DA 
 510 
 
 Reflections on the 
 Formation of a Regency
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 REFLECTIONS 
 
 ON THE FORMATION OF 
 
 A REGENCY. 
 
 I N 
 
 A LETTER 
 
 T O 
 
 A MEMBER OF THE LOWER HOUSE 
 OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 Ardua privates nefcit fortuna penates ; 
 Et regnum cum luce dedit cognata poteftas, 
 Excepit Tyrio venerabile pignus in Oftro ; 
 Luftravitque TUOS, aquilis vidricibus ortu* 
 Miles 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 ffclNTBD FOR j. DEBRETT, OPPOSITE BURLINGTON' 
 HOUSE, PICCADILLY,
 
 REFLECTIONS, &c. 
 
 AS you were pleafed to exprefsyour opinion, 
 that fome obfervations on the prefent crifis, 
 urged in our converfation of yefterday, were not 
 deftitute of weight, I ftiall make no apology for 
 addreffing them to you in fuch a form, as a few- 
 hours ftolen from occupations and diftra<5tions have 
 enabled me to throw them together. Whatever 
 may be their merit, nothing can be more certain, 
 than that the moft mature deliberation is the duty 
 of every member of either houfe of parliament 
 on this occaiion. 
 
 Not to name motives, of which, would to hea- 
 ven virtue could as powerfully counteract the in- 
 fluence, as decency forbids the mention, it is in 
 fuch a queftion, unworthy a good man to aban- 
 don his condud: to the guidance of impreflions 
 that arife from the fedudtive eloquence, the tu- 
 multuous and defultory reafonings of debate. 
 
 B Thole
 
 Thofe who affect not to forgive the members 
 of any numerous affembly (pardon me if I do not 
 except the Englifh parliaments) for fometimes 
 permitting foreign circumftances to mix with ar- 
 gument, in its entrance into their underftanding ; 
 for fometimes fuffering political enmity toincreafe 
 the difficulty, and political partiality to relax the 
 vigilance of their judgment, approve themfelves 
 affuredly more rigorous than wife. In the ordi- 
 nary occurrences of government, fuch a conduct, 
 though never juftifiable, may be deemed venial. 
 But if a queftion ihould arife for the difcuffion 
 of parliament, in the decifion of which were in- 
 volved the peace and majefty of the empire, the 
 health and immortality of the conftitution ; it is 
 not unfufpected purity alone, it is not (lightly 
 yielded conviction, it is not tranfient enquiry 
 and indolent acquiefcence that will acquit an 
 honeft man in the difcharge of his duty to his 
 country, v to his confcience, to his pofterity ! 
 No ! reflection and refearch are not lefs facredly 
 impofed on him by histruft, than uprightnefs and 
 probity. He that is warmly interefted, will fedu- 
 loufly enquire. To neglect, is to betray ; and the 
 man who feels not an intereft fufficient to roufe 
 him from negligence, can hardly be inacceiTible 
 to temptations which will feduce him into impro- 
 bity.
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 bity. Such a cafe, Sir, is the prefent. A glance 
 at the afpect of affairs demonftrates it. Of the 
 monarch, and of his malady, no man fpeaks with 
 more fincere reverence and forrow than myfelf. 
 I know the duty that I owe to the perfon of the 
 fupreme magiftrate. I am not infenlible to the 
 refpedt which is conciliated by the purity of his 
 manners, the mild and amiable virtues of his pri- 
 vate life. The tears of his people, form the 
 nobleft eulogy of the fovereign and his fubjefts. 
 The memory of a difmembered' empire, of unpo- 
 pular adminiftrations, of a gloomy and difaflrous 
 reign, have been banifhed from their generous 
 minds, by the fenfibilities of afflicted loyalty. 
 
 I fpeak thus, becaufe my opinion on this fub- 
 jecl, is not fhaken by certain profligate fcribblers, 
 whofe audacity deprives them of any title to the 
 amnefty which their infignificance might have 
 claimed ; who, infulting and outraging at once, 
 the father and the fon, have been wicked enough 
 to infinuate, what they have not been frontlefs 
 enough to affert, that it is not the virtues and the 
 calamity of the fovereign, but the apprehended 
 mil government of his fucceflbr, that clouds every 
 countenance, and faddens every heart. Time 
 was, when forrow and reverence would have for- 
 bidden, any good man to probe the wounds of 
 B 2 amiable
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 ,> 
 
 amiable and exalted perfonages, by rude and un- 
 feafonable difcuffion. But that time is paft. 
 Considerations which fuperfede faftidious deco- 
 rums, and controul the keeneft feelings, render, 
 referve criminal. The life of princes, born and 
 elevated for their fubjeds, mult fometimes en- 
 dure an exploring light, which rarely pierces the 
 obfcurhy of inferior men. Let me then remind 
 you, Sir, that a month has nearly elapfed fince 
 the nature of the royal malady has abandoned 
 this empire to a ftate which poflTeffes the cha- 
 radter, and is prevented only by our manners 
 from exhibiting the effedts, of anarchy. 
 
