ADDRESSES 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON, 
 
 THE LIFE AND SERVICES OF COL. SETH WARNER: 
 
 Delivered before ttye Cegislatnre of Vermont, 
 
 IN MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 20, 1848, 
 
 JAMES DAVIE BUTLER, 
 
 GEORGE FREDERICK HOUGHTON. 
 
 Published by Order of the Legislature. 
 
 BURLINGTON: 
 
 FREE PRESS OFFICE PRINT. 
 
 1849.

 
 ADDRESSES 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON, 
 
 THE LIFE AND SERVICES OF COL. SETH WARNER; 
 before % Ceigtslatnre of Vermont, 
 
 IN MONTPELIER, OCTOBER 20, 1848, 
 
 B T 
 
 JAMES DAVIE BUTLER. 
 * 
 
 AXD 
 
 GEORGE FREDERICK HOUGHTON. 
 
 Published by Order of the Legislature. 
 
 BURLINGTON: 
 
 TREE PRESS OFFICE PRINT. 
 
 1849.'
 
 The following Resolution was adopted by the two Houses of the Legislature 
 of Vermont, on Monday, the 23d of October, 1848 : 
 
 " Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 That the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House of Representa- 
 tives be directed to request of the Rev. JAMES D. BUTLER and Mr. GEORGE F. 
 HOUGHTON a copy of their able and interesting Addresses prepared for delivery 
 before the "Vermont Historical and Antiquarian Society," and pronounced before 
 the members of the two Houses, in the Representatives' Hall, on Friday eve- 
 ning last." 
 
 In pursuance of this direction, the following letter was addressed to each of 
 the gentlemen named : 
 
 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF THE SENATE, ^ 
 Montpelier, Vt., Oct. 23, 1848. $ 
 
 DEAR SIR : By a Joint Resolution of the two Houses, this day adopted, we 
 are directed to request you to furnish us with a copy for publication, of " the 
 able and interesting Address prepared by you for delivery at the Annual 
 Meeting of the Vermont Historical and Antiquarian Society, 1 ' and, in compli- 
 ance with a previous Joint Resolution, pronounced before the Members of the 
 Legislature in the Representatives' Hall on Friday evening, the 20th inst. 
 
 Trusting that you will find no objection to the course indicated by the Reso- 
 lution alluded to, 
 
 We are very respectfully, Your ob't serv'ts, 
 
 D. W. C. CLARKE, Secretary of the Senate, 
 
 F. F. MERRILL, Clerk of the House of Representatives. 
 
 To which the following replies were received : 
 
 From Mr. BUTLER. 
 
 WELLS RIVER, Vt., October 24th 1848. 
 GENTLEMEN : 
 
 Your letter, by direction of the Legislature of Vermont, requesting for 
 publication a copy of the Historical Address which I recently delivered before that 
 honorable body, has just been received. I am truly thankful for the sympathy 
 thus shown with my humble endeavors to revive the memory of half forgotten 
 incidents in our pioneer history, and shall, therefore, gladly comply with the request 
 to commit my manuscript for safe keeping to the " art preservative of all arts." 
 With respectful regard, Your obedient servant, 
 
 JAMES D. BUTLER. 
 To Messrs. D. W. C. CLARKE and F. F. MERRILL, 
 
 Committee in behalf of the Legislature of Vermont. 
 
 From Mr. HOUGHTON. 
 
 MONTPELIER, Vt., 24th October, 1848. 
 GENTLEMEN : 
 
 I hasten to acknowledge the receipt of your complimentary joint-letter 
 of yesterday's date requesting for the press, on behalf of the two Houses of the
 
 General Assembly, a copy of the Address pronounced by me before the Mem- 
 bers of the Legislature, at their request, on the evening of the 20th inst. 
 
 The address was prepared for delivery before the " Vermont Historical and 
 Antiquarian Society," and with no idea that, under any combination of circum- 
 stances, would its publication be invited. 
 
 If it be thought, however, that any beneficial influence can be anticipated 
 from its publication, it is cheerfully placed at your disposal. 
 
 I am, Gentlemen, Very respectfully, 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 GEORGE F. HOUGHTON. 
 Messrs. D. W. C. CLARKE, Secretary of the Senate, 
 
 F. F. MERKILL, Clerk of the House of Representatives, 

 
 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 MR. PRESIDENT AND GENTLEMEN : 
 
 The eye affecteth the heart. Hence all popular depart- 
 ments of knowledge appeal to qjt>r senses. Geography avails itself 
 of maps; chemistry of experiments; mathematics of diagrams, and 
 eloquence of gestures. No arguments are so convincing as those 
 which address the senses of the people, except, perhaps, those which 
 are addressed to their nonsense. 
 
 I think 'myself happy, therefore, in that I am to speak in the 
 real presence of Eshcol clusters, plucked for us and brought hither 
 by spies who have traversed the promised land of antiquarian re- 
 search from Dan to Beersheba. I trust these trophies of the proud- 
 est day in our annals, though they have no tongues, will speak to 
 you of olden times with most miraculous organ, even as the shell 
 you hold to your ear whispers to you of the distant ocean, so that 
 you will bear with me while I discourse touching shreds and 
 patches, 
 
 " Picked from the worm-holes of long vanished days, 
 " And from the dust ot old oblivion raked." 
 
 Among the sources of information to which I have had recourse 
 are the following: Files of the Connecticut Courant ; Vermont 
 State Papers, especially the third volume of tho manuscript col- 
 lections by Stevens ; Journal of Captain Stevens' journey to Can- 
 ada in 1752 ; Lives of Stark, by his Son, by Headley and Ever- 
 ett ; Sparks' edition of the Washington papers ; Travels by An- 
 bury, a Captain under Burgoyne ; Burgoyne's Narrative ; Madam 
 RiedeseFs Letters ; the Hessian account of the battle by Glich ; 
 the History of Coos Country by Grant Powers. I have also en- 
 joyed a personal conference with several veterans who saw all and 
 shared a part of the conflict. 
 
 My cardinal object will be to describe THE BATTLE OF BEN- 
 
 2
 
 6 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 NINGTON; but I must not fail to sketch, first, the train of events which 
 led to that battle. 
 
 The evacuation of Ticonderoga, on the sixth of July, 1777, took 
 place forty days before the battle of Bennington. That evacua 
 tion struck more terror through the Northern States than any 
 event during the Revolution. Burgoyne's invasion through the 
 Lakes astonished Washington, who had expected Burgoyne at 
 Boston if any where. As early as the 27th of May, General 
 Poor had written to Gates, and on the 30th of the same month 
 Gates had written Washington, that the enemy were in force oa 
 Lake Champlain, and that Ticonderoga was untenable against a 
 vigorous attack.* Yet it was a favorite idea with Washington,, 
 that the British would not operate in force from Canada during 
 that campaign. Therefore, three weeks after Gates' letter, Wash- 
 ington wrote : " The garrison at Ticonderoga is sufficient to hold 
 it against any attack." Officers from Canada, and Canadian spies, 
 gave accounts of Burgoyne which proved accurate, but were re- 
 ceived as incredulously as the prophecies of Cassandra. f Nine 
 days before the taking of Ticonderoga, Schuyler thought that no 
 serious attack on that post was threatened, but an attempt on New 
 Hampshire, or the Mohawk.:}: I have seen no evidence that 
 Washington had any faith in Burgoyne's invasion as a reality 
 more than four days before the fall of Ticonderoga, and when on 
 the tenth of July, nine days afterwards, he received intelligence 
 that that fortress was taken, he refused to believe it. " I should 
 rather suppose" he writes, "that if any accident has befallen us, 
 it must have happened to the detachment of men from the New 
 Hampshire grants under Colonel Warner, for we find from St. 
 Clair's letters that he expected something from him." Nay, on 
 the seventh, two days after Burgoyne had taken Ticonderoga 
 Washington writes, " We are left to conjecture whether his ap- 
 pearance on the Lake was with a view to a real and serious attack 
 or whether to amuse and draw our attention."|| 
 
 As soon as Schuyler heard of the fall of Ticonderoga he wrote, 
 ** An event so alarming has not yet happened since the contest 
 
 *Stevens Papers, 153. I do not mention the volume, for as already intimated 
 my quotations are solely from the third. t Washington Papers, IV. 467, 462, 466. 
 I Stevens, 189. ^Washington Papers, IV. 475, 486. HWashington Papers,
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 7 
 
 began." In the letters of private men it was often said, " There 
 are many long faces, for the key of North America is lost and 
 gone ; a very dark shadow is cast over a very bright prospect." 
 In some States it led to a public fast. The New England troops 
 in great part deserted St. Clair on his retreat from Ticonderoga, 
 and ever afterwards viewed him and Schuyler as treacherous or 
 incapable and imbecile.* For forty days after mastering Ticon- 
 deroga, the British seemed to be pushing their success in every 
 quarter when the battle of Bennington broke their left wing, and 
 forty days of reverses whelmed the strongest army ever sent to 
 the Canadas in ruin. It is natural to ask, whence came these re- 
 verses ? How shall we account for them ? What turned victory 
 into defeat ? We shall find answers to these questions if we sur- 
 vey the measures of the British and Americans previous to the 
 battle of Bennington. 
 
 Onward from the day that Ticonderoga yielded to his arms, 
 Burgoyne's forces were divided and subdivided. Unvaried suc- 
 cess tempted him to act by detachments. He could not but 
 say to himself, " Those who have not dared abide my coming in 
 the fortifications of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, who vainly 
 strove to conflict with my advanced guard at Hubbardton, who 
 would not risk a battle at Fort George, Skeensborough, Fort Ann, 
 Fort Edward, and Stillwater where shall they make a stand ? 
 For me to pursue is to overtake, to overtake is to conquer, to con- 
 quer is to crush." Accordingly, besides the garrisons at Ticon- 
 deroga, Fort George and Fort Edward, six battalions were 
 posted for three weeks in Castleton,f and a large force was sent 
 to besiege. Fort Stanwix, scouts ranged the valley of Otter Creek, 
 Sherwood was dispatched to ravage the debatable ground between 
 New York and Massachusetts, and finally Baum was ordered to 
 Bennington. 
 
 Doubtless Burgoyne was familiar with the war maxim that an 
 army must be like a man's hand outposts and detachments re- 
 sembling the fingers which are never so far separated and removed 
 that they cannot, at any moment of need reinforce each other and 
 concentrate into one fist. But that General was persuaded he 
 
 "Stevens Papers, 217, 522, 268. tRiedesel, 139.
 
 8 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 should be cautious over-much, if he tied himself up by rules of 
 circumspection in dealing with a foe so little to be feared. His 
 instructions to Baum show that he believed it possible for six hun- 
 dred men to march from the Hudson to the Connecticut, subjuga- 
 ting all the intervening region without running any risk of loss. 
 He also considered it " highly probable that Warner would retreat 
 before Baum" and so far as appears, he had never heard the name 
 of Stark.* Such was the tide of Burgoyne's success, as to make 
 Washington at times despondent, for on the seventh of August, 
 nine days before the battle of Bennington, he wrote: "As matters 
 are going on, General Burgoyne will find little difficulty in pene- 
 trating to Albany. "f 
 
 Burgoyne, as soon as he had seized Ticonderoga, issued a pro- 
 clamation that towns should send delegates, and individuals come 
 for themselves, and make their submission to his officer atCastleton 
 on the 15th of July. Many tories did so, and in some cases were 
 employed to work on roads, in others were furnished with protec- 
 tions insuring them safety against the scouts who scoured the val- 
 ley of Otter Creek to plunder such as had not taken the oath of 
 allegiance. :j: Tories sometimes nailed up their protections over 
 their doors, as we do insurance plates, and they received red caps 
 to wear as a badge of loyalty. They were called by the Yankees 
 Protectioners. Their wish being father to their thought, they per- 
 suaded Burgoyne that the Green Mountain Boys were tories to a 
 man, and thus doubled his contempt for his antagonists. 
 
 At sight of the wounded or panic-struck fugitives from Hub- 
 bardton, almost every whig house, west of the mountains and 
 north of Manchester, was deserted. East of the mountains, the 
 people of several towns crossed the Connecticut. July 21st, those 
 of Thetford crossed into Lyme; for a party was expected to attack 
 Number Four, and thence go up the Connecticut. Five days after 
 the evacuation of Ticonderoga, in a letter from Stockbridge, Mass- 
 achusetts, it was written: " We are greatly burdened with people 
 who have fled from the New Hampshire grants." It was feared 
 that Manchester also must be abandoned. In a letter dated there, 
 July 15th, it is said : " We learn that a large scout of the enemy 
 
 *Stevens Papers, 471. t Washington Papers, V. 23. } Stevens Papers, 305, 
 83, 89.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 9 
 
 are disposed to take a tour to this post. The inhabitants with their 
 families cannot be quieted without the assurance of the arrival of 
 troops directly."* 
 
 The plan for withstanding Burgoyne atjirst proposed, and acted 
 upon for a while, was to concentrate all the American troops be- 
 tween him and Albany. Such a course, it was thought, might save 
 Albany, protect the New York whigs from their tories, and subject 
 the rebellious Green Mountain boys to such schoool-masters as would 
 teach them fealty to New York. Accordingly, after the disaster at 
 Hubbardton every continental soldier was marched out of Vermont 
 as soon as possible, and Schuyler's first orders were, that the Ver- 
 mont militia also should repair to his camp ; though when remon- 
 strated with, he allowed them to remain for the defence of their 
 families, and said : " I had forgotten to give directions about the 
 security of the people on the Grants." Singular absence of mind ! 
 He had forgotten this whole State! f In the same spirit Schuyler 
 refused to answer an official letter from Ira Allen, Secretary of 
 our Government, without insisting upon addressing Allen as a pri- 
 vate man, and refused to grant one man or one musket for the re- 
 lief of Bennington.:}: But in a few days, this project of resisting 
 Burgoyne in front only was abandoned ; for Schuyler and all his 
 officers were so much distrusted by all New England, as holding 
 offices they could not fill, and part of them so hated by Vermont 
 as Yorkers, that no force sufficient to fight Burgoyne could be 
 brought together. 
 
 The plan of arresting Burgoyne's progress by harassing his 
 flanks was therefore adopted. Schuyler, who at first had contented 
 himself with granting the Vermonters half a ton of powder, now 
 sent Warner $4000, and an order for whatever clothing could 
 be procured in Albany. He also ordered at first four or five 
 hundred of Colonel Symonds' regiment, and then all the troops 
 from New Hampshire which were then marching toward his camp, 
 to turn their course towards Vermont and unite with Warner. 
 Moreover he dispatched Lincoln 1 o take the command of the whole 
 division, and that officer arrived in Manchester on the second of 
 August, fourteen days before the battle of Bennington. Cushing's 
 
 ^Stevens Papers, 277. tlbid, 323. Ubid. 261. ^Stevens Papers, 261, 291.
 
 10 
 
 MR. BUTLER S ADDRESS. 
 
 Worcester County regiment arrived there two days afterwards, and 
 many soldiers from New Hampshire were already there. War- 
 ner's corps, numbering, with Herrick's, 500 men, had for weeks 
 made their head quarters there.* But Lincoln either lacked 
 nerve and self-confidence enough to throw himself on Burgoyne's 
 lines of communication with the Lakes, as Stark might have done ; 
 or, as is more probable, he found his forces so ill-armed and un- 
 provided with military necessaries, that he could not but view such 
 a bold stroke as suicidal; and he therefore suffered the Massachu- 
 setts minute men to march to Schuyler. Lincoln, however, seems 
 to have been meditating an enterprise of this sort,'}' when Stark 
 crossed the mountains, took command of his brigade, and led it on 
 to a still more brilliant and glorious achievement. 
 
 Had WARNER been in Stark's rank, I am persuaded .that he 
 would have equalled him in energy and success. The hero of 
 Crown Point, foremost to relieve our army in Canada after the fall 
 of Montgomery, Warner, issued a stirring appeal to all Vermont 
 as soon as Burgoyne approached Ticonderoga, threw himself into 
 that fortress, and had he been its commander, would never have 
 fallen under suspicion of selling it through treachery, or fleeing 
 from it through weakness. His services at Hubbardton have never 
 been appreciated. But for them, St. Glair might never have es- 
 caped to Schuyler with a single soldier. Perhaps, also, Benning- 
 ton might have been captured by a descent of Riedesel's battalions 
 from Castleton, but for the bold front which Warner showed at 
 Manchester, till the New Hampshire men had time to rally. 
 
