of a proper, and of a proportionable height. A mass of sand sufficient to cover the fallen ruins, must have buried a consi- derable proportion of the sanctuary; admitting it to have been a constituent part of a large temj^le. No such state of things appears : the room is still 18 feet in height, which is about the proportion it ought to bear to the sanctuary at Thebes, but below that of Armant. But could it for a moment be supposed, that the ruins of a temple were covered with sand, in the middle of the Oasis, what must have been the state of the Oasis itself.? Had it been the nature of the place for the sand to collect, as it has done against the sides of the Pyra- mids, and about the Sphynx, it is probable that no Oasis would ever have been formed, in that place; because the vegetation must have been constantly choked up, and covered with sand, as often as it appeared. It is unquestionable that the worship of Jupiter in Ethiopia, had an establishment of sacelUi or chapels attached to the principal temple * As Mr. Horneman (who is employed by the African Association) was to pro- ceed from Egypt to Fezzan, with the caravan, his route would naturally lie through Seewa. Probably some new lights may be afforded by him : especially if he was apprized of Mr. Browne's discovery, whilst he resided in Cairo: which one might expect, he would have been. TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. 6o$ m Meroe* And was there any circumstance on which to found a behef of the existence of any other Oasis in the quarter of Seewa, it might perhaps be suspected that the edifice there, was a sacellum to the larger temple of Ammon, But we trust that the concurrence of so many particulars in the ancient descriptions, with what appears at present, at Seewa, will effectually do away any such supposition. Such is the striking agreement of the geographical positions; toge- ther with the attendant circumstance of thei-e being no other place, that answers, in any shape, to the description. To this may be added, the accordance, in point oi form and dimeiisiojis, of the Oasis itself: the similarity of productions ; and to crown all, the fountain whicli varied in its temperature, at different times. The discovery of the temple itself, andthe circumstances belong- ing to the Oasis, wliicli contain it; together with the operation of fixing its geographical position, to a degree of exactness sufficiently critical to admit of a comparison with the ancient descriptions ; could not, perhaps, have been accomplished, otherwise than by the zeal, perseverance, and skill, of an European. Mr. Browne is therefore entitled to great praise, for his spirit of enterprize, which bade de- fiance to the hardships and dangers consequent on an undertaking, similar to that which has been so much celebrated in the history of the Macedonian conqueror; aivl which was unquestionably per- * Both Herodotus and Pliny, in speaking of Meroc, in Lower Etliiopia, describe a temple, or oracle ot Jupiter there. Herodotus says, " the inhabiiants pay divine honours to Jupiter and Bacchus only ; but these they worship with the most extreme veneration. At this place, (Meroe) is an oracle of Jupiter, whose declarations, with the^ most implicit confidence, they permit to regulate all thcif martial e.vpeditions." Euterpe, 29. Pliny says (lib. vi. 29.) " In this city is a temple, in honour of Jupiter Ammon ; a place of great sanctity and devotion : and around that tract, there are many sacella, (or chapels)." The tract meant, is the country between the Abyssinian branch of the Nile, and the river Tacuzze : usually regarded by the ancients, as the Island oi Mcroe : from whence, possibly, the worship of Jupiter descended to Egypt. 4 M 2 6o^ TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. formed with much more penmial risk on the part of our countryman, than on that of Alexander.* It is possible that the remains so often alluded to, may appear to ordinary readers, to be much too insignificant to interest the mind, as a remain of antiquity ; and therefore may not answer the expec- tations formed of the magnitude, and grandeur of style, of the temple of Jupiter Ammon. To such, it can only be said, that it bears the stamp of Egyptian origin ; and is only pretended, at the utmost, to be a sanctuary of a greater temple, whose materials may probably be found in the form of ordinary habitations, or otherwise, in the Oasis. The dilapidations may have been going on, for these 1800 years past : the columns may have been converted into millstones, as is the practice in Egypt : or split into convenient sizes for wall- ing. -f The part remaining, is evidently that, which is the least adapted to ordinary occasions ; and which could not, at any rate, be removed with safety; since the impending blocks of the roof must deter every one from venturing to displace the stones that support them. J But even considered as a ruin, and independent of its historical importance, the circumstance alone of its having blocks of stone, which approach towards tiie dimensions of the uprights of Stone- henge, raised in the air to form its roof, is fully sufficient to give it an air of importance, and singularity. These sentiments are entirely the effect of conviction, on the part of the Author, on occasion of the disclosure of Mr. Browne's route to Seewa, in his Travels, just published. He had previously adopted a contrary opinion ; but it aroseJrom a misconception of the position • For the account of the journey of Alexander, see Arrian, lib. iii. ; Diodorus, lib. xvii. c. 5. ; Strabo, page 8i6; and Curtius, lib. iv. c. 7. + See Volney's Travels, Vol. i. c. 19. ; and Mr. Browne's Travels, page 10. The latter describes a very ingenious mode of dividing the columns. X See the Section on ancient Babylon, p. 377, 378. TEMPLES OF JUPITER AMMON. 605 of Seewa, which was reported to be at a less distance inland, by three journies. He always supposed Santariah to be the Oasis of Amnion, and as such it appears in the Map of North Africa, 1798. It now appears, that Seewa is the same with Santariah: and, of course, his opinion is not changed in respect of the position of Jupiter Ammon.* • Santariah, in the Map of North Africa, 1798, is placed in lat. 29° 5', Ion. 25' 45*. We have placed it above, on a revision of the authorities, in lat. 29° 9', Ion. 26° 5'. C 606 J SECTION XXII. OF THE TRIBES WHO INTHABITED THE COAST, AND COUNTRY OP LYBIA, BETWEEN EGYPT AND CARTHAGE. Lyhia possessed by Nomadic Tribes. — Adj'rmachidse — GilligammiE. — Jsla?id of Phte^, thejirst Establishment of the Greeks in Africa. — Asb3^st£e, Auschisas, and Cabales ; neighbours to the Cyrenians. — Cyrenaica, or Lybia Pentapolis, the great Colony of the Greeks. — Garden of the Hesperides. — Nasamones, the most powerful of the Nomadic Tribes — seize on the La?ids of the Psylli — gather the Dates of Augila. — Accordance of modern with ancie7it Customs, a Proof of our Author's Veracity. — Psylli, Charmers of Serpents. — Garamantes, the People of Fezzan, or Phasania — hitherto misplaced by Geographers. — Splendour of their Capital, arising from the Pro- fits of Merchandize . — Conquered by the Romans. — Its carrying Trade compared with that of Palmyra. — MacK, or Masw. — River Cinyps. — Gindanes recognised in the People of Gadamis. — Lotophagi. — Obsen'ations on different Species 0/ Lotus. — Remarks on Herodotus' s Line of Distance, through North Africa. — Other Tribes along the Coast; Machlyes, Ausenses, Maxyes, Zaueces, Zygantes. — Ho- ney from the Palm Tree. — Island of Cyranis — Carthaginian Em- pire, unnoticed by Herodot-us. — Philenian Altars. — The Conquests of Cambyses terminated at the Hesperides. — Hills of Salt along the North Coast of Africa. iHE knowledge of Herodotus, respecting the geography of the coast of Lybia, was extensive, but not critical. His description, found in Melpomene, and which occupies a large portion of that book, includes the whole coast between Egypt and the Lesser Syrtis; being more than half of the northern border of Africa. It appears COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 607 at first, as if he meant to give a regular chain of distance, marked at intervals of ten days each, by hills of salt, from Egypt to Mount Atlas ; but on examination it proves defective, in more than one place. These intervals will be noticed in the course of this disser- tation ; but as nothing can be deduced from the ivhole, taken as a series, we shall not break the thread of our design, by examining it, in this place. However, as it will appear that the latter half of the series, or that between the Lesser Syrtis and Mount Atlas, agrees to the actual geography ; it may be presumed that the other part was equally, or indeed, better known to Herodotus, though not described ; as it seldom happens that the sphere of knowledge in- creases W'ith the distance. The people of this coast* he represents generally, as Nomades, from Egypt, westward to the lake Tritonis, (by which he means the Lesser Syrtis, Mel pom. 186':) and the country, says he, is low and sandy. The country farther to the west (Africa proper, Niimidia, &c. ) is mountainous and interspersed with wood; and infested by wild beasts, and serpents of an enormous size :•]■ (191). Within this tract, however, the inhabitants are husbandmen, and live in houses: and these regions, notwithstanding the unfavourable circumstances related of them, are by much the finest parts of Northern Africa ; being the ancient provinces of Mauretania, Ntunidia, and Africa proper, (or Carthage). Mount Atlas is marked by our Author, on the score of its form and elevation : " at every approach, appearing round and steep ; and so lofty, that its summit can never be distin- guished, by reason of the clouds that envelope it ; whence (says he) it was called a Pillar of Heaven." Melp. 184. He remarks also, that the Greeks borrowed the ^^gis, with which they decorated the shield, (or shrine) of Miiierva, from the neighbourhood of the lake * The reader is referred to the Map No. IX, at page 545, for the geography described in this Section, t The great serpent of Regiilus, was afterwards killed in this quarter. Dr. Sliaw had heard of none that were more than three or four yards in length. 6oS COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. Tritonis : the name of which JEgls was derived from the fringed and dyed goat skins, employed on the occasion. Melp. 189. In our arrangement of the Lybian provinces, we shall follow, as often as we are able, the order observed by our Author. Beginning from Egypt, says he, Melp. 168, the Africans are to be enumerated in the following manner.* The first are the Adyr- MACHiD.E, whose manners are in every respect Egyptian; but their dress is African : they occupied the maritime tract between Egypt and the port of Pleimos, or Plynos. Plynos, in Scylax, p. 44,-f is two days sail beyond Apis; but we suppose this to be a mistake, and that it lay near the Catahathmiis Magna. X Scylax confines this tribe, whom he calls a Lybian nation, p. 44, between the points of Canopus and Apis : contrary to Herodotus, who appears to include the sea coast of Marmarica within their territory. In Ptolemy, the Adyrmachidte are placed in the inland tract, op- posite to the same coast ; and towards Ammon. Schlichthorst says, they were driven into the higher parts of Lybia, by the Greeks, in the age following Herodotus. If the former authorities are correct, the Adyrmachidce must have increased their territories very con- siderably, between the times of Scylax and of Herodotus. § * It has been remarked before, that he excludes Egypt from Africa, in his geo- graphical arrangement. In Euterpe, 65, Egypt is said to be near Africa. t See Hudson's Geog. Min. Vol. i. X Apis was at the frontier of Egypt towards Lybia ; situated 12 miles beyond Pa- rsetonium ; and was named from a temple of Apis, there. The Apis spoken of in Euterpe, 18, should be a different place; and as it is connected with Marea, may have been adjacent to the lake Mareotis. § An obscene custom is imputed, by Herodotus, to the Adyrmachida : such as has also been imputed to the people of a part of our island, in barbarous times ; we mean a certain privilege claimed by the superior lord, which all the rest of mankind arc agreed in reserving for the bridegroom. It is singular, that a custom should have been introduced here, which was too barbarous to obtain amongst more than one of the African tribes: and that a privilege reserved for the king alone, there, should be ex- tended to every superior lord, here, in the quarter where the custom prevailed. It is impossible to place the base servility of some of our ancestors, in a more striking point of view. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 609 Next to the Adyrmachydae, says our Author, Melp. 169, were the GiLLiGAMMiE, " who occupied the coast, as far as the island of Aphrodisias" Now, as this island was situated beyond the jwrt of Cyrene, westward, there must needs be a mistake here, because a great part of the fertile and cultivated district of Cyrenaica, would otherwise be allotted to a Nomadic tribe. Therefore the facts are irreconcileable, and we must seek for some other explanation. Pos- sibly the island of Drepajium, near Derna, might be meant. The celebrated island of Platea, (now Bombaj where the Thereans first established themselves, and which continued to be possessed by the Cyrenians, was situated on the coast of the Gilligannnag ; as were also the ports of Menelaus ixndiAzyris. See Melpomene, 152. 166, 169. The AsBYST^ were a small inland tribe, situated between the Gilligammse on the east, and the Auschisje on the west, Melp. 170, 171; zx\d above, or within, Cyrenaica; having no communication with the coast, which was occupied by the Cyrenians. (This seems a proof that the Gilligammse could not possess any part of the coast, to the west of Derna. ) The Asbystte were beyond all the Africans, remarkable for the use of chariots drawn by four horses : and in most respects they imitated the manners of the Cyrenians.* (170). Pliny places the Asbystae, as well as the Masas or Macae, to the west of the Nasamones ; and of course, is at variance w ith our Au- thor's description; but Strabo, with more probabihty, says, p. 838, " After the Nasamones, (who are situated at the Greater Syrtis, and beyond Cyrene) are the Psylli, Getuli, and Garamantes." The AuscHicii, who bordered on the west of the Asbystae, ex- tended from above Barca, to the neighbourhood of the Hesperides, on the sea coast:" Melp. 171. The CABALEs,-f an inconsiderable tribe, occupied the sea coast, * Herodotus says, that the Greeks themselves borrowed from Africa, the custom of harnessing four horses to a chariot. Mclpom. i8g. + Qiicry, If the Kahyles of Shaw ? 4I b'lO COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. opposite to the centre of the Auschicae, and extended themselves to the coast, near Tanchira, a town belonging to Barca. (171.) They had the same customs with the people beyond Cyrene. Thus we have filled up the space along the sea coast between Egypt and the Hesperides, situated at the commencement of the Greater Syrtis, and beyond Cyrenaica : concerning which province, we shall presently speak. It is proper to remark that the distribution of this coast, is very different, in the Periplus of Scylax, and in Ptolemy, from what we have just given on the authority of Herodotus. Ptolemy lived nearly six centuries after our Author : so that great changes must naturally be expected : but Scylax doubtless lived within half a cen- tury of the time of Herodotus. As Scylax limits the Adynnachidce to ylpis, on the west, so he extends the Marmaridce from thence, all the way to the Hesperides ; including within their territory, the space allotted by Herodotus, to the Gilligammae, Asbystse, Auschisas, and Cabales ; all of which names he entirely omits.* Beyond the Hesperides, the agreement between the two, is much closer. No doubt, we may thus account for the descriptions in Scylax, He must be regarded as a seaman, or pilot, and the author of a kind of coasting Directory, who confines himself to the description of the coasts ; giving general names to them, as our modern pilots do ; as the coast of Barbary, of Guinea, of Malabar, &c. without regard- ing the lesser political divisions, or the changes that may take place in them : so that it might have happened, and does happen in the cases just mentioned, that many such names are unknown in the * Strabo, p. 838, extends the Marmarida from Cyrenaica to Ammon ; which agrees nearly to Ptolemy : whilst Pliny (lib. v. 5.) extends them between Parxto- nium and the Greater Syrtis. Diodorus (lib. iii. 3.) divides the Lybians into four tribes, of which the Marmarida possessed the coast from Egypt to Cyrene : the Nasamorfs on the south, answering to the people of Angela : the Auichisa on the west ; and the Alaca, the most popu- lous of all, al the Syrtis. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 6l 1 countries, to whose coasts they are applied by strangers. In effect, we must regard Scylax as a pilot ; Herodotus as an historian and geographer. The province of Cyrenaica (now Kairoan, or Kurin) was situ- ated within the tract of the Nomades : it was the most elevated part of it, and wonderfully fertile. Melp. igg. It contained the first Grecian colony established in Africa: and how interesting it was to the Greeks, may be collected from the detailed history of the establishment, progress, and subjection of it, given to them by He- rodotus, in Melpomene, 145, et seq. This province is also named Lybia PeiVTApolis, from its having five cities or towns of note in it : that is, Cyrene, Barce, Ptolemais, Berenice, and Taiichira ; all of which, not only exist at present un- der the form either of towns or villages, but it is remarkable that their names are scarcely changed from what we may suppose the pronunciation to have been amongst the Greeks.* According to the description of its boundaries by Herodotus, Cy- renaica proper, could not have had a greater extent along the coast, than about 120 G. miles, from east to west. But it was subsequently extended, so as to include the country of the Nasamones, as appears by the famous boundary of the Philenian altars, between the states of Cyrene and Carthage. -|- The gardens, or orchards, of the Hesperides, and the history belonging to them, are too well known to be repeated here. It is however satisfactory to know, that the ancients fixed on a spot that was appropriate; since there is at present a zvood there, according to the testimony of Edrisi : and it being near the sea on the one hand, and on the edge of the Desert of Barca on the other, a wood could hardly have been expected, in that situation. Strabo, 836, places the lake of Tritonis, which he says is the same with that of the Hesperides, and which receives the river Ladon; * As Kurin, Barca, Tollamala, Bern'ic, and Taidcra. '\ Concerning these altars, more will be said in the sequel. 4 I 2 6l2 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBtA. at Berenice. The lake contained an island, in which was a temple of Venus. Pliny also places the groves and gardens at Berenice, at the end of the Syrtis : lib. v. c. 5 : and Solinus in like manner. Strabo is, however, wrong, in placing the lake Tritonis at the Greater Syrtis, which ought to be at the lesser one, as will be shewn in its place. The Tritonian lake of Lucan, was also at the Hesperides, but it may be a doubt whether he did not confound it with the lake Tritonis at the Lesser Syrtis. He was a very bad geographer. Bernic, is doubtless the same with the ancient Berenice. It ap^ pears from Edrisi, page 93, that there is at present a wood at 4 miles from the sea, in the plain of Bernic, at about 4,0 G. miles to the SW of Barca. From his mentioning the wood, a practice not common with him, one may conclude that it had something remark- able about it ; or that trees were not common on that coast. Scylax, p. 4^, sa^'s that the gardens or orchards of the Hespe- rides, are situated at 620 stadia, say 50 G. miles from the port of Barce, which is itself 500 stadia, or about 40 G. miles from tlie port of Cyrene. This agrees precisely to Bernic. He allows no more than two stadia for the length and breadth of the gaiden, which formed a square.* He gives a catalogue of the trees in it, which stood so thick as to entwine with each other ; and it is worthy of remark, that the lotus is amongst them. The Nasamones, according to Herodotus, were the most power- ful of the Nomadic tribes on this coast.-f They bordered on the • The number is probably wrong. t Melpomene, 172. In Euterpe, 32, he says, " that they inhabited the Syrtes, and a tr.Kt of land which extends from thence to the east." Strabo, 837, places the Nasamones at the Greater Syrtis, and beyond them the Psylli. Pliny (v. 5.) says that they were originally named Mesamones by the Greeks, as being situated between two quicksands; meaning perhaps the two Syrtes, but this does not apply. Lucan (lib. ix.) reckons them a barbarous tribe, and says that they live by wrecls: the Syrtes supplying their wants, and making up for the barrenness of their soil. Curtius, iv. 7, also speaks of their making a prey of stranded ships. Our country- COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 613 Greater Syrtis, and on tlie district of Cyrene ; and as they had seized on the lands of the PsyUi, their territory must have embraced the whole of the south and east sides of the Syrtis. It appears that they also appropriated to themselves the dates produced in the plains of Augela ; whence, the whole extent of their territory may have been about 4,00 G. miles from east to west, at that time : so that they may well have been denominated the most powerful of the No- mades. But when, in later times, the boundaries of Carthage and Cyrene met at the Philenian altars, situated at the innermost re- cesses of the Syrtis, it is evident that the Nasamones must have been dispossessed in their turn. And accordingly, in Ptolemy, we find them removed to the inland tract of Angela itself: in which Diodorus agrees. Lib. iii. c. 3. Concerning the geographical position of Augela, both absolutely and relatively, we have already spoken. Its historical imix)rtance too, is considerable, as it relates to our Author's history ; and it is one of those few places whose name has not undergone a tittle of change since Herodotus wrote.* Pliny also speaks of it, lib. v. 4, and 8, and brands the inhabitants with the character of worshipping evil spirits. We have seen that it is also spoken of by the Arabian geographers, and by modern travellers. Abulfeda calls it an Ishvid in the Desert, abounding with water and palm trees : and we shall find in the reports of modern travellers, a pleasing confirmation of those of our Historian, as they serve to give a confidence in him, when he relates things of greater importance. " The Nasamones (says he) during the summer season, leave their cattle on the coast, and go up into the country, to a place called Augela, to gather dates ; on which spot, the palms are equally numerous, large and fruitful." Melp. 172. Modern travellers inform us, that the dates in the plain of Gegabib, five journies to the eastward of that of Augela, man, Mr. Bruce, was shipwrecked there, and found them much the same sort of people. See his Introduction ; and also p. 100 of this work * Much the same, has just been said concerning the towns in Cyrcnaica. 6l4t COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA* are gatliered by the people on the coast of Derna : so that one may conceive, that the same practice prevails throughout the whole re- gion. See Proceed. Afr. Assoc. 1790, ch. x. The territory of the Psylli is to be regarded as a province of the Nasamonians. Herodotus says that the latter took possession of the lands of the former, in consequence of their being depopulated by an accident. Melp. 173. Pliny, with more appearance of pro- bability, says that the Psylh were destroyed, generally, by the Na- samones, lib. vii. 3 ; and that the small remains of them, fled. The reputation which the Psylli bore for charming of serpents, and for the cure of their stings, is mentioned by many ancient authors. Cato is said, by Plutarcli, to have carried some of the Psylli with him, in his memorable march round the Greater Syrtis ; when he, of course, passed through the former country of the Psylli, which had the reputation of being dreadfully infested with serpents ; and whence, we may suppose, arose the necessity of their learning how to avoid, or to subdue them.* From this popular idea, we may suppose that certain Jugglers professed themselves Psylli, as we learn from Pliny, lib. vii. 2. They are very often mentioned by this author; as in lib. xxv. lo; and xxviii. g.-f It is certain that in India, a country also abounding with serpents, there are people who so completely subdue serpents of the most ve- nomous kinds, as to have them entirely at command. They are said to seize on them, with their naked hands, without apprehension of mischief: and this, not only on those they have already been ac- customed to, but on such as they never saw before. The}' teach them to dajice to a wind instrument, generally tliree at a time ; and this the Author has often seen ; as well as the replacing them in tlieir baskets, which the juggler does, with the same indifference as * Wi.ll in the land of serpents were they plac'd : Tnice with the dreadful tyrant, Death, they have. And border safely on his realm, the grave. Rowe's Lucan, lib. ix. t See also Savar)', Vol. i. ch. iv. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA, 615 if they were eels. But in what state their powers of stinging, then were, the Autlior knows not. The Psylli were placed between the Nasamones, Macce, and Ga- ramantes; (Melp. 173, 174, 17.5); that is, at the middle part of the Greater Syrtis ; now the Desert of Sort. Scylax omits the Psylli, altogether. Beyond these, southward, that is, towards the inland country of Africa, were the Garamantes, said by Herodotus to be " a nume- rous nation, situated at 10 journies from Augcla," (i. e. xvesVwardy of course), and " between the Nasamones and the Macte." (Sec Melpom. 174, 175, and 183.) The present towns of Mesurata and Lebicia, are situated within the territory of the ancient Macce, or The Garamantes will be clearly made out to be the people of Fezzan, a considerable tract of inland country, situated midway between Tunis and Egypt ; and which, notwithstanding its great extent, falls under the description of one of the Oases, or fertile tracts, found in the middle of the desert; being completely insulated by sandy or rocky deserts, and separated to a considerable distance from any other habitable tract. It may indeed, be reckoned the largest Oasis, known.* Herodotus supposes that the eastern limit of the Garamantes, approached within 10 journies -j- of the Augelse; but this can only be true of the approximating parts of the two provinces ; between which, lies a frightful and widely extended desert; part of which is sandy, partly naked vocVs.X The extent of the country of Garama, is also omitted by Herodotus ; but this does not invalidate the re- maining facts ; and in our idea, few geographical positions can with more certainty be reconciled to ancient history : for it will apix;ar * Strabo places the Psylli between the Nasamones and the Garamantes ; which latter agrees to Fezzan. + Pliny, lib. v. 4, says 12 journies. X See Atiican Assoc. 1790, ch. x. Pliny speaks of burning rocks, &c. 6l6 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA- that Strabo places the Garamantes in the quarter of Fezzan, by positive data, and Pliny, by the strongest implication possible; that is, by assigning to the Garamantes, certain cities whose remains are amongst the Fezzaners. It is tnae that both Ptolemy and M. D'Anville place the Gara- mantes nearly in the centre of Africa;* and that Pliny supposed, when he spoke of the people of Phazania, and of the Garamantes, and Gamphasantes, that he was describing different nations; but the contrary, is however, true. See lib. v. c. 4, 5, and 8. Mela also calls them Gamphasantes, lib. viii. Pliny describes the conquest of Phazania, and otlier tracts in Africa, by Balbus, lib. v. c. 5, and says, that it had zjine capital city named Garama ; as also another city named Cil/aba: (c. 4.) Garama was no doubt the Germa, or Jerma, a ruined city well known to the present people of Fezzan ; and Cillaba, may be taken for Ziiela, or Zaxcila (also in ruins) -f- which afterwards became the capital, and existed as such in the time of Abulfeda. Tab. III. x'Vfrica. It can hardly be doubted but that Germa, or Garama, the capital, gave name to the country itself, amongst tlie Greeks and Romans. Abulfeda calls it Karran or Garran ; as well as Fazzan ; and Edrisi, p. Qg and 40, Pharan, and Faran. But all kind of doubt is removed concerning the place meant : for Abulfeda describes it to be on the • M. D'Anville places Germa so far inland as 24° 15', although it be really in 27° 48'; since it is no more than ly-i caravan journies from Mesurata. See above, p. 566. Moreover he extends the Garamantes within the limits ot" Begarmce, which, it is possible, he might mean for Garamanta. Some of the ancients seem to have been much puzzled about the situation of the Garamantes : and as Ptolemy places them towards the centre of Africa, so Lucan places them on the sea coast. Dr. Shaw observes, p. 136, that " the Garamantes may be presumed to have been placed either in the districts of Gadamis, Fezzan, or some of the other more distant cities and villages of the kingdom of Tripoly ;" which proves that the Doctor had considered the subject well, although he does not come directly to the point- + African Association, 1790, ch. iv. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 617 east of Gadzamis, (Gadamis, the Cy damns of Pliny,) and of IFadan ; and to be an island, or Oasis, in the great Desert of Sahara, well watered, and fruitful in palms ; and having cities and other edifices. Moreover, he places its then capital, Zawila* on the south of Sort ; •whose position has already been assigned, at one of the recesses of the Greater Syrtis. See page 567. -f According to the information collected by the African Association, Germa is situated at four joumies to the ESE of Mourzouk, and is also 25, of Edrisi's scale, from Agadez : (pages 39 and 40,) so that there is little doubt of its being the Garama of Pliny. We shall add to these authorities some ideas of Strabo and Pliny; and although neither of them appear to be well informed on the subject, yet their ideas coincide, as far as they respectively go. Strabo says, p. 835, that " above the Getulians is the region of Garamanta, 9 or 10 journies distant from the sea coast (perhaps the capital may be the point reckoned to), and the same distance from the Ethiopians : and also 15 from the Ammonians." And, 838, " after the Nasamones (who are by the Syrtis and Cyrenaica) are the Psylli; a part of the Getulie, and the Garamantes," &c. This proves clearl}^ that Fezzan is intended by the region of Ga- ramanta, by its distance from the sea, and from the Ethiopians. Augela was unknown to Strabo ; and we may suppose that he in- cluded the space occupied by the Augehe, in the region of the Am- monians: in which case, the 15 days will not be mucli out. And with respect to its distance from the sea coast, the report is just. Pliny, lib. v. c. 8, says, there is nothing but a desert between the people bordering on the ocean, and the Garamantes, Augelae, &c. ; meaning the Sahara, which fills the vast space between the Atlantic, and Fezzan. Had Garama been where Ptolemy and M. D'Anville place it, there would have been the countries of Tombuctoo, Aga- dez, and Kasseena, (or Kashnah) between it and the ocean. In effect, it seems impossible to mistake it ; for Fezzan is the only * Mourzouk is the present capital. t See also Abulfeda, Tab. III. Africa. 6\8 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. large tract of fertile land, that contains a number of cities and towns, in this quarter of Africa : and Garama was deemed of im- portance enough by the Romans, to induce them to send an army under Biilhus* to reduce it. Pliny gives a long list of provinces and towns conquered by this general, the names and representa- tions of which, he carried in his triumph, on that occasion. But besides Fezzan, and its principal cities, we can only recognise Cy- damus (Gadamis), on theNW; and Tabidium (Taboo), on the SW of Fezzan. It is probable that most of the other towns, were situ- ated within the Oases or territories of Fezzan and Gadamis : the remainder in the line towards Agadez and Kasseena : for Pliny also says, that " the Romans possessed the country, even to the river Niger, which separates Africa from Ethiopia. "-f Garama, or Fezzan, appears to have been regarded as of the first importance, amongst the conquests of Balbus. Herodotus was informed that the Garamantes avoided all com- munication with mankind, and were ignorant of the use of military weapons, but this is doubtless a mistake; although Pliny says the same of the Gamphasantes, not recognising them in the people of Phazania, whom he had before described. This character of the ancient people of Fezzan, implying a total seclusion from the rest of mankind, and which, their situation in a great island of the Desert, might seem calculated to produce ; yet differs so widely from the present character of the Fezzaners, that we cannot admit the truth of it. For their present character, wliich is that of the most enterprizing mercliants of Africa, apjiears to grow out of the physical situation of their country : it being, per- haps, the most advantageously placed of any inland country in Africa, for the purposes of commerce ; being not only situated on the line of the shortest and most convenient, and therefore principal * Balbus was a Spaniard, and a citizen of Cadiz; and is said by Pliny to have been the first foreigner who had the privilege of a triumphal chariot. Pliny, v. 5. t Lib, V. 4. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 6\Q communication between the Mediterranean sea, and the centre of Africa, but also in the line between Western Africa, Egypt, and Arabia. It may be compared to the ancient state of Palmyra, placed in the midst of deserts, and forming a link of connection between other states ; and growing rich by a carrying trade across the Deserts. It is probable, therefore, that they have, in all ages, availed themselves of these advantages, and have not, at least, been lower in estimation, than their neighbours. Besides, to what must they have been indebted for their f fie capital, mentioned by Pliny, but to superior riches ? Are ornamented cities found amongst such a people as Herodotus describes .? It is true that the establish- ment of a new superstition at Mecca, in latter times, may have added to the riches of Fezzan ; since it is become the rendezvous of the Mahomedan pilgrims, from the west and south of Africa:* but this circumstance has probably made only a part of the difference that is observable, between the state of prosperity existing in Fezzan, and that of their neighbours. This state of things may be collected from the late Mr. Beaufoy's publication, entitled, " Proceedings of the African Association," 1 790, chap. iv. Fezzan is there described to be a circular domain, apparently 14 to 15 journies in diameter, and surrounded on all sides by hilly deserts, except on the western border, on which the flat sandy desert, or Sahara, terminates. To these barriers, more than to military strength, it is, no doubt, indebted for its security : but it possesses military strength likewise, as appears by the expe- dition against the Tibesti mountaineers, described in the same book.'!- No rain falls in Fezzan: but notwithstanding, water is found * See Proceedings of the African Association, 1790, cliapters iv. and x. t Pliny says, lib. v. 5, that the Romans found a road over the mountains, into Garama, nearer by four journies, than the one they had formerly used. This short way was probably by Sockna. (See the Map at p. 545.) 4K 2 620 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. every where, in wells of 8 or lo feet deep.* Herodotus appears to be accurate, when he says that in this region (of which Fezzan formed a part) it never rains : he adds, that the houses, some of which are built of indurated salt, are as durable as those of the ordinary materials, elsewhere. Melp. 185. Mr. Beaufoy says that the coun- try " produces a sufficiency of salt for the consumption of its own inhabitants ;" with a variety of useful animals ; a rich vegetation, and great plenty (with some variety also) of grains.-f- The capital, Mourzouk, oftentimes called Fezzan, is situated nearly in the centre of the country, and at about 262 miles south- ward from Mesurata, as has already been shewn in page 566 ; Wa- dan, a smaller Oasis, lying nearly midway between them. The city of Zawila,;}] and that of Germa, § are situated to the eastward, and ESE, of Mourzouk. Each of them contains the ruins of edifices, of which " there are no existing patterns in use," at this time; (Germa, in particular): and which can only be re- ferred to the period of the Roman dominion, there. |[ * Mr. Beaufoy accounts satisfactorily for this, from its being surrounded by higlier lands. Pliny says, lib. v. 5, of the Hummamentes, (who are the Amantes of SoUnuSy and whom we take^ for the people of Gadamls, or CydamusJ, that they get water at the depth of a cubit and half. It may be from a like cause ; being an Oasis like Fezzan. t There is a river 6f some bulk, in Fezzan, which takes its course by Zuela, &c. Edrisi, p. 40 ; but it appears to be afterwards lost in the sands, and does not reach the sea. Ptolemy continues this river to the sea coast, making it the head of the Cinyps, whose course is very confined indeed. The Tabuda, or Taboo River, is in like manner represented by Ptolemy as the upper part of the Bagrada, or river of Carthage : an error of still greater magnitude. X Called also Zuela. It must not be mistaken for Zala ; which is i o days to the eastward of it. Ed. p. 40. § It is Jerma in Beaufoy (p. 130,) and P. Lucas : but Germa in Edrisi, p. 39. 1} Abulfeda is silent concerning any ruins at ZawUa and Germa; although he speaki COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. ^21 It may be conceived that the Nasamoniaii explorers beforemen- tioned, (see page 431) would naturally take their route l:hrough the country of Fezzan, to the Niger. For " they first proceeded through the inhabited region ; then came to that, which was infested by wild beasts ; which, also leaving, they directed their course west- ward, through the Desert," &c. Euterpe, 32. Fezzan would, of course, be that inhabited country ; and westward of it lies the great sandy Desert, beyond which was the Niger, (or Nile of the Negroes] a part of whose course, appears to approach within little more than 35 caravan journies of the borders of Fezzan. Returning to the coast — we find the Mac/e (of Herodotus, Melp. 175,) in possession of it, to the westward of the Nusamones; or rather of the Psylli, whose districts became a part of the other, and was the part which bordered on the Macje. Pliny confirms this situation, generally, by placing the Masce (as he writes the name*) on the west of the Nasamones. Scylax says, p. 47, that the Macje wintered, adjacent to the coast of the Syrtis, (and beyond the Nasamones,-}^ who inhabited the innermost part of of some very celebrated remains of Roman buildings at Gadamh, Tab. III. Africa. The report of the ruins at Germa, &c. is from European travellers. Mr. Beaufoy says, (Afr. Assoc. 1790, ch. iv.) " Ziicela, — in which the remnants of ancient buildings, the number and size of the cisterns, 4: and the construction of the vaulted caves, intended perhaps as repositories for corn, exhibit such vestiges of ancient splendour, as v^-ill probably attract, and may highly reward, the attention of the future traveller." Again, of Germab, or Jermah — " distinguished by numerous and majestic ruins, that exhibit to the ignorant inhabitants of its clay-built cottages, inscriptions, of which they know not the meaning, and vestiges of greatness to which they are per- fectly indifferent." * It might be supposed from Pliny's writing the name Masa, that the c was to be sounded soft. Alesurala, which is situated witliin this tract, may have been formed from Masa. t In this place, the lands of the Psylli are included with the other. \ We tnay ask, why cisterns, in a country where water is to be had at 8 or 10 feet depth i 6*22 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. it); but in summer, on the deficiency of water, retired into tlie higher parts of the country. (Ptolemy places the Macce Syrtita much in this position.) According to the ideas of Herodotus, the Mac«, ought to extend westward to the neigiibourhood of the present Tripoly. For he says, that their territory included the course of the river Chiyps, which flowed from a woody hill named from the Graces, at 200 stadia in- land from the coast. Melp. 175. Pliny, lib. v. 4, mentions a dis- trict of the name of Cinyps. Ptolemy, who certainly is oftener right in what relates to the detail of this coast of Africa, than any other person, places the mouth of the Cinyps at no great distance to the eastward of Leptis Magna ; now Lebida. He says, that this city is also called Neapolis ; in which Strabo agrees ; p. 835. And as Scylax, p. 47, places the same river near Neapolis, we must suppose that the Cinyps gained the sea near Lebida, although we do not find any modern notices concerning it. Mr. Lucas,* for instance, does not mention either the river or the hill, in his account of his journey: and ^f7ie river, and a xvoody hill, are objects too remarkable in this quarter of Africa, to be passed over unnoticed, where the rest of the country is naked, and barren. Herodotus again mentions the Cinyps, on occasion of the settle- ment of Dorieus (brother of the immoi'tal Leonidas, king of Sparta,) in its vicinity. He styles it " one of the most delightful situations in that part of the world." Terp. 42. Dorieus was afterwards j expelled, by the joint efforts of three tribes, amongst whom was the Maci ; doubtless intended for the Macce, through whose terri- tory the Cinyps ran.-f The GixDANEs, LoTOPHAGi, and Machlyes, in the order here mentioned, are said to occupy the remainder of the space between • African Association, 1790, ch. iii. + Two remarkable customs are attributed to the Maca, (Melp. 175) : the one is, " their leaving a tuft of hair in the centre of the head ; carefully shaving all the rest ;" the other, that in war they shield themselves with the skins of ostriches. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 623 the Macse, and the lake Tritonis ; by which latter, Herodotus in- tended either the Lesser Syrtis, or the Syrtis and lake collectively. Of this more in the sequel. It is not perfectly clear what nation or people, Herodotus in- tended by the Gindanes, but from very strong circumstances, we conceive those of Gadamis to be meant.* In the first place, no other author that we know of, speaks at all of such a people as the Gindanes : and moreover, Scylax, in his Periplus, joins the Loto- phagi to the Macae near the city of Neapolis,-f which necessarily excludes the Gindanes from the sea coast. Nor does it at all ajv pear that Herodotus meant to place them on the sea coast : for he by no means keeps to it, in his description, but occasionally diverges inland; as for instance, from the Psylli, on the coast, to the Gara- mantes, inland ; and from these again, to the Macne, on the coast. - In the next place, Herodotus says, Melp. 177, that the Peninsula, or Promontory which advances from the country of the Gindanes to the sea, is possessed by the Lotophagi : and these, are exactly the relative circumstances of the two countries of Gadamis, and of the Lotophagi : or in other words, that projection of the coast, between Tripoly and the gulf of Kabes, or Gabbs. Gadamis, (the Gaclzames of Reiske), is a well known city and territory, situated in the road from Tunis to Agadez and Kasseena. Abulfeda calls the city an illustrious one, and says, that it contains the ruins of some admirable Roman structures : that its territory is fertile, and watered by running streams ; and that it is celebrated for preparing of skins, "l * Herodotus attributes a very singular custom to the women of this district ; which was, to shew by tokens in their dress, the number of their lovers. t From the description of Scylax, one might suppose NeapoUs to have stood nearer to the Great Syrtis, than Leptis is, % The skins prepared at Gadamis, are doubtless either those of goats, or sheep, stained with different colours, as in some other parts of Africa : a manufacture which is executed with great skill. Dr. Shaw says, p. 241, that there is a particular species of sheip at Gadamis, which are nearly as tall as fallow deer, and with fleeces as (j24 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. The city of Gadamis, according to Mr. Magra, lies 23 to 24 journies of the caravan, in the direction of S 4° E from Tunis: (Proc. Afr. Association) : and Abulfeda (Tab. Africa), places it at 14 miles, (he means journies) directly south from Kabcs ; which agrees pretty well. We have allowed 15 miles per day, or 360 from Tunis. The ruins mentioned by Abulfeda, are accounted for, from its having been a Roman establishment, and one of the principal con- quests of Balbus: (Cydamus, or Kydamus.) Pliny, v. 5. Abulfeda moreover says, that the running waters in this province are distributed in certain proportions to the cultivator of the soil : we may suppose, from the necessity of husbanding them out, and not sufl'ering them to run to waste.* To return to the coast — it will appear from what has been said above, that the sea coast between the two Syrtes was divided between the MaciB and the Lotopbagi, the latter of whom also possessed the island of Menix (or Meninx), now yerba:-\- and the coast beyond it, as far as the lake and river of Tritonis, to the Machlyes, who touched on the inner part of tlie Lesser Syrtis. This tribe also, is said to have fed on the fruit of the lotus; but not so entirely as their neighbours, who were denolninated from the use of it. Mel- pom. 177, 178. 1 coarse and hairy as those of goats (which are also shorn in some parts of Africa). These may, possibly, supply the skins. We shall speak more of this subject under the heads iEcis and Tritonis. * The same is said concerning the river of Kabes. t See Dr. Shaw, page 197. \ We collect from Strabo, p. 835, that the people at the Lesser Syrtis, caught a great deal offish ; for he describes them as being very ingenious and industrious, in fixing their fishing apparatus ; the rise and fall of the tide, in that particular part, being peculiarly favourable to it, as we learn from Dr. Shaw, who visited the spot, and observed the same mode of fishing at present. Hence we have an opportunity of finding how accurate Herodotus was, in this quarter : for this is precisely the station of the Machlyc tribe, which he describes to inhabit the coasts of the Syrtes, and to COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 625 Scylax, as we have seen, extends the name of Lotophagi to the tribes generally, between the two Syrtes, p. 47, 48 ; leaving to t3ie Macse nothing more than the western shore of the greater of these gulfs. Ptolemy limits them to the neighbourhood of the river Cinyps alone, whilst Herodotus appears to confine them to the west of that river; or perhaps of the district which is denominated from it. Again, Strabo, p. 834, places them in the island of Meninx, alone ; although he calls the adjoining Syrtis, that of the Lotophagi, implying that they possessed at least a part of its shores ; as was really the case : and Pliny, lib. vi. 7, assigns them, in addition to the island, the environs of the Syrtis, also. In effect then, it ap- pears, that although the Lotophagi of the Greeks, extended gene- rally along the coast between the two Syrtes, yet that the different tribes of them might use it, only in different degrees ; and it is cer- tain that Herodotus confines the proper Lotophagi to the promon- toiy or projection of the coast, opposite to the Gindanes, (the sup- posed people of Gadamis) ; in which may be included the aforesaid island of Meninx, or Jerba, which is separated from the coast, by a narrow and shallow channel ; and may possibly, have been re- garded by Herodotus as a continuation of the main land. If we take the whole extent of the tract thus assigned to tlie Lotophagi and Machlyes, it may comprehend 200 miles of coast. But the allotment of this confined space, alone, to the eaters of lotus, was owing to the want of a more extended knowledge of the countries that bordered on the Desert : for it will be found, that the tribes who inhabit them, and whose habits are in any degree known to us, eat ujiiversally of tliis fruit, in a greater or less degree, accord- ing to circumstances : and most of them, apparently, as much as they can obtain of it. The tree or shrub that bears the lotus fruit, is disseminated over the edge of the great Desert, from the coast of »i5e a less quantity of the lotus than their neighbours, the proper Lotophagi, although he gives no reason for it ; but which may possibly be found, in their obtaining sup- plies of fish with greater facility than their neighbours, who border on the open sca- 4 I^ 62^ COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBTA. Cvrene, round by Tripoly and Africa proper, to the borders of the Atlantic, the Senegal, and the Niger* It is well known, that a great difference of opinion has prevailed amongst the moderns, concerning what the ancients intended by the LOTOS : for the history of it, as it has come down to us, is evi- dently mixed with fable, from having previously passed through the hands of the poets ; Homer being the first who mentions it (in the Odyssey, lib. ix. 94. ) ; but he no more expected us to believe that the lotus possessed the quahty of mdncxngforgetjulness, than that a race of Cyclops existed, or that men could be transformed into swine.-j- But of the existetice of a fruit, which, although growing spontaneously, furnished the popular food of tribes or nations, there is no kind of doubt ; as it is mentioned by various authors of credit; and amongst the rest by Polybius, who appears to have seen it, in the proper country of the Lotophagi. There appear, however, to have been two distinct species of lotus designed by the term ; because Herodotus and Pliny, in particular, describe a marked difference between them : the one being an aqua- tic plant, whose root and seeds were eaten, in Egypt; the other, the fruit of a shrub or small tree, on the sandy coast of Lybia. The Egyptians, it seems, did not obtain a nickname from the Greeks, for eating their lotus, as certain people of Lybia did ; the reason of which seems clearly to be, that it constituted a part only of the food of the one, but the entire food of tlie other. And here it may be remarked, by the bye, that the Greeks api>ear to have applied the name lotus to such vegetable productions as either grew sponta- neously, or were raised with very little art or labour; and which • This appears, as well from ancient as modern authorities. t The poetical allusions to the oblivious effect of the lotus, are almost endless. Xenophon also mentions it, in one of his harangues to the Ten Thousand (Anab. lib. iii.J Those who cat of the fruit of the lotus, we are told, forgot their native tountry : this may be a poetical allusion to the ease, and (supposed) comfort and hap- piness of a people, whose country produced food for thera, without the labour of raising it. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 627 constituted the food of men. We shall first speak of the lotus of Lybia : the one generally intended by the ancients. Herodotus certainly had not seen it. In Melpom. 177, he calls it " the fruit of the lotus, which is of the size of the mastick, and sweet hke the date ; and of which a kind of wine is made." This circumstance of the wine is mentioned by all those who have spoken of the lotus of Lybia, and marks the distinction between that and the aquatic lotus, Herodotus, moreover, speaks of " a species of thorn, which resembles the lotus of Cyrene;. and which distils a gum." Euterpe, 96. This, therefore, should be the Rhamnus lotus. Pliny, lib. xiii. c. 17, describes two different kinds of lotus; the one found at the Syrtis, and amongst the Nasamones, &c. ; the other in Egypt. The former he describes from Cornelius Nepos, to be the fruit of a tree : in size ordinarily as big as a bean, and of a yellow colour; sweet and pleasant to the taste. The fruit was bruised, and made into a kind of paste or dough, and then stored up for food. Moreover, a kind of wine was made from it, resem- bling mead ; but which would not keep many days. Pliny adds, that " armies in marching through that part of Africa, have sub- sisted on the lotus." Perhaps this may refer to the army of Balbus, which, Pliny informs us, lib. v. c. 5, had penetrated to Gadamis and Fezzan. Polybius, who had himself seen the lotus on the coast of Lybia,* says that it is the fruit of a shrub, which is rough and armed with prickles, and in foliage resembles the rhamnus. That when ripe it is of ^he size of a round olive ; has a purple tinge, and contains a hard stone : that it is bruised or pounded, and laid by for use ; and that its flavour approaches to that offgs or dates. And finally, that a kind of wine is made from it, by expression, and diluted with * Polybius was employed by Scipio Africanus the younger, in exploring tlic coasts of Africa. 4L B 628 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. Avater; that it affords a good beverage, but will not keep more than 10 days. (Polyb. apud Athen^um, lib. xiv. c. 12.) The lotus has been described by two modern travellers, Dr. Shaw, and M. Desfountaines, on the side of the Mediterranean; and by a third, Mr. Park, towards the Niger and Senegal rivers. Dr. Shaw, it is well known, visited the country about the Lesser Syrtis, on the borders of the proper country of the Lotophagi ; and M. Desfountaines, who resided in the same neighbourhood, did the same, at a much later period. The descriptions given by these gentlemen, agree perfectly amongst themselves, and also with those of the ancients ; as may be seen in Dr. Shaw, p. 226 ; in the Mem. Acad. Royale, 1788, page 4,43, etseq.; and in Mr. Park's highly interesting Book of Travels, p. gg, 100. It seems to be agreed, that it is the fruit of tlie rhamnus lotus of Linnaeus.* * We here extract Mr. Park's description, as being the most perfect of all. " They are small farinaceous berries, of a yellow colour and delicious taste. The natives convert them into a sort of bread, by exposing them some days to the sun, and afterwards pounding them gently in a wooden mortar, until the farinaceous part of the berry is separated from the stone. This meal is then mixed with a little wa- ter, and formed into cakes ; which, when dried in the sun, resemble in colour and flavour the sweetest gingerbread. The stones are afterwards put into a vessel of water, and shaken about, so as to separate the meal which may still adhere to them : this communicates a sweet and agreeable taste to the water, and with the addition of a little pounded millet, forms a pleasant gruel called /aW/, which is the common breakfast in many parts of Ludamar, during the months of February and March. + The fruit is collected by spreading a clotli upon the ground, and beating the branches with a stick." P. 99. Mr. Park adds, p. 100, " An army may very well have been fed with the bread I have tasted, made of the meal of the fruit, as is said by Pliny to have been done in Lybia : and as the taste of the bread is sweet and agreeable, it is not likely that the soldiers would complain of it." f Pliny speaks of their mixing some preparation of the farina of grain, with the htus. Possibly this may refer to the wine, according to the practice just mentioned by Mr. Park. COAST, AND COUNTRV OF LYBIA. 629 Dr. Shaw says, that " tlie fruit is common in these Deserts, and other parts of Barbary — is still in great repute, and sold in all the markets all over the southern districts of these kingdoms :" and M. Desfountaines that " it is spread over the southern parts of the king- dom of Tunis, on the borders of the Desert, and about the environs of the Lesser Syrtis: that the fruit is sold in the markets, their cattle fed with it, and a liquor ck'avvn from it, as heretofore :" agreeing pointedly witli the description given by Polybius. And finally, Mr. Park says, " the lotus is very common in all the kingdoms which I visited; but is found in tiie greatest plenty on the sandy soil of Kaarta, Ludamar, and the northern parts of Bambarra, where it is one of the most common shrubs of the country. I had observed the same species at Gambia, and had an opportunity to make a draw- ing of a branch in flower. The leaves of the Desert shrub are, however, much smaller, and more resembling, in that particular, those represented in the engraving given by M. Desfontaines." To these accounts may be added, that of M. Saugnier, who was shipwrecked on the coast of Africa in 1 784, and was carried, in a state of captivity, along tiie western border of the Sahara, to Mo- rocco. In the part between the Capes Bojador and Nun, he says, the people with him, " eat of nothing during the daytime (that is, on the way) but a small wild fruit, resembling the Jujube; which is to be found every where." This was about the middle or latter end of March : but Brisson, who was in like manner carried across the Desert, during the latter part of the summer and autumn, only remarks abundance of prickly shrubs; probably the same shrub, after the season of fruit. Mr. Park mentions February and March as the season, on the south of the Desert; M. Desfontaine, says August and September, to the north of the Desert.* * It is highly probable that the fruit gathered by the Nasamonian explorers of the interior of Africa, mentioned by Herodotus, in Euterpe, 32, was tlie lotus, " After a journey of many days, over a barren and sandy soil, they at length discerned some trees growing in a plain ; these they approached, and seeing fruit upon them, they 6gO COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. We conceive that tlie nature of the lotus, from whence the ancients denominated the Lotophagi, will appear in future perfectly free from ambiguity, from the clear statement and description given by Mr. Park, compared with those of the ancients.* We come next in order to the aquatic lotus. Herodotus describes two kinds of lotus, or water-lily, m Egypt, altliough it will appear, almost to a certainty, that his memory failed him ; and that he refers one of the kinds, which he had seen else- where, to Egypt. " The water-lily (says he) grows in the inundated lands of Egypt : the seed of the flower, which resembles that of the poppy, they bake, and make into a kind of bread ; they also eat the root of this plant, which is round, of an agreeable flavour, and about the size of an apple. This the Egyptians call the lotus. — ^There is a second species which grows in the Nile, and which is not unlike a rose. Tiie fruit, which grows from the bottom of the root, resembles a wasp's nest : it is found to contain a number of kernels of the size of an olive stone, which are very grateful, either fresh, or dried." Euterpe, 92. •fit may be remarked, that the more carefully we examine the descriptions of those objects of natural history, which the ancients liad occasion to mention; and which, in order to aid their descrip- gathered it." Tliey bad passed the Desert from the side of Fezzan, and were arrived at its southern border, and in the land of the lotus : and were immediately after taken prisoners, and carried to the side of the Niger. It would seem that these men were not accustomed to the lotus in their own country ; living, probably, too far to the east. * It is worthy of remark, that the same kind of shrub and fruit, or what is ex- ceedingly like it, grows spontaneously in sundy places, in Bengal ; where it is called Byre. The Author has seen them even on the very bank of the Ganges, in dry situa- tions. The people eat them as we may sloes, or wild berries. t Yqi the following observations on the aquatic lotus, as well as for some remarks on the subject of the lotus, at large, the Author is indebted to a highly distinguiihed friend, whose name and character have been already commemorated in this Work. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 63 1 tions, they were obliged to compare with other things, to which they had a general resemblance ; the more we shall be sensible that they were in the habit of" marking tiie particulars in which they ditl'ered. Thus, for instance, Herodotus says, that the second kind of water-lily is like a rose : but, says he, the fruit grows from the bottom of the root. It is unquestionable, that, in this respect, the 7iympbaa nelumbo difiers from the rose : for the fruit of that plant grows upon a separate stalk, without having either leaves, or branches, and rises immediately from the root ; but the fruit of the rose is placed amongst its leaves, at the termination of its branches. From the slight manner in which he mentions this second kind of lily ; and his omitting all mention of its being in use as a kind of food, altliough eaten as a luxury, it seems probable that he had met with the plant in some other country, but was mistaken in the fact of its being a native of Egypt. It is also to be remarked, that he does not assert that (like the first kind) it was named lotus by the Egyptians. It has indeed been supposed that the Egyptian lotus, of the an- cients, is the nenuphar, or nymphaa nelumbo of Linnieus. This error seems to have originated with Dioscorides ; for in describing Kyamos Aigyptios (lib. ii. c. 128.) he plainly refers to Theophras- tus's chapter on Kyamos (lib. iv. c. 10), in which, nymphiea nelumbo Is described with a degree of botanical sagacity, worthy the most enlightened age, under the name of O Kyamos. Theophrastus says, that his Kyamos is found in Syria, in Cilicia, and at Torana in Colchis ; but he makes no mention of its being known in Egypt.* Dioscorides says, that his Kyamos Aigyptios is found in Syria and Cilicia ; and adds, that it abounds in Egypt : but no botanical traveller since his time, has met with nymphsa nelumbo in that country. Had it been abundant there, as Diosco- rides asserts, Alpinus, who writes very fully on the plants of Egypt, would not have omitted it : nor would Forskal, the botanist, who * Herodotus had visited Syria, and Colchis ; and possibly, Cilicia also. 6'3« COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYCIA. accompanied Niebuhr, have failed to insert so curious a plant in the catalogue of Egyptian plants, published in his book. The Bengalese have the nymphsea nelumbo in their lakes and inundations ; and its fruit certainly resembles at all points that of the second species of water-lily, described by Herodotus : that is, it has the form of the orbicular wasp's nest ; and contains kernels of tlie size and shape of a small bean. Amongst the Bramins, tliis plant is held sacred; but the kernels, which are of a better flavour than almonds, are almost universall}'^ eaten, by the Hindoos. It may however be a question, whether tiiis has always been tiic case ; and whetlier, in the lapse of time that has taken place, since the days of Pytiiagoras (who is supposed to have visited India, as well as Chaldea, Persia, and Egypt), a relaxation in discipline may not have occasioned the law to be dispensed with : instances enough of a like kind, being to be met with, elsewhere. Kyamos, in the Greek language, appears to signify, not only a beaii, but also the fruit or bean of the nymphica nelumbo. Is it not probable, then, that the mystery of the famous inhibition of Pythagoras; an enigma, of which neither the ancients or the moderns have hitherto been able to give a rational solution, may be discovered in those curious re- cords of Sanscrit erudition, which the meritorious labours of some of our countrymen in India, are gradually bringing to light .'' In China, where the nymphrea nelumbo grows wild, and is also cultivated in great abundance, the nuts, as well as the roots, are eaten as a luxury ; but they do not supply any food to the poorer classes.* The nympbica lotus of Linnteus certainly grew in Egypt, in abun- dance; and both the roots and the seeds have been, and probably are still, eaten, by the inhabitants. Linnaeus, who has given the * " The roots are sliced, and in the summer served with ice. They are also laid up in salt and vinegar for the winter." — " The seeds arc of a taste more delicate than almonds." — " The Chinese regard the plant as sacred." — (Sir George Staunton's Voyage to China, Vol. ii. p. 391, quarto Edition.) COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LY131A. C'33 name of lotus to this plant, and to the rhamniis, which really pro- duces the lotus of Lybia, may generally be relied on for his acute- ness : and he certainly thinks the nymphasa lotus was the lotus ot the Nile. This plant is described at large in Alpinus's Dissertatio de Laserpitis et de Loto : and a full account is given in that work, of the manner in which it is used as food. Theophrastus also describes this plant under the name of lotus (lib. iv. c. 10, immediately after the Kyamos), and describes the manner in which both the seeds and the roots are eaten by the Egyptians. But t\^'0 circumstances, of no small moment in the pre- sent question, are observable in this description : he says that it grew in places where the lands were inundated ; and he describes the root under a different name from the plant. The inundated places near the Nile, produce at present, abun- dance of the eddow, or colocassia. The root of this plant is the food of a vast number of persons in the West Indies, and part of the East Indies ; and in the South Sea Islands : it requires very little labour on the part of the cultivator, and is therefore exactly the kind of plant mentioned by the Greeks, when they speak of lotus, as a food produced with little or no labour, on the part of the eaters of it. The colocassia, at all times of the year, abounds with broad green leaves, not wholly different from those of the nymphaea lotus ; yet its flowers are very seldom seen ; the roots are eaten, as the heads of our cabbages are, before the period of the plant's flowering ; and as the colocassia is never propagated by seeds, no one has an inte- rest in making himself acquainted with the flower of the plant, or indeed, to suffer it to grow till it bears one. May we not suppose, then, that Theophrastus has confounded the root of the colocassia, with the jloxver of the nympluea lotus, and made of them one plant ; for the root, which he calls corsiiim, is, by the description, larger than the root of the nymphaea, but 4M 6*34 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. very conformable to that of the colocassia, which Alpinus calls micas ? If this is admitted, the mystery of the lotus of Egypt va- nishes ; and we have the Egyptians of the days of Herodotus sup- plied, as the people of Otaheite, are now, with an abundimt food, provided for them, by nature, with little or no labour. Several botanical writers have suspected that the colocassia was in reality, Xhcjaba Egyptia ; but no one has solved the difficulty in this way : it is remarkable, however, that in the beautiful edition of Matthioli's Commentaries on Dioscorides (the most magnificent bo- tanical work that appeared in the i6th century), a figure is given of the f aba Egyptia, evidently compiled from description, and not drawn from nature. In this, the leaves and root clearly belong to the colocassia; the flower resembles the nymphasa nelumbo, more than any other; but the seed is entirely the produce of the draughtsman's invention ; as it does not seem to have any prototype in nature. Had the compiler of this figure been acquainted with the orbicular wasps' nests of the hot climates, to which Theophrastus compares the fruit of his Kyamos, I have no doubt that he would have adopted it ; and the figure would then have been tolerably con- formable to Theophrastus's description. After this long dissertation, we return to the subject of the geo- graphy of Lybia. Throughout the whole extent, from Egypt to the Lesser Syrtis, no idea of distance is given by Herodotus;* but as he appears to know, most perfectly, the arrangement and relative positions of all the different tribes, it may reasonably be concluded that he had some idea of the quantity of space also. But to place this matter in the clearest light to the reader, we shall pursue our Author's account of the distance westward, from the Lotophagi (at the Lesser Syrtis) to Mount Atlas, before we conclude our remarks on the remaining part of his geography of the coast of Africa. • Save those broken lines between the Ammonians and the border of Ftzzan. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. G35 He says, Melp. 183, that from the Lotophagi it is a journey of 30 days to a nation (whom he does not name*) amongst whom there is a species of oxen with a singular kind of horns. Immediately afterwards, the same people are called Garamantes ( 183, 184,), and are placed at 10 days short o{ the Atlantes [or Atrantes-f-); beyond which, at the distance of 10 other journies, still going westward, is Mount Atlas; making an aggregate of 50 journies. Now as the distance is really about, though somewhat more tiian, 50 journies from the Lotopliagi (at the Syrtis, which is the point meant by He- rodotus) to Mount Atlas, we may fairly conclude tiiat the name Garamantes has been interpolated in this place; and that some other name was originally inserted. What also seems to prove that the Atlantes (or Atrantes) at 10 journies from the Garamantes, are misplaced, is, that Herodotus says, Melp. 185, " I am able to name all the nations, as far as the Atlantes ; but beyond these, I have no knowledge." Now, admitting the Atlantes to have occupied a position at 10 journies only, beyond the Garamantes, it is evident that he has actually named several nations that ouglit to have lain beyond them ; as the Lotophagi, tiie Machlyes, and others ; besides which, the Atlantes are placed so far to the west, as to be at 10 journies only, short of Mount Atlas. We regard the fact of the 50 journies, between tiie Lotophagi and Mount Atlas, as a strong circumstance ; as it serves to shew that the length of the Mediterranean sea, was generally known to Hero- dotus, and the Greeks, at that time : for if the remote part was known, it may be at least expected that the nearer part was ; though not expi-essed. Indeed it can scarce be doubted that the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Greeks, who were in tho constant habit of tra- versing the Mediterranean, long before the time of Herodotus, were • The 30 journies fall nearly about Carlenna, now Tennis, hi the western part of Num'tdia, t It seems there is a doubt concerning the true reading of this word. Can it be the same with the Hamamentts and Amantes of Pliny and Solinus ? 4M 2 6g5 COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. well acquainted \vith the length of that sea. For the distances given by Eratosthenes, along the Mediterranean, at little more than a century after Herodotus, were most probably according to a system established long before: since Herodotus himself calls it " the sea frequented by the Greeks."* Again, Scylax, who certainly appears to have written before the time of our Author, sets forth the num- ber of days' sail, from Canopus to the Columns of Hercules ; and which, at the rate of sailing in those days, agrees very well with the known length of the Mediterranean. Moreover, our Autlior's description of the provinces between Egypt and Cyrenaica, seems equally in proof that he had a know- ledge of those parts also : and he could not but know, from the fre- quency of the communication between Greece and Cyrene, that those countries lay directly opposite to each other ; which circum- stance ought to have pointed out the extent of space between Egypt and Cyrene, as well as between Greece and Egypt. Proceeding with the histor}' of the tribes, along tlie coast of the Mediterranean sea, Herodotus further says, (17S and 180) that the Auses, or Ausenses, border on the west of the lake and river of Tritonis, being separated by tljem, from the Machlyes, who border on the opposite side: and amongst whom, according to Scylax, we should look for the temple of Minerva Tritoma.-f- Here it is proper to be observed, that Herodotus differs from his own account, in another place, in his report concerning the occupation of the Ausenses ; for in 191, he makes them the last of the Noma- dic tribes, in going westward ; the nation beyond them (that is, the Maxyes) being the Jirst of the husbandmen, in the same order of situation. But in 186 and 187, he says, that from Egypt to the lake Tritonis, the Africans lead a pastoral life, but beyond (that is, to the west) of the same lake, they are not shepherds, and arc dis- • See the dissertation on the ancient itinerary stade, page 13 of this work. ■\ More will be said on this subject, as well as concerning the lake and river of Tritonis, in the succeeding Section. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 637 tingulshed by different manners : that is, as he explains himself in 191, they "cultivate the earth, and live in houses." Now, as the Ausenses are pointedly placed on the west of the lake, there is of course a contradiction. It is possible that he might mean to speak generally in one place, and particularly, in the other; and, in con- sequence, that the lake was entirely surrounded by Nomadic tribes. Scylax tells us (49) that the lake Tritonis is surrounded by Lybian nations, but that there are cities on the western side, (and it is im- plied, there alone) : and that, in the same situation, the country is fertile and plentiful. Dr. Shaw seems to describe much the same state of things. Of the name Ausenses, we find no traces in modern geography. Of tiic Machlyes and Maxyes, we meet with several names that have some similarity. The Machryes of Ptolemy occupy the space be- tween Gepbes (perhaps the Gaffsa of Shaw)* and Jovis Mons : i. e. a mountain to the NNE of the lake Tritonis. His Machyni are placed towards the gulf of Adrumentum. These may possibly be meant for the Machlyes and Maxyes of Herodotus : and considering the long interval of time between him and Ptolemy (600 years) the tribes may have altered their position. The Machres of Leo, and Makaress of Dr. Shaw, (196) at the northern part of the Lesser Syrtis, certainly agree to the supposed position of a part of the Maxyes.-\- Next to the Maxyes were the Zaueces, or Zaveces, who are marked by the very peculiar custom of having their chariots of war, guided by their women. Mel p. 193. There are no traces of -this name ifl modern geography, as far as we can learn, We must suppose them • Dr. Shaw does not appear to have been always fortunate in referring tiie ancient names and positions, to tiic modern ones. For instance, Gaffsa is more like the Gtphes of Ptolemy, in name and situation, than Capsa ; Kisser to Gisira, than to Assurus ; Hyra to Audita, than Thunudronum. In ZeUefa, wc have too, the Zalapa of Ptolemy ; probably. + Pliny only says of the Machlyes, that they He beyond the Nasamoiies : lib. vii. 2. 6^S COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. to have occupied the space between tlie Lesser Syrtis and the Gulf of Adnimentuvi, since the Zygantes, or Zugantes, were the next be- yond them, Melp. 194, : and these are clearly the Zeiigitanians of Pliny, being the inhabitants of the province which contained the city of Carthage ; and whose boundary began on the west, at the river Tusca, where Numidia ended.* How far this province ex- tended, southward, we know not: and of course we must remain in ignorance concerning the position of tlie Zaueces. Of the Zygantes, our Author says, " that a great deal of honey is found amongst them, the produce of their bees ; but of this, they say, a great deal more is made by the natives. They all stain their bodies with vermilion, and feed upon monkies, with which animal, their mountains abound." Melp. 194. The circumstance of the honey, is well explained by Dr. Shaw, in his account of the countries of Algiers and Tunis, as it is there made occasionally from the palm tree.-f- Here the description of the maritime provinces of Africa^ in He- rodotus, ends. Tiie island of Cyranis, lay in the neighbourhood of the Zygantes, (Melp. 195.) and is said to be 200 stadia in length; of trifling breadth, and of easy communication with the continent. We can only suppose the islands of Qiierhyness, or Kerkiness, the Cenma and Circhiitis of the ancient geographers to be meant. Dr. Shaw (p. 193) calls them " two flat and contiguous islands" at five leagues or less, from the continent, near the northern extremity of the Lesser Syrtis. He gives them, in his map, an extent (collectively) of about 80 stadia, but gives no description in his book. It appears that Diodorus • Dr. Shaw, with much plausibility, supposes that the name Zygantes, or Zu- gantes, may have been derived from that of the town and mountain of Zow-aan, or Tjtgwan; situated about 40 G. miles to the SW of Carthage. See p. 184, 185 ; and his Map at p. 139. Pliny has the Lybypkoen'tces beyond Zcugltania : lib. v. c, 4 : Ptolemy at the river Bagrada. t Page 225. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 639 mistook Cyrajiis for Cenie, (the modern island oi ArguinJ; in ancient times a Carthaginian, in modern times, a Portuguese, settlement, on the western coast of Africa, near Cape Blanco. But Herodotus unquestionably intended an island in the Mediterranean, and that near Carthage.* At Cyranis, gold sand was drawn up from the bottom of a lake, by means of a bunch of feathers, besmeared with pitch. (Melp. 195.) From the variety of the matter relating to the Syrtes, we have purposely omitted to speak of them, here, that we might not inter- rupt the course of the geographical detail : it will therefore be given separately. It appears a remarkable circumstance that Herodotus should be utterly silent respecting the boundaries of tiie Carthaginian empire, although he was not only describing the continent which generally contained it, but also some of its provinces. It is true, that the history of their state, formed no part of his plan ; nor was he writing a system of geography; but one is surprized to find that as he men- tions certain transactions of these people,-f- he should have omitted to describe the position and extent of their empire. Perhaps there was a design in it. Nothing that was Cartbaginiati could sound pleasant in the ears of the Greeks, as the Carthaginians had leagued themselves with the Persian, the implacable enemy of tlie Greeks. For Xerxes, to facilitate his views on Greece, had encouraged the Carthaginians to traverse the plans of the Greeks, in Sicily. But * The difference of the two islands in point of sPze, is not great, Cyranui being about six or seven miles long, Cerne, five. Cyranis must not be confounded with Cymus, or Corsica, to which the Phocaam retired after the Persian invasion of Ionia. t That is, their commerce; and their contests with the Phocaans, in Cyrnus ; and with the Sicilians. Also the meilitated attack on them by Cambyses, which they escaped through the manly conduct of their ancient brethren the Phoenicians. Thalia, 19. 6^0 COAST, AN'D COUNTRY OF LYBIA. he is silent respecting this circumstance also, although he speaks of the defeat of tiie Carthaginian army, sent to Sicily, on the above occasion. Polym. 166. It is from Diodorus that we learn the im- portant fact of the treaty. It does not appear that in the time of Herodotus, the Carthagi- nians liad extended their territory so far to the east, as to occasion disputes with the Cyrenians : for unquestionably, the incident of the Philajii, at the Greater Syrtis, was posterior to the age of Hero- dotus, when the Auschisce and Nasamones possessed the coast be- yond the Hespericles, and round the greater part of the Syrtis. And we must conclude that matters were in much the same state when Scylax wrote his Periphis ; for at that time the Carthaginian boun- dary extended from the Greater Syrtis, to the Columns of Hercules, (p. 52.) : and it also appears, (p. 47.) that the first place within their territory, going westward, was Neapolis, near the western point of the Syrtis.* We have inserted in the Map, the names and positions of the several nations, between Eg)^pt and Carthage, from the descriptions of our Author ; and as many of these are corroborated by Scylax, and other authors, it appears that Herodotus knew, in effect, all the * At the date of Hannibal's expedition to Italy (B. C. 217.) the Carthaginian empire extended eastward to the Philacnian altars, which stood at the SE extremity of the Greater Syrtis. Tiie story of the Philaeni, as it is told, is in some points very improbable. It is said that the parties set out from their respective capitals, Carthage and Cyrene, and met at the place where the altars afterwards stood. Now, the altars were situated at about t of the way from Carthage towards Cyrene ; and the decep- tion would have been too gross, had it been pretended that the Carthaginian party had travelled 7 parts in 9, whilst the Cyrenians had travelled no more than two such parts, of the way. Would either party have trusted the other, with the adjustment of the time of setting out ? Perhaps, they mutually set out at the opposite extremes of the territory in dispute, and not from their respective capitals ! Pliny fays (lib. v. 4.) that the Philxnian altars were of sand or earth : that is, uo doubt, they were Tumuii. Strabo (p. 836) names the Euphrata tower, as the common boundary of Carthage aiid Egypt, under the Ptolemies. This stood far to the west of the altars. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBfA. 64,1 different divisions of territory, although he has not left us sufficient notices to arrange them geographically, without the aid of others. The conquests of Cambyses extended no farther westward, than to Cyrene and the Hesperides. Melp. 204,. Herodotus says, Melp. 168, " the nations of Africa are many and various: few of them had ever submitted to Darius (Hystaspes) and most of tiiem held him in contempt:" which disposition towards the Persians, conti- nued also to the time of our Author. (See 197.) . Herodotus seems to have been fully apprized of the saline quality of the soil of Africa, in the quarter bordering on the Mediterra- nean ; although he expresses some very odd ideas respecting the subject. For he describes a regular succession of vast pilLvs or mountains of salt, situated at 10 journies distant from each other; from the territories of the Ammonians to the neighbourhood of the Atlantes ; Melp. 181, etseq.: and from thence, westward, beds oi salt, at the same regular intervals, to the columns of Hercules, (lb. 185.) Now, although it is very improbable that either mountains, or beds of salt should be placed in the abovementioned regular order, yet we learn from Dr. Shaw, that both hills and beds or lakes of salt, do exist, in the country between Tripoly and Mauretania : also, that the soil is generally impregnated with it ; and that it sends forth a great number of copious salt springs. Shaw, p. 228, et seq. We learn too from other authorities, that there are vast lakes of salt in other parts of the country ; and it would appear, that scarcely any country whatsoever, contains so much salt, on its surface, as that region of Africa, which borders on the Mediterranean.* Dr. Shaw enumerates three hiountains of salt, only ; but Hero- dotus five. The Doctor went no farther eastward than the Lesser Syrtis ; otherwise it is possible that he might have told us of more. * Pliny and Strabo also, were both aware of the saline quality of the soil of this part of Africa. '' 4N 6^3 COAST, ANt» COUNTRY OF LYBIA. The Doctor's three, are: i. Miniss, on the sea coast, near Tennis, (Cartenna) ; 2. Lwotaiab, situated inland at about 160 G. miles to the SSW of Algiers ; and 3. Had-deffa, between the lake Triton and the Lesser Syrtis. Tiie five of Herodotus, are as follow : the first, amongst the Ammonians ; a second at Angela, and others, amongst the Garamantes, and Atlantes, and at Mount Atlas. As the inter- vals of distance given, are quite wrong, we shall say nothing con- cerning that particular; otherwise, than that one cannot from those notices, refer either of the mountains in the one series, to any par- ticular one, in the other. Herodotus, however, speaks of salt of a purple colour, Melp. 1 85, and of a degree of hardness fit for build- ing of houses ; and as Dr. Shaw gives a like description of the salt of the mountain Had-deffa, one might suppose this to be the purple mountain intended by Herodotus. Dr. Shaw says (p. 229), " The salt of the mountain Had-deffa is as hard and soHd as stone, and of a reddish or purple colour. Yet what is washed down from these precipices by the dezvs, attaineth -another colour, becoming as white as snow, and losing that share of bitterness, which is in the parent-rock-salt* The salt of the mountains near Lwotaiah and Jebbel Miniss, is of a grey, or blue- ish colour." — See a farther account of the salt mountains and salines, in pages 35, 116, and 230. He speaks of no other purple salt, what- soever, but says, (230) that he had seen some large pieces of sal gem brought from the country of the Beni Mezzab (that is, on the border of the Sahara, to the south of Algiers), but he is silent with respect to the colour. In effect, Herodotus has spoken truly with respect to the houses of salt. He also fixes the scene, in a tract where, says he, " it never rains; for if it did, these structures of salt could not be durable." (185.) This remark is true of the country, generally, along the Mediterranean, between Africa proper, (which ends at • Strabo says much the same of the Spanish rock salt, page 155. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBfA. 64,5 the Lesser Syrtis) and the Red Sea; and more particularly in the Jereed, which is the tract bordering on the Syrtes, where the purple mountain stands. Dr. Shaw says, page 219, "In most parts of the Sahara, parti- cularly in the Jereed, (or dry country; p. 210,) they have rarely any rain at all. When I was at Tozer, at the lake Lowdeiah, or Tritonis, A. D. 1737, we had a small drizzling shower, that conti- nued for the space of two hours ; and so little provision was made against accidents of this kind, that several of the houses (built only with palm branches, and tiles baked in the sun) fell down, by im- bibing the moisture. Nay, provided the drops had been either larger or the shower of longer continuance, the whole city would have undoubtedly dissolved and dropt to pieces."* In the order in which Herodotus enumerates the hills of salt, this is the fourth, or that situated amongst the Atlantes, 10 joumies beyond (i, e. west of) the Garamantes, or people of Fezzan.-f Whether the term Atlantes be falsely written, we know not ; but it appears to be the same with the Hammanians or Hammanientes of Pliny;}; (lib. V. 5.) situated at 11 joumies to the west of the Greater Syrtis, and who had houses built of rock salt. It is certain that both accounts agree, in respect of position, to the province or Oasis, of Gadamis : but we are ignorant of the fact of there being rock salt there. Pliny indeed marks the country of the Hammanientes by a very • But rain falls in the western provinces along the coast of the Mediterranean, during ■winter, but not in summer. The Doctor's journal, at page 219, notes no rain but between 7th October and ad May in 1732-3 : and between September and May in 1730-1. The quantity was 44,3 inches in the first ; 30,7, in the last. Mr. Beaufoy makes no mention of rain, in Fezzan ; but in Bornou, within the Tropic, there is a regular rainy season ; as there is also, apparently, through Africa in general, within a great part of the torrid zone. t The people of Fezzan have salt enough, it is said, " for their own consump- tion :" Afr. Assoc. 1790, ch. iv; X These are the Ammantes of Solinus. 4N 2 644. COAST, AKD COUNTRY OF LYBIA. Striking particular, if true ; that they find water after digging to the depth of a cubit.* One is surprized to find Herodotus believe that " streams of wa- ter, equally cool and sweet," flowed from the summits of some or all of tlie hills of salt. (Melp i8i.) That water runs down from Had-defFa (from deivs not rain), we are told by Dr. Shaw; but he tells us also, that it left, on evaporation, a beautiful white salt on the plain. (Page 229.) The salt plains or vallies of Arzezv and the Shott (Shaw, 114, 229,) may be supposed to be two of those meant by Herodotus; and which in their nature, may be compared to the salt plain near Aleppo ; that is, the water, which at certain seasons flows into and covers them, is so deeply impregnated with salt, as to leave a thick crust over them, when evaporated. The Shott is described to be 50 miles in length, in the map : the valley of Arzew is only six miles in compass. Part of the lake Lowdeah (Tritonis) is also a saline. (P^230.) But it would appear, that the region which contains so great a portion of salt, is confined to the northward of the Tropic ; since salt is universally carried from that region, to the central and southern states. The kingdom of Kasseena, and the countries bordering on it to the south, are supplied from the salt lake of Domboo, a district of the kingdom of Bornou, situated within the vast desert of Bil- mah, at 45 journies from Agadez, the ancient capital of Kasseena, and nearly under the Tropic. The people of Agadez possess this carrying trade, and employ 1000 camels, which form an annual caravan.-f * In the Oases, generally, the water lies very near the surface. i See Proceedings of the Afr. Assoc, for 1790; chap. vii. The salt lake of Domboo agrees generally to the position of the Chelontdts Palui of Ptolemy, in respect of Cyrene. Pliny mentions a lake within the country formerly belonging to the Psylli, which was surrounded by deserts. Its name was Lycomedh.. Pliny, lib. v. c. 4. COAST, AND COUNTRY OF LYBIA. 64, O The salt consumed in the inland part of Western Africa, is brought from mines situated on the southern edge of the Sahara. The reader will find many particulars relating to this subject, in the Travels of Mr. Park ; and particularly in the Appendix to that work. This inquiry, on the whole, gives a degree of credit to the asser- tions of Herodotus ; since some of his moiintains and beds of salt, are found really to exist ; and it is satisfactory to find such coin- cidences between him and modern authors. C6^6 3 SECTION XXIII. CONCERNING THE TWO GULFS, ANCIENTLY DENOMINATED THE SYRTES: AS ALSO CONCERNING THE LAKE AND RIVER TRITONIS; THE TEMPLE AND iEGIS OF MINERVA; AND THE ANTIQUITY OF THE MANUFACTURE OF DYED SKINS, IN AFRICA. The Syrtes, the Terror of ancient Mariners — irregular Tides and Quicksands, the Causes of the Dafiger. — Position and Extent of the Syrtes. — Lake Serbonis, a kind of Syrtis. — General Ideas of the An- cients respecting them. — Imperfect State of the ancient Naviga- tion, an additional Cause of Danger. — Greater Syrtis, or Gulf of Sidra. — Poetical Description of it, by Lucan. — Goodwin Sand, compared to the Quicksands of the Greater Syrtis. — Lesser Syrtis, or Gulf of Kabes. — Its Description by the Ancients, agrees point- edly to that by the Moderns. — Its Tides. — Lake of Tritonis, or Lowdeah, anciently communicated with the Syrtis. — Herodotus in- cluded both under the Name 0/ Tritonis. — Jason driven amongst its Shallows. — Difficulties respecting the river Tritonis, attempted to be solved. — ^gis a?id Temple of Minerva, at the Lake Tritonis. — Greeks borrow the JEg\sfro?n Africa. — Atitiquity of the Manufac- ture of dyed Skins, in Africa. — Used in the Tabernacle m the Wil- derness. — That and tlx iTlgis covered with the same kind of Skins. 1 HE Syrtes, which were the terror of ancient mariners, are two wide, shallow gulfs, which penetrate very far within the northern coast of Africa, between Carthage and Cyrene; in a part where it already retires very far back, to form the middle bason, or widest part of the Mediterranean sea. The north and east winds, of course, exert their full force on these shores, which are entirely exposed to them ; at the same time that not only certain parts of those shores SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS. 647 are formed of moveable sand, but the gulfs themselves are also thickly sown with shallows of the same kind, which yielding to the force of the waves, are subject to variation in their forms and posi- tions. To this must be added the operation of the winds, in check- ing or accelerating the motions of the tides ; which are therefore reducible to no rules. And from these causes, combined, the depths are so uncertain, that experience, it would appear, proved of no avail to mariners.* The two Syrtes are more than 200 G. miles asunder, and were distinguished by the terms Greatlr, and Lesser ; of which it would appear, Herodotus knew only the former by the name of Syrtis, the latter by that of the Lake Tritonis.-f Not but that both were known, and had obtained the above distinctive names, in the time of Scylax ; X whom we may conceive to have written before the time of Herodotus. § But, it is remarkable that our author is entirely silent concerning the properties of the Syrtis which he thus mentions by name, whilst he speaks of the dangers of the other in a pointed manner. We are not, however, from this silence, to infer that he was ignorant of the dangers of the Greater Syrtis. || * It is a common idea, that there are no tides in the Mediterranean. Nor do they indeed rise in any part of that sea, in a degree sufficient cither to effect the usual pur- poses of laying ships on shore to careen; or even in many places so as to affect the senses of those who are accustomed to view the ordinary rise and fall of tides on the coasts of the ocean. But that a tide does exist, is certain ; and that it rises five and six feet in particular places. Herodotus speaks of the ebbing and flowing of the tide in the gulf of Melis ; which, he says, " may be seen every day." Polym. 198. This is the small gulf on which Thermopylce stands. + Scylax (page 48) also names it Sinm Tritonicus ; and Syrtis parva : and Strabo, p. 834, the gulf of the Lotophagi. X Pages 48, 49. § Scylax appears to have lived in the time of Darius Hystaspes. II The Serhonitic lake, near Mount Casius, situated between Palestine and Egypt, appears to have been a kind of inland Syrtis. Diodorus describes its borders as being formed of a very dangerous kind of quicksand : (lib. i, 3) and says (lib. xvi, 9) that Artaxerxes Mnemon lost part of his army there, in his march into Egypt ; about jjoB-C. M. Mailiet, p. 103, supposes it to be quite filled up. 648 SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS. Tlie greater Syrtis bordered on the west of the pi'ovince of Cyre- naica, and penetrated to the depth of about 100 miles within the two capes, that formed its mouth, or opening; which were, that of Boreum on the east, Cephalus, or Tneorium on the west* In front, it was op{X)sed to the opening of the Adriatic sea : and the Mediter- ranean in this part expanding to the breadth of near 10 degrees, (which is its greatest breadth) exposed this gulf to the violence of the northerly winds. Scylax reckon^ it a passage of three days and nights across its mouth, which, however, measures no more than 180 G. miles, on the best modern maps, -j- It is not, however, pretended, either tliat the whole extent of this space was equally dangerous, or that there were dangers in every part : on the contrary, there is every rea- son to suppose that the dangers were confined to particular parts ofit. The lesser Syrtis lay opposite to the islands of Sicily and Malta. It appears to be no more than 40 to 50 G. miles in breadth, but penetrates about 75 witliin the continent; and we have Scylax's word, that it was the most dangei'ous of the two.;}; The islands Cercina and Cercinnitis (^Cyranis of Herodotus), § bounded its en- trance to the north ; Metiinx, or that of the Lotopbagi, on the south. It was here, that Jason is said (by Herodotus) to have been in * The boundaries of the greater Syrtis cannot well be misunderstood, as the capes which confine it, are so marked and prominent. See Strabo, p. 836. Ptolemy, Africa, T;.b. II. + This allows about 60 for each day and night, colleaively. Pliny, from Poly- bius, says, lib. v. c. 4. that it is 3 1 3 MP. (rarher 213) across. The numbers in Strabo, expressive of the dimensions of both Syrtes, are corrupted, p. 834 et seq. X Page 48. § Melp. 195. The boundaries of the lesser Syrtis, arc not so marked as those of tlic greater. Strabo (1S3 and 834), fixes on the islands of Cfr- cinita and Meninx fKcrklness and yerba). He allows it a breadth of 600 stadia, or 51 G. miles only. Shaw has 76: D'Anvillc, 42 : a mean would come near to Strabo, Pliny, from Polybius, allows 100 MP. say 80 G. miles. The whole extent of both Syrtes, together with the intermediate space of 250 MP., is collectively, accord- ing to Pliny (lib. v. c. 4.) 667 MP. : and the distance is not much short ofit. SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS. ^49 imminent danger of shipwreck, previous to his setting out on the Argonautic expedition. Melpom. 179. There are several short descriptions of the Syrtes, on record, but that of Lucan is the most pointed ; and, making allowances for the colouring given by a poet, not very different from that given by Edrisi in latter times, or indeed what may be collected from Strabo. Pliny informs us that Polybius had written a description of them ; which perhaps, from the acutcness and accuracy of that author, might have been a better one, than any that has come down to us. It may be supposed to have been a part of tlie information collected by him, whilst employed in exploring the coasts of Africa, by Scipio, lib. V. c. 1. Pliny has quoted from tiiis description, little more than the bare dimensions of the Syrtes, which we have already given. It appears that Pliny, in some degree, confounds the txvo Syrtes together, lib. v, 4, ; but it is clear that the nature of the dangers which they present, were essentially different; those of the Greater Syrtis being produced by the quicksands, both on the shore and in the offing ; and which were rendered more formidable by their great extent : but the dangers of the Lesser Syrtis arose more particularly from the variations and uncertainty of the tides, on a flat, shcivy, coast. In effect, Pliny supplies no description at all of the Syrtes; he just says, that they are horribly dangerous (lib. v, 4). Neither does Solinus : but both of them seem to consider the irregularity of the tides, as the sole, or chief cause of the dangers. Strabo (836) imputes them not only to the tides, but to the flat- ness and oozincss of the bottom : and he observes that ships, whilst navigating this part, kept as wide as possible of the indraught of the gulfs. He seems to consider the two Syrtes as nearly on a par, in respect of the dangers which they presented. It appears that the improved state of navigation, amongst the 4O 6^0 SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS. moderns, has stripped the Syites of the greatest part of their ter- rors ; since most of tlie dangers must probably have arisen from the difficulty of working off a lee shore ; for which purpose the an- cient ships were very ill calculated, in comparison with modern ones. The slow progress of those ships, which kept them so long in the neighbourliood of dangers of every kind, would add to that risk ; and these deficiencies combined, must very often have proved fatal, in stormy weather; although a modem ship, well fitted, would, under similar circumstances of situation, have been unconscious of any danger.* It is also to be considered here, that the coast being in many parts bordered by quicksands, their accustomed refuge of drawing up their ships on the beach, could not be resorted to. Thus, modem improvements, may be said to have removed that, which was the greatest terror of ancient navigations, when a lee shore happened to be inaccessible. Of the Greater Syrtis in partiadar . Marmol says tliat the natives still call this gulf Syrte al Kibbeer, which has precisely the same meaning with the ancient name : and it certainly continues to be known to mariners by the name of Sidra, or Seedra.