 The influence that animates and prefides over 
 the functions of executive government, is with- 
 drawn. That name, equally indifpenfible to the 
 regularity of the moft ordinary legal tranfadtion, 
 and to the folemnity of the higheft national act, 
 can now fcarcely be ufed without abfurdity. 
 The legiilative aflembly find themfelves in a 
 predicament fo novel, that there exifts no lawful 
 authority which can either fanction, or delay, 
 their convention. The volume of the laws is 
 mute and impotent, fmcethe voice that promul- 
 gated, and the hand that enforced them, is filent 
 and inert : the afpect which the majefty of the 
 empire prefents to foreign nations, is eclipfed : 
 
 infults
 
 infults may be offered to our flag, depredations 
 committed on our commerce, wars may be com- 
 menced, and alliances concluded, the molt ho- 
 tile to our intereft ; while England has no arm 
 that can wield her power, to afTert her dignity, or 
 avenge her wrongs. No vacancy that arifes in 
 any fubordinate department of government, can 
 be rilled. There is no authority that can inter- 
 pofe between the unbending rigour of the laws, 
 and the life of a devoted criminal, which per- 
 haps equity and mercy ought to have prefcrved. 
 In fuch a conjuncture you will pardon me, Sir, 
 if I cannot think with you, that there can be any 
 ferious intention to procraftinate the final ar- 
 rangement of a liable government. On the ac- 
 count of the phyficians, parliament will rely. 
 An air of myftcry and conftraint has hithert* 
 hung over their reports ; but appealed to on fo 
 folemn an occafion, thefe eminent and refpeCtablc 
 perfons will facrifice inferior punctilios, to nati- 
 onal intereft and truth. It is fcarcely to be ima- 
 gined that any attempt will be hazarded of prac- 
 tiling on the loyalty, or abufing the delicacy of 
 the parliament or people, for purpofes of iinifter 
 ambition. What difguife indeed could be more 
 thin than that ivhich muft be aflumed by fuch 
 dcfigns ? What fophiftry lefs fpecious than what 
 
 mud
 
 < 6 > 
 
 inuft be urged in their behalf ? Should heaven 
 fpeedily reftore our fovereign to the prayers of 
 his people, would he feel much gratitude to thofe 
 who- would, even for a week, facrifice the flighted 
 intereft of England, to an idle parade of reveren- 
 tial deference ? But fhould his reftoration to us 
 be, in truth, remote and doubtful, what lan- 
 guage could afford terms of execration commen- 
 furate with the guilt of the man who fhould 
 plead for the continuance of this ftate of anarchy, 
 or propofe the wretched remedy of a feeble and 
 fluctuating government ? It will not furely be ur- 
 ged by any one, thai the filence of the law, with- 
 draws this cafe from the paramount authority of 
 parliament ; the exigence of the oceafion, the 
 confidence and expectation of the people tacitly 
 and virtually devolve on that affembly the right 
 of guarding the commonwealth from injury. 
 
 The eftates of parliament have in all former 
 times, remedied the evils that might arife from 
 the minority, incapacity, or defertion of the 
 monarch ; and whether they are denominated a 
 convention, or a parliament, they will now ex- 
 crcife the fame right, 
 
 Veftrze faciera cognofcite turbae, 
 
 Cunftaque jufiuri primum hoc decernite patres, 
 
 Quod regnis populefque li^uet, VOS effe fenatum. 
 