 Flanking movements, such as Warner began and Stark contin- 
 ued, commended themselves to Washington. On the 24th of July 
 he wrote to Schuyler : " You intimate the propriety of having a 
 body of men stationed somewhere about the Grants. The expe- 
 diency of such a measure appears to me evident, for it would cer- 
 tainly make Burgoyne very circumspect in his advances, if it did 
 tiot totally prevent them. It would keep him in continual anxiety 
 for his rear, and oblige him to leave the posts behind him much 
 .stronger than he would otherwise do.":}: 
 
 But it was not until about the time of Stark's arrival, that the 
 
 "Stevens Tapers 431, 432, 313. tlbid. 534, 549. J Washington Papers, V. 23.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. II 
 
 necessary munitions of war could be procured. The great mag- 
 azine of war-like stores for all the North had been Ticonderoga, 
 which was now in the hands of foes. As soon as the loss of that 
 fortress was known, agents were appointed by the Vermont Con- 
 vention to procure arms to the amount of 4000 sterling. Within- 
 a week those agents had.been in Connecticut, and failing of suc- 
 cess there, had set out for Massachusetts.* All arms found in 
 the possession of Tories in Vermont were seized: Their property 
 was also confiscated to fill the military chest. f One hundred 
 and fifty stand of arms had been recently presented to Vermont 
 by Massachusetts, and an equal number sold among the Greert 
 Mountains, by Charles Phelps of Marlborough, grandfather to a 
 representative in this Legislature. Massachusetts had also fur- 
 nished New Hampshire with five tons of lead and five thousand 
 flints. :): When news of the evacuation of Ticonderoga was 
 brought to the Legislature of New Hampshire, the Speaker, John 
 Langdon, thus addressed them : " I have $3000 in hard money. 
 I will pledge my plate for $3000 more. I have 70 hogsheads of 
 Tobago Rum which shall be sold for the most it will bring. These 
 are at the service of the State. If we succeed in defending our 
 firesides and homes, I may be remunerated ; if not, the property 
 will be of no value to me." 
 
 Stark wrote from Number Four to the New Hampshire Coun- 
 cil, that he needed kettles and cooking utensils. The answer was 
 that '' no kettles could be procured in New Hampshire, but an 
 express had been sent to a place in Massachusetts where it was 
 said tin might be bought." A week afterwards twenty-five tin- 
 kettles were procured and forwarded, though too late to be used 
 before the battle. |j Of the eleven barrels of powder in the Fort 
 at Number Four, nine had been condemned. The four cannow 
 there were dismounted, and apparatus for putting them on car- 
 riages could not be procured.^ Again, July thirtieth, Stark 
 writes from his headquarters on the Connecticut: *' I am informed 
 that the enemy have left Castleton with an intent to march to Ben- 
 nington. We are detained by the want of bullet-moulds, as there 
 
 *Stevens Papers, 288. tHere the Speaker exhibited the original MS. of one 
 of the earliest decrees of sequestration , dated Bennington, in Council of Safety- 
 July 28th, 1777. {Stevens, 298. $ Life of Stark by Everett. 78. || Stevens, 
 386, 503. * Ibid. 405.
 
 12 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 is but one pair in town, and the few balls sent on by the Council 
 go but a little way."* One pair of bullet-moulds for an army ! 
 A light visible result significant of how many things not so visible. 
 Even after the battle of Bennington, in all Stark's brigade, there 
 was but one case of amputating instruments, there were no tents, 
 and few axes, pails or canteens. f One, particular of destitution, 
 and the lamentation over it will be more likely to excite a smile in 
 these days than in those. " There is," writes Stark, July thirtieth, 
 " but very little rum in the store here ; if some could be forwarded 
 it would oblige us very much, for there is none of that article in 
 those parts where we are going, that is in Vermont." O, that we 
 could say so now-a-days ! On the second of August, the answer 
 of the Council to this pathetic appeal was : " Rum is not to be 
 bought in this State"-that is in New Hampshire ; as if No License 
 had begun its reign before the time. A similar lack of strong 
 drink may be inferred from the following certificate, the original 
 of which I read : 
 
 BENNINGTON, March 14, 1778. 
 
 This may certify that there is due to Capt. Robinson sixteen 
 gills of Rum. 
 
 WM. SHERMAN, D. Commissary." 
 
 Amid such destitutions there would have been reason for des- 
 pondency unless STARK, used to battles from his youth, a man of 
 iron will last to quit his breast-work of grass and rail fences at 
 Bunker Hill, first of the van at Trenton, the idol of the Gran- 
 ite State would take the command. But this veteran, though no 
 more passionate, perhaps, regarding punctilios, than most warriors 
 from the days of the wrathful Achilles down to those of Leonidas 
 Pillow, disgusted at the partiality shown to younger and inferior 
 officers, had three months before, resigned and was tilling his farm. 
 Message after message came to New Hampshire from outraged 
 Vermont in this style: " When we are crushed and cease to be the 
 frontier, you must be; there is no frontier and will be none, except 
 where there are sufficient troops with arms in their hands to de- 
 fend it.":j: Moved by such representations, and having no con- 
 
 *Stevens, 386. t Ibid. 431, 432. t Ibid. 386, 403. Furnished me by the 
 President of the Historical Society. t Stevens, 244, 313.
 
 v V 
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 13 
 
 fidence in the officers on the Hudson, New Hampshire at length 
 put its forces under Stark, leaving him independent of Schuyler, 
 at liberty to act separately or in conjunction with the continentals, 
 as he thought most for the public good. In five days after Stark 
 was invested with these dictatorial powers, he was at Charlestown, 
 on the Connecticut. In five days more he had sent reinforcements 
 to Warner ; in five days more he was himself approaching Man- 
 chester ; in thirteen days more he had routed Breymann. Not 
 without reason might he say : " Veni, Vidi, Vici. :} 
 
 As we turn our thoughts to the action near Bennington, we 
 naturally ask : Why was there such a depot of provisions there, as 
 it was important for Burgoyne to sieze 1 The answer is, such a 
 depot had been there established for victualing Ticonderoga, and 
 was now kept up for supplying the wants of the forces under 
 Schuyler to the West, as well as those under Warner and Herrick 
 to the North.* Burgoyne had for weeks viewed this magazine 
 with greedy eyes, and at length resolved to seize it, convinced that 
 he could feed his forces easier by plunder than by carting through 
 the mud of Whitehall and the sands of Fort Ann ; inasmuch as 
 by the latter process, continued for three weeks, he was able to 
 lay by him in store only the provisions needed for four days. The 
 forces intended to pillage Bennington, and do other exploits, were 
 entrusted to Lieutenant Colonel Baum, who bore as a Paladium, a 
 letter of instructions, in the judgment of British officers " so mi- 
 nute and wise that they left nothing to chance. "f 
 
 Baum's corps left Burgoyne's camp near Saratoga, on Tuesday, 
 August 12th, and marched to Battenkill. On Wednesday they 
 advanced to Cambridge, where their scouts surprised a party of 
 Americans, and seized many cattle, horses and wagons. On 
 Thursday they pushed forward within four miles of Bennington. 
 During these three days they could not have marched more than 
 thirty miles. Yet this was a corps which Burgoyne thought might, 
 within a fortnight, march to Albany by way of Rockingham and 
 Brattleboro', and, in passing, subjugate the Otter Creek and Con- 
 necticut valleys. But it is easy to account for this slowness of 
 movement. Baum's march was through a thick forest, and his 
 
 *Burgoyne's Narrative, XLI. t Anbury I, 346. 
 3
 
 14 MB. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 martinets hahecTthe men ten times an hour to dress their ranks. 
 The Germans, of whom the corps was mostly composed, were the 
 most unwieldly portion of the British forces. "In addition to the 
 ordinary hatchet, blanket and haversack of provisions, each bore 
 a cap with a very heavy brass front, a sword of an enormous size, 
 a coat very long skirted, and a canteen holding not less than a 
 gallon."* Baum also wasted much time in administering the 
 oath of allegiance to tories, real and pretended, listening to their 
 flattering reports and giving them arms. On the third day, also, 
 at the bridge of Sanhoik, over the Hoosic North Branch, he found 
 a party of Americans. Not till a good deal of firing and some 
 loss on his part, could he dislodge them from the bushes or chap- 
 arral under cover of which they fought. He was further delayed y 
 since the Hessians shunned the water like cats, in repairing the 
 bridge broken down by the Americans before they took to flight, 
 but afterwards he made his way to the river Wallumscoik, within 
 four miles of Bennington, and perhaps would have continued his- 
 march the same evening to that " cluster of poor cottages," as he 
 called that village, had he not met Stark's brigade in battle array. 
 
 Probably on account of this obstacle, Baum halted, and lodged 
 his forces in six or eight log houses on the banks of the river. 
 The next day, Friday, brought a deluge of rain, and the corps 
 would gladly have kept under shelter, but were incessantly alarm- 
 ed by rebel skirmishes, and were ordered to comply with one ar- 
 ticle of Burgoyne's instructions which was in these words : " When- 
 ever you find it necessary to halt for a day or two. you must always 
 intrench the camp of the regiment of dragoons, in order never to 
 risk an attack or assault from the enemy .+" As if it were a 
 thing incredible that our guerrillas should draw near an intrench- 
 ment. This morning also, or sooner, according to a British of- 
 cer,:j: Baum sent to Burgoyne for succor, though according to 
 his instructions, he was not to do so, unless a detachment were 
 moved from Arnold's main army to intercept him. 
 
 All day Friday, then, and far into the night, spite of the rain 
 and rangers, the Germans tore down the houses, carried the logs 
 of which they were built up a hill a little North, so placed them, 
 as to form a zigzag breastwork, and heaped up earth behind, and 
 
 . *Anbury 1, 335. tStevens, 470. t Anbury 1, 349:
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 15 
 
 sods before it. One of the cannon we have now assembled to 
 receive, was planted at the North, and the other at the South corner 
 of the intrenchment. They who had derided Yankees for fighting 
 behind trees when standing, had no scruples about themselves 
 fighting behind the same trees when laid horizontally. Within 
 this fortification, all Baum's troops were concentrated, and lighting 
 no fires for fear of hostile sharp shooters, passed the night alarmed 
 by nothing but the whoops of their own Indians and the occasional 
 random shot from their enemies.* The forces here bivouacing 
 numbered about eight hundred, namely: 200 Germans, 100 In- 
 dians, Fraser's marksmen, 50 Chasseurs, and the remainder Tories 
 who had flocked to the royal standard upon the march, and no less 
 than 151 of whom were made prisoners the day following. 
 
 On Wednesday, the second day of Baum's march, ho was heard 
 of by Stark, but mistaken for a scout, and only two hundred men 
 sent against him under Colonel Gregg. These two hundred were 
 the body with whom the affair at Sancoik's bridge took place. 
 But Stark had scarcely sent off this detachment, before his mistake 
 was corrected by an express, who informed him of the approach 
 of an enemy with cannon. He heard this news with surprise, for 
 it was generally supposed that the British no longer threatened 
 Vermont. Two weeks before, six of their battalions, for some 
 time posted at Castleton, had left the State ; two days before, 
 Cushing's Regiment of Worcester Militia, thinking the danger 
 over at Bennington, had marched thence to Stillwater, Schuyler 
 thought one small regiment enough to defend Vermont, and letters 
 were written from Bennington in this style : " The enemy have 
 pointed their whole force toward Albany, and evacuated this State 
 entirely." Stark had been but two days in Bennington, and had 
 Baum's incursion been deferred three days longer, he would in all 
 likelihood have left Vermont soldierless, and gone to threaten 
 Burgoyne's rear, or, perhaps would have marched to join Schuy- 
 ler.f 
 
 During the evening and night of Wednesday, an alarm was 
 sounded from Bennington in every direction. Letters were dis- 
 
 *This account of Baum's inarch and measures is condensed from that of Glich, 
 a Hessian officer. tStevens 477, 491, 535.
 
 16 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 patched by the Vermont Council of Safety, bidding officers hurry 
 forward with all speed whatever rangers were recruited.* On 
 Thursday, Stark mustered his brigade, which nominally had 
 1332 privates, but actually perhaps only half that number, as one 
 company was at Number Four, two on the mountains, others else- 
 where, or weakened by sickness and desertion. His numbers were 
 estimated by Schuyler at less than 7 or 800. f He was joined 
 by Captain Robinson with the Bennington Militia,:}: and by many 
 volunteers from the vicinity. About four miles from Bennington, 
 he met the detachment he had sent out the day before, on a rapid 
 retreat. His army and the enemy looked each other in the face, 
 but neither ventured to commence an attack. The skirmishes dur- 
 ing the rainy Friday, resulting in some loss to the British and none 
 to the Americans, habituated the raw levies to the sight of enemies, 
 and raised their ideas of their own prowess. . 
 
 On Saturday morning, Stark was joined by Colonel Symonds 
 with part of a regiment of Berkshire militia, and by Colonel Her- 
 rick at the head of three hundred Vermont Rangers, in a uniform 
 of green with red facings. Stark's disposition of his forces on 
 this day, shows, not only that he was resolved to force Baum to 
 fight, but that his greatest fear was lest his enemies should make 
 good their retreat. Accordingly, more than half his men were 
 ordered to make a wide circuit so as to fall upon the right and left 
 flanks of the enemy, at the moment Stark himself should storm 
 the breastwork in front. The marching necessary to effect this 
 manoeuvre, required them to ford the swollen Wallumscoik twice, 
 and consumed most of the day, and according to the Hessian ac- 
 count of the battle, produced in the hearts of the intrenched corps, 
 as strange a vagary as any that ever deluded Don Quixote. 
 Scouts came in to the Hessian commander, reporting that bodies 
 of armed men were approaching, though whether with a friendly 
 or hostile intention, neither their appearance nor actions enabled 
 the scouts to ascertain. Baum became so duped as to believe 
 that the armed bands of whose approach he was warned, were 
 loyalists, on their way to make a tender of their services to the 
 
 *Steyens, 513. tlbid. 535. JAt this point the speaker showed the original roll 
 of Robinson's company, numbering seventy-one. Glich's Narrative.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 17 
 
 leader of the king's troops ! Hence he sent orders to the outposts 
 that no molestation should be offered to the advancing columns. 
 " Those outposts," says a Hessian who was present, " withdrew 
 without firing a shot, from thickets which might have been main- 
 tained for hours against any numbers/' 3 This was like Napoleon's 
 mistaking Blucher for Grouchy. 
 
 At length, about three o'clock in the afternoon, a sudden tramp- 
 ling was heard in the forest North of the fortification, then a loud 
 shout, then a rapid, though straggling fire of musketry. The 
 shout was a signal given by the detachment of Americans which 
 had furthest to march, that they had reached their appointed post. 
 The attack at once began on three sides of the breastwork. The 
 first volley discharged by the New Englanders drove in the In- 
 dians from the surrounding woods, and a movement of the flanking 
 assailants to unite in. the rear, frightened them to a precipitate, 
 though not bloodless flight. The tales of terror they carried home, 
 shielded and tabooed every village but one in Vermont from Indian 
 assaults through all the remaining years of the revolution. In the 
 gap left by the desertion of the Indians, one of the field pieces 
 now before you* was mounted, while the brazen mouth of the other 
 thrust, forth a tongue of flame in whatever direction the assailants 
 were seen standing thick together. But the Americans sheltered 
 themselves, as with an extemporaneous breastwork, behind stumps, 
 trees, rocks and hillocks. The conflict was long a trial of sharp- 
 shooting, as it were a thousand duels at one time and in one place. 
 The simple Hessians had been persuaded they were to fight with 
 Cannibals, and that if captured they would be roasted and eaten. 
 Every moment they heard, no, they only hoped they heard, Brey- 
 mann's far-off bugles as he hastened to their rescue. They still 
 had hopes of forcing their way back to that father-land they were 
 homesick to behold once more. Baum cried in their ears that 
 their discipline, their position, their intrenchments, and their can- 
 non must make them conquerors, even over men fighting for their 
 own farms. The tories, who had joined the king's troops, confident 
 that in these last days the time of recompense for all their mal- 
 treatment had come, were entrenched in front of the German bat- 
 
 *The cannon were laid on a platform between the speaker and his audience.
 
 18 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 tery. They braved the battle-fire that they might, if it were by 
 any means possible, turn their castle in the air into a castle on 
 the earth. 
 
 On the other hand, the assailants saw before them a band of 
 mercenaries, bought at thirty crowns a head, and of whose speech 
 they could not understand a syllable. They saw a horde whose 
 orders were to make -spoil of every horse, every ox, every wheel 
 carriage, every saddle, every bridle, leaving only the milch cows 
 as special clemency, to carry off all provisions, to tax every village 
 as much as it could pay, tories being judges, to take hostages for 
 payment of the tax, to let loose Indians and tories to do what they 
 pleased with the refractory vanquished. They knew that they 
 were the last hope of New England, that if they were repelled 
 there was no reserve to fall back on, that the dragoons, now dis- 
 mounted before them, on the morrow would be cavalry, a winged 
 army pouncing on the fugitives in every valley, while Indians 
 would set fire to every hill-side hamlet and scalp its inmates. 
 Stark was full of high disdain from a sense of injured merit. Rivals 
 had been promoted over his head and he left a subaltern, 
 
 "Men 
 
 That never set a squadron in the field, 
 Nor the division of battle knew 
 More than a spinster, except the bookish theorick." 
 
 He had insisted on having a separate command and independent 
 authority. Had he taken this position only to expose his weakness, 
 like one who plunges into deep water, though he cannot swim ? 
 He was tried and to be found wanting or not wanting ? It was 
 for him in these moments a fearful question : Was he to prove a 
 mere partisan, a scout, or was he to prove a General, 
 
 " Expert, 
 
 When to advance, or stand, or turn the sway 
 Of battle ; open when, and when to close 
 The ridges of grim War?" 
 