-\ The oriental geographers report, that the remains of the city of Sort or Serte, are found at the inner part of the gulf; and the position answers to that of the Macomades Syrtis of the An- tonine Itinerary, (p. 63) ; that is, at 232 MP. from Leptis Magna, or Lebida ; 208 from Tiniodori, or Tineh, X * This equally applies to other dangers ; as those of Scylla and Charyhdis, Sec. i Rowe says, Soloco. There is a place of this name, in Edrisi, said to be situated on the east side of the Syrtis. X Edrisi, p. 88, 92, 93, has a route along the coast from Tripoly to Sort, or Serte; between which places, the distance given, is 230 A. miles, or 246 geographic, in SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS, 65I How dangerous soever certain parts of this gtilf were, yet it ap- pears from Strabo amongst the ancients, and P. Lucas amongst the moderns, that more than one port, within it, was frequented by trading ships : so that not vWthstan ding the mouth of it was thickly sown with shallows, yet bold and enterprizing navigators made their way through them. And it may be pretty clearly collected, that the |>art so much dreaded, and avoided, was at the SE of tliis Syrtis, where the Philanian altars were situated : and where the sea enters deepest into the land. Edrisi informs us, p. 93, that about 70 G. miles of the road lead- ing along the gulf, is through land which is, in a manner, in a state of solution ; occasioned either by the sea xvater, or by the natural moisture of the soil. Now, as the part in question borders on an extensive desert of sand (that of the Psylli and Nasamones) the moisture can only arise from the sea water. The site of tins tract, is precisely at the place where the deepest part of the gulf, strikes to the SE; and where the Philasnian altars are placed by Ptolemy; around which the road makes a wide detour between Tripoly and Cyrene. How much more than 70 miles, this kind of ground may the gross; but the detail allows no more than 2io A. miles, or 222 geographic. He says also that it is travelled inn days, which would give about 200 such miles, only. Probably, we ought to adopt the 222, and then the interval between Sort and Wadan, which Edrisi fixes at five journies, or 95 G. miles, will agree ; Wadan being situated directly south from Mesurata, according to Mr. Beaufoy's MSS. Abulfeda mentions the remains of the city of Sort, in his Africa, Tab. III. at the end ; and also says, that on the west of this city is a gulf of the sea, named Rodaih, or RodaViah, apparently the same with the Zadic Sinus of Edrisi, p. 92, near to which stands the town of Asna, 102 A. miles, or io8 G. miles, to the SE of the promontory of Kanam, taken for the west point of the Greater Syrtis ; near Mesurata. It must here be noted that Edrisi allows 46 A. miles between Asna and S^rt; (p. 88) but we suspect that it should be 26 only, and that the excess of 20 miles in the aggre- gate, over the detail, arises in this place. There is no line of distance, to be depended on, between Sort and the head of the Syrtis / but from thence to Barca, the distance, 153 A. miles, (p. 92,) agrees. 4O a 652 SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONJS. extend, to the westward, we know not ; for the road for many jour- nies thence, strikes inland.* A second gulf, bordered by shores of the same nature, but of much less extent, penetrates the country at Asnah in the SW part of the Syrtis.-f- This is the Sinus Zadic of Edrisi ; Rodaik of Abul- fcda. Sort is situated between these two quicksand gulfs. Strabo states, page 836", that Aspis was the best port in all the Syrtis. This place is found in Ptolemy, on the west side, at about 60 miles within the promontory of Triccoriion (near Mesurata.) Strabo next places the Carthaginian emporium of Cbarax, doubtless the Pharaxa of Ptolemy, and perhaps the Asnab of Edrisi ; though the nature of tlie gulf of Zadic, seems unfavourable to the establish- ment of an emporium. The Isporis of Ptolemy answers to the site of Sort, although in this latter, we should look for the emporium of Strabo : as he mentions no place between it and the Philaenian altars. However, the nature of the information is such, that no position can be critically placed, from it. But, at all events, Strabo's words imply, that there are no ports in the SE part of the Syrtis : which is perfectly consonant to the descriptions of the coast, ancient, as well as modern ; and hence we may justly conclude that this was the part avoided by mariners. • Edrisi, p. 92, also mentions five tttuers in different positions in tlie desert tract, ■tvest of the quicksand. One of these, f Hasan,] at four journies within the western point of the Syrtis, agrees to the Euphratas Turris of Strabo, (Euphranta Ptcl.) between Aspis and Charax : said to be the common boundary of the Egyptian empire (under the Ptolemies J and Carthage. (Page 836.) One of the other towers, fAatasJ said to be very large, contained within it, a deep well, or reservoir for rain water. The others may have been to cover wells, also, and to serve at the same time for sea marks. It is not unusual, in the East, to build a kind of tower, over wells in the Deserts, to shelter them from the drift sand. The Castilian Ambassadors to Tamer- lane, in 1399, mention them. t Edrisi says (p. 92), that the sea, by penetrating, occasioned the land to sink into pits, or holes. SYRTES, AND LAKE TRITONIS. %3 Pliny and others, in s|)eaking of the Nasamones, brand them with the character of being infamous for plundering of wrecks. This of course, bespeaks a dangerous coast: and the quicksands are precisely on the shore inhabited by these people.* Strabo furnishes another fact relating to this Syrtis. He says that Cato in marching from Berenice round tlie S3'rtis (towards Carthage) was compelled, together with the army which he led, to pass tnrough deep sands, and inundations caxised by the tides: in effect, corroborating what Edrisi says. This event happened after the battle of Pharsalia, and the retreat and death of Pompey, in Egypt. The object of Cato was to join his forces to those of Juba and Scipio, in the neighbourhood of Car- thage. Strabo says that Cato had 10,000 men, which he divided into separate bodies, that they might more conveniently obtain sup- plies of water, in that arid region (p. 836.) That they marched on foot, and completed the tour of the Syrtes, from Berenice, in 30 days. Those who examine the distance, will find, that the rate of marching was 11^ G. miles in direct distance, or about one mile above the mean of ordinary marches; which is 10,6. Plutarch says that Cato marched in winter from Cyrene; and that he took with him some of the Psylli, [whose former dominions, which had been usurped by the Nasamonians, he was compelled to pass through) to charm the serpents, which were said to abound there ; and to cure their stings. We trust that the reader is by this time abundantly satisfied, as to the consistency of the ancient descriptions of this Syrtis. Lucan appears to beheve, that the bottom of tlie Syrtes was gi^ow- ing /inner, and the water shallower : and surmises that they (or ra- ther the Greater Syrtis a/one, for of that only he seems to speak) may hereafter become dry and solid. What changes, in point of form and extent, they may have undergone, or if any, N\"e know * It has already been mentioned, that our traveller, Mr. Bruce, was shipwreckcci here, and proved the truth of this remark. ^^ ^^^^ '''^ discovery of Columbus came between that of the Cape, and the first voyage into the Indian sea. t D'Herbelot says that Abulfeda was born in the year of the Hejera 672, and died in 732. According to the very useful table, which exhibits the correspondc nee of the ■years of the Hejera, with those of the Christian era, framed by my friend Mr. Marsden, the above years of the Hejera correspond to 1273 and 1331 of the Christian era. 6S^ CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF APRICA, that continent, also. This applies with great force to the Portu- gueze scheme of discovery, as it can scarcel}' be doubted, that, even if copies of this author were not found in the libraries, in Spain and Portugal, yet that at least. Prince Henry of Portugal, who had tra- velled in Mahomedan countries, and had read and inquired so much, with a view to promoting his favourite object of discovery, must have seen them.* It appears, however, that Abulfeda's geography was not known in England, in 1583; for we learn from Mr. Newbery ('then in Syria), that he was commissioned by Mr. Hakluit to inquire after it, but was unsuccessful. Probably his business did not carry him amongst that class of people who were acquainted with sucii authors. -f- Unless we are to suppose, that the knowledge of African geogra- phy was more confined, in the flourishing, and commercial times of ancient Egypt, than during the Caliphate, we may conceive that the people of that countr}', and of Arabia, knew generally, during the former period, those facts which are set forth by Abulfeda. For the same reason as we have extracted from Abulfeda and Edrisi, in a former part of our work,;J] we shall here extract from the former, his account of what he styles the Great, or Ambie7it sea. " It is called the Ambient sea, because it surrounds the whole extent of the cofitinental lands. And hence Aristotle calls it the Crozvn sea, as if it surrounded the earth, just as a crown does the head. In the description of this sea, we shall observe the following * It is admitted by De Barros, that Prince Henry collected much information concerning the continent of Africa from the Arabs ; from the people of Fez and Morocco ; and from travellers in general. He was himself at the siege of Ceuta, in 1415, and is said to have brought home with him from Africa, a strong inclination to discover new lands and seas. He was then, only in his 2l£t year. + Hackluit's Collection of Voyages, Vol. ii. . X That if, concerning the Nile. See p. 442- BY THE EGYPTIANS. 689 method ; namely, in setting out from the western side, and proceed- ing thence to the southern, and successively to the eastern and north- ern, and at last complete the circuit, by returning to the west, from whence we set out. " The western border, then, of this ambient sea, namely, that which washes Africa and Spain, is called the Ocean ; in which are the fortunate islands, ten degrees distant from the shore of Africa.* Some reckon their longitude from these islands, others from the (western) shore of Africa. — This sea begins to extend itself from the most southern shore of Mauretania, till it has passed the Desert of Lamtun, which is a vast wilderness of barbarians, situated be- tween the borders of Mauretania, and those of the various tracts of country, belonging to the Nigrita. From thence it stretches (yet further) towards the south, along uncultivated, uninhabited, and unfrequented countries, until it has passed beyond the Equator: after whicli, it bends to the east, behind the mountains El Koniri,-f from whence the Nile of Egypt has its sources. Again, it proceeds southward, and afterwards turns again to the eastern quarter, passing by uncultivated shores, behind the regions of the Zengita ; whence it takes a north-easterly course to its junction with the seas of India and China. It then takes an easterly course, till it reaches the eastern extremity of the continent ; that is, the region of China ; wlience it bends northward, and in its progress shuts up the eastern quarter * Here is a proof, amongst others, that Abtilfeda thought the coast of Africa lay very much in the direction of the meridian, from tiie strait of Gibraltar, southward : and tliis accounts for his idea, that the sea passes at the back of the mountains that give rise to the Nile. Another proof is, that when he speaks of the mouth of the tveslern Nile, intended for that of the Senegal river, he says that it is situated at lo} degrees to the east of the fortunate ft. e. Canary) islands. He perhaps took this general idea of the bear- ing of the coast, from Ptolemy. + That is, the lunar mountains, or mountains of the moon, as they are called by Ptolemy. And it appears from Mr. Browne, that they are really so called in Africa. 4T 6gO CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, of China, till \t faces the mou7id or rampart of Jajuje and Majuju (Gog and Magog).* Thence it bends xvestzvard, passing by re- gions, of which we are ignorant, — and having passed the territories of the Riissians,-\ it takes a SJV direction, and then again westward, along the coasts of various Infidel nations, till it comes opposite to Italy, on the west. [^Perhaps it should be north, as the German ocean seems to be meant. 3 Thence bending southzvard, it washes the countries lying betxveen Italy and Spain,].' which having passed, it proceeds to the shores of Spain ; and finally, having extended it- self along its western side, it comes opposite to Sabta, (Ceuta) which is situated at the passage or crossing place [^of the strait of Gibraltar'] from whence we set out." § Although this account is satisfactory, in respect of the mode in whicli the ocean encircles generally the old continent, yet it will be perceived that beyond the western part of it, Abulfeda knew but little. One particular is striking. He had an idea in common with the Greeks, that the eastern ocean turned very short round to the west, after it had ascended to the parallel of Rhodes ; for so he describes it. On the north of Europe he is very obscure : and Siberia, as we have before observed, was not known at that time to exist ; even by the people of Europe. With respect to Africa, we find him extending the great body of it, to the south of the Equator, before it turned to the east, (an error of about four degrees) but as he had placed the sources of the Nile to the south of the Equator, and supposed also that the ocean ad- • See before, page 152. + At this lime, Siberia was not known, even to the Russians. X Spain and Italy were better known to the Mahomedans, than the rest of Europe, in general ; and Spain, particularly, from its having been in their possession. This is in fact, the only European kingdom, particularized by Abulfeda. § See Prolegomena, in Reiske's translation of Abulfeda, in Busching's Hist, and Geogx. Mag. Vol. iv. p. 14.0. BY THE EGYPTIANS. €qi vanced to the back of the mountains that contained them, he could not well do otherwise. For the rest, as the southerly position of Sofala, seems to have been well known, it is not improbable that he might, in idea, allow to Africa, the full extent which it is now- known to have. We now return to the subject of the circumnavi- gation. It must be allowed, that such a degree of knowledge as has been supposed, of the two seas which wash the opposite coasts of Africa, would have furnished tlie ancient navigators with opportunities of acquiring a general, if not a particular, knowledge of the mojisoons, as well as of the NE trade wind : and although they might not have penetrated so far into the Atlantic, as to have known the SE trade, yet from having experienced a southerly monsoon in the In- dian sea, on the south of the equator, they might expect a like wind in the Atlantic, at least half the year. The want of a substitute for the mariner's compass, is insisted on by many, as having been a prime obstacle to the accomplishment of such a navigation. But we do not view the matter in such a light ; for "although it may be admitted as an insurmountable obstacle to the discovery of America, in the way to which, an extensive ocean was to be crossed, yet the voyage in question was a coasting voyage; (although indeed, on a scale very different from those to which the term is at present applied, and nearly appropriated.)* Nor were the voyages of discovery of the Portugueze, in this quarter, any other than coasting voyages, the only mode in which they could \vell be prosecuted ; where the object was to trace the coast of a continent, with a view to discover and to double its extremity. So that the discovery of this passage might have been effected, had the magnet never been applied to the compass ; but, in all probability, that of America, never. This, in our idea, is the true state of the * The voyages of tlie Phoenicians to Britain, as well as those of Hanno, Ncarchus, &c. were doubtless confined very closely to the shore. 4,T 2 6g2 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, BY THE EGYPTIANS. matter.* But it is however certain, that the Egyptian and Roman fleets sailed on a direct course from the outlet of the Red sea to the coast of Malabar, 1750 miles, without a compass, although it took them up 40 days. They were, however, certain of a Jiz/r wind both m going and returning, for they took advantage of the monsoons : but those who embarked in the American discoveries, had to con- tend with variable winds, and had also a wider ocean to cross. Wq may at least suppose that those Phoenicians who directed the voyage, had their wits about them, like other men, and profited by their knowledge of seasons, obtained during their voyages in the Indian sea, and in the Atlantic ; and though they might be luiable to guess the circumstances of things, further on, they would not, at least, have made so great a mistake at the outset, as to attempt to sail against the monsoon ; since the changes must have been fa- miliar to them : for periodical winds prevail, even in the Red sea. The date of this first circumnavigation of Africa, may be supposed to be about 600 years before our era ; 175 before Herodotus wrote ; and perhaps about 400 after the voyages made by the fleets of Solo- mon and Hiram. * It cannot be doubted that the progress would have been expedited by the aid of the compass ; because by its help, a ship might sail on, during the night, as far as their knowledge extended during the day : whilst, under other circumstances, they must have Iain still. C%3] SECTION XXV. THE CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, CONTINUED. Supposed Progress of the Voyage, according to known Circumstances, and the Nature of Things. — Great Advantages i?i favour of a Voy- age by the West. — fVinds and Currents generally favourable, the zvhole JVay from the Red Sea to the Coast of Guinea. — Diffiadty respecting Provisions. — Current generally adverse, along the Coasis of North Africa. — General Idea of the Streams of Current in the Atlantic Ocea7i — a Knowledge of them, highly important to modern Navigators. — Progress of the Expedition, along the Coast of Gui- nea to Senegal. — The Navigators wait a Haroest on the Coast of Lybia. — Difficulty of the Passage from Senegal to the Region of westerly Winds. — Disadva?itages of ancient Ships in respect of Ca- pacity for Stowage: Advantages in respect of obtaining Shelter. — Facts illustrative of the CEconomy of ancient Ships ; proving that they were generally secured by being drawn up on the Beach. — Remarks, naturally arising from the foregoing Navigation. — For- gotten in Egypt, in the Time of Ptolemy. — A parallel Instance in Europe. — Voyage of Sataspes to circumnavigate Africa by the East, fails. — Carthaginian Voyages of Traffic to the western Coast of Africa. — The Narrative of the Expedition of Necho, perhaps dis^ credited, by Reason of its Brevity. It may be conceived that the Phoenicians employed in this voyage of discovery, by Necho, taking advantage of the proper seasons, entered the Erythrcean (or Indian) sea, during the early part of the northerly monsoon ; that is, at the latter end of October, or begin- ning of November; when they might be certain of a fair wind, as far as the southern tropic ; and also of a strong current in their 694 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, favour, the whole way round the Ca^ie of Good Hope. They might arrive at the southern tropic by the end of January ; that is, in the midst of the summer of the southern hemisphere ; and of course, during the best time to accompHsh the most difficult part of their voyage, the doubling of the southern promontory of Africa; and over- coming the difficulties of a navigation of more than 20 degrees of a great circle, through a tract of variable winds ; and most commonly in winter, a stormy sea also. For this service then, they liad a great part of the summer and the autumn before them : and it is to be noticed, that through the principal, and most critical, part, of this space, the sea, along the coast, has a regular motion in their favour, to the westward, or SW ; as indeed had been the case, the greatest part of the way from the Red sea, at the season in which they na- vigated it: although such a circumstance would have been felt of less importance there, because of the constant fair wind. It is a circumstance as generally known, that in the south Atlan- tic, from about the 30th degree of south latitude, to the equator, or beyond it, a regular SE wind (thence named the trade wind) prevails in the open sea; and within the influence of the bnd, a southerly wind, varying only some points to the eastward or west- ward, according to the season, or time of day ; partaking, in some degree, of the nature of land and sea breezes. (This is more par- ticularly the state of things, in April and May.) Throughout this .space, then, they would find ayii/r wind, and but little bad weather: and such a wind, as we have said before, it is probable, they would, from analogy, have calculated on, at the season in which they might expect to arrive in this parallel, in the Atlantic. This is, however, reasoning on the supposition that the Egyptians had the same gene- ral idea of tlie extent of Africa, southward, that the Portugueze might have had, previous to //j«V expeditions ; and which we believe to have been really the case. Thus far, then, circumstances have appeared to be clearly in fa- vour of a circumnavigation /row the east, in preference to that from 4 BY THE EGYPTIAN'S- 695 the xoest; the northerly monsoon in the Indian seas, corres}x>nding with the summer of the southern hemisphere ; and the wind having at all times an inclination to the southward, along the western coast of Africa, within the same hemisphere : together with a current to tiie northward for the most part. For, admitting that in tiie sum- mer season, the variations of the wind might enable them to work down this coast to the Cape of Good Hope, (in which perhaps we have admitted a great deal, considering the structure of ancient ships) yet neither could they, in all probability, have borne the buffetings of the storms there, when assailed by a strong adverse current, at the same time ; or have coasted the eastern side of the continent, with the additional obstacle of an adverse monsoon. At what season they anrived at the equator, it is difficult to guess, as it must have depended chiefly on the delays consequent on the state of the ships, and the facility of procuring water ; and it may be, provisions also, by the way.* Had they been able to proceed directly onward, they might probably have completed their navigation to the bay of St. Thomas (beyond the equator) by the middle of July, at farthest : that is, allowing two montlis and a half between their passing out of the 7nonsoon, and their entering the SE trade ; and nearly three months more, from thence to the bay be- forementioned.-f- But the probabilities are, that they arrived there very much later ; and had they arrived ever §0 early, the navigation to the westward, along the coasts of Guinea and Serra Leona, could not well be begun, till late in October. For in this quarter, pro- bably owing to the position of the land (which, as in India, is con- fined to one hemisphere only), much the same changes, and those changes, nearly at the same periods, take place, as within the limits of the monsoons : a SW \\ ind and rainy weather, being succeeded by a NE wind and dry weather, sometime in the month of Octo- * More remarks on the subject of provisions, occur in the sequel. t Equal to about 35 degrees, in distance, including the wjndini^s ot the coast. f»y6 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, ber. The currents near the shore, and in the ocean, run in opposite directions : along the former, they appear to run to the east, during the whole year ; in tiie latter, to the west : and as the course of our navigators must have been confined very near to the shore, the cur- rent would of course be adverse to them at all times ; and in the SW monsoon, the wind also ; and probably with an acceleration of current. It appears then, that had they arrived at the equator in July, they could not have made their way, w'estward, till October, at least; and on the other hand, it is more than probable, that, after a navi- gation of such length, gi-eat repairs must have been necessary to the ships, besides rest and refreshment to the crews : for a coasting voyage, even in the improved state of modern navigation, is infinitely more fatiguing than the longest voyage in the oj^en sea.* Wherefore, the interval of 3^ months between the earliest possible time of arrival at the bay of St. Thomas, and that of the commencement of the sea- son for sailing westward, appears even too short for the above pur- poses. It seems therefore, that the beginning of November was the earliest probable time of their departure, westward, along the coast of Guinea. Arguing therefore on this ground, we shall have dis- posed of one whole twelvemonth, to this period, since the ships en- tered the Indian ocean at Cape Guardafui : to which is to be added, the time consumed in the navigation down the Arabian gulf, &c. to that point. Herodotus reckons the gulf itself, 40 days of navi- gation ; wherefore we may take the whole, to Cape Guardafui, at full two months.-]- But then it is to be considered, that a ship which * See the history of the coasting navigation of Capt. Cook, in the Endeavour, along the eastern coast of New Holland, in Hawkesworth's Voyage, Vol. iii. t The whole is about 30 degrees ; equal to 78 days, at 23 miles per day. Perhaps this rate is too low ; as that arising on the 40 days of Herodotus, is too high, for so long an interval ; it being 3a miles per day. It is probable that he stated what mi^ht be done, rather than what was usually done. Pliny's 30 days, between Bere- nice and the ocean, give a rate of 30 rnilcs. It would appear that the rate of Nearchus BY THE EGYPTIANS, ' 697 would require 4,0 days to sail the length of the Red sea, must leave the head of it, earlier than the latter end of August, or beginning of September (which the anticipation of two months from Guarda- fui, would bring the point of departure to), or the season would not admit of her getting into tlie ocean. Therefore we should rather date the commencement of the expedition, at the end of July, or begin- ning of August, in the year preceding tliat of the arrival of the fleet in the bay of St. Thomas : so that fifteen months would have elapsed since they left their original place of outset. We wish the reader, however, to understand, that our object is rather to shew the possibility of executing the plan of this ancient expedition, by pointing out the steps, by which it might have been accomplished, and by which so long an interval might have been con- sumed, than to affect to describe the exact progress of it, which it is impossible for any one to know, at this time. We have therefore mentioned a determinate time, more for the sake of prosecuting the calculation than otherwise ; but it is highly probable that the fleet of discovery was directed to sail to the point, proper for taking ad- vantage of the earliest part of the north-east monsoon, at a period so early, as to preclude all danger of losing that advantage, by acci- dental delays. The probabilities therefore are, that they departed from the head of the Arabian gulf even earlier than we have stated : and that they staid some time at the outlet of the gulf, waiting for the change. Such a delay would necessarily reduce the long in- terval allowed for the navigation. Before we proceed with the remaining particulars of the route, we shall say a word concerning the subject of provisions ; by much the most difficult point to comprehend. in the Persian gulf, approaches very nearly to this calculation of Pliny, in the Red sea. The winds in the Arabian gulf are favourable to the navigation diwnwards, during the greatest part of the year : and in this portion of it, the season in which we have supposed the Egyptian fleet to navigate it, is included. 4U .6gf> CIRCUMKAVIG-ATION OF AFRICA, During the early part of the voyage, we may suppose a constant ,and regular supply. A king of Egypt who possessed the power, and spirit of enterprize attributed to Neclio, could surely command, either by means of influence or negociation, a supply of provisions and necessaries for his fleets through the Red sea. With equal probabi- lity, we may conclude that the habits of intercourse with the people •along the eastern coast of Africa, would, by means of the accus- tomed medium of commerce, procure tlicm the necessary supplies; so that the fleet might be nearly as well victualled when it arrived at Mozambique, or Sofala, as when it left the head of the Red sea. Much perhaps, in this way, is not to be reckoned on, between So- fa/a and Benguela, or Angola, where they might arrive in 4, or 4^ months afterwards ; and where, it is probable, they made \\{(i\r first long hait^ after leaving the Arabian gulf; this being a fruitful and productive country, and situated in the heart of the southerly trade wind.* It appears that along the rest of the western coast, as well as thatJof Guinea, 8:c. and even to the rivers Gambia and Senegal, there is at present, and no doubt, was at that time, a considerable degree of population ; and plenty of provisions, in their seasons.-f We return to the voyage. ■ Tliat is, SE in the open sea; south or SSW near the shore. i' Here it is proper to observe that Captain Tlionipson ami Sir Home Popham, found no fresh water in rivers or ponds, betvsrecn the parallels of i6° and 31° S : that U, in an extent of 900 miles, or more. Bnt it is probable that the ancient naviga- tors, who were accustomed to renew their stock of water, continually, were possessed of more knowledge in this way, than our modern navigators ; who fill their casks so , seldom. They probably dug wells in the sea beach, as Nearchus did, and as is now done on the desert coast of Persia, and other places. Here we shall mention that the above named officers, whilst exploring the western coast of Africa in 1786, saw a marble cross on a rock near Aiigra Pequiiia, in lat. 16° 37' S. The cross had on it the arms of Portugal, but the inscription was not legible. It appears to be the southernmost of the two crosses erected by B. Diaz in i486, the year in which he discovered the Cape of Good Hope. He called the place Sania Cniz. — The marble had been taken from the adjacent rucks. We learn from Barros, that Diaz sailtd during this voyage 140 leagues to the BY THE EGYPTIANS. 6Qg Let the next interval be supposed to have been between the bight or bay of St. Thomas, and the river of Senegal : a distance, along shore, of about 39 degrees. This perhaps might have been accom- plished, at a proper season, in about four months ; and probably not in less, because the motion of the sea is generally adverse to the progress westward and northward, along the whole extent of Africa, from St. Thomas to Cape Bojador. The streams of current in the Atlantic are so extensive and in- tricate, as to deserve a most minute investigation on the score of navigation : but such an investigation would be out of place, in a work already too much extended, by matter that may perhaps be deemed extraneous. A short view of the currents is however abso- lutely necessary ; in order that the reader may be enabled to form an opinion respecting the just mentioned impediments, to the remain- ing part of the navigation in the Atlantic. The currents in question, as well as those every where else, ap- pear to be, in the first instance, the effect of general winds, com- bined with the positions of the different sea coasts ; after which, in some cases, the confluences of different currents, in the ocean, oc- casion them to take new lines of direction : and in others, by the separation of the stream, the parts of the same original body, flow in lines, very wide of each other. Much knowledge respecting this subject, has been obtained, since the invention of time keepers ; but even yet, the subject is new. We shall endeavour to compress our discussion into as short a compass, as is consistent with jjerspicuity ; eastward of tlie Cape, where he set up his last cross, on one of the groupe of small islands, in the Bay de Lagoa ; arid which islands, from this circumstance, we may suppose, were named Santa Cruz. Perestrello describes these islands ; with the addi- tional circumstance of there being shelter at all times, witliin them, in 12 or 13 fa- thoms, clear sandy ground. He describes the small islands of Chaons to be somewhat farther to the east ; and these answer to the Doddington rocks, wliich are, by the map, just 140 leagues to the eastward -of the Cape of Good Hope. Sec a French translation of Perestrello 's Directory, in the Neptune Orientale of M. d'Apres, 2d edition. 4, U 2 700 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, and trust that it will not prove absolutely useless, as it respects modem navigations.