 Afiuming
 
 < 7 > : 
 
 Affuming therefore the competency ultimate- 
 ly to decide, and the expediency fpeedily to de- 
 termine, this queftion the mod grave and mo- 
 mentous that has arifen in England fmce the re- 
 volution, it remains to confider, whether, du- 
 ring the royal indifpofition, the executive go- 
 vernment ought to be entrufted to a Tingle perfou, 
 or to a council of regency ? A difcuflion of fuch 
 intricacy will produce variety of opinion ; an 
 object of fuch magnitude will involve variety of 
 intereft ; neither, therefore, the impulfe of con- 
 viction, nor the feduction of fecret views, will, 
 fuffer us to expect unanimity. From a folitude 
 and an obfcurity never cheered by the fmile of 
 greatnefs, nor pierced by the din of faction, I 
 prefume to offer my fentiments with the freedom 
 of an honeil man, with the calmnefs and diffi- 
 dence of a citizen remote from power. 
 
 I lament with you, Sir, the neceffity of any 
 appeal to general reafoning. It is a mode of de- 
 cifiqn full of difficulty and hazard, which unveils 
 the fanftum fantlorum of government, betrays 
 'to the eye of the people its nakednefs and infir- 
 mity, and demonftrates to them, with perilous 
 evidence, that its fanctity depends only on their 
 reverence and credulity. But in the abfence of 
 
 prece-
 
 precedent*, (for the precedents of rude ages and 
 violent governments, are inapplicable to mode- 
 rate governments, to civil and peaceable times ;) 
 we mutt appeal to the genius of the conftitution, 
 and to the general maxims of political reafon- 
 ing. 
 
 An argument of infinite force for entrufting 
 the vicarious power to a fingle perfon, is the 
 facility and fimplicity of the expedient. 
 
 The circumftanccs which mould the character, 
 and affect the actions of men, are caufes of which 
 it is far more difficult to eftimate the force, to 
 difcover the combination, and to predict the ef- 
 fects, than the powers which operate on material 
 objects. It is hence, that the complexity and re- 
 finement of political machinery, have ever de- 
 feated its purpofes, by rendering its movements 
 independent of our controul, and their confe- 
 quences clufive of our conjecture. Simple ex- 
 pedients, therefore, which imitate the practice, 
 or adopt the analogy of eflablifhed infthutions, 
 have in all nations been chofen by the wifeft men. 
 To the prefent cafe, this conilderation applies 
 in its full force. One royal perfon, reprefenting 
 
 * The precedents of regencies which exift in the Englifh 
 hiftory, will afterwards be considered in another point of 
 
 the
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 the dignity, and exercifingthe functions of royalty, 
 accords with the maxims and ufages of the confti- 
 tution. The name of regen r , while that magif- 
 trate pofTefles the plenitude of kingly power, 
 fcarcely irinovatt-s on the moft frivolous form. 
 From this fyflem, no novel fituation, no hitherto 
 undecided queftion would arife. Laws, cuftoms, 
 prejudices, without difficulty, adapt themfeives 
 to it. The " mores inftitutatpte majorum'\ thofe 
 bulwarks of public peace and ftable government, 
 remain unimpaired. An.opportunity is indeed, on 
 this occafion, prefented to us, of bequeathing an 
 inheritance of tranquillity to fucceeding generati- 
 ons. If ever fuch a calamity as the prefent fhould 
 befall the empire, the example of this parliament 
 will be appealed to as a precedent ; and it is in 
 their choice, whether they will abandon their fuc- 
 ceflbrs to the factions and intrigues that attend 
 the formation of a regency, or by fanctioning the 
 rights of the heir apparent, fuffer the exercife of 
 royalty to devolve as peaceably on him during 
 the incapacity, as at the demife of the monarch. 
 Our pofterity will thus by one wife and fimple mea- 
 fure, be refcued for ever from the dread even of 
 the ihorteft interruption of government, from the 
 ambition of powerful fubjedh, and the fhock of 
 contending factions. Is not the embarrafTment 
 
 C which
 
 C TO ) 
 
 which is now experienced in fettling the govern- 
 ment, the moft powerful argument to fave fu- 
 ture parliaments, on fimilar occafions, from a like 
 jftate of diftradion ? Views of men, and of af- 
 fairs, precifely the fame, have determined fober 
 {peculators in their fyftems, and prudent ftatef- 
 men in their condud:, to prefer hereditary mo- 
 narchy, to more fpecious and abftradly reafonable 
 forms. 
 