 He heard the war-whoop of the savages who had captivated 
 him in his boyhood, and forced him to run the gauntlet. Is it any 
 wonder his words to his men were : " There are your enemies, 
 the red coats and tories ; we must have them in half an hour, OR 
 THIS NIGHT MY WIFE SLEEPS A WIDOW!" No wonder the engagement
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 19 
 
 was " the hottest he had ever witnessed, resembling a continual 
 clap of thunder."* 
 
 Yet so sheltered were the Hessians by their works, and so sharp 
 was their fire, that Stark hesitated for hours to order a charge. 
 But on a sudden a solitary wagon containing all the German spare 
 ammunition, exploded in the midst of their redoubt. f You would 
 have thought that explosion to be an order given to each American 
 to charge with railroad speed, for the redoubt was instantly storm- 
 ed and carried on every side. " Then, for a few moments," 
 says the Hessian narrative, " the bayonet, the butt of the rifle, the 
 " sabre, and the pike were in full play, and men fell as they have 
 "rarely fallen in modern warfare, under the direct blows of their 
 " adversaries." Baum, sword in hand, led the remnant of his 
 men, but soon sunk mortally wounded, and save a few who darted 
 here and there between the sursounding assailants, his whole 
 corps, with the loyalists who had joined them, were disabled or 
 taken prisoners. 
 
 When the smoke cleared away, those who had vanquished the 
 tories, beheld among the captives, among the wounded, among the 
 killed, their neighbors, and in some cases their kinsmen. My own 
 mother's father was in this battle under Stark. My step-mother's 
 father, but for an accident, might have fought in the same battle 
 under Baum And these, my two grand-fathers, were cousins. 
 
 While many of Stark's men were collecting plunder, others 
 guarding prisoners, or chasing fugitives, or seeking refreshments, 
 they were surprised by a new enemy, for Breymann came up 
 with a reinforcement, and appeared of power to revenge the an- 
 nihilation of Baurn's detachment. Had he arrived one hour sooner, 
 he might have changed the fortune of the day, why not of the 
 campaign ? of the War ? He came on a forced march and yet ac- 
 cording to a British officer, his division spent thirty-three hours in 
 marching twenty-two miles. Unpardonable slowness ! What 
 though the weather was rainy, and many of these hours night, 
 
 *Life by his son, 250, 265. tThis loss of amunition is described by Burgoyne 
 as happening in the second battle. " The failure of amunition from the accidental 
 breaking of a tumbrel, unfortunately obliged Breymann to retire with his 
 conquering troops." Narrative XLIV. t Anbury, I. 349. Accord ing to Burgoyne, 
 Breymann was 31 hours in advancing 24 miles. Narrative XLIII.
 
 20 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 and the road muddy or through a forest? Had his troops made 
 half the dispatch to succor their friends, which they made on their 
 own flight when fear added wings to their feet, they might have 
 won laurels which crowned, and crown, the men of New England. 
 The forces under Breymann were Brunswick grenadiers, light 
 infantry and chasseurs, and in number not less than a thousand. 
 They overpowered the handful who first opposed them. They 
 had a fair prospect of cutting to pieces in detail the several divis- 
 ions of Stark's scattered brigade, when "just in the opportunity 
 of opportunity," a part of Warner's regiment, which, during the 
 previous night, had hurried from Manchester to Shaftsbury, and 
 thence that morning to Bennington, and afterwards had been de- 
 tained to put their firelocks in order, reached the field. They 
 were only one hundred and fifty men, but their coming was as 
 decisive as the arrival of Blucher at Waterloo, or the charge of 
 Kellermann at Marengo. The victorious advance of the Germans 
 was checked. Stark's battalions you would have said to rise from 
 out the earth at the stamp of his foot. After the first action he 
 had ordered a hogshead of rum, and it was ready for distribution 
 among his men, but they, refusing to taste it while the victory was 
 doubtful, and flushed with their success an hour before, rushed to 
 meet the fresh troops of Breymann. The field pieces which we 
 to-night begin to possess, taken from Baum, were titrned against 
 those who came to Baum's rescue. Breymann's cannon of larger 
 calibre were taken and re-taken more than twice, but at last re- 
 mained in the hands of the Americans. The cannon were an 
 emblem of victory on that eventful day. 
 
 Now sways it this way, like a mighty sea 
 Forced by the tide to combat with the wind ; 
 Now sways it that way, like the self-same sea 
 Forced to retire by fury of the wind. 
 
 But what could overcome the men who fought for their firesides 
 and freedom, and who in the words of Stark, " had each man 
 been an Alexander or a Charles of Sweden, could not have be- 
 haved more gallantly!" The sun went down, and no star of hope 
 save in flight, arose for the Germans. They were pursued till 
 dark, and in Stark's judgment, " had there been one hour more of 
 daylight the whole detachment would have been killed or cap- 
 tivated."
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 21 
 
 Some accounts state that Breymann's soldiers, before taking to 
 flight, made signs for a parley with intent to surrender, but that 
 their signs were misunderstood. Another report is, that this mis- 
 understanding took place in Baum's intrenchment, where it is said 
 the Hessians dubbed their muskets (that is, held them butts up 
 and muzzles down) as a token of submission, while the Americans, 
 not used to bayonets, supposed that the Hessians had clubbed their 
 firelocks, as the Americans had done the year before at Bunker 
 Hill, to fight on unto the death. 
 
 I ought not to pass in silence the vivid, though seemingly tri- 
 fling particulars, forming what are commonly termed anecdotes, 
 concerning this battle, for, as we listen to the narratives of old 
 age, they bring the light of other days around us. 
 
 During one of the skirmishes, which seemed to be drawing on 
 a general engagement, messenger after messenger was dispatched 
 to hurry forward an approaching reinforcement, but each and all. 
 failed of their object, and were told in reply: "One fresh soldier 
 is better than ten that are weary." When this slow-footed de- 
 tachment had reached the field, they would not begin firing till 
 the minister who led them, Rev. Mr. Allen, of Pittsfield, had 
 prayed the God of armies, to teach their hands to war, and their 
 fingers to fight. 
 
 During the second engagement, Johnston of Haverhill, carrying 
 orders from Stark, was met in a wood by a file of Hessians, and 
 yet, with the staff in his hand, his only weapon, wrenched the 
 file-leader's sword from his grasp, seized it himself, and compelled 
 that officer to make his men surrender. He gave this trophy to 
 his son with these words : " This sword was won by valor ; let it 
 never be re-taken through cowardice." A grandson of the hero 
 still keeps this Hessian blade. Let it be preserved by his son's 
 sons, even to the years of many generations !* 
 
 One of the soldiers, who went into battle barefoot, or nearly so, 
 seeing a good pair of shoes on one of the slain, transferred them 
 
 *This sword, which was a splendid article, with the Hessian officer's name, and 
 a good deal of etching upon it, was exhibited for the mournful gratification of 
 spectators at Johnston's funeral. It is now in the possession of the Rev. Charles 
 Johnston, of the town of Locke, Cayuga County, New York. Powers' Coos 
 County, 104.
 
 22 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 to his own feet, but found the dead man's shoes a fleeting inherit- 
 ance, being killed in the course of the action. 
 
 A Lieutenant Claghorn, of Rutland, after the fighting was over r 
 counted seven bullet holes in his hat and clothes. He was grand- 
 father to Major Alvord, of the United States Army, promoted from 
 a Lieutenant for gallantry in various actions under both Taylor 
 and Scott in Mexico. 
 
 Among those who jeoparded their lives was one Green, from 
 Westminister, whose parents were so Puritanical as to christen 
 him Zebadiah., and who, with five others, made up all the privates 
 of an entire regiment who stood at their posts, a few days after r 
 when wholesale desertions prevailed ; 
 
 " Faithful found among the faithless, faithful only they, 
 Unshaken, unseduced, unterrified." 
 
 One aged man having been told that one of his five sons who 
 were in thefield was slain while fighting bravely, had him brought 
 in and laid before him, all besmeared with dirt and gore, called 
 for a bowl of water and a napkin, and with tearless eyes washed 
 his son's corpse, and wiped his gaping wounds. 
 
 Several errors concerning the Bennington battle into which the 
 inaccurate, though vivid Headly has fallen, will escape the notice 
 of no Yermonter. He says : " Warner was at Manchester with 
 his Massachusetts men." Again, Headly says that it was the 
 Berkshire militia who came up at the critical moment and decided 
 the evening battle. Few school girls are ignorant that it was the 
 Green Mountain toys, and no others, who rallied the wavering and 
 scattered troops of Stark. Headly says: "Start's horse sunk 
 under him."* Governor Everett, in his life of Stark, remarks : 
 "The General's horse was killed in the action. "f These asser- 
 tions would seem warranted by Stark's own words, which are: "I 
 lost my horse in the action and was glad to come off so well4" 
 But he does not say how he Tost his horse ; and that he did not 
 lose him in the way that Headly and Everett assert, is manifest 
 from the following advertisement, which appeared a few weeks 
 after the battle, in the Connecticut Courant : 
 
 * Washington and his Generals, I. 216, 221, 222. tSpark's Am- Biography, L 
 89. JLife by his son, 266. $No. 665, page 4.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 23 
 
 TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. 
 
 Stole From me, the subscriber, from Wallumscoik, in the time of action, the 16th 
 of August last, a Brown Mare, five years old, had a star in her forehead. Also, 
 a doe Ikin-seated saddle, blue housing trimmed with white, and a curbed bridle. 
 It is earnestly requested of all Committees of Safety, and others in authority, to 
 exert themselves to recover said thief and Mare, so that he may be brought to jus- 
 tice, and the Mare brought to me ; and the person, whoever he be, shall receive 
 the above reward for both, and for the Mare alone, one half of that sum. 
 How scandalous, how disgraceful and ignominious, must it appear to all friendly 
 and generous souls, to have such sly, artful, designing villains enter into the field 
 of action, in order to pillage, pilfer, and plunder from their brethren when engaged 
 in battle 1 JOHN STARK, B. D. G. 
 
 Bennington, llth Sept., 1777. 
 
 Supposing Governor Everett would fain correct even minor in- 
 accuracies in his excellent biography, I sent him a copy of this 
 advertisement and claimed the reward, which I agreed to take in 
 books for the library in my village. In the Governor's answer 
 thanking me for the correction, he promises to send on the books, 
 or at least a copy of his own works. 
 
 A letter is still preserved, written by Secretary Fay, of Ben- 
 nington, at six o'clock on the afternoon of the battle, and sent 
 hither and thither as a circular. It says : " Stark is now in an 
 action which has been for some lime very severe. * * The 
 enemy were driven, but being reinforced, made a second stand 
 and still continue the conflict. But we have taken their cannon, 
 and prisoners, said to number four or five hundred, are now ar- 
 riving."* Who of us can figure to himself the tortures of sus- 
 pense by which the women and helpless ones all round about Ben- 
 nington were excruciated during the hours of battle ? In my 
 boyhood, my grandmother often related to me how on that day 
 she, with many other women of Williamstown, and their minister, 
 resorted to their meetinghouse, and there continued in prayer for 
 their kinsmen who were on the field of blood, till late at night, 
 when a courier came announcing glad tidings. She could never 
 refrain from tears when she spoke of hearing the cannon-peals 
 again and again booming over the hills, and knew not but each 
 peal spoke defeat and death to those she held most dear, and threat- 
 ened her home with pillage, outrage and flames. She could not 
 foresee what we now witness, but may not her enskied and sainted 
 spirit behold us this hour ? 
 
 *Stevens, 537.
 
 24 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 The German and British prisoners were conducted to Benning- 
 ton, and for the most part, shut up in the meeting-house. Thence 
 they were soon escorted into Massachusetts, for on the night of 
 August 19th, they were in Lanesborough. The tories being held 
 in special abhorrence, they were treated with more severity. 
 Bound two and two like slaves in a coffle, each pair was tied be- 
 hind a horse, which was often ridden by a negro. In this style, 
 a rude imitation of the Roman fashion of triumphal processions, 
 they were marched into Bennington. The house- wives of that 
 village, with great alacrity, took down their bedsteads to furnish 
 cords enough for this pageant. Many of these loyalists were af- 
 terwards buried alive, as slaves to work in the fire, in the mines 
 of Simsbury a dark opprobrious den of shame. Others of the 
 unpatriotic were admitted to a sort of parole, on signing a paper 
 that if found out of a certain house or township, or off a certain 
 farm, they consented to be shot by any one who found them.* 
 
 The sick and wounded were cared for with all diligence, Doc- 
 tor Potts and Doctor Hovey were busy with medicines and ampu- 
 tating instruments. f But the men who were well and unwound- 
 ed, ranged to and fro in quest of plunder, all the booty taken from 
 the invaders having been promised by Stark, as the prize of the 
 victors.:}: Yet of all the precious things, no man might appropri- 
 ate any thing to himself, till all the spoils had been collected and 
 a distribution made. However, there were Achans in the camp, 
 for within a few days after the battle, a warrant was issued to 
 search Jacob Hyde's house, as well as to arrest Alexander Gor- 
 don and his wife on a charge of secreting public plunder. When 
 the division was made, the portion of each of the Bennington sold- 
 iers on Captain Robinson's roll was five dollars. The receipts given 
 by at least fifty-four, I hold in my hand.jj Before thus dividing 
 the spoil, Stark selected certain articles to be presented as trophies 
 to the States of Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, 
 namely : for each State, one Hessian gun and bayonet, one broad 
 sword, one brass barreled drum, and one grenadier's cap. IF These 
 presents called forth from each of the States, a letter of thanks. 
 
 *One of the original formulas of parole was read, and a copy of that paper is 
 inserted in the appendix. tStevens, 593. JLife by his son, 266. ^Stevens, 599. 
 IIFor a copy of these receipts, see Appendix. tStevens, 541, 673.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 5 
 
 The gift to Massachusetts is still suspended in the Senate Cham- 
 ber at Boston, over the entrance and opposite the Speaker's chair. 
 Stark's present to his own State, is reported to have been sold at 
 auction, many-years ago.* His present to Vermont, which he had 
 requested might be kept in commemoration of his victory, was re- 
 ceived with a promise that it should be kept for the use designed. + 
 Yet it has vanished, and left no trace, no tradition behind. Whether 
 it was sold at auction, as the present to the Granite State was, or 
 whether it was left behind as useless lumber, when our rotatory 
 legislature ceased to sit where it sat when the gift was received, 
 we can only conjecture. 
 
 I am informed that the cap of Colonel Baum was for many 
 years worn to the Legislature by the representative from the town 
 of Pownal ; that his wig, after being long kept in Bennington, 
 was lent to be used in an exhibition in Troy, and thus lost ; and 
 that his sword still hangs in the bar-room of a Bennington tavern. 
 One Hessian sword is still in the possession of one of the Senators 
 whom I now have the pleasure of addressing.^: It was taken by 
 his father in the battle, and preserved for many years as a curios- 
 ity, but finally beaten by a village blacksmith, not exactly into 
 a pruning hook, but into a butcher knife ! Quantum mutatus ab 
 illo ! Colonel Baum's map of the United States, which hangs 
 there, was long hung as a curtain before the cracks and crevices 
 in General Stark's log house. 
 
 It is proverbially a Yankee characteristic, never to make an 
 end of inquisitive questionings till the exact cost of everything in 
 dollars and cents has been ascertained ! Happily, I am able to 
 gratify even this sort of curiosity. The whole expense of Stark's 
 brigade for mustering, mileage, rations, wages and contingent 
 charges, was 16492 12s. lOd. of continental money, which was 
 paid by the United States according to such a scale of deprecia- 
 tion, that every single dollar of hard money paid for thirty-three 
 dollars of the account. So that 491 and one penny, or less than 
 $2000, paid for the twofold and ever memorable victory. IF 
 
 *See Appendix. tStark's life by his son, 196 . Slade's Vt. State papers, 211. 
 tHon. Ira Stewart of Middlebury. This map, found among the baggage of Colo- 
 nel Baum. was suspended on the wall behind the speaker. ITStark's muster roll, 
 copied by Stevens from the archives of New Hampshire.
 
 26 MR. BUTLER S ADDRESS. 
 
 Ascertaining that a veteran of Bennington was still living some 
 eight miles from my house in Wells River, I paid him a visit 
 about a week ago. His name is Thomas Mellen, and though up- 
 wards of ninety-two years of age, he is so far from being bald or 
 bowed down, that you would think him in the Indian summer of 
 life. His dress was all of grey homespun, and he sat on a couch, 
 the covering of which was sheepskins with the wool on. I will 
 repeat his statements, as far as possible in his own words. 
 