* Those navigators who have attended strictly to their reckonings, and have also had opportunities of comparing them with coelestial obsen'ations and time-keepers, find that there is a constant motion of the sea to the sonthxcard, along the western coasts of Europe and Africa, from the parallel of Ireland, at least, to the borders of the south-east trade wind ; which, in the Atlantic, is generally found to the northward of the equator: and, on the other hand, a motion of the sea to the north, from the southern extremity of Africa, to the equator, or rather beyond it. It will be understood tliat we here mean, the general direction of the great body of each of these streams : and that we except those particular %'eins of them which are influenced or produced by inlets or projections of the coast, or other local circumstances. Such is the counter current in the Bay of Bis- cay ; the indraught of the Strait of Gibraltar ; and the obliquities and eddies produced by Cape Blanco, Cape Verd, and Cape Palmas. The same is to be said of the tides. We shall begin with the cur- Tent on the north of the equator. This motion of the sea is felt in the line between the west side of Ireland, Madeira, the Canary, and Cape Verd islands; but to what distance into the ocean, westward, we know not. Between Ireland and the Canaries, it inclines but little to the west of south : between that, and latitude 12°, in the meridian of St. Jago (Cape Verd Islands), it bends more to the west ; owing probably to the projection of the intermediate coast ; but from the latter point to the border of the SE trade, it turns considerably to the eastward of south ; conform- ing again, in some degree, to the shape of the continent, although projected to a greater distance from it, than before, by the promi- nent form of Cai>e Verd. The sea within, as far to the south as * There will be found in the Map No. X, at page 672, drawn for the purpose of explaining the present subject, the direction of the currents, in the part of the At- lantic under discussion. BY THE EGYPTIANS, 7©! Cape Monte, is occupied by uncertain and perplexing currents, in- fluenced also by the periodical winds : for, the seasons along the coast of Guinea, and Serra Leona, (as we have said) very much resemble the monsootis of India ; perhaps from the same cause ; the land being chiefly on one side of the equator, alone. So that in effect. Cape Verd, which is the western extremity of the great bell of high land, that nuis through North Africa, is also the boundary between the fixed and the periodical winds on the coast. This is the great outline of the stream of current from the north- ward ; which, having reached the parallel of two or three degrees north, about the meridian of Cape Verd (that is, the middle of the stream) it there meets tiie great southern stream, in its escape from the gulf of Ethiopia. This stream, which was originally impelled by the southerh' trade, along the coast of South Africa, (in like manner as the other stream by the NE trade) is increased by the continuation of tiie current round the Cape of Good Hope, from the Indian sea; and also in its progress northward, by the strong southerly winds that force the water into the Ethiopian gulf. This accumulation of water escapes westward, in a direction nearly parallel to the coast of Guinea; but not so near it, as to prevent a narrow vein of easterly current, from passing zvitbin it ; although it approach in great strength within 35 or 4,0 leagues of Cape Palmas, on the SW. This vein of easterly current is a part of that which came originally from the north, and which falls in again with the coast, at Cape Monte, near Sherbro'; and thenceforward conforms generally to the line of the coast, till it has advanced beyond the equator ; when meeting the southern stream, it is of course lost in it. It is obvious, that the vein of cur- rent in question, is the one which obstructed our navigators, in their progress w'estward: it is said to run constantly, during the whole year; and it was in the month of February, that the observations on which we principally depend, were made. 70a CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, It is of much more importance to modern navigators, than to the ' point of our subject, that the result of the meeting of the two streams from the north and south, near the equator, should be given. What we shall detail respecting it, is collected from the admirable journal of my friend Mr. Dalrymple, kept on board the Grenville East In- diaman, in 1775; and from the journal of Capt. Cooke; which lat- ter, although highly valuable, could not be published throughout, in so detailed a form as the other. The junction of these almost opposite streams, produces a new direction of the confluent waters ; but, as the stream from the east, is, out of all proportion, stronger than the other, the new line of direction instead of being a mean between the two, which may be about S b. W or SSW, becomes WSW or SW b. W, only : on which points, or between them, this great body of water crosses the equator, in its passage towards the approximating point of South America, nearly in the meridian of St. Jago : that is, about midway between the two continents. As it approaches America, it bends more to the west, and by degrees to the north of west, as it mixes with the northerly current that is formed by the south- east trade wind, which blows obliquely against the coast of Brasil. This northerly current appears to be nearly equal in strength to the other: and having passed Cape Roque, the new confluent stream takes its course westward, along the coasts of Brasil and Guiana; and being continually augmented by the operation of the NE trade, aided by the positions of the coasts and islands, it finally produces that wonderful stream, called the Gulf Stream ; concerning which it will be unnecessary to speak in this place. It is impossible to determine the breadth of the great equatorial stream : but we guess it to be no less than five or six degrees, where it crosses the line ; although it is probably less, where it first ap- proaches the coast of Africa ; and where it also acquires (as it would appear) its greatest degree of velocity. In its track through the BY THE EGYPTIANS. 703 Ethiopic gulf, where Capt. Price crossed it, in his way from Cape Lopez to St. Helena, it appears to be eight to ten degrees broad, from NE to SW. The velocities of these currents differ very widely, in different places : but the stream from the south is almost every where the strongest. Where Capt. Price crossed it, the greatest velodty was 23 miles in 24 hours, to the north-westward ; and the strongest part, was nearest the African shore, the weakest, towards St. He- lena. Nearly opposite Cape Monte, in 2" to 3° north latitude, the rate was about 40 : thence to the meridian of the Bissago islands, and at 1° north of the line, it increased to the surprising rate of 76 ai^d 77, during two days, but afterwards diminished to 62 : and thence to 19° or 20° west, in 1° S latitude, to 35 and 30. It seems to hold nearly the same rate till within 120 or 130 leagues of Cape Roque, when it abates in point of strength as it declines to the west, until it is again quickened by the northerly current of Brasil, and the NE trade. It would appear that this stream of equatorial current does not extend beyond two or three degrees north of the line; or more than three or four south of it, in the part where it crosses. From what has appeared, it seems certain that navigators cannot cross the equator without crossing this strong and wide stream of current, also : and that they must lay their account with being car- ried several degrees to the westward ; unless they kept close to the coast of Guinea, which is likely to prove much more inconvenient, from other causes. It has also appeared, tliat the current runs strongest between 10 and 18 degrees west longitude : there also, it runs rather to the norib, than to the south of west ; to which may be added, tiiat the SE trade wind is more southerly there, than farther west : so that every cir- cumstance is against this track. On the other hand, within 5° of longitude of the coast of America, the current begins to turn to the 704, CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, west and north of west. But between 18 and 30° of longitude, the current is the most moderate, and also sets to the southward of west: and the winds, the farther we go to the west, blow more from the east : that is, are more favourable to a southerly course. Within this space, therefore, is the best track for crossing the equa- tor, and its cuiTent; and rather towards the eastern, than the wes- tern side of this space : perhaps the meridian of St. Jago, 23"-^, may be the best of any. The velocity, and other circumstances of the stream from the northern hemisphere, are next to be spoken of. From about Cape Cantin, northward, the indraught of the strait of Gibraltar, occa- .sions a motion of the sea, that way; but on the opposite side of ill is cape, the current runs to the southward ; and increases in velocity, as it approaches Cape Bojador. However, the general current from the north, is much weaker than that from the south ; and therefore the passage round Africa, from the Red sea to the Mediterranean, appears at every step, as we advance in the inquiry, to have been an easier task than a different order of proceeding. In the open sea, between the island of Madeira and the south- east trade, the velocity does not appear to exceed 10 to 14 miles per day ; but in approaching the land of Cape Blanco, it is found to be in some places, 24. Along the coast of Guinea, it varied from 30 to 10 ; or 17 at a medium : and on that of Serra Leona (or Western Guinea), it was about 12 southward, during the northerly monsoon; eight or nine northward, during the opposite one; reckoned at a medium of the northern and southern sets, during the number of days that the ships were exposed to it. But it is proper to observe, that no degree of current was observable between the parallel of 10°, and that of the mouth of the Gambia, in either season ; which still water appears to be owing to the form of the land of Cape Verd, which throws the current so wide into the ocean, as to prevent its return in any shape, so as to disturb the quiet of tlie sea, to the dis- BY THE EGYPTIANS. 705 tance of several degrees beyond it. And it ma}' be remarked, that within this very space, the extensive cluster of islands and shallows, named Bissagoes, and also those of St. Amie, are found.* Cape Blanco occasions a similar degree of quiet, in the bay of Arguin, which lies to the SE of it. There also, islands and shallows are accumulated, to a great extent : and the current does not close with the shore, for 50 or 60 leagues ; but it evidently comes in to the north of the river Senegal ; since the singular deviation in its course, near the sea, is the effect of a southerly current, which has hurried its depositions lower and lower down. The singular form of Cape Verd, is no doubt owing to \hQ gene- ral current on the north, and the counter current on the south, which have corroded the land on botli sides, until nothing remains, save the sharp termination of the base of the great mountainous belt, of North Africa. Concerning the effect of the obliquity of the current, occasioned by it, we have just spoken : but it may also be proper to mention, that, as the conformation of the land, affects the water be- low, so it does the atmosphere above : for, the trade winds during the winter of the northern hemisphere, are inflected by it, from NE to NW. These are the general outlines of the streams of current, in the south and east parts of the Atlantic ; and which, to explain in a detailed manner, would require a volume. It is highly probable that the seasons may occasion a very considerable degree of varia- tion, in the length, and perhaps also, in the breadth of the three principal streams ; that is, the northern and southern ; and the equatorial current, formed by the confluence of the two first : but * Altliough the motion of tlie sea, be, on the whole, more to tlie north, in one season, and to the south in the other ; yet so near the shore as a coasting vessel would navigate, the tide has a considerable influence. In the offing, some of the old navi- gators have remarked, that the currents are very uncertain and distracting. Possibly a part of this seeming uncertainty, arose from bad reckonings; for in the modern reckonings, checked by time-keepers, and good observations of latitude, the currents appear pretty re£;ular, here. 4. x' 7o6 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, there is no reason to suppose that any alteration takes place in their line of course. As for the particular veins of current that are de- rived from the main streams, and which conform to the indentings of the coast, there is no question but that great changes take place, as well in their courses, as in their velocities, in such places as are subject to the influence of periodical winds, and of tides. We trust that the length of this discussion will be pardoned, on the score of its applying as much to the business of modern navigations, as to the elucidation of ancient ones. From the result of this inquiry, it appears, that our ciraimnavi- gators, who could liave navigated the coast from the bay of St. Thomas to Senegal, only in the seasons of the NE winds, or of the sea and land breezes that prevail in the winter of the northern he- misphere, must have had, generally, an adverse current as far as tlie Bissagoes ; and again, every where to the north of Cape Verd, (the bay of Arguin excepted) as far as Cape Cantin. Moreover, that from the Senegal river, to the end of the NE trade, the wind, as well as the current, was against tliem ; so that the latter part of the passage through the ocean, must have been tedious, indeed. We return to the consideration of the detail of the voyage. The beginning of November has been fixed as the earliest time of moving westward; and the distance, following the windings of the coast, has been taken at 39 degrees (of a great circle). It has been stated in page 704,, that they were opposed by currents of different degrees of strength, and also that there is a space (about five degrees) on the south of Cape Verd, where the sea is still. Therefore the impediment, calculated at a medium throughout, may be taken at 13 miles per day. It has also appeared, that 35 miles was the medium rate of sail- ing of the ancient ships (see page 681); from which, 13 being de- ducted, leaves 22 for the net progress. But even from this, there are to be deducted all kinds of delays, whether casual, or growing out of the ordinary wants of the crews ; and also accidents : so that, it BY THE EGYPTIANS. 707 is probable, that no more than 18 can be allowed for the regular and constant progress : and, it may be remarked, that Nearchus advanced at no greater rate than ae-j per day through the ocean; although no current is supposed; and very often 17 was the result of a hard day's work.* The sg degrees, at 18 per day, require 130 days, or upwards of four calendar months : so that they could not arrive at the river of Senegal, before the beginning, or towards the middle, of March. Here we may conceive the navigators to have been again within the sphere of their knowledge ; on a supposition that this part of the coast had been already explored, in a general way, either by the Egyptians or Phoenicians : and that they would be apprized, in con- sequence, of their relative position to the pillars of Hercules, and to their native country. According to the foregoing calculation, they had been about 19 months, or more, from the head of the Red sea, when they arrived in the Senegal river ; and might yet have a voyage of five months to perform, in order to complete their circumnavigation. For, al- though the distance from the Senegal to the mouth of the Nile, along the coast, in the usual way, does not exceed 57 degrees, yet they had to contend (as we have shewn) with an adverse trade wind ; as well as a current, propagated by it, during the first part of their voyage from Senegal homewards ; and which, from these circumstances, may perhaps have been the most arduous part of the whole.'j- And it may also be supposed, that, waiting the Sep- * It is proper to remark that the rate of Nearchus is founded on the number of sailing days : had it been on the gross number, it would have been still lower. t The existence of this current, which is allowed on all hands, is proved by the error of Hanno, who calculated that Cerne, (Arguin) was just as far to the south of the Straits, as Carthage was to the east of it. The difference, which is very consi- derable, is occasioned by the current ; of which Hanno appears to have been igno- rant : he, calculating merely by the ship's reckoning. More will be said concerning it, in the next Section. 4X3 708 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, tember harvest, at the Senegal river, they could not profit so much from the land and sea breezes, as at an earlier period. The space occupied by the still water in the bay of Arguin, &c. being deducted, lo or ii degrees remain, of a navigation, impeded by an adverse current; and wliere the wind, although subject to infexions, from the alternate influence of the land and sea, is yet unfavourable. Perhaps, less than 40 days cannot be allowed for clearing the limits of the NE trade wind; or about ity miles per day. But beyond the trade, Xhe prevalent vyinds would be fair, the whole way to the Nile : a distance calculated to be about equal to 80 sailing days, at the mean rate of 2>5- However, allowing for the usual delays and impediments, it may be taken at 110; and then we have 150 days, or about five months from the Senegal, to the Nile. Here then, the aggregate of the time consumed during the voyage to the Senegal, together with the five months to the Nile, is just equal to txvo years : but we are told by the Historian, that " they consumed two years before they set out from their place of harvest in Lybia, to return to Egypt ; where they [of course^ arrived in the third year." So that on their arrival at Senegal, there would be wanting of the two years, an interval of about five months, or less, if we suppose this to be the place at which they waited for a harvest, either of their own raising, or (which is more likely), the ordinary harvest of the people of the country.* It may be contended, that there was no more reason to wait a harvest here, than at any other point of their voyage : but it may be said, that having now ascertained the probable length of the remain- ing part of their voyage, they might resolve to victual themselves • We would be tinderstood to mean in that quarter only, and not in any parti- cular spot. The place may have been either the Gambia or Senegal river, -or even some place between the two : but such rivers were likely to attract the attention of the voyagers ; and moreover, they would doubtless wish to return within the limits cf their knowledge, before they made another considerable stay. BY THE EGYPTIANS. 705 at once, for that whole interval ; and that, without the aid of the expected harvest, the people of the country might not have had a stock sufficient for themselves and for the strangers also. And in the mean time, the ships might have been repaired, and every thing deficient replaced. Such repairs are called for, in all ships, after their being a long time at sea : (and even Nearchus was com})elled to repair his ships at the Sittacus river, although he was then ad- vanced, within ten days navigation of his destined port.) We do not in this place, advert to such repairs as may be called for, through accidents ; the time required for those, being allowed for, in the or- dinary calculation of sailing- days. We confess that no situation appears more probable than this, to yvait the harvest described in the history: for, the period of two YEARS (the interval mentioned in the history, wliicli, as a text, must be our professed guide), would, apparently, expire, in this part of Africa, provided they made any great stay. And although we have calculated the dates, on tiie principle of their arriving at, and proceeding along the coast of Guinea, at the beginning (nearly) of the NE wind, yet they might, as we liave hinted before, have been delayed longer on the way, and consequently liave arrived later. They miglU also have been longer on their voyage, down the Ara- bian gulf, than we have calculated, and might have sailed earlier than necessity required, in order to secure the full benefit of the NE monsoon in the Indian sea. In consequence, the time of waiting at the place of harvest, might have been not only short of fivcior;, s^ months, but may have been three or four, only. ^ivar-.^' ' ■• '-» The harvests in this quarter, are said to be in September; and the seed time in June, or the beginning of July. Of course, our voyagers had a long time to wait: and it may appear to those, who form their opinions of ancient navigations, by wiiat they see practised in their own times, to be highly improbable that such arrangements should have taken place. l3ut, the act of shortening by ncar!)^ one third, tlie time employed in passages to and from India, witliin these 710 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, few years, at a time when the art of navigation was supposed to be in a very highly improved state, may prepare us for believing that much greater changes and improvements, had taken place previous to that period. If we suppose that they completed tlieir store of provisions, and were ready to sail, by the end of September, two years and two months would have been consumed, since their departure from Egypt: and no one will suppose that the Historian meant to be critically exact, when he mentioned the term of two years. But, in fact, the truth of the n'bole story does not rest on the consistency of this partiadar, any more than the truth of Hannibal's expedition into Italy, on the story of the effect of vinegar, on the Alpine rocks. No one believes the story of the vinegar ; and no one disbelieves the history of the expedition.* Thus, it appears, that the principal difficulty to be surmounted, in ancient voyages, arose from the impracticability of storing the ships with provisions, adequate to the vast length of time required for their navigations ; where the rate of sailing was so remarkably slow. They were ill adapted to distant voyages ; ( and which, indeed, it appears, they seldom undertook) : but did very well in situations, where they could land, and command provisions, almost at pleasure; or at any rate, by compulsion, when they sailed in fleets. But, on the other hand, they were better adapted to those coasting voyages, wWch constituted almost the whole of their navigations. The flat- ness of their bottoms, required much less depth of water, than mo- dern vessels of the like tonnage ; whence arose an incredible advan- tage over ours, in finding shelter more frequently; and indeed, almost every where, except on a steep, or rocky shore; since in i\i*. Perhaps it may not be known to raany, that Sherefeddin, the historian of Ta- merlane, says, that vinegar was used in the siege uf Damascus (in like manner as by Hannibal) : that is, they heated the stones of the wall, and then threw vinegar on them ; after which, says he, they easily broke them to pieces with hammers. Lib. v. c. 27. BY THE EGYPTIANS. 71I default of shelter, afloat, they drew their large ships, up on the beach, as our fishermen do their large boats. And we may cer- tainly conclude that vessels of a construction and size the best adapted to the service of discovery and long voyages, were chosen on occasions, like the present. In effect then, even the nature of their shelter, oftentimes differed essentially from ours. Moreover, by keeping close to the shore, they ran less hazard of missing such ports as suited them; but which would escape the observation of modern navigators; who, unable to profit of such advantages, endeavour to balance the ac- count, by avoiding the dangers of lee shores, and sballozu waters. We conceive that people sometimes entertain wrong ideas of the cir- cumstances of ancient navigations ; reckoning amongst the greatest difficulties, those wliich were the easiest surmounted. The voyage of Nearchus, the only ancient one given in detail, convinces us, that the perils of coasting navigations were not so great amongst the ancients, as amongst the moderns. Their ships, from the nature of their construction, not only required less depth of water, but they got off easier, and suffered less, when aground : and w hen at anclior, they exposed a less surface to the wind, from the lowness of their masts ; and from their lightness, rode with less strain. It will here be necessary to enter into some details, relative to the management of ancient ships, when near to, or at the shore ; in order to shew that even the ships of war, were drawn up on the beach : and as it may reasonably be supposed, that a smaller class were employed in voyages of discovery, this circumstance would render the operation yet easier. Historians, as well as poets, are in the habit of mentioning the practice of drawing up the ships on the beach ; and oftentimes, of inclosing them within a rampart, on the land side. The fleet of Nearchus was so drawn up, and fortified, twice during their voyage; and at other times drawn on shore to be repaired. On many occasions, where the landing of the crews of other yi2 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, fleets, in a body, is mentioned, we cannot readily distinguish whe- ther the ships' heads were merely put to the shore, or whether the ships were drawn up on the beach. The grand fleet of Xerxes, consisting of 1200 triremes, and a vast number of smaller vessels, when at Dorisais, " were brought to the shore, and the crews enjoyed an interval of repose, whilst Xerxes was reviewing the army, &c." Polym. 59 : after which, (100) " the ships were pushed from the land, and moored at 400 feet distant, with their ^rort'5 towards the shore, in an uniform line; whilst Xerxes reviewed them, passing between them and the shore, in a Sidonian vessel." The crews of the combined fleet of Greece were on shore at Sa- LAMis, when the news of their being surrounded by the enemy, ar- rived. Urania, 83. But the most pointed notice concerning their mode of procedure, on occasions that required shelter, is that which occurs in the same fleet of Xerxes, previous to the storm on the coast of Magnesia, in which 400 ships were lost. Polym. 188. " As the shore was of no great extent, the fleet was ranged in eight regular divisions, with their heads to the 7nain sea, in which situation, they passed the night." (He had before said, that the foremost rank was drawn close to the land, and that the others lay at anchor behind.) On the approach of day, a furious storm arose, attended with a violent gust of wind from the east, which the inha- bitants of these parts, call a Hellespontian wind. Tbey xvho foresaxv that the tempest would still increase, and whose situation zvas favour- able, prevented the effects of the stonn, by drazving their zessels ashore ; and with them preserved their own persons. Of those whom the hurricane surprised, farther out at sea, some were driven to the Straits of Pelion, Sec." ■ Here it appears that the want of a sufficient extent of that kind of shore, on which ships might be drawn up, prevented the whole fleet from being placed in a state of security on the sea beach ; and BY THE EGYPTIANS. 713 •which probably fell to the lot of few besides those in the front line. It appears also that the crews only of such ships as touched the shore were permitted to leave their ships ; and which crews, on the increase of the gale, were in a situation to draw them up, out of the reach of the body of the surf. No doubt, on other occasions, it was likewise the practice to draw the ships up, when threaten- ing appearances were perceived. As this fleet was composed of the prime ships and seamen of the Mediterranean, at that time (the Phoenicians, lonians, and Egyp- tians), we may suppose that every precaution was taken, that skill and experience could suggest. But to be enabled to accomplish the above precautionary step, the vessels must necessarily have been very Jlat, since they are said to have been of such bulk, as to require crews consisting of 20c ma- riners and 30 soldiers. Such a form, indeed, the shape of the rud- ders of ancient ships, sutficiently testifies : a kind of oar, by which alone, projecting far beyond the eddy water formed by the pas- sage of so full built a vessel, they could be steered with effect. We may suppose, on the other hand, a prow, projecting far beyond the stem ; which facilitated the landing of the crew, or boarding an enemy.* Nearchus had long ships, (or ships of war purposely built), in his fleet ; and yet these ships came down the Hydaspcs and Indus ; a certain proof of the flatness even of the ships of war. The Chinese jutih whose structure we have examined, may be somewhat like the ancient ships ; and may not have varied much amongst that wonderful nation; who, like the Hindoos, so early • Whether such large ships as those described by Polybius, lib. i. c. 2, in the contests between the Romans and Carthaginians, in the second Punic war, and ^hich carried 420 men, were drawn ashore like the others, we know not ; nor is it, indeed, to our present purpose. 4Y 714, CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, attained the necessary point of improvement, but have never reached the summit of it. It appears improbable tliat vo3'ages of circumnavigation were re- peated; as well from the great delays attending them, as that the articles of merchandize, the most in request, (particularly gold and ivory) were to be had much nearer home. Hence, it would appear, the discovery itself came to be forgotten, before the time of Ptolemy; even in Egypt, the country from whence it was undertaken ; and in Alexandria, the greatest commercial mart in die world ; where one might Iiave expected an event of a nature so interesting to naviga- tion, would have been carefully treasured up.* To those who may infer from the silence of Ptolemy, tliat the history of the expedition is to be regarded as an imposition, we can say nothing stronger in answer, than that the knowledge of the dis- covery of the eastern side of New Holland, at a period, perhaps 150 years before the voyage of Captain Cook, was lost in Europe, until the chart of the discovery was noticed in the British Museum, a few years ago; and posterior to the death of that great navigator. Now, if this fact could be forgotten throughout Europe, in a century and half, and after the invention of printing, we cannot wonder that the other should meet a similar fate ; especially after such circum- navigations had been long out of use ; and at a time when registers of facts were with more difficulty preserved ! Herodotus gives, on the authority of the Carthaginians, an ac- count of voyages made to the western coast of Africa, which con- tains some curious particulars. These voyages may be considered as the suite of those of Necho and Hanno. One of them is the • Polybhis, who lived 250 years before Ptolemy, either did not know it, or did not believe it. Lib. iii. c. 4. The foundation of Alexandria was about 270 years after the circumnavigation, in question. BY THE EGYPTFANS. 7]^ voyage of Sataspes (before mentioned) in order to circumnavigate Africa by the west ; but which failed. Melp. 43. The others ap- pear to be a part of the regular commercial intercourse, with the people in the quarter towards the Senegal and Gambia rivers. The former seems to confirm his account of the expedition of NechOj and is as follows : During the reign of Xerxes, Sataspes, of royal descent in Persia, was condemned to death, for an act of violence ; but his punishment being commuted into the task of sailing round the continent of Africa, he was directed to set out from Egypt* by the Mediterra- nean, and to return to it, by the Arabian gulf. As there is no in- timation given that the crew of his vessel (or vessels) were consi- dered as criminals, we must suppose that the punishment of the principal was to arise from the disgrace of banishment-f for two or three years ; together with the hardships and fatigue attendant on so long continued a service, to a man of high rank, and perhaps accustomed to habits of luxury and ease. It may be conceived, that some measure of utility was also intended, though not expressed by the Historian ; and that the expence of an establishment was not in- curred for the sole purpose of punishing an individual. It is pos- sible, indeed, that a part of the punishment might have been a fine, equal to the cost of the expedition ; althougii the Historian does not record it. ;[' The narrative of that voyage sets forth, " that passing the Co- lumns of Hercules, he doubled the promontory of Syloes (or SoloeisJ * Egypt then composed a part of the Persian empire. t It was the practice to banish persons to the islands of the Persian gulf: but the same persons were, notwitlistanding, called on to accompany Xerxes to the Grecian war. Thalia, 93 ; Polym. 80. X It seems as if this story had been well known in Greece ; for Herodotus alludes, it seems, to a well-known anecdote concerning one of Sataspes' servants. Herodotus perhaps had seen some of the parties concerned ; as the dates will allow of it. 4Y 2 yi6 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AJ^RICA, (probably Cape Ca?itin*) and steered a southerly course. That, continuing his voyage for several months, in which he passed over an immense tract of sea, and seeing no probable termination of his labours, he returned back to Egypt, and thence to the court of Xerxes, giving as an excuse for the non-performance of his instruc- ticnis, tiiat he could not advance any farther, (or that his vessel was unable to proceed). In consequence of this, his former sentence was executed on him."-|- Throughout this short narrative, nothing appears that would lead us to suppose otherwise, than that the voyage was deemed practi- cable, although difficult and tedious. For Sataspes did not deny the physical possibility of executing the measure, but only the possibi- lity of i^erforming it with his vessels. And on the other hand, Xerxes gave no credit to his assertions ; that is, we may suppose, he ktiezv tliat the measure had been accomplished by others, and thought, of course, that it might have been performed again. It is very probable that Sataspes was discouraged from prose- cuting his voyage by the adverse winds and currents, that prevail on the coast of Serra Leona, &c. from April to October ; see page 701 ; and which would be felt by those who left Egypt or Carthage in the spring; a more likely season to undertake an exjjedition of this sort, than in wi?iter, when the order of things is different. We can assign no better reason for the failure, in this stage of the un- dertaking : and it is the more likely, because the duration of Sa- taspes' voyage, southward from Soloeis, being " several months," will allow him to have reached the coast in question. The other account is, that the Carthaginians traded with a people, situated beyond the Columns ; but witli whom they had no personal communication. The mode of intercourse was effected by one party leaving their merchandize to be exchanged on the sea beach ; and * See above, page 421, el seq. t This reminds us of the fate of Sir Walter Raleigh. BY THE EGYPTIANS. ^1^ the Other, the gold in return : and these exchanges (says our Author were conducted with good faith on both sides. Melp. 196'. The seat of tliis commerce may be guessed to have been near the mouths of tlie abovementioned large rivers ; in the first place, because gold is more commonly found to the soiithivard of the Great Desert ; and secondly, because it is said by Dr. Shaw, that a like mode of trading exists at present, between " the western Moors, and some barbarous nations, bordering on the river Niger ; — and without the least instance of dishonesty or perfidiousness on either side."