 But it is not alone its (implicity, or its tend- 
 ency to public tranquillity, that pleads for this 
 expedient. The affection and reverence of the 
 people would be attracted by thofe circumflan- 
 ces of rank and extraction in the regent, which 
 fo powerfully conciliate the attachment and faf- 
 cinate the imagination of the multitude. In- 
 ftead of yielding a cold fubmiffion to the man- 
 datesof the law, fpokcn by the voice of regents, 
 the fenfe of duty would be animated by fen- 
 timents of devotion and loyalty to their prince. 
 Thefe ufeful and generous prejudices, the auxi- 
 liaries of patriotifm. and reafon, arc confirmed 
 by the guarded exterior, the folemn plaufibili- 
 ties that impofe on the fancy, and hide from 
 the keenefs of human difcernment the impotency 
 of fovereign power. The partition of authority, 
 the elevation of fubjeds would diifipate this il- 
 
 lufton *
 
 lufion ; but the princely youth, born in the pur- 
 ple, and educated to a throne, could, without 
 violence, affume the ftate, the fplendors, and 
 the terrors of majefty. 
 
 Ardua privates nefcit fortuna penates, 
 Et regnum cum luce dedit cognata poteftas. 
 Excepit Tyrio venerabile pignus in oftro, 
 Luilravitque TUOS Aquilis vi&ricibus ortus, 
 Miles. - 
 
 IjCt the vifionary contemn the groffhefs, and 
 the fophift deride the fimplicity of fuch modes of 
 argument ; men, who are initiated in habits of 
 more correct thought, will remark the different 
 effect of novelties in fciences and in flates, will 
 difcriminate between the boldnefs of abftract 
 reafon and the gravity of civil wifdom, and re- 
 fpect the principles which have hitherto directed, 
 and muft ever continue to govern the affairs of 
 men. 
 
 The inftitution of a council of regency, is an 
 expedient which involves difcuffions of far more 
 intricacy and peril. Formed, as it probably 
 would be, of princes of the blood, of the chief 
 perfons of the church and the law, there muft 
 be blended in them the difcordant and hetero- 
 geneous characters of regents, minifters, and fe- 
 nators. Regents, from whofe dignity minifterial 
 
 refpon-
 
 ( 11 ) 
 
 refponfibility mufl derogate; minifters, whom' 
 the dignity of regency muft tend to exempt from 
 refponfibility; fenators, on whom the truft of 
 fovereign power muft either beftow influence in- 
 confiftent with equality, or impofe filence incon- 
 fiftent with duty ; the prerogatives of this coun- 
 cil would be fubverfive of the moft eftablifhed 
 ufages, and hoftile to the moft facred maxims of 
 the conftitution. The fpirit of olir government 
 which, while it infpires affection and reverence for 
 the monarch, dictates the moft vigilant jealoufy of 
 his minifters, would, by fuch an accumulation and 
 confufion of powers, be violated and enfeebled. 
 If two ideas were to be felected, the moft repug- 
 nant to its theory, they would be royal refponfibi- 
 lity and minifterial impunity ; the one, becaufe 
 it is injurious to public tranquillity ; the other, 
 becaufe it is injurious to public freedom ; the 
 one, as a precedent only to be found in the moft 
 turbulent ; the other in the moft corrupt and fer- 
 vile times : the latter it has, by its doctrines and 
 practice, branded ; the former it has filently aban- 
 doned to the dominion of thofe emergencies 
 where oppreflion awakens the feelings, and re- 
 ftores the rights of nature. Yet, to break down 
 this facred barrier, to render the accufation of 
 a fovereign more light, and the conviction of a 
 
 minifter
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 minifler more difficult, is the manifefl operation. 
 of this fyftem. In every well organized polity, 
 there are latent peculiarities of ftructure which 
 are only difcoverable by their effects ; and even 
 when we cannot, in fpeculation, nicely difcrimi- 
 nate between the prerogatives of magiftracics, 
 experience has demonftrated the ill effects of 
 their confufion. It is by the flow and filent 
 abforption of feparated powers, that the fervants 
 of every free people have become their lords. It 
 was thus that the vital principles of the Roman 
 commonwealth were wounded in the union of con- 
 fular and tribunitian powers, by the crafty ufurper 
 ivho fubverted its freedom. And this was the 
 feature of his policy that appeared the mod pro- 
 minent to the great mailer of political wifdom. 
 * f Confulem fe ferens, et ad tuendam phbem, tri- 
 e bunicio jure contentum; infurgere paulatim, muma 
 " fenatus, magtfratuum 9 legum, in fe trahere." 
 
 But to return from thefe generalities, which you 
 may perhaps think obvious to one clais of rea- 
 ders, and repulfive to another, let us contem- 
 plate a new alpect of this oligarchical council. 
 