 " I enlisted," said he, " at Francestown, New Hampshire, in 
 Colonel Stickney's regiment, and Captain Clark's company, as 
 soon as I learned that Stark would accept the command of the 
 State troops. Six or seven others from the same town joined the 
 army at the same time. We marched forthwith to Number Four, 
 and stayed there a week. Meantime I received a horn of powder, 
 and run two or three hundred bullets. I had brought my own 
 gun. Then my company was sent on to Manchester. Soon after 
 I went with a hundred others under Colonel Emerson, down the 
 valley of Otter Creek. On this excursion, we lived like lords on 
 pigs and chickens in the houses of tories who had fled. When we 
 returned to Manchester, bringing two hogsheads of West India 
 rum, we heard that the Hessians were on their way to invade 
 Vermont. Late in the afternoon of rainy Friday, we were or- 
 dered off for Bennington in spite of rain, mud, and darkness. 
 We pushed on all night, each making the best progress he could. 
 About daybreak, I, with Lieutenant Miltimore, came near Ben- 
 nington, and slept a little while on a hay-mow. When the barn- 
 yard fowls waked us, we went for bread and milk to the sign of 
 the Wolf, and then hurried three miles West, to Stark's main 
 body. 
 
 " Stark and Warner,* rode up near the enemy to reconnoitre, 
 were fired at with the cannon, and came galloping back. Stark 
 rode with shoulders bent forward, and cried out to his men : "Those 
 rascals know that I am an officer don't you see they honor me 
 with a big gun as a salute ?" We were marched round and round 
 a circular hill till we were tired. Stark said it was to amuse the 
 
 *An ingenious argument in regard to the question whether Warner was * n l ^ e 
 first battle, may be seen in the Lite of Warner, by the Hon. Daniel Chipman,now 
 in press.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 27 
 
 Germans. All the while a cannonade was kept up upon us from 
 their breastwork. Jt hurt nobody, and it lessened our^fear of the 
 great guns. After awhile I was sent, with twelve others, to lie 
 in ambush on a knoll a little North, and. watch for tories on their 
 way to join Baum. Presently we saw six coming toward us, who, 
 mistaking us for tories. came too near us to escape. We disarmed 
 them and sent them, under a guard of three, to Stark. While I 
 sat on the hillock, I espied one Indian whom I thought I could 
 kill, and more than once cocked my gun, but the orders were not 
 to fire. He was cooking his dinner, and now and then shot at some 
 of our people. 
 
 " Between two and three o'clock the battle began. The Ger- 
 mans fired by platoons, and were soon hidden by smoke. Our 
 men fired each on his own hook, aiming wherever they saw a flash. 
 Few on our side had either bayonets or cartridges. At last I stole 
 away from my post, and ran down to the battle. The first time I 
 fired I put three balls into my gun. Before I had time to fire 
 many rounds, our men rushed over the breastwork, but I and 
 many others chased straggling Hessians in the woods. We pur- 
 sued till we met Breymann with eight hundred fresh troops and 
 larger cannon, which opened a fire of grape shot. Some of the 
 grape shot riddled a Virginia fence near me, one struck a small 
 white oak tree behind which I stood. Though it hit higher than 
 my head, I fled from the tree, thinking it might be .aimed at again. 
 We skirmishers ran back till we met a large body of Stark's men, 
 then faced about. I soon started for a brook I saw a few rods be- 
 hind, for I had drank nothing all day, and should have died with 
 thirst had I not chewed a bullet all the time. I had not gone a rod 
 when I was stopped by an officer, sword in hand, and ready to cut 
 me down as a runaway. On my complaining of thirst, he handed 
 me his canteen, which was full of rum. I drank and forgot my 
 thirst. 
 
 " But the enemy outflanked us, and I said to a comrade : we 
 must run or they will have us. He said : " I will have one more 
 fire first." At that moment a Major on a black horse rode along 
 behind us, shouting : " Fight on, boys; reinforcements close by." 
 While he was yet speaking, a grape shot went through his horse's 
 head and knocked out two teeth. It bled a good deal, but the
 
 28 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 Major kept his seat and spurred on to encourage others. In five 
 minutes we saw Warner's men hurrying to help us. They open- 
 ed right and left of us, and half of them attacked each flank of 
 the enemy, and beat back those who were just closing around us. 
 Stark's men now took heart and stood their ground. My gun-bar- 
 rel was by this time too hot to hold, so I seized the musket of a 
 dead Hessian, in which my bullets went down easier than in my 
 own. Right in front were the cannon, and seeing an officer on 
 horseback waving, his sword to the artillerymen, I fired at him 
 twice. His horse fell. He cut the traces of an artillery horse, 
 mounted him and rode off. I afterwards heard that that officer was 
 Major Skeene. 
 
 " Soon the Germans ran and we followed. Many of them threw 
 down their guns on the ground, or offered them to us, or kneeled, 
 some in puddles of water. One said to me: wir sind ein, bruder f 
 I pushed him behind me and rushed on. All those near me did 
 so. The enemy beat a parley, minded to give up, but our men 
 did not understand it. I came to one wounded man, flat on the 
 ground, crying water, or quarter. I snatched his sword out of his 
 scabbard, and, while I ran on and fired, carried it in my mouth, 
 thinking I might need it. The Germans fled by the road and in a 
 wood each side of it. Many of their scabbards caught in the brush 
 and held the fugitives till we seized them. We chased them till 
 dark. Colonel Johnston, of Haverhill, wanted to chase them all 
 night. Had we done so, we might have mastered them all, for 
 they stopped within three miles of the battle-field. But Stark, 
 saying he would run no risk of spoiling a good day's work, ordered 
 a halt and return to quarters. 
 
 "I was coming back, when ordered by Stark himself, who knew 
 me, as 1 had been one of his body guard in Canada, to help draw 
 off a field piece. I told him I was worn out. His answer was : 
 ' ; Don't seem to disobey; take hold, and if you can't hold out, slip 
 away in the dark." Before we had dragged the gun far, Warner 
 rode near us. Some one pointing to a dead man by the wayside, 
 said to him: "Your brother is killed." "Is it Jesse?" asked 
 Warner; and when the answer was, Yes, he jumped off his horse, 
 stooped and gazed in the dead man's face, and then rode away with- 
 out saying a word. On rny way back I got the belt of the Hessian,
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENHINGTON. 29 
 
 whose sword I had taken in the pursuit. I also found a barber's 
 pack, but was obliged to give up all my findings till the booty was 
 divided. To the best of my remembrance, my share was four 
 dollars and some odd cents. One Tory with his left eye shot out, 
 was led by me mounted on a horse who had also lost his left eye. 
 It seems cruel now it did not then. 
 
 " My company lay down and slept in a cornfield near where we 
 had fought ; each man having a hill of corn for a pillow. When 
 I waked next morning I was so beaten out that I could not get up 
 till I had rolled about i\ good while. After breakfast I went to see 
 them bury the dead. I saw thirteen Tories, mostly shot through 
 the head, buried in one hole. Not more than a rod from where I 
 fought, we found Captain McClary dead, and stripped naked. We 
 scraped a hole with sticks and just covered him with earth. We 
 saw many of the wounded who had lain out all night. Afterwards 
 we went to Bennington and saw the prisoners paraded. They 
 were drawn up in one long line, the British foremost, then the 
 Waldechers, next the Indians, and hindmost the Tories." 
 
 The old man from whose lips I wrote down the foregoing nar- 
 rative, has been a teetotaler for several years, though he was long 
 an inebriate. When I surprised him in his sequestered abode, I 
 found him busy with a book in large print entitled " The consola- 
 tions of Religion." If the gentlemen I have the honor to address, 
 when they separate and seek their homes, will catechise the vet- 
 erans they know, and write out and print their revelations, a more 
 vivid and minute description of our most famous battle than is yet 
 dreamed of will be their reward. 
 
 The results of this victory can scarcely be overrated. It was 
 much to cut off from Burgoyne's army, in a single day, one sixth 
 of its numbers, or more than a thousand of killed, wounded and 
 prisoners, to capture their arms, artillery and baggage, to an- 
 nihilate a detachment to the leader of which Burgoyne's words 
 were: "Always bear in mind that your corps is too valuable to 
 let any considerable loss be hazarded."* The moral effect of this 
 success was heightened by various particulars. At Bennington, 
 militia with scarcely a bayonet, for the first time I believe, 
 
 *Stevens, 471. 
 5
 
 30 MR. BUTLEH S ADBKESS. 
 
 stormed intrenchments, at Bunker Hill they had only defended 
 them. Here, raw troops, many of whom had never seen a cannon, 
 stormed a battery, ground to powder a corps composed of Frazer's 
 marksmen or " chosen men from all the regiments,"* and Ger- 
 man dragoons, veterans of the seven years' war, " the best I had 
 of that nation," says Burgoyne, or, as described by a Hessian, 
 " men of tried valor and enterprise." Moreover here was a vic- 
 tory gained by a beaten army over a successful one, by one often 
 beaten over one often successful. How could it fail to inspirit and 
 inspire ? True it was a single star, but it was the first star which 
 arose in a firmament hitherto the blackness of darkness- Hence- 
 forth Burgoyne's honeymoon was over, and Hessian forces were 
 less dreaded than Hessian flies. 
 
 Let us further consider the results of this action. It was ex- 
 actly what had been Washington's heart's desire, or rather it was 
 twice as much as he had dared to hope, onward from the loss of 
 Ticonderoga, for on the 22d of July he wrote to Schuyler : "Could 
 we be so happy as to cut ofF one of his detachments, supposing it 
 should not exceed four, five or six hundred men, it would inspirit 
 the people and do away much of their present anxiety. In such 
 an event they would lose sight of past misfortunes, fly to arms and 
 afford every aid in their power. "f 
 
 The revolution wrought in Burgoyne's feelings is betrayed by 
 the contrast between his letters just before and just after the expe- 
 dition. In the former he writes to the leader of the corps sent 
 against Vermont : " Mount your dragoons, send me thirteen hun- 
 dred horses, seize Bennington, cross the mountains to Rockingham 
 and Brattleborough. try the affections of the country, take hostages, 
 meet me a fortnight hence in Albany." Four days after the battle 
 he writes to England : " The Hampshire Grants in particular, a 
 country unpeopled and almost unknown in the last war, now 
 abounds in the most active and rebellious race of the continent, 
 and hangs like a gathering storm upon my left.":]: Burgoyne was 
 far from overrating the influence of Stark's success. Within 
 three days thereafter, Schuyler wrote to Stark: " The signal vic- 
 tory you have gained, and the severe loss the enemy have received, 
 
 *Narrative 19. t Washington papers, IV. 503. t Burgoyne, Narrative XLVI.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 31 
 
 cannot fail of producing the most salutary results. " Within a 
 week, a handbill was issued at Boston containing an exaggerated 
 account of Stark's triumph ; the news was there proclaimed by 
 criers, and rung out from all the bells. Clinton wrote : " Since 
 the affair at Bennington, not an Indian has been heard of; the 
 scalping has ceased ; indeed I do not apprehend any great danger 
 from the future operations of Mr. Burgoyne."* Washington, 
 writing Putnam, was high in hope that New England, following 
 the great stroke struck by Stark, would entirely crush Burgoyne;f 
 and a rumor that Burgoyne was crushed, raised the seige of Fort 
 Stanvvix and broke his right wing. All this was within one week 
 after Baum and Breymann were discomfited. In one day more 
 a rumor was rife in New Hampshire that Burgoyne had been taken 
 at Stilhvater : 
 
 As the sun 
 
 Ere he be risen, sometimes paints his image 
 
 In the atmosphere, the shadows of great events 
 
 Precede the events, and in to-day already walks to-morrow." 
 
 Three weeks before the Hessian overthrow, Governeur Morris 
 wrote from Schuyler's camp : " If a body of 3000 men can be 
 formed somewhere upon the New Hampshire Grants; if General 
 Washington can spare a reinforcement of 1500 good troops ; if 
 the Governor discharge all of the militia in the highlands; if he 
 be put at the head of one-third of the New York militia and two 
 hundred good riflemen and sent into Tryon County, we may 
 laugh at Messrs. Howe and Burgoyne. " None of the consum- 
 mations wished for by these ifs came to pass, yet the day of Ben- 
 nington, by enabling us to laugh at Burgoyne, accomplished what 
 Morris had most at heart. That nothing less than this was among 
 the many-sided utilities of that great day is attested by many 
 witnesses. It is the testimony of the Baroness Riedesel, then 
 in the British camp, whose words are : " This unfortunate event 
 [Baum and Breymann's discomfiture] paralyzed at once our opera- 
 tions. "|| It is the testimony of contemporary journals, in which 
 we read of the victories at Bennington, as '' sowing the seed of 
 all the laurels that Gates reaped during the campaign. "IT It is 
 
 *Stevens, 213, 619. Stark's life by his son, 261. tWashington papers, V. 42. 
 tStevens, 630. $Ibid. 332. HLetters, 140. ^Connecticut Courant, No. 680.
 
 32 MR. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 the testimony of Jefferson, who declares them "the first link in the 
 chain of successes which issued in the surrender of Saratoga."* 
 Students of our State history will always behold in this first 
 success, the lone star which lit the way to the attacks under War- 
 ner and Herrick at Lake George landing, and thus to the capture 
 of the vessels in which Burgoyne might have escaped to Canada. 
 Previous to these operations, the achievements of Stark embold- 
 ened Green Mountain rangers to infest or break up Burgoyne's 
 communications with his depots of provisions, and thus for a whole 
 month threw him into a chloroform stupefaction. That enterpris- 
 ing General was rearing an arch of conquest huge enough to 
 darken all our land. The repulse on the banks of the Wallum- 
 scoik, plucked out the crowning keystone from that well-nigh 
 finished arch, so that the whole structure cracked, crumbled by 
 piecemeal, tottered and fell, a wreck of ruin never to rise again. 
 In two months to a day, from that first reverse, Burgoyne's motto : 
 " This army must never retreai"\ was strangely interpreted, for 
 we behold 
 
 " The desolator desolate, 
 The victor overthrown." 
 
 " One more such stroke," said Washington on hearing the tidings, 
 " one more such stroke, and we shall have no great cause for anx- 
 iety as to the future designs of Britain." 
 
 Five days after the glories of Bennington, a resolution was in- 
 troduced in Congress at Philadelphia, to censure Stark for not sub- 
 mitting to the regulations of the Continental army. Thereupon a 
 member from New Hampshire rose and said, that he had not the 
 least doubt but the first battle they heard of at the North, would 
 be fought by Stark and the troops under his command, notwith- 
 standing some gentlemen, in their warmth, had spoken disrespect- 
 fully of them, and that he should not be afraid to risk his honor 
 or his life on a wager, tbat Stark's men would do as much as any 
 equal number of troops towards the defence of the country. In 
 a letter home, that speaker says : '' Judge of my feelings when 
 the very next day I had a confirmation of all I had asserted by an 
 express from Schuyler, detailing the defeat of Baum and Brey- 
 
 *Stark's life by his son, 255. t Anbury, 273.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 33 
 
 mann."* It is needless to say, that the resolution of censure was 
 forgotten, and on the fourth of October it was resolved by Con- 
 gress that Brigadier Stark, of the New Hampshire militia, be ap- 
 pointed a Brigadier in the army of the United States. f Though 
 by no means the youngest of the continental Generals, he out- 
 lived thorn all and proved the Nestor of the revolution. 
 
 Stark had sent no dispatch regarding his exploits to Congress, 
 for he was not in the Continental service. In his letter of glad 
 tidings to the Council of New Hampshire, I see no mark of eleva- 
 tion, save these modest words at the end of a postscript : " Gen- 
 tlemen, I think we have returned the enemy a proper compliment 
 in the above action for the Hubbardton engagement.":}: There is 
 a quiet, perhaps unconscious, humor betrayed in Stark's observa- 
 tion at the end of his catalogue of prisoners : " I had almost forgot 
 to mention one Hessian Chaplain." 
 
 If Burgoyne was thunderstruck when an antagonist he never 
 heard of " came cranking in, and cut him from the best of all his 
 troops, a huge half-moon, a monstrous cantle out," what would he 
 have thought had he known that antagonist's history ? how, twen- 
 ty-five years before, Stark had been led along as a ransomed cap- 
 tive over the very ground where the British lay encamped ? how 
 he had been given up by his savage master for one Indian pony in 
 his stead ? I copy the following sentence from the original jour- 
 nal of the officer who redeemed the captive: "July 12, 1752. 
 " This day John Stark was brought to Montreal by his Indian mas- 
 " ter. He was taken a hunting this Spring. He is given up for 
 "one Indian pony in his place for which we paid five hundred and 
 "fifteen livres." The boy sold for a French horse, in little more 
 than a score of years, had become a man more precious than the 
 wedges of Ophir ! 
 
 The first anniversary of the battle of Bennington was celebrated 
 in that village by the delivery of a poem and an oration. The 
 poet was one Noah Smith. The orator was a Mr. Jacob, a Wind- 
 sor lawyer. Both poem and oration were printed, but are out of 
 print. A manuscript copy of them may be found in Stevens' 
 
 *Stevens, 622. tlbid. 765. {Ibid. 554. The original manuscript of this jour- 
 nal kept by Captain Stevens, sent to Canada by Governor Shirley, was shown to 
 the audience. It was discovered some years ago at the bottom of an old churn in 
 a garret in Charlestowu Number Four.
 