* We conclude that the date of this traffic was posterior to the establishment of the colonies along that coast, by Hanno: for in that voyage, the Senegal river appears as a nezv discovery, and the mouth of the Gambia was reckoned only a great opening of the sea. And by other notices it appears probable that the river Lixus (taken for the river St. Cyprian, at about 90 G. miles to the nortliward of C. Blanco), or the possessions of the tribe of Lixitcv on its banks, was the boundary of the Carthaginian knowledge, previous to Hanno's expedition. As the journal of Hanno must be regarded, not only as a curious document respecting the Carthaginian settlements on the western coast of Africa, but also as an immediate consequence of the Egyj)- tian discoveries ; and moreover, as it appears to have been misun- derstood by some, and its truth questioned by others, it is intended, in the succeeding Section, to enter into an examination of certain particulars of it, with a view to shew its consistency. Thus, we conceive, the assertion of Herodotus concerning the circumnavigation of Africa, will no longer appear in the light of a mere tale ; since there existed no physical impediment to its ac- complishment : and moreover, as it has been proved that it was undertaken in a manner the most favourable to its execution. Per- haps, the brevity of the narration, has been the occasion of its * Shaw's Travels, page 302. Dr. Wadstrom says the same of certain people, on the windward coast of Guinea : and Cadamosta, of the people of Melli. 7l8 CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA, BY THE EGYPTIANS. being rejected, by many; at the same time that inscriptions, or legends of medals, though infinitely more brief, are implicitly re- ceived as proofs of the facts recorded. Brief however, as the nar- ^ ration may be, it contains, as M. Larcher justly remarks, a circum- stance which is in evidence to the truth of the voyage: namely, that of the sun being on their right hand, in sailing round Africa : and which, says he,- could never have been imagined, in an age when astronomy was yet in its infancy. c 7^9 n SECTION XXVI, AND LAST. AN EXAMINATION OF THE ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF HANNO, ALONG THE WESTERN COAST OF NORTH AFRICA. Brevity of the Periplus — CoJisistency of its Facts, generally, zchen tried by the Test of Geography, a?id local Descriptions. — Stories of the Streams of Fire and savage Women, accounted for. — De- sign of the Expedition, to fortn commercial Settle?nents. — Internal of Time eynployed, not correctly given. — The Capes Blanco and Verd; the Rivers of Senegal and Gambia; and the Island oj Arguin, or Cem6, recognised in the Journal. — Evidence in fa- vour of the Truth of the Periplus, arising from the Effect of the southerly Current. — Cern6. — Progress of the Expedition southward from the Gambia River. — The Bay of Bissago, ansxvers to the first Port; called the Western Horn. — Fires, from burning the Herbage, appear terrific to the Voyagers. — The Mountain named the Chariot of the Gods, referred to that of Sagres, or Sangarec. — Second Port, or Southern Horn, take7i for Shcrbro' Sound, or Bay. — Termi?iatioji of the Voyage, at this Place. — Agreement of the Dis- tance sailed, xvith the Time, according to the ancient Rate of sail- ing. — Elucidations from Pliny and Ptolemy. — Ideas of D'Anville, Bougainville, and Gosselin, concerning this Subject. — General Re- marks on the Voyage. — Probably undertaken in consequence of the Egyptian Discoveries. — Commercial Jealousy. — The southern Ex- pedition had probably for its Object, the Commerce of the Gold and Ivory Coasts of Guinea. — Conclusion of the Work. It is a subject of much regret, tliat this curious remain of anti- quity* should be so exceedingly brief; and that it had not come * The Periplus of Hanno will be found in Hudson's Geog. Minores, Vol. i. Mr. Falconer, of C. C. C. O.'iford, favoured the public with an English translation of 720 VOYAGE OF HANNO. down to US in its original form ; as it is evidently no more than a very brief abstract of a larger work. There appears, however, much consistency in those facts which are susceptible of trial, either by the test of geography, or by comparison with the descriptions of travellers; although they may be blended with stories o^ fiery tor- rents, and wotneyi covered zvith hair; which stories, altogether, do certainly give a cast of fable to it ; and, at first sight, seem to rank this part of the narrative, with some of the voyages in the Arabian Tales. Certain persons have therefore endeavoured, and that not without some degree of plausibility, to shew, that the facts which thus cast a shade of ftible over the narrative, may be accounted for, without having recourse to fiction : and as it is of importance to an author, that his reader should set out with a good opinion of his veracity, we shall mention these apologies in the outset. First, of the streams of fire ; some of which were said to nm into the sea. This has been conjectured to be nothing more than the burning of the dry herbage ; a practice which takes place, more or less, in every country, situated in the warm climates ; and where vegetciiion is also rank. Its taking the appearance of a river of fire, running into the sea, is accounted for, from the more abundant herbage of the vallies, or ravines ; wiiicli, as Mr. Bruce observes, are shaded by their depth, and remain green the longest. Conse- quently, being the last burnt, the fire will, at that period, be con- fined to the hollow parts of the country, only; and when fired from above, will have the appearance of rivers of fire, running to.wards the sea. In other places, they saw the whole surface of the country it, accompanied with the Greek text, and explanations, in i"'97. The title of the Periplus is, " An Account of the Voyage of Hanno, Commander of the Carthagi- nians, rotind the parts of Lybia beyond the Pillars of Hercules, which he deposited in the Temple of Saturn." For the hydrography of this voyage the reader h referred to the Map No. XI, opposite to this Section. VOYAGE OF HANNO. 721 on fire; from all which may be inferred that this was the season of burning the herbage. Mr. Park speaks very pointedly to this pur- pose : and, it may be remarked, that the scene of his observation was nearly in the same parallel with that of Hanno : Mr. Park's being in Manding, and Hanno's on the opposite coast.* The adventure of the hairy women, presents much less difficulty than the other ; since it is well known, that a species of ape, or ba- boon, agreeing in description with these of Hanno, is found in the quarter referred to, which must have been near Serra Leona. Nor did the interpreters call them wome/i, but gorillce : meaning no doubt to describe apes ; and not human creatures, possessing the gift of speech. This part of the naiTative, therefore, admits of no diffi- culty, otherwise than that of wondering how the Carthaginians could be so far mistaken as to denominate them women. -j- The principal object of the expedition, is set forth in the journal, which opens with the following information : * " The burning of the grass, in Manding (says Mr. Park), exhibits a scene of terrific graiuleiir. In the middle of the night, I could see the plains and mountains, as far as my eye could reach, variegated with lines of fire ; and the light reflected on the sky, made the heavens appear in a blaze. In the day-time, pillars of smoke were seen in every direction ; while the birds of prey were observed hovering round the conflagration, and pouncing down upon the snakes, lizards, and other reptiles, which attempted to escape from the flames. This annual burning is soon followed by a fresh and sweet verdure, and the country is thereby rendered more healthtul and pleasant." P. 259, 260. He also remarks, that " in Ludamar, and other Moorish co«intr'ie=, this practice is not allowed ; for it is upon the withered stubble that the Moors feed their cattle, until the return of the rains." Page 259. It may be remarked, that the first fires seen by Hanno were at the entrance of the river Gambia ; that is, after he had quitted the neighbourhood of the Desert ; in other words, the Moorish countries. If Mr. Park had written with a design to illustrate the journal of Hanno, he could- hardly have done it rnore effectually. As this operation takes place after the rainy season ; perhaps in November and December, this may be allowed to mark the season of Hanno's visit to the coa^t of Serra Leona. t The description of the ape found in Africa, called Pongo, by M. de BuS'on 4 Z ySZ VOYAGE OF HANNO. " It was decreed by tlie C irthaginians, that Hanno should under- take a voyage beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and found Libyphce- nician cities. He sailed accordingly with 60 ships of 50 oars each, and a body of men and women, to the number of 30,000, and pro- visions and other necessaries." It is certain, that the numbers appear very great, as well in respect of the extended scale of colonization, as of the number of ships. However, the Roman and Carthaginian ships of war, had crews of 420 men, according to Polybius (lib. i. c. 2.) : and the first city was founded at no great distance beyond the Strait of Gibraltar, the rest short of Cape Bojador; so that the passengers did not continue on board, any great proportion of the time employed in the voyage. But had the numbers been represented greater, or the ships fewer in number, still there might iiave been a corruption of the text. And as numbers are so liable to corruption, it would be unfair to allow such an error to preponderate against a series of probable events. The date of the expedition has been supposed to be about 570 years before Christ ; but of this, more will be said, after the cir- cumstances of the expedition have been fully discussed. (Vol. xiv.), and that which occurs in Dapper's Travels, p. 249, and in Purchas (Vol. ii. page 982), are sufficient to shew that an animal of the ape species, and ■which bears a deformed resemblance of the human kind, is found in Western Africa: but a testimony of a yet more satisfactory nature, and more to the point, as it comes from the very quarter, almost the very spot, in which the above adven- ture of Hanno is placed, is before us. Dr. Afzelius has brought with him from Serra Leena, a dead specimen of this ape, which not only approaches nearer to the human form, than any other kind of ape, but whose deportment and habits, whilst living, bespoke a superior degree of intelligence to that of mere brute animals. In tiie description given by Purchas, it is said that the Pongoes " are never taken alive, because of their great strength ; unless by killing the females, they take the young ones that hang fast upon the mother." It has been observed that those were females which Hanno took ; but which ** attacked their conductors with their teeth and hands," so that they were, in effect, compelled to kill them. Perhaps these might have been a dam with its female young. VOrAGE OF HANNO. 723 We shall first proceeed to inquire into the interval of time era- ployed, in the act of sailing, and the space gone through, as far as they can be collected from the journal ; as these facts, combined with the circumstances of description, will enable us to refer the matter to a geographical test. The aggregate of the time employed, during* the voyage, cannot, however, be obtained ; for we are left totally in the dark during the early and greater part of the voyage, resj^ecting both the rate of sailing, and the number of days they were in motion. This inter- val includes the space, generally, between the strait of Gibraltar and the river St. Cyprian (taken for the greater Lixus), with the exception of the two first days sail, between the strait and Thymia- terium, supposed to be Marmora. But from the Lixus, the time seems to be regularly given, to the conclusion of the voyage, south- ward. As in the discussion of the position of the promontory of Soloeis, it became necessary to enter into the particulars of the early part of this voyage from the strait, southward, to the river Lixus, we shall beg leave to refer the reader to Section XVI, page 415, et seq. for our observations on that part. The particulars of the time from the greater Lixus, southward, are as follow : From the Lixus, along the coast of a desert country, soicthward _-_____2 days. From thence, eastward, to the island of Cerne - 1 — 3 From Cern^, coasting the shore of the Ethiopians, to the neighbourhood of some mountains - - 12 Sailing round the mountains, to a vast opening of the sea, bordered by plains . - _ _ _ 2 — 14, 17 4 Z 2 724 VOYAGE OF HANNO. Carried forward To a large bay or gulf, called the IVestern Horn - 5 (N. B. Here, although there seems to be an omissmi of time, yet it is probably occasioned by the mode of expression, in the text). To the Chariot of' the Gods, a high mountain, which had fire on it ------ - ^ To a bay called the Southern Horn - _ _ g Day*. 17 12 Total 29 In our idea, it is impossible to refer the first 17 days to any part of the coast of Africa, except to that between the river St. Cyprian, and the mouth of the Gambia. The tzvofrst days, southtvard, from the Lixus, and the third, east-ward, to the island of Ceme, express the sailing round the land of Cape Blanco ;* and from that Cape, across the bay to Arguin ; which they found situated " in a recess of a bay." Next, the 1 2 days southtvard, coasting the shore of the Ethiopians, on the last of which days, " they approached some large mountains covered zvitb trees, (the wood of which was sweet-scented and variegated)," agrees to the description of the coast, between Arguin and Cape Verd; for, sailing round these mountains, in two days, they came to " an immense opening of the sea ; on each side of which, towards the continent, was a plain :" now this is perfectly descriptive of sailing round the high land of Cape Verd, which is covered witii trees, of a lively verdure ; and of their arrival at the wide embouchure of the Gambia river, known to them only as " a great opening of the sea." Cape Verd appears to have been re-discovered in modern times, • The distance is, in fact, about 90 miles between St. Cyprian and C. Blanco ; but the current is known to run with great velocity round the projecting shore be- tween C. Barbas and C. Blanco : and, of course, along a par/ of the way from the latter, towards Arguin, also. VOYAGE OF HANNO. 725 by the Portugueze, about the year 1447. Here are the descriptions of it, by Caddjnosta and Le Maire, at a subsequent period. " It is a high and beautiful cape, which runs a good length into the sea, and has two hills, or small mountains, at the point of it. It is covered with trees, which continue green all the year round." (Cadamosta. ) " This famous promontory is named from the perpetual verdure of the adjacent country, abounding with beautiful lofty trees. It is very distinguishable in coming from the north, which side is some- what mountainous. The south side, though low, is pleasant, the strand being adorned with long rows of large trees, standing as re- gularly as if planted by art." (Le Maire. ) Perhaps, the contrast between the low, flat, desert coast of Sene- gal, and the elevated land of C. Verd, might have led Hanno to describe the land of the cape, more lofty than it really is. The mouth of the Gambia (or Gam bra) is described by Cada- mosta to be no less than six or eight miles wide, at the entrance ; with lozv shores. It may be added, that in this quarter Hanno first saw the fires occasioned by the burning of the herbage; agreeing, with Mr. Park's account, as wc have remarked, in page 721.* * The statement of the date of Cadamosta's voyage, given by the Author, in the Appendix to Mr. Park's Travels, having been flatly contradicted in the Critical Review for August 1799, the Author finds himself called on to say a word in de- fence of it, since it was necessary to quote the same author again, in this place. The Reviewer says, " Major Renncll supposes that the Venetian Cadamo.sta wrote in the 15th century : and indeed he expressly assigns him to the year 1455. If the Major could not have recourse to the first Edition of Cadamosta's Voyages, printed at Fentce in 1507, he might at least have consulted the old Latin translation, in that common book, the Nevus Orhis of GryNwEUS. He would there have found, that Cadamosta left Venice in 1504, in the 2 1st year of his age, and that he sailed to Africa, in March, 1505." The Reviewer is perfectly right in saying that Grymus has the date 1505 : but the matter is far othcrw ise, in the original Edition of 1507, printed at Venice, and to which he so confidently refers ; as also in Ramusio ; and wc believe every wlicre else, except yog VOYAGE OF HANNO. Here it is necessary to remark, that this was the second time, that our voyagers had sailed to the sout/nvard, from Cern6 : and that the first time, they v^^ent no farther, apparently, than the Senegal river. Leaving Cerne, the first time, they sailed up the river Cbretes, by in Grynaus. In those, it is clearly 1455- The original edition is a scarce book, and the Author could find it no where, but in the library of his friend Mr. Dalrymple. Whose copy the Reviewer examined, we arc not told : but it would, to be sure, be an odd coincidence, if the same faulty copy which misled Grynxus, should also have fallen into the hands of our Reviewer ! He, perhaps, will inform the public where it is, that it may not mislead others. The Reviewer, by the bye, has betrayed no small degree of ignorance of his sub- ject, by allowing these dates (if the supposed faulty copy really exists) to mislead him so widely: for a Critic should have known that the date 1505, could have no reference to the voyages of Cadamosta. The suite of voyages of discovery made by order of the Portugueze, along the western coast of Africa, in which those of Cada- mosta, in 1455, and 1456, are included, terminated in i486, by the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, by B. Diaz: and De Gama sailed round it to India, in 1497. Moreover, Prince Henry, who employed Cadamosta, died in 1463. It is unpleasant to be thus compelled to solicit the attention of the reader, to per- sonal matters ; but in a case where palpable ignorance must be placed to the account, either of the Author, or of the Reviewer (who has gone very far indeed out of the way, in order to pass an unmerited censure), it is proper that the reader should know on whose side the blame lies. The reader may satisfy himself, by a reference to the history of the above voyages ; and of the fact of Cadamosta being employed by Prince Henry of Portugal (who, we repeat, died in 1463), at the beginning of the history of the voyage itself, either in Ramusio or Grynxus : the latter of which authors was no doubt well apprized of the true date, notwithstanding the slip in his book. As to the other remarks on his geography of Africa, in the same Review, the Author cannot, with propriety, enter into an examination of them, in this place ; otherwise than to say, that they chiefly arise from the Reviewer's pinning his faith on Leo, whose authority we have disregarded, in much of what relates to the interior of Africa ; because he seems to have written from hearsay. A man who says that the river of Tombuctoo runs to the west, can hardly expect to be believed, at this time, concerning what he relates of that quarter of Africa. The Reviewer " advises the Major to read books, instead of merely consulting them." On this occasion it is almost needless to remark, that it is better even to consult books, than to read them with so little effect, as the adviser has done. But we beg pardon of the reader, for intruding so long on his time and patience. VOYAGE OP HANNO. 787 which we understand the river of St. John, situated at about 60 miles southward from Arguin, or Cern6. This river led them to a lake, which had in it " three islands, larger than Cerne ; from which, proceeding a day's sail, they came to the extremity of the lake, that was overhung by large mountains inhabited by savage men, clothed in skins of wild beasts, who drove them away by throwing stones, and hindered them from landing." At present, there are four large islands in the space of about 30 miles, surrounded partly by the coast, partly by banks in the sea ; and which space may probably be meant for the lake ; but it is certain that the river of St. John, at this time, falls into that part of the lake, which is the most distant from Arguin. The land at the extremity of the lake, may well be understood by Cape Mirie ; which is about a day's sail (of the ancient standard) from the opposite side of the above described inclosed space. " Sailing thence, they came to another river, wliich was large and broad, and full of crocodiles, and river horses ; whence returning back, they came again to Cern6." In this river then, we recognise the Senegal. At present its embouchure is more than 200 miles be- yond Cape Mirie ; but it has been shewn that there is reason to sup- pose that it once joined the sea, at a place 6'o' higher up, towards Mirie. (See page 705). Had the great river in question been the Gambia, we should have heard of sailing round the mountains (i. e. Cape Verd) in xho first voyage. On the contrary, it appears that Cape Verd was a nexv object, in the second voyage. Besides the agreement of so many particulars, in regular succes- sion, the distances on the intervals of time, will be found to agree likewise. Thus for instance, on the 14 days sailing from Cern^, to the great opening, the first 12, on a southerly course, brought them to the mountains covered with trees : that is, to Cape Verd : and 2 more to the great opening, or mouth of the Gambia river. The space on the map, is 480 G. miles, coastwise ; wliich allows 34 and a fraction per day. It has appeared that 35 was the mean 728 VOYAGE OF HAN NO. rate of sailing, on ordinary occasions : here their business was disco- very ; and it is said that they coasted the shore very close, and with a view to a communication with the natives ; wlio, however, either kept aloof, or only approached to prevent their landing. This, necessarily delayed them : and we must therefore account for their quick progress, from the southerly current already described to run along the coast, from the parallel of Cape Cantin to Cape Verd; and which balanced the loss by delay. In eifect then, the suite of positions may be regarded as fixed, as far as the Gambia : and indeed, it seems to be established by com- mon consent, that Arguin represents Cern6, and the river of Sene- gal that of the crocodiles and river horses ; but M. Bougainville sui5- poses the high land to be that of Serra Leona. To have reached this point, however, in 13 or 14, days from Cern6, theymust have sailed every day, from 60 to 64 miles, which is highly improbable, as their object could only have been pursued with effect in day- light.* It was necessary, in order to establish clearly the position of Cern6, in this discussion, to extend the chain of distance to the Gambia, in the first instance, in order to shew its relative situation, both ways : and regarding Cerne as the term of the first division of the voyage, and where the plan of colonization ended, we shall de- tain the reader here a moment, whilst we mention some particulars concerning it, and its supposed relative position, to Carthage. An assertion occurs in the journal, which has hitherto passed un- regarded (we believe); for, if taken absolutely, it is not true: and no one has thought of explaining it. It is said, " we judged from our voyage, that this place lay in a direct line with Carthage : for the length of our voyage from Carthage to the Pillars, was equal to that from the Pillars to Cerne." It seems then, that by their sea reckoning, tliey had only advanced as far, since leaving the strait, as from Carthage to the strait : but the map shews that the hne from * See Mem. Acad. Inscrip. Vol. xxvi. VOYAGE OF HANNO. 729 the strait to Arguin, is 320 G. miles longer, than that to Carthage.* Now, it has appeared, page 700, that a constant current runs to the south, along the western coast of Africa : and this accounts, most completely, for the error of the reckoning ; and is, indeed, no con- temptible evidence, in favour of the general truth of the journal. But the expression of being on a line with Carthage, is singular, wlien it was neither on the same parallel, nor under the same meri- dian. What then constituted the line, in question ? Was it the base of a supposed isosceles triangle ; and that the Author meant to say nothing more, than that they had come dozen from the vertex of that triangle, as much as they had gone up^ One thing appears certain ; that is, that no ideas of latitude and longitude existed at • that time. If we suppose (as before) the southern current to commence about Cape Cantin, the fleet of Hanno might have been subject to its influence near a month, considering the nature of the service in hand ; which we may conceive to be that of examining the coasts for places of shelter for sliips; and for situations proper to found cities in ; as also of making inquiries, concerning objects of com- merce. Hence it will not appear extraordinary, that they should have been carried 320 miles beyond their reckoning. In the oiling, between Madeira and Cape Verd, the Grenville was set to the south- ward, Qj miles in 10 days; and from England to Madeira, 206 in 16 days, in the month of May. Cenie, or rather Kerne, called by the modern Europeans Arguin, and by the people of the opposite continent, Ghir, is in extent only a few miles. The journalist allows it a circuit of live stadia only; an evident mistake, as it contained a city and colony. As the Cai- thaginians and Phoenicians possessed it in ancient times, so have several of the European nations, in succession, in modern times : and amongst the rest, the English. It is at present deserted, as the establishments on the Senegal river, answer the purpose better : • See again No. XI, at page 7iq. ./J A 730 VOYAGE OF HANNO. but the ancients seem to have possessed no settlement beyond Cerne.* The articles of commerce collected by the traders at this place, were chiefly ivory, and tlie skins of lions, panthers, and other animals. -f No mention is made of gum, a staple article in modern times ; or of gold ; but this latter is collected farther to the south. We shall now enter on the second division of the voyage of Hanno, which seems to have been confined solely to objects of dis- covery. As far as the Gambia, this part has been already consi- dered : and we shall continue it from that point, " Having supplied themselves with water, they sailed onwards five days, keeping near the shore ; and then came to a large bay, which their interpreters (the Lixita) told them was called the fVestern Horn. In this, was a large island, and in the island a salt water lake ; and in this another island, where, when they had landed, they could discover nothing in the day-time except trees ; but in the night they saw many fires burning, and heard the sound of pipes, cymbals, drums, and confused shouts. They were then terrified, and their diviners order them to abandon the island." The ba}' or gulf of Bissago (or Bissao) is about 190 G. miles from the mouth of the Gambia, and the island of Bulam, which forms a part of its southern shore, short of 200. There are several islands within the ba}', and opposite to the coast, lies the extensive range of islands and shallows, known by the name of the Bissagoes; sheltering the coast for about 120 miles. J The distances just men- tioned agree well to five ordinary days sailing ; and what is more to the purpose, no other part of the coast, within such a distance as is at all applicable to the question, forms a sound of such a shape, as answers in any degree, to the idea of a born ; as will appear by in- • For an account of Arguin, see Labat's Voyages, and also Astley's Collection of Voyages, Vol. ii. + Scylax, p. 54. % These are the Gcrgades of Pliny, vi. 31. VOYAGE OF HANNO. 73I specting the cliart, at page yig. We are aware that Ptolemy and Phny, in which they are followed by M. D'Anville and M. Bou* gainville, refer the horns to promontories, and not to inlets of the sea. However probable such an idea might have been, had the term been given, without the description, yet here the description is perfect in both the western and southern horns : they were bays or gulfs, and contained islands ; and the western horn, in particular, was said to be a large bay. Moreover, the description of the island in the latter, is that of a flat alluvial tract, covered with trees ; agreeing to that of the islands, in and about this gulf, which are formed of the depositions of the Rio Grands, and other streams, that roll down vast quantities of mud and sand, when swoln by the periodical rains. Considering the vast changes that alluvial tracts undergo, it would be idle to expect to find the lake and island, above described; as the one may be long ago filled up, and the other become a part of the continent ; and that, without any material change having taken place, in the gefieral form of the sound itself.* Leaving the western horn, " they passed by a country which was on fire ; and streams oi fire appeared to run into the sea -f- They sailed quickly thence, and at the end of four days, discovered at night a country full of fire. In the middle was a lofty fire, larger than the rest, which seemed to touch the stars. When day came, • An island in this gulf or sound, is now named Sorcerer's Island ; for what rea- son, is not said. This was the term of the voyage of Cadaniosta, in 1456: and which is said to have been discontinued, because the interpreters had got out of their knowledge. Those of Hanno (the LixltaJ failed him, before he doubled Cape Verd ; although he took the name of this Western Horn from the same interpreters. It is not said who told him the name of the Southern Horn : but it is certain that the interpreters furnished him with the name of the Gorillte, which are also lound liigher up the coast, towards the Gambia. + See above, page 721. 5 A 2 732 VOYAGE OF HANNO. they discovered it to be a large hill, called the Chariot of the Gods* On the third day after their departure thence, having sailed by those streams of Jire, they arrived at a bay called the Southern Horn ; at the bottom of which lay an island, as in the former, having in it a Jake, and in that lake another island,-f- full of savage people," &c. It was here, that the Gorillcc were taken (of which we have already spoken) ; and this was the term of the voyage of Hanno, southward. We shall now examine the suite of positions, from the bay of Bis- sago, or the Western Horn, southward. Twelve days are enumerated between the Gambia, and the Southern Horn ; of which five had elapsed at their coming to their station in the Western Horn ; and we remarked that the distance to Bissago from the Gambia, was 190 miles ; being equal to 38 miles per day ; which exceeds but little the mean rate. If the amount of seven more such days sailing, equal to 26'6 miles, be extended southward along shore, it reaches to Plantain Island, situated at about 40 miles beyond Scrra Leona ; and if this island, together with the chain of islands that extend from Cape St. Anne, may be allowed to form the entrance of Shcrbro' Sound, we have in that sound, in point of form, a southern horn, which is much on a par with the western one: and it may be added, that, between the two, no bay or sound of such considerable depth and extent occurs, that can be compared with either : and that of Serra Leona, which has the fairest claim of any, does not accord with the situation.]; A suspicion might arise that an interval of time has been omitted, between the Western Horn, and the hill named the Chariot of the Gods ; but besides that a mountain, answering to the description and * It does not appear, who named this mountain : probably the Carthaginians themselves. t What has been said respecting the changes by alluvions in the Western Horn, applies equally here. See the last page. X See again the Map at page 719. VOYAGE OF HANNO. 