 Depoiitaries of royal authority, and pofleilbrs 
 of minifterial influence, uniting fomewhat of the 
 ianctity of the fupreme magiftracy, to the acti- 
 vity and verfatility ofminifters, to theiy weight 
 
 as
 
 C 14 ) 
 
 a noblemen, and their eloquence as fenatorg, 
 the power of its members would be formidable, 
 beeaufe being difficult to define, it mufl be hard 
 to limit orrefift. The fyflematic oppofition which 
 Iras been made in England to the executive pow- 
 er, certainly arifes from the 'perpetual imereft 
 which every man feels to refift that which is 
 placed beyond the reach of his ambition. The 
 regents, elevated above the condition of fubjects 
 for a time, like the annual magiflrates of repub- 
 lics, might, in the intoxication of authority, for- 
 get its period, and hazard every expedient to 
 extend it, Againft the prerogative of the crown, 
 we have for centuries been erecting bulwarks, and 
 the analogy of a royal regent is perfect ; but of 
 their force againft a council, we have no experi- 
 ence ; and analogy will not juflify confidence in 
 them. Uniting fo many characters, their pre- 
 tentions in one, would difguife their defigns in 
 another; flight conceffions in one capacity, would 
 amufe the people, while formidable attacks were 
 made in another, and in the combination 
 of fuch various forces, the fource of danger 
 might be difcovered only by fatal experi- 
 ence. Affuming the fhapes of Proteus, fuch a 
 government might elude the arm of Hercules. 
 The undifciplined defenders of popular rights, 
 
 purfuing
 
 ( '5 ) 
 
 purfuing their enemies into their faftnefles, 
 waylaid and furrounded by infidious and invifible 
 foes, whom they can neither diftinguifh, or ef- 
 cape. Their fall is dark and inglorious ; and the 
 prayer of Ajax, " give me but light, ye Gods!" 
 fnay be ejaculated by the agony and anguifh. of 
 expiring freedom. 
 
 That the unity and prominence of the execu- 
 tive power, by rendering it eafy to difcern and 
 refifl its encroachments on public liberty, is one 
 advantage which England pofleffes over other free 
 nations, has been demonftrated with great inge- 
 nuity by M. De Lolme, in the fecond chapter of 
 the fecond book of his work. You, who are no 
 Itranger to my fentiments of that performance, 
 may perhaps wonder at my quoting it with un- 
 qualified applaufe; but befides the juftnefs of his 
 reflections, they are addrefled with peculiar pro- 
 priety to the adherents of our prefent minifter, 
 who, in the memorable contefl of 1 784, appealed 
 10 the authority of M. De Lolme, with fuch con- 
 iidence and fo much exultation*. 
 
 " The indivilibility of the public power m 
 " England," fays he, " has conftantly kept the 
 " views and efforts of the people directed to one 
 
 * Vide Pulteney's tratf on Mr. Fox's Eaft India Bill. 
 
 and
 
 tc and the fame object; and the permanence of 
 te that power has alfo given a permanence and 
 " regularity to the precautions they have taken 
 " to reftrain it. Conftantly turned towards that 
 C6 ancient fortrefs, the royal power, they have 
 " made it for feven centuries, the object of their 
 " fear : with a watchful jealoufy they have con- 
 " fidered all its parts they have obferved all 
 " its outlets, they have even pierced the earth 
 < c to explore its fecret avenues and fubterraneous 
 " works ; united in their views, by the greatnefs 
 " of the danger, they have regularly formed 
 ff their attacks. To fay all in three words, the 
 " executive power is formidable, but it is for 
 te ever the fame J its refources are vaft, but their 
 " nature is at length known ; it has been made 
 " the indivifible and inalienable attribute of one 
 " perfon alone ; but then all other perfons, of 
 " whatever rank or degree, are really interefted 
 " to deftrain it within proper bounds." 
 
 Every feature of this description, would find 
 its contraft in the portrait of a divided regency; 
 yet, the principles which render the prefervation 
 of the executive power indivifible, a maxim fun- 
 damental in our government, operate with equal 
 force, whether it be adminiftered by a regent or 
 a king. It is not alone the vulgar advantages of 
 
 monarchy.
 