 34 MR. BUTLER S ADDRESS. 
 
 Vermont State papers. Thirty-nine years ago a committee wrote 
 Stark from Bennington, that it had been usual on every anniver- 
 sary of the battle for the people to hold the day in grateful remem- 
 brance by a public celebration.* The celebration of last August 
 derived an unique interest from the return to Bennington at that 
 time, of the war-like engines which we this hour welcome, three 
 score and eleven years from the day when they had been the prize 
 of victory on that very spot. The hill where the Hessians in- 
 trenched is still called Hessian hill. I once made a pilgrimage 
 thither with the son of the Zebadiah Green whom I have com- 
 memorated as one of the only six men in an entire regiment who 
 did not desert. Such was the son's eagerness to secure some relic 
 of the field where his father fought, that he dus till he exhumed 
 sundry bones, which, being a medical man, he knew to be bones 
 of men and of tall men. He still keeps these memorials at his 
 residence in New York City. 
 
 Though you have doubtless long wished my next word to be 
 my last, I ought not to conclude without a more special notice of 
 the CANNON before me, which have occasioned this concourse. It 
 is a common opinion that these field-pieces were of French manu- 
 facture and taken by Wolf at Quebec. But the manufacturers' 
 name plainly marked on them is J. & P. Verbruggen a name no 
 Frenchman, and none but a Dutchman, will claim. The date of 
 their casting, also legible upon them, is 1776, or but one year before 
 they came into the power of Stark. By reason of the British 
 broad arrow or crowfoot marked upon them, they have been con- 
 sidered of British workmanship ; but that mark is thought by good 
 judges not to have been cast, but cut with a graver. Besides, the 
 fourth article in the treaty with Hesse stipulated, that each bat- 
 talion of the Hessians should be provided with two pieces of field 
 artillery; and the eighth article stipulated, that if unfortunately 
 the pieces of artillery should be taken by the enemy or lost on the 
 sea, the King of Great Britain should pay the price of the same.f 
 The weight of each of these pieces is marked upon it, that of the 
 one is 209, that of the other 213 pounds. They are called by our 
 War Department three pounders. :}: According to Stark they are 
 
 *Stark's life by his son , 257. t Americhan Archives, (fourth series) VI. 274, 275. 
 tBill of the cannon and accompaniments from the keeper of the Watervliet arsenal.
 
 THE BATTLE OF BEA'NINGTON. 35 
 
 four pounders. Of the four guns taken at Bennington I am in- 
 clined to think that these we now gaze upon were the two seized 
 at the storming of the redoubt, for these, as I have said, have nev- 
 er been rated as more than four pounders, while the others were of 
 larger calibre, and therefore more likely to accompany the larger 
 force under Breymann. These, then, are the guns of which Stark, 
 describing the evening conflict, says : " We used their own cannon 
 against them, which proved of great service to us." 
 
 If the capture of four small cannon seem to us a trifle, let us 
 consider, that New Hampshire then had no more in her principal 
 frontier fortress ; that Washington when most importuned by Schuy- 
 ler and Gates, could only send ten pieces for their relief, and that 
 ten days before the Bennington affair, there were no guns larger 
 than these in Schuyler's camp at Stillwater.* 
 
 The two pieces we rejoice at inheriting this evening, were in 
 Hull's park of artillery and were surrendered with his army at 
 Detroit exactly thirty-five years from the day they came into the 
 hands of Stark. The British officer of the day, ordered the eve- 
 ning salutes to be fired with them, and his eye happening to rest 
 on the words graven upon them : " Taken from the Germans at 
 Bennington, Aug. 16, 1777," he declared he would add these 
 words: "Retaken from the Americans, Aug. 16, 1812." Hap- 
 pily before he found leisure to execute his threat, these artful 
 dodgers shifted masters once more, being regained by our troops 
 at the capture of Fort George. Had these revolutionary spoils 
 been entrusted to our keeping before 1812. it is possible that they 
 had not been retaken by the insolent foe. 
 
 Two years ago, addressing the Vermont Historical Society in 
 this Capital, I was constrained to say : " The cannon taken at Ben- 
 nington in defence of our frontier lie unclaimed at Washington." 
 I have lived to see a better day. to behold in my native State, yea 
 in this place of honor, as trophies, those death-dealing engines 
 which my grandsire, now in his grave, jeoparded his life to wrest 
 from his country's invaders. These trophies are ours by many titles. 
 Ours, for Vermont blood shed in this battle, at Hubbardton and else- 
 where, ours, for expenses not reimbursed us by the United States 
 
 *Stevens Papers, 453, 447. Washington Papers, IV. 488.
 
 36 ME. BUTLER'S ADDRESS. 
 
 as were those of other States, ours, for their profaning our terri- 
 tory with their hostile balls, ours, for supplies furnished Stark's 
 brigade, ours, for the superior skill of Warner and Herrick, who, 
 alone of all the Colonels, were named by Stark as his most efficient 
 colleagues.* 
 
 Where are the two six pounders? Who can tell ? New Hamp- 
 shire should have them, she would have them this day, could 
 she boast an antiquarian like him who has ferreted out these our 
 cannon, a Senator and a Representative like those who have press- 
 ed our claim upon Congress, had they but a Stevens, an Upham, 
 and a Collamer.'f' 
 
 W r hen I remember that Stark's donation to Vermont, the Hes- 
 sian gun and bayonet, the broad-sword, brass-barreled drum and 
 grenadier's cap, were not hung up for monuments as in Massa- 
 chusetts, but vilely thrown away, I am glad Congress have kept 
 these trophies so long, lest they should have been minted into cents 
 or beaten into brass kettles by some groveling utilitarian. If we 
 lose these relics, may we be vouchsafed no more ! Some of you 
 have marked how Massachusetts delights to honor the revolution- 
 ary trophy cannon which are among her perpetual possessions, by 
 enshrining them in the sky-climbing chamber of the Bunker Hill 
 monument. Others of you may have observed, that England glo- 
 rifies with similar spoils the chief places of concourse in London. 
 Let us. actuated by a congenial feeling, resolve that the time-hon- 
 ored relics so long lost, but now in the midst of us, shall go no 
 more out from these walls of which we have more reason to be 
 proud than of any other edifice in our highland homes ; or that if 
 they go hence, it shall be to grace a monument erected on the spot 
 where the Hessian battery was formed, as the niche they were or- 
 dained to fill. Let them rouse an interest in our history, as the 
 Swiss bone-houses and the tablets in German churches engraved 
 with names of those who died for their father-land, rouse an interest 
 in their history. Let them cause us to shudder at the curses of 
 WAR, till we shall study the things which make for peace and 
 know war only by its trophies. Let them fill us with the same 
 
 *Life by Everett, 90. tTo many it will be pleasant to trace the steps by which 
 the restoration of these trophy cannon to the Green Mountain boys was brought 
 about. Those pieces were first espied by our indefatigable antiquarian, Henry 
 Stevens, Esquire, while, in his own expressive phraseology, he was "mousing"
 
 THE BATTLE OF BENXINGTON. 37 
 
 resolution to preserve our rich inheritance which they are wit- 
 nesses that our fathers showed in acquiring it. Let them open 
 our eyes to look upon all things, as Stark more than once spoke of 
 his victory : " As given by the divine BEING who overpowers and 
 " rules all things, or as given by the God of armies who was 
 " pleased to make him, his officers and men, instruments in check- 
 " ing the progress of the British forces." Then shall our moun- 
 tains still be the holy land of freedom, and all our battle-fields re- 
 main that hallowed ground which speaks of nations saved. 
 
 around the arsenal at Washington. He soon roused an interest regarding them 
 by these words in his report to Governor Slade: " Even the cannon taken from 
 tha Germans at Bennington, are now deposited in the United States arsenal in the 
 District of Columbia as trophies, unpaid for by the General Government, and qui- 
 etly acquiesced in by the Green Mountain boys."* Thereupon, the Governor in 
 his next message thus spoke : " The closing recommendation of Mr. Stevens in 
 regard to the cannon taken at Bennington, it gives me much pleasure to commend 
 to your favorable consideration. If there is a man in Vermont whose blood would 
 not course more quickly through his veins on seeing in our own State House, these 
 trophies of the crowning act of Vermont valor, I am much mistaken."t 
 
 Inconsequence it was reported by a committee, and resolved by the two Houses, 
 " that the Governor be requested to demand of the General Government the four 
 brass cannon taken by the Green Mountain boys from the British at Bennington, 
 and the same when received deposit in the State House at Montpelier."t 
 
 Upon the Governor's application to the Secretary of War, the delivery of the 
 cannon was declined by the .National Executive, and the Governor referred to Con- 
 gress as the appropiiate body to place said cannon at the disposal of this State. 
 Hence it was resolved by the two Houses of the Vermont Legislature : " That the 
 Senators of this State in Congress be instructed, and the Representatives requested, 
 to use their exertions to obtain an order of Congress tor the delivery of said can- 
 non to be deposited in the State House as a memorial of the valor which achieved 
 the victory so honorable to the Green Mountain boys."$ Neither Senators nor 
 Representatives failed of their duty. Senator Upham, and among the Representa- 
 tives, Judge Collamer, are said to have been especially active. Judge Collamer'a 
 speech appeared among other papers in Walton's Watchman. The result was the 
 following resolution, passed by the two Houses of Congress on the tenth of July, 
 1848 : " That two brass field-pieces, captured from the enemy at the battle of 
 Bennington, in the State of Vermont, in the year 1777, now in the possession of 
 the United States, be immediately well mounted under the direction of the Secre- 
 tary of War, and delivered to the Governor of the State of Vermont, to be hereaf- 
 ter holden as the property of said State."|| On the 27th of July, an order was is- 
 sued from the Ordnance Office in pursuance of this resolution, and on the eighth of 
 August, the guns were delivered at the Watervliet arsenal to Henry Stevens, Esq., 
 who had been deputed to receive them by the Governor of Vermont. 
 
 *Senate Journal 1843, Ap. page 9. tHouse Journal, 103, 1844. Ubid. 134. 
 . 91, 1845. HActs of thirtieth Congress, page 221.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I. 
 
 (Referred to on page 11.) 
 IN COUNCIL OF SAFETY: STATE OF VERMONT. 
 
 BENNINGTON, 28m JULY, 1777, 
 ?o Lieut. Peter Roberts, one of the Officers vf Sequestration for said State; 
 
 You are hereby required (agreeably to a previous resolve of the Council) to seize 
 all lands, tenements, goods and chattels of any person or persons in this State 
 whom you [MSS torn and illegible] to the enemy, and a true inventory thereof, 
 to take and return to this Council. All such articles as are wanted for the use of 
 the Army, which if wanted at Manchester or elsewhere, where there is a contract- 
 or to receive and pay for them, you will appoint three persons noted for good 
 judgment, which after being; sworn, are to apprise the same ; and all other moveable 
 effects you are to sell at Public Vendue, except such necessaries as humanity re- 
 quires, tor the support of such families ; and after paying necessary charges, you are 
 to remit the remainder of the money to this Council [MSS. torn and illegible] 
 and artificial marks of every creature you shall receive or take, and their age, from 
 whom they came, for what sold, and to whom sold. You are to lease out all such 
 lands and tenements ata reasonable price, not exceeding two years, giving the pref- 
 erence to such persons as have been drove from their farms by this War. 
 
 You are further authorized to arrest any person or persons you shall have suffi- 
 cient grounds to believe are enemies to the liberties of this and the United States 
 of America. And all such persons as you shall arrest, you will seize all their move- 
 able effects (where there is danger of their being embezzled) and keep in safe cus- 
 tody until after trial, and if they are acquitted to give up to such person or persons 
 such seizures ; but if found guilty, to make return to this Council. 
 
 You are to call to your assistance such person or persons as you shall find neces- 
 sary, keeping regular accompts of your procedures. 
 
 By order of Council, 
 THOMAS CHITTENDEN, President. 
 
 Attest : IRA ALLEN, Sec'y. 
 
 II. 
 
 (Referred to on page 16.) 
 
 Copy of Capt. Samuel Robinson's Roll, Aug. 16th, 1777. Were in battle. 16th 
 August 1777 : 
 
 Robert Cochran, Ammi Fuller, John Clark, David Safford, 
 
 Gideon Spencer, Jonah Brewster, Jehosephat Holmes,Jared Post, 
 William Henry, George Dale, Moses Rice, Jeremiah Bingham, 
 
 Henry Walbridge, John Marble, Benjamin Whip- Samuel Slocum, 
 
 Rums Branch, Ephraim Marble, pie, Junr. Josiah Hurd, 
 
 John Larnard, Aaron Hubbell, Silas Robinson, Ezekiel Brewster, 
 Thomas Abel, Samuel Safford, Jr. John Weeks, Solomon Leason, 
 
 Nathan Lawrence, Aaron Smith, Moses Scott, Thomas Selden, 
 
 Josiah Brush, Ephraim Smith, Alpheus Hathaway ,John Rigney, 
 
 David Fay, (Fifer.)Samuel Henry, Solomon Walbridge,Elisha Smith, 
 Lenard Robinson, Edward Henderson,Ebenezer Brackett, Moses Scott, 
 Daniel Bidlecome, Jonathan Haynes, Jehiel Smith, Solomon Safford, 
 
 Levi Hathaway, Archelus Tupper, Asa Branch, Joseph Roe, 
 
 Araham Hathaway ,Daniel Warner, Phineas Wright, William Terrill, 
 Reuben Colvin, Lt. Simeon Hatha- John Smith, Noah Beach, 
 
 Elyphelet Stickney, way, Jesse Belknap, Simeon Sears, 
 
 Daniel Prude, Aaron Miller, Silvanvus Brown, David Robinson, 
 Benj. Holmes, John Fay, John Forbes, Joseph Safford, 
 
 James Marivater, Elijah Fay, Stephen Williams, Isaac Webster. 
 
 * mer Alger, Joseph Fay, William Post,
 
 40 
 
 JLPHENDIX.. 
 
 III. 
 (Referred to on page 24.) 
 
 BENNINGTOX, MAY IST, 1778. 
 
 I promise on parole of honor to return in one fortnight to Capt. Sam'l Robinson, 
 unless sickness prevents, and then to return as soon as able or ordered otherways 
 by the Hon. Council, or special Court of the North Half Shire of this County of 
 Bennington, on pain ot suffering death. 
 
 Witness my hand, 
 
 TIMOTHY RULL. 
 
 IV. 
 
 (Referred to on page 24.) 
 
 Received of Samuel Robinson, five dollars of plunder money, Bennington, 
 September 23d, 1777. 
 
 Robert Cochran, 
 Gideon Spencer, 
 Thomas Abel, 
 Nathaniel Lawrence, 
 Moses Scott, 
 Joseph Kellogg, 
 Daniel Prude, 
 Rufus Branch, 
 Benj. Holmes, 
 Thomas Selden, 
 Elisha Smith, 
 William Terrill, 
 Solomon Leason, 
 John Kipron, 
 Jonah Brewster, 
 John Marble, 
 Ephraim Marble, 
 Gersham Beach, 
 
 Simeon Sears, 
 Peter Mansfield, 
 Edward Henderson, 
 Jared Post, 
 William Post, 
 Aaroa Hubbell, 
 Amos Fassett, 
 Samuel Hewes, 
 Rosel Post, 
 John Lawrence, 
 Jehiel Smith, 
 Silvanus Brown, 
 Jonas Hopkins, 
 John Clark, 
 * Widow Walbridge, 
 Phineas Wright, 
 Samuel Holmes, 
 John Smith, 
 
 Elisha Wright, 
 Samuel Bidlecome, 
 Benjamin Whipple,. Jun. 
 Stephen Williams, 
 Ammi Fuller, 
 Aaron Smith, 
 Samuel Safford, Jr,, 
 Jehosephat Holmes, 
 John Weeks, 
 Simeon Hathaway, 
 Ezekiel -Brewster,. 
 Levi Hathaway, 
 Jeremiah Bingham, 
 Solomon Safford, 
 Archibald Tupper, 
 Absalom Tuppeiv 
 
 *The Widow of Henry Walbridge, killed in the battle. 
 
 V. 
 
 (Referred to on page 25.), 
 
 The statement in the text was made on the authority of the following passage 
 iu the memoir of Stark published at Concord, N. H., by Luther Roby : 
 
 " In this State, [New Hampshire] many years ago, the articles [i. e. the trophy 
 " from BenningtonJ were known to be boxed in the care ot the Commissary General. 
 " Inquiry has been lately made at Portsmouth and the articles cannot be found ! It 
 " is reported that they were sold at auction several years ago." [Note on page 193.] 
 
 This statement is at most of but partial truth. Since delivering the address, on a 
 visit to the State House in Concord, New Hampshire, I have seen a portion of 
 Stark's trophy still hanging near the entrance of the Library. The articles there 
 preserved are the brass drum, two brass horns, as well as a cartridge box or pouch. 
 It should seem that the cartridges were laid loosely in a leathern bag, instead of be- 
 ing each thrust into a hole or socket. All the pieces but the horns are in good 
 condition. The cartridge box and drum are ornamented with figures of horses on 
 the gallop, perhaps the heraldic insignia of Hesse, yet an unfit emblem of a corps 
 which consumed thirty-three hours in making a forced march of twenty-two miles. 
 At the four corners of the cartridge box there are also figures of grenades just explod- 
 ing. From this badge on their accoutrements the name, grenadier, was doubtless 
 derived.
 