733 position, is found in that of Siigres (vulg. Sangaree), there is a notice in Pliny, that serves to confirm the statement of the four days saihng only, from the fVestern Horn. For Pliny says this, in positive terms, lib. vi. c. 30. Moreover, the mountain boing situated at about 180 G. miles* from the NW part of the bay of Bissago, agrees very well to the four days sail ; as they came in sight of it only, on the evening of the fourth day. It is true, that, at the rate at which they sailed between the Gambia river and Bissago, they should have been 28 miles short of Sagres, on that evening ; but altliough it be necessary to calculate a mean rate for the great portions of distance, yet it is obvious, that at any given time, the fleet might have been more or less advanced, than that mean rate may point out. Moreover, along this whole coast, ow- ing doubtless to the great number of sounds, rivers, and inlets, that penetrate it to a great depth, regular and strong tides prevail: which, of course, might have been made use of, to aid the pro- gress. The description of the mountain of Sagres, combined with that of the adjacent coasts, impresses more conviction respecting its being the hill intended by the Chariot of the Gods, than the mea- sure of the distance alone ; whether that might be either four, or five, days sail. Lieut. Matthews' Chart of the coast between Rio Nunez and Shcrbro' ; together with his description (in page 10, ct seq.), shews us that this coast, which extends 65 leagues, or near 200 G. miles, is, with the exceptions which we shall presently state, exceedingly low, to the extent of 5 to 20 miles inland (he compares it to the land at the mouths of the Ganges, which he had probably seen) ; when it rises gradually ; and at 30, to 4,0 miles, swells into lofty mountains, that may be seen 20 or 25 leagues off at sea. The ex- ceptions to this flat shore, are, first, a lateral chain of high hills, * If reckoned from the SE part of the bay, the distance will be 17 or 18 miles less. 734' VOYAGE OF HANNO. which strikes off" from the great inland mountains, by the straight- est line to the neighbourhood of the coast, where it terminates in a lofty conical mountain before spoken of under the name of Sanga- ree, or more properly, Sagres. The other exception is, the moun- tainous coast of Serra Leona, which is about 24 miles in extent, along the coast, and is connected with the great inland ridge, by lateral chains of hills. The space between Sagres, and the nearest part of this mountainous coast, appears to be 50 to 55 G. miles : so that Sagres itself rises from a coast, which is perfectly flat, to such an extent inland, as to render this mountain the great marked feature of the coast. As such it is therefore regarded; and M. Bellin calls it in his Chart, the land-mark for the coast : for in ap- proaching it from the sea, it has the appearance of a single moun- tain : and at a distance, along shore, of a lofty promontory. Piedro de Cintra discovered this mountain, and the point of Tum- ba,* (within which it stands, at the distance of a few miles) in 1462. His seamen thought it the highest land they had seen. They gave it the name of Sagres, from the fortress of that name, built by Prince Henry of Portugal, on one of the points of Cape St. Vin- cent; a situation apparently chosen by him, because it commanded a grand and extensive prospect of the ocean, to which his magnifi- cent views were extended. This Sagres was distinguished from the other, by being called Cape Sagres of Giiijica. Prince Henry died in the following year.-j- * The Portuguezc called it Cape Sagres, from the mountain seen over it. The islands De Loss, lie opposite to it, in the offing. Lieut. Matthews places Sagres in lat. 9° 17'; Dr. Wadstrom's Chart, in 9° 24'. The maps of this whole coast, arc generally bad : an instance of which may be seen by comparing Governor Dawes's survey of a part of the coast, in Dr. Wadstrom's map, with the ordinary ones. In constructing that of North Africa, in 1798, it was found that the general charts erred several degrees of longitude in the extent of the coast of Guinea. t It appears that the first discoverers, in modern times, the Portuguezc, extended ihc name of Guinea to the coast of Serra Leona, and apparently as far as Rio Grande. VOYAGE OF HANNO, 735 This mountain then, may justly be regarded as the Tbcon Ochema, Deorum Curnis, or Chariot of the Gods, of our voyagers. What the nature of the fire on it, might be, we know not : but Dr. Afzelius, who visited it during his residence in that country, pronounces tliat it is not a volcanic mountain. As we may conclude that the exten- sive fires belozv, were occasioned by the burning of the rank herbage in the alluvial plains, for the purposes mentioned by Mr. Park, it is easy to conceive that tlie fire might ascend the mountain, and burn the dry herbage there, also. Pliny, however, certainly re- garded it as a volcano ; lib. vi. c. 30. The Portugueze discoverers remarked no fires till they came into the neighbourhood of Caj^e Monte : but it might have been during a different season, from that in which Hanno visited it. The next, and last, interval of distance, is between this moun- tain and the Southern Horn; and was three days sail. Serra Leona is 50 miles, only, from Sagres, and therefore is too near. But Sherbro', as we have said, agrees. For, if the entrance of this sound, or inlet, is admitted to be formed by Plantain Island, on the one side, and the islands of St. Anne, on the other, the dis- tance is no more than 92 miles from Sagres : but admitting the sound to commence at Cape St. Anne, then 112; which allows 34, miles per day : or taking the whole distance from the Gambia, 482 miles,* this divided by 12, the number of sailing days, gives a rate of about 4,0 per day; which docs not much exceed the mean rate. Sherbro', as nearly as can be judged from the imperfect charts now in use, is a kind of sound formed by one large island, and a great many small ones ; and receives into it, three principal rivers, from the side of the continent. Its whole length appears to be fifty miles, and breadth at the western entrance, more than fifteen. Jen- kin's Town lies towards the most retired part of it ; in which there are some other small islands. * That is, from the Gambia to Bissago, 190 ; to Sagres, 180 ; and thence to St, Anne's, 112 : total, 482. >j^c^6 VOYAGE OF HANNO. We feel no hesitation in pronouncing this, to be the Southern Horn, described by Hanno ; and the term of his expedition, south- ward : for, it may be repeated, small difierences, whether in point of distance, or of time, are not to be regarded. And if a mean be taken on the whole voyage from Cerne to Shcrbro', the result will not exceed the mean of all tiie examples of the rate of sailing of ancient ships, set forth in the notes to page 679 : that is, 37 G. miles. In effect, two bays or sounds, answering to those described by Hanno ; and which have between them, at the prescnbed distance, a mountain answering to that called the Chariot of the Gcds ; that is, at four days sail from the one, and three from the otlier; can only be found at Bissago and Sherbro'. Those who may be inclined to consider Serra Leona as the Southern Horn, must recollect that the position of the mountain of Sagres, will not suit the length of the intervals : and the other high lands, are too near to Bissago. Ptolemy's Western Horn is a cape, agreeing pointedly to that of Sagres, or Tumba ; his Deorum Currus is a ridge of mountains, very far inland ; (and to the south of the Horn); and the point, at which he places the utmost limit of the knowledge of navigators in the ocean, is about nine degrees, or 54,0 miles in distance, to the SE of the Arsinarium promontoiy, or Cape Verd ; whence it has almost exactly the same relative agreement with that cape, as the point of termination of the voyage of Hanno, has in our geography. It cannot however, be known, from what sources, Ptolemy drew his knowledge : but if from the voyage of Hanno, it cannot well be accounted for, why he should have described as a promontory, what the journalist of Hanno describes as a bay, or sound. One must conclude tliat any person who had read that journal, could not have made such a mistake. Pliny had heard of the voyage of Hanno, but believed that the account of it was lost : for he says, lib, v. c. 1 , tiiat no memorial of VOYAGE OF IIANNO. 737 that voyage, or remains of the cities, were to be found. But he had notwithstanding collected several particulars relating to it, which he must therefore have found in other authors, who perhaps extracted them from the original journal, without quoting the authority. It is also to be remarked, that he had heard many ])articulars relating to the voyage of Polybius, and may have referred some of them to that of Hanno. He had also heard (see the same chapter) that the Ethiopians kept within doors in the day, and recreated themselves abroad, with music, in the night ; as Hanno says. It has also been re- marked that he had heard of the Western Horn, and of the moun- tain that was on fire. There is also a remark in the same author, whicii shews his idea of the position of the Western Horn ; which he supposed (naturally enough, as he had not read Hanno's journal), to have been a pro- montory. Says he, lib. vi. 31, " Here (i. e. at the Western Horn) the coast frst begins to face the west ; or to look towards the At- lantic sea :" tiiat is, as we understand it, the coast there turned from zvest to Jtorth. Applied critically, this answers only to Cape Roxo, which is situated about 120 G. miles to the WNW of Bis- sago, the supposed bay, or honi, intended by Hanno. » Pliny says further, that opposite to this horn, are the islands of the Gorgades, two days sail from the continent; and where Hanno caught the two savage women, whose skins he carried back to Car- thage. The islands intended, are therefore the Bissagoes, an archi- pelago which extends two degrees along the coast, and some part of which, is certainly, near two days sail from the nearest shore. But as the archipelago extends all the way from a point opposite Cape Roxo, to the bay of Bissago, one of these places is as much opposite to the islands, as the other ; therefore nothing can be col- lected from this circumstance, towards proving which of the two places is to be taken for the Western Horn, intended by Pliny ; but .'jB 7.']8 VOYAGE OF HAN NO. tlie former observation, respecting the change of direction of the coast, points clearly to Cape Roxo. Perhaps, the registers of the times had confounded together the islands that lay oft' the bay of Bissago (Western Horn) and the island in the bay of Sherbro' (Southern Horn) ; where the Gorilla;, called by Phny, Gorgades, were taken. It may therefore be conceived, from a combination of the notices in Pliny, that the Western Horn which he, as well as Ptolemy, had iieard of, was a promontory : although the context proves, by the relative position of the mountain of Sagres, that the bay of Bissago is the place to be fixed on, for the Western Horn described by Han no. Again, this mountain of Sagres has been shewn to be the \\^estern Horn, intended by Ptolemy : and which, in liis geography, is suc- ceeded by a ridge of mountains named Deorum Currits, ( or Chariot of the Gods) ;* and this again, by the termination of the discove- ries, southward; in regular and proper order: and what is more, the latter statioji is at such a distance from Cape Verd, as to agree with Sherbro'. -f This circumstance is of no inconsiderable weight, in favour of our opinion, respecting the position of the Southern Hem, and the term of Hanno's expedition. But even if, following Pliny, we take Cape Roxo, or following Ptolemy, w-e take Cape Sagres, for the W'estern Horn ; it will be found that the bay of Bissago is nearly at a mean between the two : and, according to the text of Hanno, the Horn ought unquestionably to be a bay or inlet of the sea. And, on the whole, the term of the voyage of Hanno, cannot, in the view of general geography, be greatly mis- understood. And this term was doubtless either at Serra Leona, or Sherbro'; but far more probably the latter, as well from position, ■as description. * This ridffe appears to be meant for the hio;h lanJ of Serra Leona. t On the map of Ptolemy, it is 9 degrees, or 540 miles ; and on ours, 9}, or 560. VOYAGE OF IIANN'O. •39 Here it may be proper to add a remark or two, on Ptolemy's geography of this quarter. Altliougli his chart of the western coast of Africa, lias, in its com- position, the materials furnished by navigations posterior to those of Necho and Hanno ; yet the term of those navigations, in other words, the boundary of discovery, appears clearly to be the same with that of Hanno. Now, it seems improbable tliat other navigators should have ter- minated their progress, precisely at the same point with Hanno ; when the circumstance that arrested his progress, was the want of provisions ! Indeed, had it been at a promontory which formed the termination of a continent, and in a stormy sea withal, tliis might have happened repeatedly : but the tenn of discovery in ques- tion was situated on a straight coast, which presented no obstacles to their progress. The chart of Ptolemy may even have received aids from the ob- servations of Polybius : but, at all events, there arise in it, strong proofs, that parts of it were formed of materials of a date posterior to Hanno. For instance, in the journal of this commander, the river Gambia is no otherwise noted, than as a great opening of the sea, with a plain on each side of it; but it appears in its pi^oper form, and with a name to it, in Ptolemy. Other instances might be adduced. Hence it appears that other voyagers had filled up some of the blanks, left by Hanno, although none of them might have proceeded so far as he had : and these might have conducted the traffic in gold, mentioned by Herodotus. See page 716'. In effect, Ptolemy's geography of this coast, may be supposed to mark the extent of the Egyptian and Carthaginian traffic, at a period long after the famous voyage set on foot by Necho ; probably whilst it was yet remembered, although it might have been, for- got in the lime of Ptolemy. We shall close our geographical remarks, with some strictures 5B 2 74.0 VOYAGE OF HANNO. on the opinions of some celebrated modern geograpliers, on the subject of this voyage. Amongst tliese, M. D'Anville, (who, if not always right, is, for the most part, nearer to it than others), agrees with our ideasgenenilly, as to the extent of the voyage; but differs in the detail. M. D'Anville has not ventured to place the promontory of So- loeis, in his Orbis veteribus 7wtus. The Western Horn, according to him, is Cape Roxo ; the southern one, Cape St. Anne, or the point of Sherbro' sound : and the mountains of Serra Leona, repre-« sent the Chariot of the Gods. Hence it appears evident, that this great geographer followed the authorities of Pliny and Ptolemy, in preference to that of the journal of Hanno. As to M. Bougainville, his judgment appears to have forsaken him entirely. The foundation of liis principal error, lies in the sup- position that the ancient ships sailed at much the same rate, as the modern ones. In the journal, 26 sailing days are reckoned between Cern^ and the place of the Gorillce. M. Bougainville places the latter in the bay, or bight of Be?iin, nearly 1900 G. miles from Cern^ (or Arguin) ; so that he transports the voyagers in 26" days, as far as Capt. Price, in the Royal Charlotte East Indiaman, in 1793, sailed in 23 days, with a fair wind, and favourable current: for this was the interval of time employed, between the parallel of Arguin and the meridian of Benin ! This might suffice : but we shall also remark that M. Bougainville's tzco horns are Cape Pal- mas and Cape Three-Points ; between which he finds the hill Deoruni Curriis. These points are 270 miles asunder; so that, as seven days sail are allowed between them, in* the journal, a rate of 39 only per day, arises here, notwithstanding he is so extravagant elsewhere. But there is no end to his mistakes. As M. Bougainville doubles the extent of the voyage from Ceme, ' so Mr. Gosselin contracts the ichole extent of it, within Cape Nun : for it seems, he confines all the ancient navigations within this VOYAGE ei HAN'NO. 74,1 boundary.* Mr. Gosselin confines it to less than 4- of tlie space allowed by Bougainville ; ^ of that allowed by D'Anville. What a contrariety of opinions ! Not to insist on tlie improbability of Hanno's employing 32^ days ^the specified number, although the voyage was certainly longer) in sailing from the strait to CajXi Nun, which allows a rate of about 17 per day, only; it may be asked, where, within Cape Nun, are to be found the deep bays with islands ; the island of Cern6, situated in a deep recess of the land, which was a day's sail across ; the great river which contained cro- codiles and river horses ; tiie Ethiopians, and the Gorill^e ? Certainly not in the kingdoms of Morocco and Sus. Having, we trust, arranged the geography, or rather the iiydro- graphy, of the voyage, we shall add a few remarks which naturally arise on the subject of the voyage itself. It has appeared that the Carthaginian or Libyphoenician cities founded by Hanno, were all situated between the strait of Gibraltar and the river Senegal ; and of these, all but Cern6, to the north of Cape Bqjador. It does not appear that any attempt was made to fix an establishment to the southward of Cern^, notwithstanding that they sailed into the river of St. John (Cbretes), as well as into that of Senegal, which we must naturally suppose to be the one which was said to be " large and broad, and full of crocodiles and river horses." This was the extent of the first expedition of disco- very, southward from Cerne : and it may be supposed, with a part of the fleet only (as they were repulsed in their attempt to land, in the river Chretes) whilst the crews of the rest might have been employed in the formation of the new settlement, and in collecting provisions. In the second expeditioii southward, tiioy double Cape Verd, and sail across the mouth of the Gambia, called by them " an immense opening of the sea," bounded by plains. As discovery seems to ^ • See note to page 673. 743 VOYAGE OF HANNO. have been at least a part of their object, it appears strange that they should not have sailed into it : and equally so that they sliould not have discovered, by appearances, that it was the mouth of a large river. This circumstance sec^ns, at least, to establish a fact, respecting the season, in which they visited this coast : which was probably when the waters of the Gambia ran pure, and with an easy current, into the sea. It was therefore the season of northerly winds, and dry weather ; that is, after October : and tliis has already ap- peared, by the fires, which can only be referred to the annual burning of the dry herbage, some time after the rainy season. It is indeed remarkable, that beyond that of Senegal, no men- tion is made of any river ; although they certainly entered the mouth of the Rio Grande, and that of Sherbro' : but perhaps this ouglit to be placed to the account of the extreme brevity of the abstract. As far as the scanty notices in the journal, allow a judgment to be formed, one may certainly suppose that the greater river Lixus, (taken for that of St. C3'prian, upwards of 90 miles to the northward of Cape Blanco) was the utmost bounds of the Cartliaginian know- ledge, previous to this expedition. They seem to have been well acquainted with the Lixita ; and therefore, it must be supposed, had visited that coast before. Beyond this ti'ibe, their knowledge seems to have been extremely vague, and rested on the information of others. Next to the Lixita? were the Ethiopians, styled " inhospitable" by the journalist : and it appears that these extended along the whole coast, to Cape Verd. As their language is said to have been unintelligible to tlie Lixitie, who performed the office of in- terpreters to the Carthaginians, they must of course have been a diflerent nation ; but it :^ay be questioned, whether they were Negroes. Tiicir being blacker than the northern tribes, with whom the Carthaginians were accustomed to communicate, might VOYAGE OF HAN'NO. 743 alone occasion the application of Ethiopian to them : and they may have been either the Leuccetbiopes, whom Pliny places to the north- ward of Nigritia (lib. v. 8), or the Sanbagi, or Assanhagi, from whom the promontory of Cape-Verd is named in Ptolemy. (See above, p. 428.) In all probability, the Negroes were never settled very far to the north of the arable lands. The ideas of Hero- dotus res])ecting the two nations of Africans, and Ethiopians (Moors and Negroes), will be found, in p. 427. No kind of traffic was opened with any of the southern tribes, during this voyage. All was hostility on the south of Cerne. Considering then, the nature of this voyage, is it an improbable conjecture that it was a consequence, either immediate, or remote, of the voyage set on foot by Necho ; and which discovered to the Carthaginians, though, perhaps, unintentionally, certain sources of traffic, (gold particularly), as well as proper stations for colo- nial establishments ? The historical facts are so scanty, here, that we are even left to conjecture the cause of an extensive system of colonization, executed at once, so contrary to the usual practice, which proceeds gradually in such a work.* We susi:)ect that the Egyptians at that period, are to be regarded as rivals in commerce and discovery, to the Carthaginians: that the celebrated voyage of the former, in which they were aided by Phoenician experience and skill, must have excited a great degree of commercial jealousy amongst the Carthaginians, who would doubtless seize on every opportunity of contravening the trading schemes of others : and wei-e alive to everv nautical discovoi^v. Let * Dr. Franklin supposed that no more than So, coo English people had been brought over to America, out of the million vviiich it was supposed to contain, in 1751. The Doctor adds, " This million doubling, suppose but once in 25 years, will, in another century, be more than the people of England ; and the greatest mimber of Englishmen will he on this side the water." But it seems that the in- crease has proceeded even more rapidly than the Doctor expected. 741 VOYAGE or HANNO. it be recollected what rlvalship was excited in Europe by the disco- veries of the Portugueze and Spaniards, at the close of the 15th century ; as well as, in a degree, by the more recent discoveries of Capt. Cook : and we may then readily conclude that the Car- thaginians, who were more commodiously situated for a commerce beyond tiie straits, tlian the Egyptians ; perhaps also, more in habits of trafiicking, would be industrious at once to avail them- selves of new advantages, by the discoveries of a rival. The placing of colonies, or in other words, of garrisons, in favourable situations, along the western coast of Africa, would have been a decisive stroke in favour of such a policy ; and a measure of this nature, combined with a further examination of the coast, south- ward, beyond the limits of their colonization, was, as we find, the scope of the Carthaginian plan, executed in part, by Hanno. Whe- ther the expedition immediatel}' followed the discoveries of Necho, or whether the subsequent reduction of Egypt and Tyre, under one master (the Assyrian), 30 or 40 years afterwards, might ren- der the measure necessary to the Carthaginians, cannot now be known : but circumstances may have determined the moment of execution, although the measure might have been decided on, from the date of the first report of the Egyptian discoveries. But, at all events, we regard the date of Hanno's expedition, to be subsequent to that of the Egyptians, under Necho ; though not long after it. We have remarked, that some of the descriptions of the lands seen by Hanno, belong to former discoveries ; and otliers, to those made during that voyage. There can be little doubt of their hav- ing a pre-knowledgc of a coast, on which they had not only deter- mined to plant colonies, but had actually sent the colonists in the fleet. However, their knowledge seems to have been so slender, in the part beyond Arguin, tiiat it could only have been derived from hearsay. As to the immediate object of the southern expedition, although VOYAGE OF HANNO. 745 it was so far a voyage of discovery, as that the coast was new to them, ye^ they appear to have been in quest of some interesting object, more remote, and which is not expressed in the journal: and the knowledge of which object, might have transpired from some of tile Egyptian circumnavigators. How far they intended to proceed, we know not : but it seems very unlikely that Hanno, at this time, intended to sail round the continent, as Pliny says he actually did (lib. ii. 57). The practicability of it, had already been decided ; so that no question of curiosity remained ; and their views o( profit were nearer home; probably in those parts known at pre- sent by the names of the Gold and Ivory Coasts. Towards that, quarter they were proceeding, when the want of provisions pre- vented their further progress ; a circumstance very likely to have taken place, in a fleet which had been crowded with passengers, during a part of their voyage: and which deficiency they had not been able to supply, because they had failed in their attempts to open a communication with the natives, along the coast. CONCLUSION. Thus having drawn from the great and celebrated work of the Father of profane History, the various geographical notices with which it abounds, the Author has endeavoured to form the whole into a general system, such, as it may be conceived, existed amongst the Greeks of that day: and having completed the plan, with great deference has submitted it to the inspection of the Public, from whose tribunal he hopes for a fiivourable judgment, since its decrees admit of no appeal. It is possible that some readers may have condemned the work, 5C 746 CONCLUSION. ibr its containing matter, in their opinion, foreign to the main subject; and others for its being, altogether, too diffuse. With re- spect to the first class, it may be remarked that any system, in order to be understood, must be regularly gone through; and it happens that the dryness of geographical detail is such, that a continued series of them would rather be referred to, than read: so that the intention of explaining a system, would of course have been frustrated. It has therefore been the study of the Author, to intermix with the geograpliical matter, such ingredients, as, whilst they ser\^ed to consolidate the whole mass into a regular form, would also give it the most agreeable colouring : in other words, that by the addition of history, which, it is the proper office of geography to explain ; by miscellaneous remarks and observations ; and occa- sionally by remarks on the physical geography ; 'he might supply in part that interest, which the generality of readers must ever find wanting, in books of science. In respect to objections to the bulk of the work, taken absolutely, the Author can only answer in the words of an eminent historian, that " he, who in the description of unknown things, affects too much brevity, seeks not so much that which should be plainly told, as that which should be passed over." * In effect, a great many of the notices afforded by Herodotus, could not be so well explained, or illustrated, as by a reference to the works of other authors ; or by the introduction of foreign matter. It is a remark of Polybius on this very subject of geography, that the ancient authors who had written concerning it, had fallen into so many errors, that it was necessary to enter into a full and deli- berate examination of them ; but, at the same time, he with great candour, allows, " that their labours deserve on the whole, rather jjraise than censure ; and that their errors are ever to be corrected in the gentlest manner ; since it is certain, that they would them- • Ammianus MarceUinus. CONCLUSION. 747 selves retract or alter many passages in their works, if they were now alive." * The Author will receive that reward for which he has toiled, if the Public, during the perusal of his work, have regarded it with the same sentiments, as those which possessed the mind of Poly- bius : and which may be productive of more advantage in the pre- sent, than in the former case ; since the Author hopes that he may be enabled, in person, to retract, or alter, what the discernment of his judges may condemn. * Lib. iii. c. 5. 5C 2 i ADDENDA. I. Concerning Babylon. C/APTAiN CuNiNGHAME passed ovcr the site of Babylon, in his way from Aleppo to Bussorah, in 1785; and thus describes what he saw: " Approaching within a few miles of Hillah, on the east side of the Euphrates, and without any expectation of seeing the ruins of any city, my attention was suddenly arrested by the sight of long mounds of earth, nmning parallel to each other, and having others crossing them at right angles. Fragments of bricks or tiles, some of variegated colours, were scattered about, and lying in the hollows between the ridges ; and at intervals, remnants of foundation walls, appeared. My guides told me it was Maclonbe ; but as I could speak little Arabic, and did not meet any one at Hillali, who could speak English, I knew not, until I reached Bussorah, what place I had seen : and that it was unquestionably the site of ancient Baby- lon, that I had passed over. " I remarked one mound that was very large, and of a circular form, and which had round its base pieces of coloured tiles or bricks : the blue colour, in particular, attracted my attention. This mound could not be far from the river, as we soon after came on its bank." (Refers to page ^6q. ) '"■ " The greater part of Hillah appears to be built of furnace-baked bricks, which is different from what I saw in other places. All Bussorah is built of sun-dried bricks : so that after heavy rain, the falling of houses into the streets, is no unusual sight." (Refers to p. 36U) 750 ADDENDA. " The city of Bussorah is certainly more than seven, but less than twelve miles in circuit. It has com fields, date groves, and gardens, within its walls. Near half of the area, I conclude, is built on." (Refers to p. 345.) II. Concerning the Oases of Egypt, and Ammon. Mr. Browne adds to his former description, the following cir- cumstances : " Even in that part of tlie district of El-Wah called Charjd, the vegetable soil by no means occupies the whole space; but each spring forms an insulated mass, round itself. Near the town, and between the gardens, is a sandy surface, in which the palm grows, but which, in great part, is not fit for gardens. There are irregu- larities of surface ; and in the lowest ground rice is cultivated. At Siwa, the soil is not so interrupted by sand, but continuous and level." (Refers to p. 54,8.) " There are sonie other villages besides those I have marked, in El-Wah, but not immediately in our route, and in themselves, in- considerable. A few scattered palm trees are also met with, at inter- vals." (Refers to p. 564,. ) " The word Gherbi, in the vulgar dialect of Egypt, is commonly used to signify ivestern ; why applied to the Lesser Oasis, I cannot positively say. — Though they sometimes, if I mistake not, call the Greater Oasis by the name of El-JVab el Kibli, which in that dia- lect means the southern." (Refers to p. 565. ) " In saying (p. 29.) that " the temple may be buried in the sand," I meant not to suggest that this could have happened at Siwa ; but, on the supposition of its having belonged to some other Oasis, that both island and temple might thus have perished." (Rt' fers to p. 602. ) ADDENDA. 75I The Committee of the African Association have just received the following short notice respecting the remains at Seewa, from Mr. Hornemann (see note to p. 602), contained in a letter from Tripoly, dated 19th August, 1799. His journal which contains the details, is not arrived. " Siwah is, without doubt, the country of the ancient Ammo- nians. I found some ruins, and a great number of catacombs, there. Of one part of the ruins, there are only the foundation walls to be seen. Another part consists of the foundation walls of a large building, within which, and near the middle of it, are seen the ruins of a remarkable edifice. It stands on an eminence, composed of limestone ; and is, as I conceive, the same tliat Mr. Browne saw. I should take these ruins, for those of the Temple of Jupiter Ammon, if the description of it in Herodotus, was not so unlike what I saw. I entered more than 80 catacombs, Tiiey were in four different places ; but there was a fifth, said to be under ground, which I could not get any body to shew me. I could find no whole mummies, but abundance of skulls, and other bones." III. Variation q/'f/je Magnetic Needle, at Alexandria. By observations made there by the French, in 1798, the varia- tion was 13° 6' westerly. M. Niebuhr reports 1 1° 4,' there, in 1761 , and M. Chazelles, from 13° 7', to 12° 30', in 1694. (See Zach's Geog. Ephem. for July 1799, p. 62). It is probable, therefore, that the variation is not taken too high, at 15°, in the meridian of Parsetonium. (Refers top. 572.) IV. Further Notices respecting the Lotus Fi'uit, appear in Mr. Brozvne's Travels. He saw two kinds in Darfoor, (Dar-Fur) named Nebbeck. (See 7^S ADDENDA. the description in p. 270.) He adds, " the natives eat the fruit, fresh or dry ; for it dries on the tree, and so remains, great j)art of the winter months. In that stite it is formed into a paste of not un- pleasant flavour, and is a portable provision on journies." Here then, we have the lotus at the eastern, as well as the western, extremity of the African Desert. (Refers to p. 629.) i INDEX. •,• The Names belonging to ancient Geography, are in Italics. The Roman Figures refer to the Preface, the Arabic ones to the Book, generally. 4-t+ Abbreviations. — I. Island. R. or Rs. River, or Rivers. Mt. or Mts. Mountain, or Mountains. C. Cape, or Promontory. L. Lake. Tr. Tribe. A. AP>ge BDULKORREBM, ... 258 Abians, supposed to be the people of the Steppe of Ablai, ... 225 Abukeir, ancient Canopus, - 525 — — — scene of the glorious battle of the Nile, ... ibid. Abulfeda, his description of the Nile, 443. Cited, . 396, 398, 425, 458, 461 j^iyrfoi, at the Hellespont, - 119 in Egypt, . - 556 Achilles, course of, - . 