 ( '7 ) 
 
 monarchy ; energy, fecrecy, and the abfence o 
 fadiion that are obtained by the unity of this power. 
 It is fubfervient to nobler ends ; and by the won- 
 derful median ifm of our conftitution, monarchic 
 cal forms are exhibited as the higheft refinement 
 of a republican government* Let it not be con- 
 ceited, that our danger is imaginary, becaufe the 
 period of this regency may be Ihort. What du- 
 ration the councils of Providence fhall affign to 
 it, who can predict ? The labour of deftruction 
 is eafy, and its progrefs rapid. A few years, per- 
 haps, and our boafted commonwealth may be 
 numbered among the governments that cover the 
 earth ; the awful ruins of edifices, once confe- 
 crated to the rights and to the happinefs of human 
 kind. The facred flame kindled on the altar 
 of freedom, by the genius of our conftitution, 
 of which the kings of England (let the lords of 
 flaves " hide their diminished heads,") are the 
 chofen high priefls, may, in a moment, be ex- 
 tinguifhed for ever, by the officious rudenefs of 
 unhallowed hands. 
 
 The inftitution of fuch a regency would, more- 
 over, not only be deftructive of the unity, but dan- 
 gerous to the independence of the executive power. 
 It is remote from the prefent defign, to mix in the 
 broils of contending parties ; but the elevation of 
 
 D any
 
 any minifter above the conflitutional powers of 
 the crown, ought to be firmly refilled by every 
 virtuous and enlightened citizen. It is however too 
 obvious to efcape remark, that a council of re- 
 gency, formed as it is likely to be^ would become 
 an inftrument in the hands of the prefent cabi* 
 net, to aggrandize and perpetuate its power. It 
 is impoffible to fuppofe the chancellor divefted 
 of all partiality to his political connexions. It 
 were to expect a perfection or a depravity, to 
 which humanity rarely either rifes or finks. The 
 facred character of the prelate, the prudent and 
 amiable abftraction from politics that has hitherto 
 diftinguifhed the royal confort, will not fuffer us 
 to expect much activity from them : but the gra- 
 titude of the prelate, the natural and laudable 
 partiality of the queen to the minifters, and 
 meafures of her hufband, mufl determine their 
 fide. On the throne, no Englilh fubject has hi- 
 therto fixed the engines of his ambition ; but 
 having obtained this point from which to play his 
 machinery, what revolutions and concuflions may 
 not our political Archimedes command ? 
 
 In a few years of fuch authority, the minifters, 
 and their regents, might fortify themfelvcs fo in- 
 expugnably with official and parliamentary inter- 
 eft, that at its termination, they might fecurely 
 
 hold
 
 ( '9 ) 
 
 hold their ftations without the confidence of the 
 fovereign, or the affection of the people ; fmile 
 at the cries of an opprefled nation, and defy the 
 exertions of a trammeled monarch. 
 
 This view addrefles itfelf, not only to the judg- 
 ment, but to the confiftency of our mmifter. It 
 is. to him an argumentum adbominem ; it was by at- 
 tributing fuch confequences to the India Bill, of 
 Mr. Fox, that the people of England were fe- 
 duced, in a moment of intoxication and infanity, 
 to drive from the fenate and the cabinet their moft 
 tried and ancient friends. It was as the champion 
 ofthofe principles which I now maintain, that the 
 fmiles of the fovereign, and the acclamations of 
 the people, conducted Mr. Pitt to that emi- 
 nence, where the eyes of Europe are now fixed 
 on him : let him approve the purity of his mo- 
 tives, by the fteadinefs of his conduct. 
 
 There is one peculiarity in our government de- 
 ferving of fpecial remark, which arifes from the 
 independence of the crown, and the precarious 
 tenure of minifterial power. The perfection of 
 a free government, is, when political acts, though 
 they depend on the popular will, are yet pro- 
 duced by it circuitoufly and unconfcioufly ; when 
 forms and orders interpofed, hide from the eyes of 
 the people their own authority ; .and when the 
 
 D 2 violence
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 violence of their refolution is broken by the mu 
 riierous and complex fprings to which it muft 
 give energy before it go forth into action. In 
 other words, that free government is the beft, 
 where popular influence is the greateft, and po- 
 pular prerogative, the leaft. 
 
 To reftrain the overgrown power of a citizen, 
 and to call forth all men's abilities in the fervice 
 of the ftate, the ancient republics had recourfe 
 to an qftracifm or petalifm t or to a rotation of 
 magiftracies. Rut this was to remove every bar- 
 rier that reiifts .the madnefs of the multitude. 
 Thefe rude contrivances of youthful legislation, 
 find no place in the Englilh fyftem. The ab- 
 fence of fuch odious and diforderly expedients, 
 is compenfated by the filent activity of fituation 
 and opinion. 
 