 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS.
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 MR, PRESIDENT, GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF 
 REPRESENTATIVES : 
 
 It is proper to state to the dignified bodies, in compliance 
 with whose invitation I have the unexpected honor to appear in 
 this Hall, that the address, which I am about to pronounce, was 
 prepared for delivery before " The Vermont Historical and An- 
 tiquarian Society." 
 
 The main features of my address, I trust, are in keeping with 
 the train of thought naturally suggested by the presence of the 
 memorials of the gallant bravery of our forefathers. This cir- 
 cumstance has, undoubtedly, prompted an act of courtesy, which 
 transfers me from the customary scene of historical discourses to 
 this Hall of Legislation. 
 
 This announcement may possibly prevent the statement of facts 
 and comments thereon, in which I shall indulge, from being regard- 
 ed as ill-suited to the proprieties of the occasion which has assem- 
 bled us together this evening. 
 
 The spirit, embodied in the act by which the "Vermont Histori- 
 cal and Antiquarian Society" was incorporated, has its birth in that 
 curiosity, which prompts to an inquiry into the lives and adven- 
 tures of their ancestry. Men of leisure, pleased with the recrea- 
 tion which such investigations afford, gladly push their researches 
 beyond the period in which written memorials are preserved, and 
 carefully scrutinize the authenticity of such events as are en- 
 trusted to memory or oral tradition. If it be true that the new 
 world cannot, of necessity, yield scope so ample for antiquarian 
 research as the old world with its immemorial systems and time- 
 honored institutions, yet archeological enthusiasts in our midst can 
 be profitably busied in seeking among the vestiges of the past for 
 those truths, which it is the peculiar province of history to exhibit 
 and illustrate. In this way, Antiquarianism must be recognized
 
 46 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 with gifts to render signal service to his country in times of peril, 
 must, of necessity, be distinguished from his fellow men. Any 
 apology for examining into those gifts and characteristics would 
 be superfluous. From such an examination, conducted without 
 prepossession or prejudice, we are enabled to determine the idea 
 that was uppermost in the public mind when those gifts and char- 
 acteristics were forced into active requisition. I adhere to the 
 doctrine, to which Time has affixed his imprimatur, that the sen- 
 timents which lie deepest in the heart, or the controlling opinions 
 which sway the mind, of a people will surely betray themselves in 
 their public deeds and words. In other language, 4 the national idea 
 must sooner or later find utterance in the Acts of a nation must 
 find a voice in its Literature and impress itself upon its Laws ! 
 
 Prior to the first civilized establishment within the present lim- 
 its of this State, the whole of the territory, now known as VER- 
 MONT, had been in the undisputed possession of the red man. Here 
 the Iroquois, the Coosucks, a branch of the St. Francis tribe of 
 Indians, pursued the pleaures of the chase. They regarded the 
 country as more suitable for a hunting ground than for a perma- 
 nent residence. Before the erection of Fort Dummer, in the 
 township of Brattleboro', no settlement had been effected by the 
 white man. Vermont seemed to be, during the Colonial and In- 
 dian wars, a debateable ground on which many a guerilla battle 
 was fought. Situated, as it was, equi-distant from the Franco-Ca- 
 nadians, with their savage colleagues on the one hand, and the 
 Anglo-Americans, on the other, it was constantly exposed to the 
 incursions and depredations of both. The dense forests of the 
 Green Mountains became the favorite lurking places of the wield- 
 ers of the tomahawk, and resounded with the war-whoop of those 
 savages who were willing to be allies for either of the contending 
 parties. For these reasons, actual settlements were impracticable 
 and perilous ; and it was not until the year 1760 that civilized 
 establishments were found upon the banks of the River Connecti- 
 cut. The scantiness of the population cannot be attributed to any 
 other cause than the local situation of Vermont with respect to the 
 various Indian nations which prevented its becoming a permanent 
 residence for the red man, in earlier times, and afterwards pre- 
 vented its being settled by the French and English during the Co- 
 lonial Wars.
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 47 
 
 The fertility and value of the lands lying between the present 
 geographic limits of Vermont, however, had become widely known. 
 During the French war, a road had been opened by the New Eng- 
 land troops from Charlestown in New Hampshire, to Crown Point 
 in New York, and, by passing frequently through these lands, 
 their character had been, of course, determined. When the final 
 conquest of Canada had removed one of the dangerous obstacles 
 in the way of settling in this part of New England, these lands 
 were eagerly sought for by those who wished to own the land they 
 cultivated and to cultivate the lands they owned. 
 
 Land-titles, at that date, were granted under Letters Patent 
 from the Crown by BENNING WENTWORTH, the then Captain Gen- 
 eral, Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Prov- 
 ince of New Hampshire. That Province claimed and exercised 
 jurisdiction over territory extending from the West bank of the 
 Connecticut River to a point esteemed to be twenty miles East of 
 the river Hudson, so far as that river extended to the Northward, 
 and after that, as far Westward as Lake Champlain. By the year 
 1761, no less than 60 townships were granted on the West side of 
 the Connecticut River, and within a year or two from that date, 
 the whole number of grants had amounted to one hundred and 
 thirty-eight.* ' 
 
 Upon the fees and other emoluments which Gov. WENTWORTH 
 received as compensation for those grants, the Government of 
 New York looked with an envious eye. Inasmuch as the Gov- 
 ernor of New Hampshire reserved five hundred acres of land in 
 every township for himself, he was evidently laying the basis of 
 an immense fortune. Wishing to thwart all such covetous pro- 
 cedure, and desirous of the profit arising from the sale of those 
 lands, CADWALLADER GOLDEN, Esq., Lieut. Governor of His Maj- 
 esty's Province of New York, on the 28th December, 1763, issued 
 a proclamation, " commanding the Sheriff of the County of Albany 
 to make a return of the names of all persons who have taken 
 possession of lands under New Hampshire grants," and claiming 
 jurisdiction as far East as Connecticut River, by virtue of 
 grants made by Charles II. to the Duke of York in 1664 and 
 1674. 
 
 *See appendix.
 
 48 MR. HOUGHTOjSTS ADDRESS. 
 
 At this period of time, came from the Colony of Old Connecti- 
 cut, from the town of Woodbury, in the County of Litchfield, the 
 young Pioneer who was destined to take a prominent part in the 
 various controversies and struggles which were incident to the 
 early settlement of a new State. The parents of this Pioneer had 
 purchased a tract of" land in the township of Bennington, and, 
 about the year 1763, had removed with their family to that town. 
 He was distinguished in his youth, as he was afterwards in his 
 manhood, for the " solidity and extent of his understanding." 
 With no other scholastic advantages than such as a common school 
 education afforded, yet those advantages were employed to the best 
 possible purpose ; and, at his majority, he was possessed of a fund 
 of knowledge, which was as serviceable as if it had been obtained 
 in the classic walks of Harvard, or under the elms of Yale. 
 
 Coming to the State of Vermont, as SETH WARNER did, while 
 the soil was yet but poorly tilled, while the forests were unclear- 
 ed, while no school-house or church had been erected, there was, 
 it would seem to us, but little to encourage the mind of that Con- 
 necticut boy to become a resident among the Green Mountains. 
 But the rivers, lakes and ponds were filled with large quantities of 
 excellent fish. The forests abounded with every variety of game, 
 and in the dells and on the hills could be seen flowers of rare 
 excellence and beauty. " Solomon in all his glory was never ar- 
 rayed like one of these." Young WARNER was a skillful botanist. 
 He sought, partly from necessity and chiefly from choice, to ren- 
 der himself familiar with such plants and roots as were indigenous 
 to Vermont. We are assured that no man acquired more informa- 
 tion touching the nature and properties of such natural productions 
 than he. With such invaluable knowledge he was exceedingly 
 useful in new settlements, where he could administer relief when 
 medical assistance could not easily be obtained. 
 
 Young WARNER was a huntsman too. The ready pen of that 
 romance-writer, who cordially sympathizes with every effort to 
 learn the character of the early settlers of this State, represents 
 him under the character of Col. WARRINGTON as a successful 
 lover of the pleasures of the chase. Traveling back eighty years, 
 if we wish to see him as he was, we find him an inhabitant of one 
 of the rude cabins that were thinly scattered through the wilder- 
 ness. We observe him felling the forest, or tilling the soil which
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNEE. 49 
 
 had never been touched by any hand before. There will be found 
 around his shieling, unbroken silence, save when the stroke of his 
 axe awakens the echo, or the howl of the wolf disturbs the dull 
 ear of midnight. In the midst of all his labors, as well as his 
 pastime, he is compelled to be ready with the loaded musket to 
 repel the lurking savage. " You see a man of a very fine, and even 
 majestic, appearance. Though tall and muscular, so compactly 
 and finely set are his limbs that his contour presented nothing to 
 the eye in the least disproportioned or ungainly. His features 
 seem to correspond in regularity of formation to the rest of his 
 person, while his countenance is rather of the cool and deliberate 
 cast, indicative, however, of a mild, benevolent, disposition, as well 
 as a sound, and reflecting intellect. Every development, indeed, 
 whether of his shapely head or manly countenance, goes to show 
 a strong, well-balanced character, and one capable of action be- 
 yond the scope of ordinary men."* 
 
 It is said by cotemporaries who have seen him at the head of 
 his brave " Green Mountain Rangers," armed and equipped for 
 duty, that no man could bestride a horse with more grace and dig- 
 nity than he. With a broad and intellectual forehead, relieved 
 with a profusion of nut-brown hair, and with sparkling blue eyes 
 beaming forth under eye-brows most beautifully arched, his physi- 
 ognomy gave unmistakeable signs of an intelligent, courageous 
 and energetic man. 
 
 Such was the skillful huntsman and the practical botanist, before 
 the blast of War blew in the ears of the early settlers of the New 
 Hampshire Grants. Continuing to use his quick eye-sight and 
 steady arm in hunting after game in the forests, and indulging his 
 scientific taste in the dells and dingles where medicinal plants were 
 most abundant, he became widely known as one upon whose use- 
 fulness and humanity, reliance could be reposed. And thus was 
 laid the basis of that reputation which, in aftertimes, rendered him 
 so influential and powerful for good when " the slings and arrows 
 of outrageous Fortune" were hurtled at those who, like himself, 
 had pitched their tents among the green hills of Vermont. Here, 
 among the mountains and valleys of the so called " Switzerland of 
 
 *See the ' Green Mountain Boys," page 18. 
 8
 
 50 ME. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 America." the love of Nature shone in his soul, as undying lustre 
 glistens in the diamonds which sparkle in the diadem of Beauty ! 
 Here, in the valleys of Vermont, through which messages are now- 
 sent by the aid of a power which outstrips even the sun in its 
 flight, and here, among the mountains, where the iron-horse now 
 puffs its way, with untold wealth following reluctantly in its wake, 
 once lived and loved that man whose heart overflowed with the 
 love of Freedom for which all huntsmen are proverbial, and whose 
 soul was fired with that enthusiasm which burns brightly and glo- 
 riously in the breast of every devotee of Natural History. Truly 
 this Vermont was a fit place to nurture such qualities of the head 
 and heart. 
 
 " Hail, land of Green Mountains ! whose valleys and streams 
 Are as fair as the muse ever pictured in dreams ; 
 Where the stranger oft sighs with emotion sincere, 
 Ah ! would that my own native home had been here !" 
 
 " Hail, land of the lovely, the equal, the brave, 
 Never trod by the foe, never tilled by the slave ; 
 Where the love of the world to the hamlet is brought, 
 And speech is as free as the pinions of thought." 
 
 The controversy between the Governors of New York and New 
 Hampshire, relative to jurisdiction over the territory now constitut- 
 ing the State of Vermont, was, meanwhile, in no wise abated. 
 That there was an acrimonious spirit gradually growing up be- 
 tween the two Colonies, the following extract from Gov. WENT- 
 WORTH'S Proclamation will demonstrate : 
 
 " For political reasons, the claims to jurisdiction by New York might have been 
 deferred, as well as the strict inquisition on the civil power to exercise jurisdiction 
 in their respective functions as far as the Eastern banks of Connecticut River. 
 
 * * . * To the end, therefore, that the grantees now settled and settling on 
 those lands under His late and present Majesty's charters may not be intimidated, 
 or any way hindered or obstructed in the improvement of the lands so granted, as 
 well as to ascertain the right and maintain the jurisdiction of His Majesty's govern- 
 ment of New Hampshire as far Westward as to include the grants made : 
 
 I have thought fit, by and with the advice of His Majesty's Council to issue this 
 Proclamation, hereby encouraging the several grantees, claiming under this Gov- 
 ernment, to be industrious in clearing and cultivating their lands agreeably to their 
 respective grants. 
 
 And I do hereby require and command all civil officers within the Province, of 
 what quality soever, as well those that are not, as those that are inhabitants on the 
 said lands, to continue and be diligent in exercising jurisdiction in their respective 
 offices, as far Westward as grants of land have been made by this Government ; 
 and to deal with any person or persons that may presume to interrupt the inhabit- 
 ants or settlers on said lands as to law and justice do appertain ; the pretended 
 right of jurisdiction mentioned in the aforesaid Proclamation notwithstanding. 
 
 Given at the Council Chamber in Portsmouth, the 13th day of March, 1764, 
 and in the fourth year of His Majesty's reign. 
 
 B. WENTWORTH. 
 
 The controversy, thus begun by gubernatorial proclamation, was
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 51 
 
 continued with much bitterness for a period of fifteen years. In 
 1764, the matter in question was decided by Imperial decree in 
 favor of New York, and the claim of that government to jurisdic- 
 tion extending to the East as far as Connecticut river, was con- 
 firmed. "His Majesty was pleased, with the advice of his Privy 
 Council, to approve of what is therein proposed, and doth accord- 
 ingly hereby order and declare the Western banks of the Con- 
 necticut river, from where it enters the Province of the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, as far North as the 45th degree of North latitude, 
 to be the boundary line between the said two Provinces of New 
 Hampshire and New York. Wherefore, the respective Governors 
 and Commanders of his Majesty's said Provinces of New Hamp- 
 shire and New York, for the time being, and all others whom it 
 may concern, are to take notice of His Majesty's pleasure and 
 govern themselves accordingly." 
 
 To this royal decree, different and widely variant construction 
 was given. The settlers on the New Hampshire Grants consider- 
 ed that its fair operation was to place them under the future juris- 
 diction of New York. The government of that Colony, on the 
 contrary, contended that the order had a retroactive and retro- 
 spective bearing, and determined not only what should be, but what 
 always had been, the geographic limits of the Colony of New York. 
 The settlers on the New Hampshire Grants inferred that the royal 
 decree could in no wise affect their land-titles, or any past con- 
 tracts. The New York authorities, taking a different view of the 
 royal decision, insisted that the grants made by the government of 
 New Hampshire were unauthorized by the Crown, and were, of 
 course, illegal and consequently void. If the same interpretation 
 had been given to the royal decree by the authorities of both Col- 
 onies, all historians unite in saying there would have arisen no 
 controversy like that which was carried on with great acrimony 
 from the year 1763 to 1775. 
 
 The order of the 20th July 1764, created disaffection among the 
 settlers on the New Hampshire Grants, of whom SETH WARNER 
 was an acknowledged leader. At the outset, the order was re- 
 garded as extending the jurisdiction of New York over their ter- 
 ritory, commencing with the date of said decree ; and in this they 
 were willing to acquiesce. But not apprehensive that the titles
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 53 
 
 Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Province of New York, 
 for the time being, upon pain of His Majesty's highest displeasure, 
 not to presume to make any grant whatsoever of any part of the 
 lands described in the Report of the Board of Trade, until His 
 Majesty's further pleasure concerning the same shall be known." 
 
 This prohibition was explicit enough. The Governor of New^ 
 York continued, however, to make further grants. Writs of 
 ejectment were prayed out by lawyers, whose bread depended up- 
 on " fat contentions and flowing fees," and inasmuch as no legal, 
 defence was tolerated, the settlers were driven to the last resort, as 
 the only remaining alternative. 
 
 " Hitherto," say the Vermont State papers, " New York had 
 founded her claim to the lands in question, on the grant to the 
 Duke of York. Not choosing, however, longer to rely on so pre- 
 carious a tenure, application was made to the Crown for a confir- 
 mation of the claim. This application was supported by a petition, 
 purporting to be signed by a great number of the settlers on the 
 New Hampshire grants, representing that it would be for their 
 advantage to be annexed to the Colony of New York, and praying 
 that the Western bank of Connecticut river might be established 
 as the Eastern boundary of that Province." 
 