63 Acra, or Area, - - 424 Adyrmacbidis, a Lybian tr. - 608 an indecent custom amongst them, - - ib. Mg\s of Minerva, borrowed by the Greeks from Africa, - - 668 ^glos, supposed to mean Kil, or Kilan, 297 jEnolria, (Italy) - - 42 Afghans, taken for the ten tribes of the Jews, - - - 390 Africa, a small part of it known in detail to Herodotus, 409. Divided into three regions, 425. The Sahara, and Niger, known to him, 425, 426. The inhabitants divided into two races, Africans (Moors), and Ethiopians (Negroes), 427. His idea of the extent of .'Africa, southward, 446, et scq. Scyljx, Erastoithenes, Strabo, and Pliny, believed it to be surrounded by the ocean, 674. Dis- credited by Polybius and Ptolemy, - 675 Africa, ancient circumnavigation of, by the Egyptians, 672, et seq. Believed by Hero- dotus and Pliny, to have been accomplished Page by different persons, 672. Length of the route, 681. Brief description of the voyage, 682. Naval power of Egypt about that time, 683. A previous knowledge of the coasts of Guinea, and Sofala, supposed, 684. Also of the reigning winds, 16. and 691. Il- lustrated, by a comparison with the Portu- gueze discoveries, 685. Voyage of Colum- bus induced by a vast error in the existing systems of geography, 686. Errors of Pto- lemy, ib. The general geography of Africa known to the Arabian geographers of the 14th century, 687. Description of the ocean, by Abulfeda, 688-690. The circumnaviga- tion entirely a coasting voyage, 691. Date of the enterprize, 692. Directed by Phoe- nician mariners, 693. Circumstances much in favour of a voyage from the East, 694. Difficulty respecting provisions, 697. The ancient navigators in the habit of finding water, 698. Opposed by a current in the North Atlantic, 706. Time consumed, to the Senegal river, 707. Wait a harvest on the coast of Lybia, 708, 709. Season of harvest there, 709. Disadvantages of an- cient ships, in respect of stowage; advan. tagcs in respect of obtaining shelter, 711. Facts, illustrative of the oeconomy of ancient ships, 712. The voyage of circumnavigation forgot in Egypt, in the time of Ptolemy the geographer, 714. Parallel case in Europe, lb. Narrative of the voyage discredited, by reason of its brevity, - 717 African Association, - 434, 445, 446 Afzelius, Dr. • - 722, 735 5 ^ 754f INDEX. Page Agatbyrsi, • - • 83-87 Aggarkuf, a Chaldean building, - 383 Agreement of sacred and profane histouy, 269 Ajeroud, 455, 456. Not HeroopoJis, 457 Alarodians, • - - ~7^ Alexander's visit to Asia had the effect of con- tracting its geography, 169. Fal<;lfied it also, in some cases, 172. Alexander appears to great advantage in his communications with Calauns, - - 311 Alexandria, canal of, - - 477 - ancient and modern, different sices of, - - - - 523 AlUnHons of rivers, remarks on, 481, et seq. Progress of, 488. Sea alluvions differ from those of rivers, - - 491 Al Wahat, tract of, - - 551 Altai (or golden) mountains, - 135 Ainanus, Mt. - - - 180 Amazons, . . ^ 9J,'92 Amber country, of Herodotus, (Prussia) 3, 35, '.39 Antmoii, Oasis of, suite of positions on whicti its situation rests, 577, et seq. Remains of its temple discovered by Mr. Browne, 603 Amnion, in Africa, the same as Jupiter, 593 Anacharsis, deemed by Herodotus the only person of superior endowments amongst the Scythians, 81. Mentioned, - 161 Andropbagi, ... 83-87 Anglo-Americans, their conduct praised, 320 Antigonus, his expedition to Egypt, 261 Antonine Itinerary, 19, 22, 415, 418, 453, 454, 527 Apis, on the western frontier of Egypt, 608 Arabia, the most southerly part of Asia, ac- cording to Herodotus, - - 166 its extent under-rated, - 192 Arabian gulf, 197. The sea retires from the head of ii, 474. Probably higher than the Mediterranean, 476. Tides in, - ib. auxiliaries in Xerxes' army, 225 Arabians supply Cambyses' army with water, 256. Mode of, described, - 257 Aral lake, confounded with the Caspian sea, 132 Araxes R, the Jaxartes so called by Hero- dotus, ... - 204 — — — of Armenia, and the Jaxartes con- founded, - - - 206 and Cyrus Rs. anciently kept distinct courses to the sea, - - 276 .\rgina mine, ... 280 Argippai, - - - 130. '34 Argiiin I. (Cernc ) - - 728, 729 Anbkir mine, - - - 281 Arimaspi.ins, 131, 135. Description of, 146 Arimpbai, - - - 138 Ariiins, in tlie i6rh Satrapy of Darius Hystas- '■ I"^s, - . - ' - - 293 Aristagoras, his intrigues, Aristeas, some account of his travels, .<4rmtHW, the 13th Satrapy, - 279, a colony of Phrygians, Page 324 7S 280 ib. 596 *'i 428 455 2S6 609 Armant, or Hcrmontbis, Arrian, a striking remark of his, Arsinarlum promontory, (C. VerJey Arsinoe, (near Suez) Arlai, a Persian tr. Ashyslte, a Lybiin tr. .- . , - Asia, extent and boundary of, accwcKng ■ to Herodotus, 1(14,. ct seq. Placed by him ra- ther to the south, than the east, ot Europe, 168. Thought to have been less than Eu- rope, 165. Divided into four regions by Herodotus, 184. Remarks on this division, 190, et seq. Regarded by the Persians, as their peculiar territory, 231. Supposed length of, by the ancients, - 170 Asia, EasterH, on a higher level than the Western, - - - 183 Asiatic Cbersonesiis, or Asia Minor, 190. Con- tained four Satrapies, - 229, 232 Assyria, the 9th Satra4)y, 262. Included Sy- ria, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia ; besides Assyria proper, ib. Named KIR in flic Scriptures, ... jyi Assyrians, synoniraous to Babylonians, 263 Atbribis, - - - 513 AtLmtes, or Atranfes, - 635, 643 Atltis Major, promontory of, - 419 Minor, . - . ib. Mt. - - - 607 Alropaiia, - - - 177 Augela, position of, - 568, et seq. its dates gathered by the Nasamones, 613 Auscbisa, a Lybian tr. - - 609 Aiisenscs, an African tr. - 636 B. Baalbeit, (Temple of IsisJ - 35^0 Babel, (the modern name of the tract which contains Babylon) - 349, 350, 374 Babylon, vast revenue of, 264. Useful insti- tution at, 266. Site and remains of, 335, et seq. Founder, unknown, 336. Capital of Assyria, ib. Description of, by Hero- dotus, 337. Enormous dimensions of, re- spect only the enciente, 338. Different reports of its extent, 340. Great extent of Asiatic cities, in general, 341. Only a part of the inclosed space built on, 344. An example in Bussornh, 34;. Idea of the number of inhabitants in Babylon fnd Se- leucia, 346. Size of inland cities, limited by circumstinces, 348. Geogrnph'cjl po- INDEX. 755' Page sition of Babylon, 349-353 Public works in, 353, 354. Tunnel under the Euphrates, 356. Gates, 357. Temple and towtr of Belus, 358-360. Compared in height with the great ])yramid of Memphis, 360. Re- mains of Babylon, seen in the eastern quar- ter, by Delia Valle, 362, ei seq. ; and by Beauchamp, 367-370. Breadth of tl>e Eu- phrates, 372. Vast embankment, 373. Po- sition of the exterior of the walls of Babylon, 374. Ruins seen in the western quarter, 375. Materials of ancient cities, how cm - ployed, 377. Dimensions and nature of the bricks, 379. Cements, 380. Modern mode of building in Bagdad and Bengal, illustra- tive of the subject, 381. Layers of reeds used, 384. Decline of Babylon, 386. Its materials used to build other cities, 387. The remains of Babylon accessible, and worthy of research, 388. Further notices from Capt. Cuninghame, - 749 Babylon of Eo^y ft, (Fostat) - 452 Babylonians, (synonimous to Assyrians) 263 Bactearies, . . . 290 Bactria, or Bactriana, (the modern Balk) the most eastern province of the Persian em- pire, 297. The Macedonian empire there, by whom destroyed, 221, 226, 227. A place of banishment, - - 297 £rtc/r(<3«s, the 1 2th Satrapy, - 297 Bahr-Abiiw!, or White River, the true head of the Nile, - - - 437 Bahr-Belama, - - - 503 Balbus, his conquest oCFjezzan, &c. 616 Balchatz lake, (Palkati Nor) . - 209 '&z\]li, ( Bactria ) ■ - ■ . 297 Banks, Right Hon. Sir Josei>h, - x'l, 161 Barcauti, - - - 304 Bars of rivers, how formed, - 490 Bastarnian Alps, - - 85, 105 ^3.n\)^,or V>esiA, ( Bubastis) - 460 Beauchamp, M. - - 366, 367 Be;\nfoy, Mr. . - - 619 BtctiUth, Begdelly h, 1 ''' J tr. in Mesopotamia, J 40 Bell, Mr. - T' -:.:•• • 81, 102 Beloc, Mr. - - x, 8, 35, 146, 259 Bilbeys, town and R. of, - 462 Bithynians, . . . 240 Bitumen fountains at Hit, or Is, 337, 350 at Babylon, - - 369 Blagden, Sir Charles, - xi, 659 Boats of willows in the Euphrates, 264, 265 Boeotian emigrants, where placed in Persia, 268 Bojador, C. - - 418, 420 5o/fct//'»« mouth of the Nile, - 533 Borysthenes R. 56. Idea that it formerly ran into the Paliis Mtxotis, - 67 Bosphorus of Tbrace, description of its nar- rowest part, 119, et seq. Strong current tiuough it from the Euxitie, - 123 • Cimmerian, - 121,158 Bougainville, M. 424. His misconceptions . respecting the voyage of Hanno, 740 Boursa, (w Broussa) ancient Borsippa, or Barsita, . - - 370 Bridge of Darius, over the Bosphorus of. Thrace, . - iii^, et seq.i Bridges of Xerxes, over the Hellespont, de- scribed by Herodotus, I2Z. Remarks on the description, ib. et seq. Idea of their position, - - 125, ei seq.- Britain, and the islands of Scilly, intended by the Cassilcri^ies of Herodotus, - 4 British, their descendants will be more nume- rous than those of any other nation in the woild, - - - 320 Broussa, see Boursi. Browne, Mr. furnishes information respecting the remote head of the Nile, 480. His in- form ition in proof that the Nile and Niger hold separate courses, ib. Discovers tlie remains of the temple of Jupiter Aaimon, in Seewa, 603. Great praise due to his per-' severance, and spirit of entcrprize, 604. His description of ieewa, &c. - 566 Bruce, Mr. - - 432, 440 Bubastis, position of, 459. River of, the same as that of Pelusium, - - 536 Budini, 84-93. Country of, answers to Wo- ronee, &ic. 93. Abounds with forests, ib. Basiris, or Abusir, temple of his near it, now Baalbeit, - - 514. 534 c. Cabales, a Lybian tr. - - 609 Cadamosto, his voyage of discovery, - 725 Cadytis, a name of Jerusalem, 245, 685 Cairo, authorities for its position, - 452 Calanus, the friend and companion of Alexan- der, 310. Burns himself alive on a fiuKral pile, . - - 3M CaJlipida:, a Scythian tr. - - 72 Cambyses, characterised by the Persians, as a ilespot, - - - 23' extent of his coirquesCs in Africa, 641 Canals to join the Nile with the Arabian gulf, 452, et seq. None drawn Jrom sea to sea, across the isthmus, 463. Description of the canal begun by Necho, by Herodotus, 464; by Strabo, Diodorus, and Pliny, 465. Canal attributed to Trajan, 472-477. To the Caliph Omar, 473. Part of the bttcr . remains open, towards the Nile, ib. Traces 5 D 2 75^ INDEX. P:.gc of canals, towards Sue«, 474, 480. The canals led into the lake Sheib ; the passage to which is now open, during the swelling of the Nile, - - 471 Canopus, (Abukeir) 525. Its site anciently an island, - - - 523 Cjno6;c branch of the Nile, - ib. Cantin, C. ( Soloeis, or Syloes J 421, 424 Cappadocia, - - - 238 Caravanserais, an ancient establishment in Persia, - - - 333 Ciircbemisb, ( Circtsium ) - 683 Carmanians, - - 28, 287, 289 Carpaibian Mts. - - 105 Cartbaginian empire unnoticed by Herodo- tus, ... 639 — voyages of traffic for gold, to Western Guinea, . - 717 ■ expedition under Hanno, 719 Cashgur. See Kashgur. Casta, (or Kashgur) intended by Caspia, in the 15th Satrapy, . 298, 302 Casius, Mount, (of Antioch) . 243 of Egypt; the boundary of Eg)'pt and Syria, - . 245, 260, 450 Caspians, Sec. the nth Satrapy, 275, 276 Caspian sea, rightly described as a lake, by Herodotus, 193. Succeeding authors to Ptolemy, reckoned it a gulf of the northern ocean, 194. Its dimensions given by Hero- dotus, ... 19J — ^— strait, described. - 174 Cassiterides, meant for Britain, and the islands ofScilly, - . . ^ Cato leads an army round the Syrtes, 653 Caucasus, Mount, the boundary of Persian influence, 278. Number of languages in and about it, ib. Its people have supplied the southern countries, in all ages, 248, 3 1 5 Caucasus of India, - - 179 Celanig, - - 319 Celon99 758 INDEX. Page Falastine, the name given by the Arabs to Palestine, (whence Pbilistine), - 243 Falconer, Mr. translates the PcriplusoiHanno, 719 Fasa, or Pasa, (Pasagarda) - 285 Fezzan, or Phazanis, the country of the G«- ramajifes, 566. Character of its inhabi- tants, 618. Great traders in Africa, ib. Well situated for commerce, ib. Descrip- tion of, - - - 619 Franklin, Dr. his observation on the number of colonists in America, • 743 Page Gosselin, M. great advantages derived from his work, entitled Geogr.iphic des Grccs aiialysee, - - 126, 171,4^. Gozan R. of Scripture, (the Ki;il Ozan^ Gray, Dr. - . xi, 379 Greaves, Dr. ... j5o Greece, its general geography omitted by He- rodotus, as unnecessary to his history, 36 invasion of, by the Persians, affords a lesson to all free states, - 319. c/ seq. Gri/jbins, 131. Gold of, referred to Kol)-\van, near Mount Altai, - - 147 Gyitdes R. 201, 327. Divided by Cyrus, 202 Gadamis, (or Cydiimus) 620. Ruins there, 623. Its manufacture of dyed skins, ib. Gades, or Cadiz, - - 36 Gampbasantes. The same as Pbazania, and tl\e Garaniantes. Giindarii, or Gnrdurii, - 295 Ganges R. not known to Herodotus, 310 Garama, or Germa, 6i6. Ruins at, 620 Garamantes, the people oi Pbazania, or Fez- zan, 615. Authorities to prove it, 615, 618. Named from Garama, its capital, 616. Conquered by Balbus, - - ib. Gaur, ... 298 Gedrosia, (Kedge, or Makran) - 303 Geloni, ... 84-89 Geography, pliysical, its effects on mankind, 99, ICO Gerrbus R. - - 57> 67, 71 Gcrtnantans, or Carmanians, - 190, 287 Geta, 44, 84. Believe in the immortality of the soul, - . . ^j Gibbon, Mr. - 97, 99, 118, 121 Gillies, Dr. - . xi, 254 Gilligamma, a I.ybian tr. - 609 Gitidanes, (taken for the people of Gadamis) 622 Gog and Magog of the Scriptures, intended tor the Scythians of the Euxine, in. [Ja- jiije and Majuje of the Arabians). countiy of, where situated, 153, et seq. rampai-t of, 1 13, 154, 690 Gold and silver, their proportionate value, 314 Goiius, - • - - 398 Goodwin Sand, remark on, - 655 Gorgades I. (the Bissagoes) - 737 Gorgo, daughter of Cleomenes, and wife of Leonidas, her wise saying, and character, 325 <7ori//e sanctuary of a temple tiiere, 597. Compared with the re- mains at Seewa, - 596, 600 Hermopolis, the Less, (Rahmany) 527, 529 Herodotus, his geographical system, (which relates more to Asia and Africa, than Eu- rope) the earliest known, i,z. Reg-jrded the whole earth as one continent, 3. His vera- city on the increase, 5. A writer of veracity in what he saw, 6. Did not believe that the earth was globular, ib. An advocate for ra- tional liberty; and an enemy to civil and religious innovation, 7. A great traveller, 9. Believed that the ocean surrounded the earth on three sides, ib. His geography consists more in relative positions, than in actual distances, and dimensions, 10. Scope of his geograpliical knowledge, iz and 409. His description of Thessaly, 36. Western Europe liftle known to him, 39, 46. De- rived his knowledge of Scythia, chiefly from the expedition of Darius Hystaspes, 130. An error of his copyists, i;8. Extent of his knowledge in Asia, 172. Divides Asia into four regions, 184, et seq- Mistaken in the relative positions of the Euxine, Medi- terranean, Caspian, and Persian seas, 186, el seq. Reckoned the Isthmus of Natolia too narrow, by near half, 189. Knew little concerning the geography of Eastern Scy- thia, 210. Attributes the invention of let- ters to the Phccnicians, 247. Extent of his geographical knowledge in detail, 409. Knew that Africa was surroimded by tlie sea, and had been sailed round, 412. Not clear in his description of the heads of the Nile, 435. A believer in divination, 593. Silent respecting tl'.e wondcriul remains at Thebes, 595. His knowledge of Lybia ex- tensive, but not critical, 6c6. Silent respect- ing the Carthaginian empire, 639. His brief description of the circumnavigation of Africa, by the Egyptians, - 682 IlcroPpolis, - - 453, 473 Hesperides, g^iTiiens of, - 611 Hilla,on a part of the site of Bal/ylon, 374, 385 Hills of salt in Africa, - 641, 647 Hindmend R. - - 96, 288 I-iit, or /5, - - 181,337,350 Honey of the palm tree, - 638 Plgr Hornemann, M. visits the remains of the temple of Ammoi), - - 751 Houses of rock salt, in Africa, - 642 fl^7(ga, a province of Scythia, - 63 Hypanis R. (the Bog) - 55. txJ (the Kuhan R.) - 55 Hyperboreans of Herodotus, the people of Russia and part of Siberia, 148, 157. Send offerings to Delos, - 159 Hyperboreans of the Romans, the same with the Gog and Magog (Jajujc and Ma}uje) of the Arabians, - - 152 Hyrcanians, - - 270, 275 I. Jahudlah, a Jewish foundation at Ispahan, %<)') Jaik, or Diaek R. ( D.iix ) - 137 Jajujc and Majuje, (Gog and Magog) m Jason, driven amongst the shallows of the lake Tritonis, ... 662 Jassi, - . . J, Jiixartes, called Araxes by Herodotus, and confounded with the Oxus, 1:04, 205. The boundaryof the Persian empire, under Cyrus, 205 . Denominated from the tribe of Sarti, 225 Jaxiirtce, a tr. at the Jaxartes, - 224 Iberia, or Spain, - - 4^ Idumean Desert, 256. Cambyses passes it, by the aid of the Arabs, - ib. Jenysus, - . 259 Jerba I. ( Meninx) ~ 625 Jerusalem Itinerary, - - 21, 22 Jews, captives in Susiana, - 269 ten tribes of, concerning their disposal, 389. The Afghans taken for th.m, 390. Fill places of trust and confidence, during their captivity in Nineveh, 404. Only cer- tain classes of them carried away, 400, 405 Jewish history, not known to Herodotus, 246. Fart of it from Diodorus, - 406 Imaus, the western declivity of the high level of Asia, i8i. Mentioned, - 46 Immortals, a body of Persian infantry, 293 India, supposed to have been the last inhab.tcd country towards the east, 167. Recently exi'lorcd by the Persians, in the time of Da- rius Hystaspes, ib. Its rivers afford gold, 305. Th^ Persians only possessed the coun- 117 west of the Ganges, 310. The Padai, a nation near the banks of the Padda, or Ganges, - - ib. Indians, the zoth Satrapy of Darius Hystaspes, 30 1. Description of their weapons, 306. A peojile highly civilized, ib- Several nations comprized in this description, 30/. Hero- dotus had but an inijicrfect knowledge of, them, ib. The India.is, by him, unjustly accused of b.irbarism, - 3U 76o INDEX. Page Indus R. - • - 20 1 Tnland navigations of Russia and China, vast. Insular situation, advantages of, - 292 Inundations of the Nile, - 515 Invasion of Greece by the Persians. See Greece. Jones, Sir William, - - x Josephus, - 392, 393, 397, 538 Ireland, Strabo, ignorant ot its position, 40 Ir^vin, Mr. - - 387 Is, or Hit, bitumen fountains at, 337, 350 Isis, temple of, near 5;<^/>M, - 514 Islands joined to the main land by alluvions, 68 Islands of the Erytbrtean sea, (meaning the Persian gulf) - 198, 292 Ispahan, a Jewish foundation at, 339 Issedones, 131. The people who inhabited the seat of the present Oigurs, or Eluths, a Kalmuc tr. 134. A polished nation, 142. Oddly described by Herodotus, 143. Placed by Ptolemy in Serica, or Western Tartary, 211 lithmus of Suez. See Suez. Jupiler Amnion, temple of, placed in the most retired of the Oases, 548. Its supposed re- mains, described by Mr. Browne, in the Oasis of Seewa, or Siwa, 603. By M. Hornemann, - - - 75' Ives, Mr. - - 328, 387 lyrcee, supposed to be meant iaxTurcce, 130 L. / K. 664 504 297 280 Kabes, or Gabbs, (Tacape ) Kairun lake, CA'/o(f;?jJ K-iiroan. See Kurin. Kandahar, ... Karmanians. See Ciirmanians. Kebban mine, Kedge, Or M.ikran. See Gedrosiu. Khowarezm, - - - 226 Khuzistati, - . - 267 Kilan, or Kil, - - 297 Kir, or Keer, a name of Assyria, in the Scriptures, - - 391 Kirgees (or Kirakis) tribes, occupy the former iCAXi oi iht Massagela, 132. Divided into three hordes. See map, p. 229. Kirk|>atrick, Colonel, - xi, 222 Kizil-Ozan, the river Gozan of Scripture, 395 Kor.iotan, a province ot Darfoor, 439 Kossacki, or Cossacks, - 222 Krimea, some idea of its geography, 68. For- merly ail island, ib. et seq. See also Tau- rica. Kurin, the same 2S Cyrene, • 611 Page Lakes filled up by depositions, - 543 Larcher, M. - - 35.235.71* Latitudes and longitudes in the map of Lybia, 566 Lalopolis, or Litopolis, 506, 527, 536 Lebanon, Mts. - 178, 180 Lebetae, a modern tr. in Lybia, 410 Ledyard, Mr. his information respecting the head of the Nile, - 4.39 Length of Europe and Asia, collectively, ac- cording to the ancients, - 170 Letters, inventioH of, attributed by Herodotus to the Phoenicians, - 247 Leuccetbiopes, (Foulahs) - 743 Leuco-syri, people of Cappadocia and Papblw gonia, - - - 238 LevelsofAsia, considered generally, iy^,etseq, Lixus, two rivers of the name, 418. The Lesser, ib. ; Greater, - 424 Lixita, a tr. on the banks of the Greater Lixus, - - 415, 730 Lotopbagi, seats of, assigned by the ancients, 625. Much more extended, ib. Poetical allusions to them, - 626 Lotus, two distinct species of, 626. Descrip- tion of the fruit so named, 627, 628. Spread over the whole border of the great African Desert, 629. Aquatic lotus, description of, with remarks, 630-634. The Coiocassia, 633. S(e also Addenda, • 751 Lucan, geographical errors of, - 654 Lucas, Mr. - . . 622 Lucis, Paul, - - 562 Lybia, investigation of the principal points in its geography, between Egypt and Fezzan, c . . 565-575 coast and country of, 606, el seq. See also Africa. M. Miiccrt ot Kora- san, - . - 258 Nasamones, a Lybian tr. at the Syrtis, plun- derers of wrecks, 100. Explore Africa to the Niger, 431, 621. Gather the dates of Augela, . - 613 Naval review of Xerxes' fleet, at Doriscus, 253 Navigations, ancient, remarks on, 679, 681 Naucrutis, the emporium of Egypt, 530. In- dications of its site, at Salhajar, ib. Greeks allowed a commercial settlement there, 531 Neburhtidnezzar carries the Jews into capti- vity, to Babylon, - . 402 t^ecbo, or Necos, begins a canal from the Nile to the Red sea, 464. Employs a fleet in the circumnavigation of Africa, - 682 Neitri, - - 83, 87, 93 Nicol, Mr. - - xi Niebuhr, M. supplies materials for the correc- tion of the geography of Lower Egypt. Sec- tions XVIII. and XIX. See also, 22, 198, 202, 266, 345, 351, 366, 455, 471, et seq. 5" Nile, its sources unknown to the Greeks, 430. The Niger taken for its western branch, 431. Irs distant source from the west of Abyssinia, 436. The Bahr Abiad, or White River, tiiken for it, 437. The Nile formed of two distinct branches, 441. Place of its remote source, described by Ptolemy, ib. ; by Edrisi, 442 ; and by Abultcda, 443. Obser- vations on these reports, 44;. Further ideas given by Mr. Brc wnc, proving that the Ni- ger does not join the Nile, 480. Delta of the Nile, remarks on, 484. Change of its course at Memphis, 500. Its branches, an- cient and modern, description of, 518, et seq. Seven, allowed generally, by the an- cients ; now reduced to two, 520. Main body of the Nile gone more to the west, 537. Observations on its floods and allu. vions, - - 481, */ seq, Nineveh, 265. Said to be larger than Baby. Ion, - - ' ib. SE y69 INDEX. Page ^T/M^r^ib, the ten tribes carried to, - 4°' Mi/i/"rf, Western, or Euxine, position and face of, 50, el scq. True form and extent of, 52, et seq. Its fine rivers, and pastures, 51, 55, 80. Subdivision of, 62. Suited to a pastoral life, 80. Countries bordering on it, - - 83, f/ jf^. 5 E 2 764, INDEX. Page Scytbiaiis, Western, the Sanr.atiaiis of the Romans, 46. Huibandnii-n, or ploughing Scythians, 64. Nomades, 65. Royal Scy- thians, 71. Their customs similar to those of the Massageiae, 78. Their character, from Herodotus, 81. Barbarous funerals of thsir kings, 107. Gold buried with the bodies, ib. Seceding royal Scythians, 130. Scy- thians make drinking cups of human skulls, Scythians, E Mr E P.N or Massac et^, 207, et scq. Herodotus in doubt whether to class them as Scythians, ih. Later Greek writers universally reckoned them such, ib. Divided by mount Imaus, into two regions, zoS, zcp. Three principal tribes reckoned, Massagetx, Dahre, and Sacx, - - . 216 Scythian nations, reported origin of, 73, et seq. Excel in archery, - - 301 Seamen, a very small proportion in ancient ships, - - - 256 5efr«jni//c mouth of the Nile, - 534 Second captivity of the Jews, the history of it elucidates that of the first, - 394 Seewa, or Siwa, authorities for, 571, et seq. Mr. Browne's route to it, and observations, 57 1 , 572. Results ot the geographical data, combined, 573, 574. The same with the Santariah of the Arabs, 574: and the Oasis of Amman, - _ . 603 Seewa, remains of the edifice at, resemble cer- tain of those at Thebes and Hennonthis, 595. Described by Mr. Browne, 596. Com- parison between this edifice, and those at • Thebes and Hermonthis, 596-60 1. Of Egyp- tian origin, and belonging to the worship of Amnion, - - - 601 Semiramis, queen of Babylon, - 335 Sepulchres of the kings of Scythia, where placed, . - 107 Serbonic lake, a sort of inland Syrtis, 647 Sesostris, monuments of his conquestSj 245. Drains Lower Egypt, and divides the lands, 492 Sestini, M. - - 281 Seslos, - - - 119 Shaw, Dr. - 457,638,641,657,659 Shalmaneser carries Israel into captivity, 393, 400. Employs Tobit in a situation of trust and confidence, - - 403 Ships, ancient, slow progress of, 677. Examples of, 678. Of two kinds, long and round, 124. Some ideas respecting them, ib. et seq. Crews of. - . 125' 7'3 Sigyna, ... 43 Sittaccne, ... 328 S(«/)A, (present Saiiafe) - - 531 Slope, two different kinds, in the beds of ri- vers, - - 485, 486 Page Sogdians, included in the !6th Satrapy, 293 Soils Mo'is, - . 422 Solocis, promontory of, (or SyioesJ 413. Supposed to mean C. Cantiu 424,715 Solomon and Hiram, voyages of their fleets, 676 Soudan, the s:;me as Nigriiia, - 440 ' Stade, itinerary, of the Greeks, 13. Roman stade differed from it, ib. Olympic, 15, 24.- Stade of Herodotus, 16, 31 ; ot Xeno'phofi,. 21, 31 ; of Aristotle, 22 ; of Eratosthenes, 23.31; of Strabo, 23,31; of Pol)'t)ius, lb, 31; of Pliny, 28, 31 ; of Arrian, '29,31" Stade, Grecian, length of, in English feet, 32 Probably, composed of 100 paces, 33 Statbmus, Persian, agrees to a day's march of, an army, '- " - ■ 3'29. 3?i" Staunton, Sir George, - 632 Strabo, ignorant of the position of Ireland, 40. His ide.i of the length of Europe and Asia, between C. St. Vincent and the mouth of the Ganges, - - 171 Suez, position of, determined by celestial ob- servations, - - 452 ^-^ isthmus of, reckoned too wide, by the ancients ; and also by M. D'Anville, 450. Authorities for its breadth, 451, el seq. canals of. See canals. Sullivan, Mr. - xi, 265, 281 Superstition, harmless, apology for, 160 Sus, modern name of Susa, - 334 Stisa, or Susiana, the 8th Satrapy, 267 Susa, city of, the capital of Persia, in the time of Darius Hystaspes and Xerxes, 267. New ideas respecting its position, 203, 334 Syr/j, a part of Assyria, - 192,263 Syrians oi Palestine, (the Jews) 192 included in the 5th Satrapy, 242 Syrians of Cappadocia, (Leuco-syri, or White Syrians) - - - 192 of Damascus, captivity of, 391 Syrtcs, two gulfs so named, by the ancients, 646, et seq. The terror of ancient mariners, ib. Position and extent of, 648. General de- scription of, from the ancients, 649. Their dangers occasioned, in part, by the imper- fect state of ancientnavigation, 650. Greater Syrtis, the gulf of Sidra, ib. Cato leads a Roman army round it, 653. Poetical de- scription of the Greater Syrtis, by Lucan, 654. Lesser Syrtis, the gulf of Kabes, 656. Tides in it, 657. Answers to the lake Tri- tonis of Herodotus, 662. Now in part filled up, - - 663, 664 T. Tacape, or Kabes, 664. Its fine river, ib. Taiba, - - - 181 INDEX. 7^ Page Tanais, or Don, 57. The Czar Peter builds a Meet there, and at Woronez, 931 94 jToh/V/c mouth of the Nile, - 536 Targilaus, of Herodotus, the Turk of the Ori- entals, . . 73 Turlessus, - i' - 3^> 43 Taverniere, - - 396 Tauk Kesra, or Palace of Chosroes, some de- scription of,-387. Built of Babylonish bricks, ib. Taurica, orKrimea, 95. A remarkable penin- sula, ib. Its isthmus fortified from early times, 96. Possessed by the Genoese, 97. Present state of the fortifications, 98 Taiiri, highly barbarous, 99. Civilized by a communication with the Greek colonists, ib. Taurus, the chain of mountains so called, an- cient idea of, 173. Various names given to it, in its course through Asia, ib. Descrip- tion of its course, - ib. ct seq. Temple of Jupiter Amnion, in Lybia, placed in the remotest of the Oases, 548. Other temples of this worship, 591, et seq. Four, in and about Thebes, 594. In Ethiopia, 602. The remains of the Lybian temple disco- vered, by Mr. Browne, - 603 Ten tribes of the Jews. See Jews. Terfan, - - 144 Terraet Mucs, the modern Pelusiac branch of the Nile, - - 460 Tbamaneans, - - 290 Tbebes, called Diospolis, 594. Observations on the sanctuary, or granite room, of the great temple, there, - 599, 600 Tbemiscyra, - - 92 Theodosian Tables, 16, 169, 350, 527 Tberea, I. of, - . - 609 Tbermodon R. - - 91, 92, 204 Tbessaly, description of, by Herodotus, 36 Thevenot, M. - 259, 269, 283, 458 Thibet, - - 302 Tbrace, an extensive region in Europe in an- cient times, - - 44 Thracian widows sacrifice themselves at their husbands' funerals, - 45 T/jrrtcia/is of Asia, ( Bytbinians ) 238, 239 Tbyssagetts, - - 88, 94 Tibiireni, Sec. the 19th Satrapy, (along the Euxine) . - . 282 Tides, in the Mediterranean sea, - 647 — — in the Lesser Syrtis, 657. At Venice, 659. At Naples, ib. At the Euripus, ib. Tigris R. 201. Anciently held a separate course, to the sea, - - ib. Tigris, three Rs. of the name, according to Herodotus, - - - 327 Tin, drawn from Britain, by the Phoenicians, 35 Tina, or Tineh, (Pelusium) - 460 Page Tobit, abstract of his history, which throws much light on the condition of the Jewish captives in Nineveh, 403, et seq. Employed by Shalmaneser, 16. Sends for his money to Rages, 404, Permanency of oriental cus- toms, - -■ - ib. Tocbari, tr. of Scythians, help to conquer Bac- trim! from the Macedonihns, - 227 Tocharestan, jTiodern nam* of a country in Persia, inhabited by the Torburi, ib. Tooke, Mr. - .• xi, 62, 108, 140 Torgauti, or Torgots, - 140 Tott, Earon, his description of the maritime part of Scythia, &c. 51, 63, 65, 68, 69, 74, 121 Tournefort, M. - 119,120,123,282 Trajan, canal of, - - 472 Travelling, advantageous to society, in all ages, - - - 160 Trebizotidi, . . . 284 Tritonis, lake of, the boundary between the Nomadic tribes of Africa;, and the husband- men, 636. The Lesser Syrtis intended by it, 659, 667. The lake of Lowdeah, the re- mains of it, - - 663 R. 664. Supposed to be that of El Hammah, « - 665 Troy, and the Trojan war, remarks on, 240 Tupia, melancholy fate of, - 159 Turca, (meant by the lyrca) - 139 Turk of the Orientals, the Targitaus of He- rodotus, - - 73 Tyre, extended commerce of, - 248 Tyres, or Tyras, R. (Dncistcr) 55, 60 Tyrrbeiiiiins, who, - - 42 Tyrila, f a Scvthian tr. at the T Tyrigcta,\ mouth of the Tyres R. / 55' 7* Variation of the comjiass, at Darfoor, 572 at Alexandria, 1798, - 751 Vegetable productions, great advantages of the interchange of, between different nations, 161 Verde, C. 428. Singular form of, 705. De- scription of, - - 725 Volney. M. - - 474, 487 w. Wahat, or Al Wahat, the tract which contains the Egyptian Oases, - ^'j\,etseq. Water, how procured for Xerxes, in the Idu- mcan desert, 262. By Nadir Shah, in the desert of Margiana, , - 258 Wall of Merfw, - - 381 Weapons, variety of, in the army of Xerxes, 255 766 INDEX. Page Wiebeking, M. his fine maps of the course of the Rhine, . - 67 Wilkins, Mr. - xi, 311, 326, 565, 590 Wolga R. the Oarus of Herodotus, 90 Women, privileges of, in Issedonia, 142 Wooden walls of Greece and Britain, 525, 526 Woronez, the Czar Peter builds a fleet there, and in the Tanais, • 93> 94 X. Xenophon, supposed cause of his error, in the estimation of the bearing of TreiwoMrf?, from Babylon, 189. Mentioned, 21, 22, 281, 282, 301 Xerxes, the catalogue of his army furnishes im- portant notices respecting the twenty Satra- pies of Darius Hystaspes, - 230 ■ his expedition against Greece, remarks on, 317, et seq. Intended finally against Europe at large, ib. Numbers of his troops. P»ge incredible, 318. Cause of the assemblage of so vast a force, ib. Rendezvous of the fleet and army, « « 319 Yedessan, - - 51 Yugures, or Oigurs, (the Tssedones) 131, 132 z. Zab Rs. Greater and Lesser, named Tigris by Herodotus, - - 327 Zach, M. his Geographical Ephemeris, 199 Zagros Mts. - - 180, 271 Zaueces, an African tr. - 637 Zawila, or Zuela, 620. Ruins at, 621 2\iTra.h.Uke, CAria PalusJ - 119 Zuyder Zee, increased from a lake, 515 Zygantes, an African tr. « o^i THE END. Printed by Wi Bulracr and Co. Russd-Court, Cleveland-Row, St. Jamcs't. ERRATA. Page 1, Note— read, principal. i6, notes, line 9— for 80, read 86. 18, notes, 1. 7— read, general mean, 990. 19, note, 1. 10 — result, 4,3 R. M. ; and 43 stades. 47, 1. 22 — for so, read such. 52, end of the note — add. No. I. — 55, note, 1. I — add, the Indus excepted. —— 76» J- Si after instance — read, of migration at large, there is, &c. — ^ 95, 1. 3 — for iy, read tuith. — — 160, 1. 10 — for refers, read refer. — — 170, 1. 3 — for Herodotus, read Eratosthenes. — ^ 180, 1. 13 from bottom — read, Harmozia. 188, 1. 10, and throughout — read, Amisus. 198, 1. 15 — read, no distinction of the above kind. See. 200, 2d note — Remark. It lias since been found necessary to substitute the observa- tions of Mr. Eaton, between Constanti- nople and Sinope. ^•^ 111, 1. I from bottom — read, as the Sacee had, &c. — — 2 2 2, note — read, Colonel Kirkpatrick. ~— ^iSi '• '5 — '■ead Bythinia, or Asiatic Thrace. I 140, last line — read, oi our Author's work. — IJ9, 1. 4 from bottom — read, Salahiah, or Salhia, anciently Sile. — — 265, note, 1. 9 — read, intended. — — 270, I. ii from bottom — read, distinct. — — 301, notes, 1. 4 — read, Plalaa, 323, add a note — The above was written previous to the caqipaign of 1799. ■ 379, 1. 4 — read, omits. -—— 404, 1. 1 — read, as a matter of course. 416, 1. 6— read. Section XXH. • 1. 10 — read, induce, ——423, 1. 10 — read is. -^— 428, 1. 10, -and throughout — read, Kasseena. — — 430, notes, 1. 10 — add. These were named Au- tomoli; meaning Dtserters. Page 434, line 4 from bottom, and throughout — read, I'erde. 436, note, 1. 2 — read, appear. 439. The reader is referred to the Travels of Mr. Browne, for further information respecting Darfoor, or Darfur. — — 444, note, I. 7 — read, The Nile ofMakedsh is said, &c. 446, last line — read, absolutely. 449, I. 6— read, tines. 454, I. 4— read, instead. 455, 1. 1% — read, Hercules. 459, 1. 10 from bottom — read, the swelling. 462, 1. II — read, Pharbathus. 469, 1. 7 — read, positions. 495, 1. 7 from bottom — read, to the south. 520, 1. 1 1 — read, only navigable, &c. — 522, 1. 14 — read, curvilinear border. I 527, last line — read, Niciu. 536, note, 1. 4 — read, within the branch that formed the ancient Delta, 548, 1. 9 from bottom— read, Ma/ there is, &c. 557> !• 5 — f""" somewhat, read considerably. 561, 1. 9 — read. Oasis. _S62, 1. 3 — for 29», read 28*. S'°i '• 5 — read, those. 573) !• '3 fro"* bottom — put a comma after coast. — — 637. •• 7 (rova bottom— read, Maharess. 705, 1. 2 — read, within the space subject to periodical winds and currents, the exten- sive, &c. 709, 1. 10 — read, common, or ordinary acci- dents. ■ 717, 1. 17 — read ,_/i/rCT<-i/ the boundary, &c. ■ — — note, and throughout — read, Cadamosto. I 720, 1. 4 — read, a comparison. — 725, note, 1. 2 from bottom — read, Vicenza, — — 742, 1. 3 from bottom, a line omitted— read, a different nation from those which thty had been accustomed to ; but, &c. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 4ULl2l9bl AUG 3 1361 ->p^^ \'3&l BHTDtD-URB iQ.uj