 A long admin iftration has ever become unpo- 
 pular in England. It creates difcontent in the 
 body of the nation. A formidable opposition in 
 parliament continually gathers ftrength, and the 
 king is at laft compelled to abandon the obnoxi- 
 ous minifter *. This is the EngUfh oflradfm. 
 
 * This progrefs will be the fame, whether the ad mini- 
 flrarion be profperous or calamitous. Profperity begets in- 
 folent confidence ; calamity unreafonable complaint. Sir 
 Robert Walpole and Lord North, are examples. 
 
 The
 
 The leaders of oppofition are minifters ; in their 
 turn become unpopular, and are expelled 
 from the cabinet, by new opponents : fuch is 
 our rotation of magiftracies. But if any body of 
 men ihould acquire fuch permanence and power 
 as we havebeen confidering, the prerogative of the 
 crown, the organ by which the voice of the par- 
 liament and people removes a minifter, would bje 
 filenced by an authority that controuled the 
 throne. Thefe regents may return his fceptre to 
 the monarch an impotent and gaudy bauble. 
 
 And what, Sir, is to be the influence of this 
 new fyftem on our foreign politics ? A govern- 
 ment, temporary from its nature, and divided 
 from its origin, counteracted by a powerful op- 
 pofition, perhaps in the confidence of fome of its 
 members, is the picture of an inftitution devifed 
 for diffraction, feeblenefs, and contempt. I fay, 
 divided from its origin, becaufe who can wifli 
 that the blood which flows in the veins of the 
 royal houfe of England, were fo cold and vapid, 
 that our prince could feel much cordiality to- 
 wards men who had degraded him with frittered 
 authority, and attempted to amufe him with the 
 femblance and mockery of power. 
 
 But
 
 But it has been rumoured in certain circles, 
 from high authority, that it is in contemplation 
 with the minifler, not indeed to deny the prince 
 of Wales the regency, but to limit his power. 
 This I prefume either means that they defign to 
 render the confent of a council necefiary to the 
 exertion of certain prerogatives as in the regency- 
 acls of the laft and prefent reign, or that it is 
 their intention, during the prefent regency, to 
 fufpend altogether the exertion of fome bran- 
 ches of prerogative. 
 
 You will agree with me, Sir, that we have 
 anticipated the confideration of both thefe plans ; 
 for the one is fubverlive of the unity * the other 
 hoflile to the independence of the executive power. 
 To call the firft a limitation, is a grofs confuiion 
 and abufe of language. The royal authority, as 
 it is poiTerTed by the regent and council together, 
 is not by fuch a plan limited. Its exercife by 
 the regent is limited, only becaufe it is divided 
 between him and the council. It is not therefore 
 limitation, but diviiion. The regent, and his 
 council, would be nearly in the fame ftate as the 
 king and fenate of Sweden were, and the king 
 and permanent council of Poland now are ; and 
 feeble and factious oligarchy is fubftituted for 
 monarchy. The infallible effect, though we 
 
 trufl
 
 trufl it cannot in the moft remote view be the ob- 
 ject of the fecond fort of limitation fuggefted, is 
 to elevate a minifterial junto on the ruins of pre- 
 rogative and freedom. The event of any poli- 
 tical conteil in England, would, after the adop- 
 tion of fuch a fyftem, ceafe to be dubious* 
 Unarmed with the fame engine of prerogative to 
 fubvert, which minifbers had employed to 
 ftrengthen their power, the regent muft be worfted 
 in every conflict ; uncomprefTed by a fuperior 
 hand, their influence, under fuch a regency, 
 would rife to a height which the ordinary preroga- 
 tives of the crown, when reftored to the king, 
 would be unable to reduce ; the monarchical au- 
 thority, palfied by inactivity and reftraint, would 
 fhrink into impotence, and the beauty and vigour 
 of the conftitution, be blafted and unnerved. 
 