 In an article in the Connecticut Courant, published in April, 
 1772, there is a frank, and perhaps just, commentary on the strat- 
 egy employed by the then Albany Regency, to acquire jurisdiction 
 over the New Hampshire Grants. I transcribe the gist of said 
 publication, as throwing some light on the subject of my present 
 discourse: 
 
 * * * * " The fallacious policy, made use of in New York to obtain the ju- 
 risdiction, has given great umbrage to the said inhabitants. The Yorkers sent 
 spies through the said country, and by one pretence or other, found out the names of 
 the said inhabitants, and then, unknown to them, affixed their several names 
 to a petition requesting His iMajesty and Council to confirm and annex them to the 
 Province of New York. This legerdemain was undoubtedly the cause of their ex- 
 tending their jurisdiction to the banks of Connecticut river. If so, it is probable, 
 as the evidence of this fact was sent to His Majesty and Council last Summer, it 
 will be the cause why His Majesty and Council should alter the jurisdiction to New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 " Again; be this as it will, the unreasonable and inhumane use the Yorkers have 
 made of the powers of jurisdiction since they obtained it, has given more trouble, 
 disquietude and uneasiness than their first detestable way of obtaining it. Certain 
 designing men in New York, having purchased patents from that 'Province and 
 lapped them on patents antecedently granted under the great seal of the Province 
 of New Hampshire which antecedent patents were settled by the New Hamp- 
 shire grantees, prior to the dates of said patents under the great seal of the Province 
 of New York, notwithstanding the New York grantees have brought sundry writs 
 of ejectment against the New Hampshire grantees and actual settlers, and having
 
 54 MR. HOTTGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 obtained judgment against therfl, proceeded further and took out writs of possession 
 as they called them, and by order of Law actually dispossessed sundry of said in- 
 habitants, grantees as aforesaid, of their houses and farms, leaving them to suffi-r 
 the inclemency of the weather, and deprived of all the necessaries of life. Their 
 new masters having taken and monopolized their earthly all to themselves, these 
 indigent families having in the first place expended their several fortunes in bring- 
 ing their said farms out of a wilderness state into that of fruitful fields, gardens and 
 orchards. The whole country, consisting of more than fifteen hundred families, 
 was greatly alarmed at the event which had begun to take place, was in great con- 
 sternation each individual reading their own intolerable destruction from that 
 which had already begun. Still the writs of ejectment coming thick and faster 
 women sobbing and lamenting, children crying, and men pierced to the bean with 
 sorrow and indignation at the approaching tyranny of New York. Meanwhile, a 
 high-spirited man took a small ox-goad and coolly belabored one of the officers, 
 who had gloried much in being the instrument of the New York oppression. 
 Zeal taking fire from this example, in the breasts of great numbers of the people, 
 the officers perceived that it was not safe for them to serve vrits of ejectment upon 
 the people, but moie in special they werp in hazard if they presumed to dispossess 
 the people of their houses and lands. Though in any matters of debt by note, 
 promise or book , or in fine for any sort of exercise of authority, except depriving 
 people of their country, or had a direct and apparent tendency thereto, officers did, 
 and at this time do officiate in office as unmolested, nay, actually assisted when they 
 desire it, as in any plantation in English America. 
 
 Strange ! G Tryon should tax the said inhabitants of riotousness, faction and 
 disobedience, in every instance, ' that they oppose every legal process," &c., as if 
 his soul doted on such a sort of demeanor and obedience from said inhabitants, as 
 would give him and his favorites peaceable possession and enjoyment of their whole 
 country, which they have, by their money and labor, made vastly valuable having 
 metamorphosed it irom the condition of a howling wilderness into villages and fruit- 
 ful plantations. This is flagrantly that sort of loyalty and this sort of jurisdiction 
 aimed at by Gov. Tryon and his associates. 
 
 Providence has hitherto mightily protected Bennington and the Northern set- 
 tlements from the policy and ravages of New York, when the invisible posse made 
 their appearance at that town last Summer. GOD overruled it for good * * ' 
 for the Sheriff's party, when they saw the industry of the people ,and were informed 
 how they firstly purchased the lands and paid their money for the same to one of 
 His Majesty's Governors, the generality of the Sheriff's party declared that they 
 would rather be accessory to oppose the Sheriff, than to dispossess the people. 
 Furthermore, there was a strong party of volunteers, well armed, from the Bay 
 Province, and though they were willing to defend their settlers from the jaws of 
 the Yorkers even by force of arms, yet they were much more rejoiced to see so 
 generous a spirit in the Sheriff's party, so that that fray seemed to open the eyes of 
 great numbers of the people, both in the Province of New York and the Bay Pro- 
 vince, and convince them of the Justine of the cause i:i which the settlers were 
 
 There is one more sort of cunning made use of by New York, which is to make 
 such a use of their jurisdiction as to make presentment of every sensible, bold- 
 spirited man who adheres closely to the maintaining the property of their lands ; 
 and there have been many occasions to either oppose the Sheriff in dispossessing 
 the people, or opposing the officers in their attempt to take such of the people as 
 they are pleased to enroll rioters. By these means, they enroll most of the country. 
 Self-preservation makes it necessary that the said inhabitants hold together and de- 
 fend themselves against this execrable cunning of New York, for otherwise the 
 Yorkers would so punish and bring to poverty every patriotic, generous and val- 
 iant man on their lands, that the residue of the faint-hearted and ignorant people 
 would be by them enslaved into tuch measures as tyranny and avarice should dic- 
 tate. It is altogether impossible for the people who have settled their lands to de- 
 mean themselves as good and faithful subjects of that Province, in their sense of it, 
 so long as they refuse to yield the property of their lands to the intrigues of New 
 York. I am fully of the opinion that the brave people will hold out to the end as 
 they have done, and so for the future they will maintain their possessions."* 
 
 *See a Report of a Committee of Council about laws on the West side of Con- 
 necticut river, in the Appendix.
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNEK. 55 
 
 SETH WARNER was no idle spectator during these exciting 
 times. Whether he would yield up his property to a set of land- 
 sharks, or make forcible resistance, was a question upon which he 
 took but little time to ponder. He advocated resistance : and 
 warmly approved of the proceedings of that Convention which as- 
 sembled at Bennington and 
 
 " Resolved, To support their rights and property under the New Hampshire 
 Grants against the usurpation and unjust claims ot the Governor and Council of 
 New York by force, as law and justice were denied them." 
 
 This resolution was zealously supported ; spirited and determin- 
 ed resistance to the authority of New York ensued. Several of 
 the inhabitants of the grants were indicted as rioters. (( A military 
 association," says a cotemporaneous writer, "was formed, of which 
 ETHAN ALLEN was appointed Colonel Commandant, and SETH 
 WARNER, REMEMBER BAKER, ROBERT COCHRAN, GIDEON WARNER, 
 and some others, were appointed Captains. Committees of Safety 
 were, likewise, appointed in several towns West of the Green 
 Mountains." 
 
 The Sheriff of the County of Albany, to whom was entrusted 
 the duty of enforcing writs of possession, enjoyed an office which 
 could hardly be denominated a sinecure. Whenever he appeared 
 upon the grants with his posse comitatus often numbering 750 
 men, all told he was sure of being met by a party equally nu- 
 merous, and determined to frustrate his object. Of such parties 
 SETH WARNER and ETHAN ALLEN were the active leaders and 
 Captains ; and a Proclamation was accordingly issued by the 
 Governor of New York, offering '-'a reward of 150 for the ap- 
 prehension of ETHAN ALLEN, and 50 each for WARNER and five 
 others." Determined to return the compliment promptly, ALLEN 
 and WARNER, and the other outlaws, issued a counter Proclamation 
 "offering jive pounds for the apprehension and delivery to any 
 officer of the Green Mountain Boys, of the Attorney General of 
 New York." 
 
 It will be borne in mind that the resolutions, adopted by the Con- 
 ventions of the people, were regarded as the law of the New 
 Hampshire Grants. Every infraction of the law thus made, was 
 followed by a punishment of great severity. That most frequent- 
 ly inflicted, was the application to the naked back of the " Beech 
 Seal," and perpetual banishment from the Grants. The sentence
 
 56 MB' HODGHTON/S ADDRESS. 
 
 of BEN HOUGH will serve my purpose as a sample of the punish- 
 ment then in vogue. History tells us that BEN was a violent 
 "Yorker," and resided near Clarendon. Receiving, by dint of 
 importunity, an appointment of Justice of the Peace within and 
 for the County of Charlotte, from the government of New York, 
 he was not content with the simple honor of the appointment. He 
 seemed to be anxious to distinguish himself in the new position to 
 which the partiality of the New York authorities had promoted 
 him. And, certainly, he gained distinction ; but such distinction 
 as might well be dispensed with, by all those who prefer the honors 
 of a private station, to the unenviable notoriety of cutting a most 
 ludicrous figure on the page of History. 
 
 After obtaining his commission, he promptly proceeded to exe- 
 cute the duties of his newly acquired office. He received, but 
 disregarded, the warning to desist which was served upon him by 
 the " Committee of Safety." Being found incorrigible, he was 
 arrested and carried before a Committee consisting of ETHAN AL- 
 LEN, SETH WARNER, and others who were proclaimed as outlaws. 
 " The decree of the Convention," says Thompson's History, " and 
 the charges of the prisoner being read in his presence, he ac- 
 knowledged that he had been active in promoting the passage of 
 a certain law, and in the discharge of his duty as a Magistrate ; 
 but pleaded the jurisdiction of New York over the Grant, in jus- 
 tification of his conduct." 
 
 But, sad to relate, although BEN'S dilatory plea was, under or- 
 dinary circumstances, worthy of consideration, this Committee dis- 
 regarded it and pronounced upon him the following sentence, 
 viz : 
 
 " That the prisoner be taken from the bar of this Committee of 
 Safely, and be tied to a tree, and then on his naked back, receive two 
 hundred stripes ; his back being dressed, he should depart out of the 
 district, and on return without special leave of the Convention, to suf- 
 fer death." 
 
 This sentence was carried into execution in the presence of a 
 large concourse of people : and at his request the following cer- 
 tificate was furnished for his future reference :
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 57 
 
 " SUNDERI.AND, 30th January, 1775. 
 
 This may certify the inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants, that BENJAMIN 
 HouaH hath this day received a full punishment for his crimes committed heretofore 
 against this country ; and our inhabitants are ordered to give him, the said HOUGH, 
 a free and unmolested passport toward the city of New York, or to the Westward 
 of our Grants, be behaving himself as becometh. 
 Given under our hands the day and date aforesaid. 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN, 
 SETH WARNER." 
 
 When this paper was handed to BEN, ALLEN observed that the 
 certificate, together with the receipt on his back, would, no doubt, be 
 admitted as legal evidence before the Supreme Court and the 
 Governor and Council of New York, although, in several instances, 
 to his knowledge, the King's warrant to Gov. WENTWORTH and 
 His Excellency's sign manual, with the Great Seal of the Province 
 of New Hampshire, would not.* 
 
 Living, as their descendants now do, in the enjoyment of just 
 and equal laws, and in times when such penalties are never in- 
 flicted, it is no slight task to form a proper estimate of the meas- 
 ures now under review. Those who regard them as severe must 
 bear in mind that, aside from the alternative of surrendering their 
 farms, which their industry had made to blossom as the rose, or 
 a determined resistance by force, the settlers on the New Hamp- 
 shire Grants were made to feel the rigor of laws more tyrannical 
 and sanguinary than can readily be found in any other code than 
 that of Draco. 
 
 I now quote from an extraordinary law enacted on the 9th of 
 March, 1774, by the General Assembly of New York : 
 
 " SECTION 5. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, if any 
 person or persons, within the said counties or either of them, not being lawfully 
 authorized a judge, justice or magistrate, shall assume judicial power, or shall try, 
 fine, sentence or condemn any person who shall either be absent or shall unlaw- 
 fully or forcibly be seized, taken, or brought before him or them for trial or punish- 
 ment ; or if any person or persons shall aid or assist in such illegal proceedings, or 
 shall enforce, execute or carry the same into effect ; or if any person or persons 
 shall, unlawfully seize, detain or confine, or assault and beat any magistrate or 
 civil officer, for, or in respect of any act or proceeding in the due exercise of his 
 function, or in order to compel him to resign, remove or surcease his commission 
 or authority, or to terrify, hinder, or prevent him from performing and discharging 
 the duties thereof ; * :: * * * that then, each of the said offences respective- 
 ly be adjudged felony without benefit of clergy ; and the offenders therein shall be 
 adjudged felons, and shall suffer death as in cases of felony without benefit of cler- 
 gy" 
 
 It was made the duty of the Governor to publish the names of 
 such persons in the New York Gazette & Weekly Mercury, as 
 
 *See Appendix. 
 9
 
 58 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 should be indicted for any capital offence, with an order in Coun- 
 cil commanding such offenders to surrender themselves within 
 seventy days after the publication thereof, under the penalty of 
 being convicted of felony and to suffer death without benefit of 
 clergy ! ! 
 
 With the passage of such a law as this, every prospect of re- 
 conciliation and submission to the claims of New York evaporated. 
 The New Hampshire grantees, suspecting the action of the New 
 York authorities to originate in the avarice of a set of speculators 
 who coveted their lands knowing that the people of New York 
 felt no disposition to aid in enforcing such claims satisfied that 
 the popular sentiment was highly favorable to the rights of the 
 settlers and being aware, from past experience, that the militia of 
 the Colony could never be induced to contend against them re- 
 garded with contempt every threat or legal enactment intended to 
 inspire terror. '< Indeed," say the Vermont State Papers, " the 
 idea of submission seems never for a moment to have occupied the 
 attention of the handful of brave men against whom these meas- 
 ures were directed. Educated in the school of adversity, and 
 inured to hardship and danger, they met and sustained the shock 
 with a firm, unbroken spirit." 
 
 " Let it not be said that the infliction of this barbarous punish- 
 ment proves that the people of the Grants were less civilized than 
 the people of other parts of New England ; for long afterwards 
 this relic of barbarism was found in the criminal code of all the 
 States ; but a more advanced state of civilization has since broken 
 up the habit by which.it had been continued through generations 
 of civilized man, and it has been exploded never again to find a 
 place in the code of any of the American States."* 
 
 Aside from the reasons heretofore given for retaliation on the 
 part of the Green Mountain Boys, it need not escape remembrance 
 that as necessity drove them to resistance, so sound policy would 
 naturally dictate that such resistance should be of a character to 
 inspire a full and firm belief that it would be effectual. 
 
 The New Hampshire grantees were by no means so engrossed 
 with their own troubles as to be indifferent to the policy pursued 
 by the Mother Country towards her Colonies in America. As the 
 
 *Memoir of Col. SETH WARNER, by the Hon. DANIEL CHIPMAN.
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 59 
 
 settlers were chiefly emigrants from Connecticut and Massachu- 
 setts, they sympathized with the feeling of discontent which per- 
 vaded those Colonies. Those residing on Connecticut River, who 
 had surrendered their original charters and taken out new grants 
 under the broad seal of New York, and had submitted to the juris- 
 diction of that Colony, were comparatively unconcerned spectators 
 of that bitter controversy in which the grantees on the West side 
 of the Mountains were interested. The massacre, as it was called, 
 of the 13th of March, at Westminister Court House, however, ex- 
 asperated them and raised a tumult of opposition to New York. 
 At a meeting of Committees appointed by a large body of inhabit- 
 ants on the East side of the range of Green Mountains, held at 
 Westminister on the llth day of April, 1775, it was 
 
 " Voted, That it is the duty of said inhabitants, as predicated on the eternal and 
 immutable law of self-preservation, to wholly renounce and resist the administra- 
 tion of the government of New York, till such time as the lives and property of 
 those inhabitants may be secured by it ; or till such time as they can have oppor- 
 tunity to lay their grievances before his Most Gracious Majesty in Council, together 
 with a proper remonstrance against the unjustifiable conduct of that government ; 
 with an humble petition to be taken out of so oppressive a jurisdiction, and, either 
 annexed to some other government, or erected and incorporated into a new one, 
 as may appear best to the said inhabitants, to the Royal wisdom and clemency, and 
 till such time as his Majesty shall settle this controversy." 
 
 It has been my purpose to present from the historical memoranda, 
 letters and other valuable manuscripts which 1 have been permit- 
 ted to examine, such facts and data as will give a correct view of 
 this most interesting controversy. A complete narrative of that 
 period of history remains a desideratum, which will possibly be 
 hereafter supplied by some authentic writer, who is willing to labor 
 diligently and master many of those secret mano3uvres, which 
 now greatly puzzle those who are most familiar with the various 
 phases of that important period. 
 
 I have designed not, I fear, without being very tedious to 
 describe the feeling which swayed the entire population of Ver- 
 mont, before the attention of its inhabitants was engrossed with an- 
 other more important subject. What would have been the result 
 of that controversy, if the minds of the grantees had not been di- 
 rected from its consideration, it is not easily conjectured. The con- 
 troversy with New York was arrested by the commencement of the 
 REVOLUTIONARY WAR. 
 