 But * to what end, you may juftly demand, in 
 the caufe of fuch obvious truth, is any oftenta- 
 tious expenditure of argument ? What, might a 
 ftranger, ignorant of our divifions, naturally ex- 
 claim, What are the demerits of this prince, 
 
 * I had defigned here to have difcuffed the precedents of 
 fegencies in our hiftory, but that fubjeft hasbeen exhaufted 
 "by a writer of great ability and conftitutional information, 
 in fereral papers, under the title of The Profpefi Before Us, 
 publiQied in the Herald, Gazetteer, General Advertifer, &c. 
 
 whom,
 
 whom, to exclude from power, a nation, indul- 
 gent to youth, and affectionate to royalty, is 
 about to outrage every maxim of their fathers ? 
 Did he catch in the atmofphere of a court, taint- 
 ed as it is with the contagion of fervility and 
 deceit, thofe artificial manners, that elaborate 
 hypocrify, that mean propenfity to defpotifm, 
 that devotiori to obfcure and worthlefs minions, 
 that fo early poifon, and fo fatally debafe the 
 minds of princes ? No ! He ftoOped not to 
 parafites or tools in his couft, or his houihold : 
 he fought for friends among the chiefs of the 
 nobles and the leaders of the people. The abi- 
 lities of thofe illuftrious perfons whofe intimacy 
 he has cultivated, are the vouchers of his con- 
 icious elevation of talent ; for littlenefs crouches 
 and trembles before the proud and impoiing fu- 
 periority of genius. He did not learn his max- 
 ims of politics in theantichamberor the clofet; he 
 imbibed them in the air of the HOUSE OF COM- 
 MONS. Magnificent and accompliftied, nature 
 formed him for a king ; his generofity fits him 
 to be the ruler of a free, his abilities to be the 
 fovereign -of a great, people. And what are the 
 faults which are laid " to tarnifh the luftre, and 
 " to impede the march of thefe abilities?" I was 
 about to enumerate their falfhoods, but I will 
 
 not,
 
 not. I blufh for my country- I blufli for this 
 renowned and generous nation, whofe voice has 
 been aped and counterfeited by impudent and 
 calumnious hirelings. 
 
 Some perfons have urged the difficulty of a. 
 voluntary abdication, of power, and the tempta- 
 tion of the regent to retain it beyond the perioci 
 of royal imbecility. They deceive themfelves, 
 by arguing from the hiftory of ages, when the 
 flighteft change was ominous of ufurpation and 
 war; and they forget, that in our days, the ener- 
 gy of manners is equivalent to a thoufand flatu- 
 tory enactments. Let the guardianfhip of the 
 royal perfon be, however, feparated from the of- 
 fice of regency, and let the refources of legifla- 
 tion be exhaufted to enfure the recovered mo^ 
 narch an eafy and fpeedy reftoration. 
 
 For what purpofe then, is the dignity of the 
 heir appar ent to be wounded, the majefty of the 
 Executive power impaired, the freedom of our 
 
 conftitution endangered? TO PRESERVE 
 
 AND PERPETUATE THE ADMINISTRA- 
 TION OF MR. PITT ! 
 
 7"o fuch an argument I fhall not prefume to 
 eply ; and I can only add, that 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. &c f 
 
 Condon , Dec. 3, 1788,
 
 NEW PUBLIC. 
 
 Printed for J. DEBRETT. 
 
 Al4 ADDRESS to thofe Citizens who, in their public 
 and private Capacity, RESISTED the Claim of the 
 late HOUSE OF COMMONS to NOMINATE 
 the MINISTERS of the CROWN. Price 6d. 
 
 The LAW OF PARLIAMENT, in the PRESENT 
 SITUATION of GREAT BRITAIN confidered. 
 Price is. 6d. 
 
 The SPEECH of M. NECKER, Director General of 
 the Finances, at the Meeting of the ASSEMBLY of 
 NOTABLES, Irckl at Verfailles, Nov. 6, 1788. To 
 which is added, the Speeches of the KING, and the 
 Keeper of the Seals. Price is. 6d. 
 
 A CONCISE ACCOUNT of the Climate, Produce* 
 Trade, Government, Manners, and Cuftoms of ihe 
 Kingdom of PEGU, interfperfed with Remarks Mo- 
 ral and Political ; with an Appendix, containing, 
 
 I ft. Enquiry into the Caufe of the Variety obfervablc 
 
 in the Fleeces of Sheep in Different Climates^ 
 . 2d. Defcription at fome Caves at Elephanta, Am- 
 
 bola, and Canara. 
 
 The Whole being the Refult of Obfervations made on 
 Voyage performed, by Order of the Honourable Eaft 
 India Company, by W. HUNTER, A. M. Surgeon. 
 Price 2s. 6d. 
 
 CONSIDERATIONS on the War with the TURKS. 
 Tranfiated from the French of M. DE VOLNEY, 
 Price 2s. 6d.
 
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