 On the 19th day of April, A. D. 1775, there was a serious con- 
 flict between Old England and her American Colonies. The at-
 
 60 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 tention of New Yorkers and Green Mountain Boys was diverted 
 from their land difficulties, their beech-seal certificates, and their 
 midnight riots, to a higher and more important controversy, in- 
 volving the independence of the whole American People ! 
 Soft words had been followed by hard blows, and England had 
 degenerated so much from the proud spirit which ennobled the 
 breasts of HAMPDEN and MILTON, as to wage a bloody war with 
 Liberty that principle of power, of heroism, of hope, without 
 which not even the self-styled " Mistress of the World" could be 
 great or good. It is not amiss to say, in this connection, that Poetry 
 can dwell in no soul, Eloquence can escape from no lips, Patriot- 
 ism can dictate no worthy deed, and Heroic Goodness can never 
 bud, bloom and blossom, without the mild light, the genial warmth 
 and ruddy glow, of Liberty. He, whose chariots are the clouds, 
 who rideth upon the wings of the wind, whose ministers are a 
 flaming fire who meteth out the earth as it were a span, who 
 holds the world in the hollow of His hand, hath so written His 
 unalterable decree. 
 
 " 'Tis Liberty alone that gives the flower 
 Of fleeting lite its lustre and perfume ; 
 And we are weeds without it !" 
 
 On that memorable day, was blown a trumpet-blast which her- 
 alded the advent of the North American Union. On that day was 
 begun, in the words of the " Sage of Quincy," now sleeping with 
 his fathers, " the struggle for chartered rights for the cause of 
 ALGERNON SIDNEY and JOHN HAMPDEN for trial by jury the 
 Habeas Corpus and Magna Charta." 
 
 At this period, prominent and, in fact, foremost among the 
 Green Mountain Boys, stood SETH WARNER. I am aware, that 
 his exploits have not been duly commemorated. Clio, the Muse 
 of glory and of history, whose attributes are a wreath of laurel 
 upon her head, a trumpet in her right hand and a roll of papyrus 
 in her left, has been too much occupied in dancing and singing 
 with Apollo and his little group in more genial climates, to pay a 
 proper tribute to his memory. 
 
 " No bard embalms and sanctifies his song 
 And History, so warm on other themes, 
 Is cold on this." 
 
 Up to the time of this present speaking, nothing, save a few obitu-
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 61 
 
 ary notices of him, and a short biographical sketch in the Rural 
 Magazine, printed in 1795, has been published ; and so the light 
 of his fame has been suffered to be hid. 
 
 It is to be hoped that the venerable gentleman the Hon. DANIEL 
 CHIPMAN whose learned leisure is spent in the solitude of the 
 mountains of Ripton, and who is devoting the residue of his 
 chequered life to rescuing the memory of departed patriots from 
 impending oblivion, will be successful in his noble endeavor to 
 attract public attention to the merits of this modest and energetic 
 lover of his country. If he succeed in securing from his coun- 
 trymen justice, on his behalf, his literary enterprize must com- 
 mand, as it will deserve, the gratitude of every admirer of heroism 
 and the thanks of every lover of letters.* 
 
 No man was more ardent in his love of freedom and good order, 
 more unyielding in his hostility to tyranny in all of its manifesta- 
 tions, and more frank and bold in the expression of his political 
 opinions, than SETH WARNER. But. unlike his colleague, ETHAN 
 ALLEN, he had no talent nor ambition as a writer of political pam- 
 phlets. He possessed a vigorous intellect, and was gifted with an 
 uncommon share of self-possession qualities which enabled him 
 to gain and retain the confidence of all persons within the pale of 
 his influence. 
 
 By way of illustrating the character of those times, and the 
 personal popularity of SETH WARNER, I am tempted, even at the 
 risk of unpardonable prolixity, to quote an account of the recruit- 
 ing of a Regiment on the New Hampshire Grants, and the ap- 
 pointment of the field officers, as found in the first Volume of 
 " American Biography," by JARED SPARKS, page 288 : 
 
 " The troops from Connecticut, under Colonel HINMAN, at length 
 arrived at Tico'nderoga, and Colonel ALLEN'S command ceased. 
 His men chiefly returned home, their term of service having ex- 
 pired. He and SETH WARNER set off on a journey to the Con- 
 tinental Congress, with a design of procuring pay for the soldiers 
 who had served under them, and of soliciting authority to raise a 
 new regiment on the New Hampshire Grants. In both these ob- 
 jects, they were successful. By an order of Congress, they were 
 
 *See Appendix.
 
 6Z MR. HOTJGHTON S ADDRESS. 
 
 introduced on the floor of the House, and they communicated ver- 
 bally to the members such information as was desired. Congress 
 voted to allow the men, who had been employed in taking and 
 garrisoning Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the same pay as was 
 received by officers and privates in the American army ; and, also 
 recommended to the Provincial Congress of New York, that, after 
 consulting with General SCHUYLER, ' they should employ in the 
 army to be raised for the defence of America, these called Green 
 Mountain Boys, under such officers as the said Green Mountain 
 Boys should choose,' This matter was referred to the Govern- 
 ment of New York, that no controversy might arise about juris- 
 diction, at a time when affairs of vastly greater moment demanded 
 the attention of all parties. ALLEN and WARNER repaired without 
 delay to the New York Congress, presented themselves at the 
 door of the Hall and requested an audience, the resolve of the 
 Continental Congress having already been received and discuss- 
 ed. 
 
 " An embarrassing difficulty now arose among the members, 
 which caused much warmth of debate. The persons who asked 
 admittance were outlaws, by an existing act of the Legislature of 
 New York, and, although the Provincial Congress was a distinct 
 body from the old assembly, organized in opposition to it, and hold- 
 ing its recent principles and doings in detestation, yet some mem- 
 bers had scruples on the subject of disregarding, in so palpable a 
 manner, the laws of the land, as to join in public conference with 
 men who had been proclaimed by the highest authority in the Col- 
 ony to be rioters and felons. There was also another party, whose 
 feelings and interest were enlisted on the side of their scruples, 
 who had taken an active part in the contest, and whose antipathies 
 were too deeply rooted to be at once eradicated'. On the other 
 hand, the ardent friends of liberty, who regarded the great cause 
 at stake as paramount to every thing else, and who were willing 
 to show their disrespect for the old assembly, argued not only the 
 injustice but tyranny of the act in question, and represented, in 
 strong colors, the extreme impolicy of permitting ancient feuds to 
 nar the harmony and obstruct the concert of action, so necessary 
 for attaining the grand object of the wishes and efforts of every 
 member present. In the midst of the debate, Captain SEARS mov-
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 63 
 
 ed that ETHAN ALLEN should be admitted to the floor of the House. 
 The motion was seconded by MELANCTHON SMITH, and was carried 
 by a majority of two to one. A similar motion prevailed in regard 
 to SETH WARNER. When these gentlemen had addressed the 
 House they withdrew, and it was resolved that a regiment of 
 Green Mountain Boys should be raised, not exceeding five hun- 
 dred men, and to consist of seven companies. 
 
 " They were to choose their own officers, except the field offi- 
 cers, who were to be appointed by the Congress of New York ; 
 but it was requested that the people would nominate such persons 
 as they approved. A Lieutenant Colonel was to be the highest 
 officer. The execution of the resolve was referred to General 
 SCHUYLER, who immediately gave notice to the inhabitants of the 
 Grants, and ordered them to proceed in organizing the regi- 
 ment. 
 
 " Meanwhile ALLEN and WARNER had finished their mission 
 and returned to their friends. The Committees of several town- 
 ships assembled at Dorset to choose officers for the new regiment. 
 The choice fell on SETH WARNER for Lieutenant Colonel, and on 
 SAMUEL SAFFORD/br Major. This nomination was confirmed by 
 the New York Congress." 
 
 "ALLEN," says CHIPMAN'S " Memoir of Seth Warner," now 
 printed but not yet published,* " was sometimes rash and impru- 
 dent. WARNER, on the other hand, never wrote anything for the 
 public eye. He was modest and unassuming. He appeared to 
 be satisfied with being useful, as he manifested no solicitude that 
 his services should be known or appreciated. He was always- 
 cool and deliberate, and in his sound judgment, as well as in his 
 energy, resolution and firmness, all classes had the most unlimited 
 confidence. 
 
 " From the foregoing brief sketch of the very different charac- 
 ters of ALLEN and WARNER, it is evident that they were far more 
 efficient and more useful in defending the New Hampshire Grants, 
 than they would have been, had they both been ALLENS or both 
 WARNERS, and it would not be extravagant to say, that had either 
 been wanting, the independence of Vermont might not have beer* 
 
 *CHII'MAN'S Memoir of Seth Warner, pp. 35-6.
 
 64 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 achieved. But in selecting a person to command a regiment, the 
 men of that day gave the preference to WARNER. Accordingly, 
 the Convention assembled at Dorset to nominate officers for a reg- 
 iment of Green Mountain Boys, nominated WARNER for Lieutenant 
 Colonel to command the regiment, by a vote of 41 to 5. And as 
 ALLEN was a candidate for the office, as appears by his letter to 
 Governor TRUMBULL written shortly after the officers were nomi- 
 nated, in which he says, that he was overlooked because the old 
 men were reluctant to go to war, the vote must be considered as a 
 fair expression of the public sentiment in relation to the qualifica- 
 tions of the two men for the office. This is confirmed by the few 
 cotemporaries of ALLEN and WARNER who still survive, and by 
 the traditionary accounts of the men of that day." 
 
 Without pausing to comment upon the fact that sufficient atten- 
 tion has not been paid to the eminent services of Col. WARNER, it 
 may be proper to say that when the story of this period in the 
 History of Vermont is written in detail, his exploits will not be 
 forgotten. 
 
 Like many of the settlers upon the Grants, Col. WARNER was 
 a man of an iron frame. He stood six feet three inches and three 
 fourths in his stockings, and was possessed of rare physical strength 
 and agility. Corresponding with such a body, his mind was ac- 
 tive and resolute, and had been wrought to the exercise of its 
 highest energies in a struggle involving everything dear to the 
 heart of such a man. Having arrived at a conclusion, he was 
 wanting neither in the courage nor the ability to carry his decision 
 into prompt execution. He could endure any thing with more 
 composure than oppression. 
 
 Entertaining such sentiments, which were never disguised, it 
 excites in our minds no wonder that the New York authorities 
 should have proscribed him as an outlaw. Such proscription, how- 
 ever, seemed to draw around the determined champion of freedom 
 warm and devoted friends who clung to him more firmly as he 
 was the more bitterly opposed. Among his friends, there obtained 
 but one voice and one mind. Heterogeneous as that little band 
 was in its composition, it could neither be intimidated nor flattered, 
 neither be bought nor subdued. 
 
 There was burning in their bosoms one clear and never-dying
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 65 
 
 flame of freedom. A palpable principle of right being outraged, 
 their property, by an unjustifiable judicial interpretation and de- 
 cision, being jeoparded, they were startled into determined resist- 
 ance. Under the guidance of SETH WARNER and his worthy col- 
 league ETHAN ALLEN, they found no time, as they had no dispo- 
 sition, to whine or languish. No torpid numbness or chilling indif- 
 ference crept over their faculties or clouded their minds. When 
 any infringement upon their personal liberty or private property 
 was attempted, a feeling of opposition sprang up in their breasts, 
 and, instantaneously, like the passage of the electric fluid, a sym- 
 pathetic determination to defend their rights stimulated them to 
 action. 
 
 Gentlemen : These men were our ancestros. Their noble con- 
 duct, their patriotism, gained for us the rights and privileges of 
 an independent sovereignty in this Republic, which we are now 
 enjoying. And what, let me ask, in view of these circumstances, 
 should now constitute this commonwealth ? 
 
 " What constitutes a State 1 
 
 Not high-raised battlements or labored mounds, 
 
 Thick walls or moated grates, 
 
 Not cities proud with spires and turrets crowned, 
 
 Not bays and broad armed ports, 
 
 Where laughing at the storm, rich navies ride; 
 
 But men true-hearted men ; 
 
 Men who their rights do know, 
 
 And knowing dare maintain. 
 
 These, these constitute a State." 
 
 Gladly would I dwell on the military exploits of Col. WARNER 
 of the capture of Old Ticonderoga and Crown Point of his 
 bravery and daring in the Province of Canada of his courage 
 at the siege of Quebec of his glorious services in the second 
 battle of Bennington, but time and the proprieties of this occasion 
 will not now permit. I have, however, in my custody a petition 
 to Congress on behalf of the gallant Colonel, which, presenting as 
 it does, a brief and correct summary of his services, ought to be 
 preserved ; for it is a noble tribute to his memory from the pens 
 and hearts of men who knew and appreciated his excellence as a 
 Soldier, Patriot and Man. 
 
 " BENNINGTON, July 7th, 1786. 
 To His Excellency the President of Congress : 
 
 SIR : We beg leave to give Congress a brief account of the services and 
 sufferings of the late Col. SETH WARNER, particularly his Bufferings which ap- 
 
 10
 
 66 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 pear to have been immediately in consequence of his exposing himself in the 
 service of his country in the late War, in which he was of the first that stepped 
 forth in this quarter. 
 
 At the first reduction of Ticonderoga, St. Johns, &c.,in A. D. 1775, he per- 
 formed an active part. At Longueuil, in Canada, under the command of Gen. 
 MONTGOMERY, in an action in which he commanded, his bravery and prudence 
 were conspicuous aud much applauded which Gen. MONTGOMERY was pleased 
 to testify by sundry letters. He was in the siege before Quebec and, in the 
 course of the fatigues of this campaign and retreat, he received the first sensible 
 injury to his health. In 1777, General SCEUYLER was pleased to order him on 
 a particular command into Jessop's Patent, where, in the prosecution of the ser- 
 vices of his command, he exposed himself so unreservedly as to take an effect- 
 ual bane to his after health. Before this, he was of a most firm constitution, 
 but ever after declined and became a prey of an inveterate and extraordinary 
 disease which began now and fell into his feet and legs, and which continued to 
 rage, baffling all attempts for a cure until it put an end to his life, December 26, 
 A. D. 1784. 
 
 It is probable, had Col. WARNER, at this time retired from the service, he 
 might, in some good degree, have recovered his health ; but it being the trying 
 time of American affairs in this quarter, there was no room in a mind like his 
 to attend to such a proposition and accordingly he persevered until his important 
 and memorable actions at Hubbardton and Bennington. 
 
 After this, he began sensibly to decline, so that there remained but little pros- 
 pect of his future usefulness. He, however, grappled with his disorder arid con- 
 tinued in the service until receiving a wound from an ambush of Indiana near 
 Fort George, in September, A. D. 1789 (at which time the only two of his 
 officers that were with him fell dead by his side,) he was obliged to retire for 
 the last time a little before his Regiment was reduced. After this, his case be- 
 came truly effecting, and himself a spectacle of human woes until death closed 
 the scene. 
 
 With this account, we beg leave to recommend to the particular favor of 
 Congress the Widow and fatherless children of the deceased, whose circum- 
 stances, as we are informed, are quite necessitous. 
 
 Sir, Your Excellency's very humble servants, 
 THOMAS CHITTENDEN, SAMUEL SAFFORD, 
 THOMAS TOLMAN, ISAAC TICHENOR, 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN, STEPHEN R. BRADLEY, 
 
 PAUL SPOONER, GIDEON BROWNSON, 
 
 TIMOTHY BROWNSON, HEMAN SWIFT, 
 SAMUEL CANFIELD." 
 
 And now, after the silver cord was loosed and the golden bowl 
 was broken, in the little parish of Roxbury, in the town of Wood- 
 bury, near the banks of a stream which pays tribute to the river 
 Housatonic, lie the remains of Col. SETH WARNER. He has 
 plucked his last flower; he has bagged his last game; he has flog- 
 ged his last Sheriff; he has fought his last battle ! 
 
 " How are the Mighty fallen and the weapons of War perished !" 
 This expressive text from the II. Samuel, ch. 2, v. 27, was ap- 
 propriately discussed in a funeral discourse by the Rev. THOMAS 
 CANFIELD, when his ashes were consigned to earth with all the 
 honors of War, in a grave remote from the Grants he loved so well
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 67 
 
 and for whose sake he had yielded up his life in the bloom of 
 manhood. 
 
 On a white marble memorial-stone in Roxbury, over which the 
 moss has been suffered to grow, may now be deciphered with 
 much pains-taking, the following inscription : 
 
 IN MEMORY OF 
 COL. SETH WARNER, ESQUIRE, 
 
 WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE DECEMBER 26, A. D. 1784, 
 IN THE 42D TEAR OF HIS AGE. 
 
 " Triumphant leader at our armies' head, 
 " Whose martial glory struck a panic dread ; 
 " Thy warlike deeds engraven on this stone, 
 " Tell future ages what a hero's done. 
 "Full sixteen battles he did fight, 
 "For to procure his Country's right; 
 " Oh ! this brave hero, he did fall 
 "By death, who ever conquers all. 
 
 " WHEN THIS YOU SEE, 
 
 " REMEMBER ME." 
 
 Biographical sketches and recitals from the lips of cotempora- 
 ries, give assurance that the visit of death, of old named "King of 
 Terrors," was caused by too constant 1 oil and exposure on behalf 
 of his country.* But the distressing maladies of his death-bed 
 he bore with the fortitude of a soldier. There was solace to him, 
 pending the agony of suffering, in the reflection that his labors 
 were crowned with success. A source of grief, which obtruded 
 itself upon his mind, was the consciousness that his widow and 
 three children would be left destitute of the means of livelihood. 
 The lands, which he once owned, had, while he was engaged in 
 active service on behalf of his country, been sold for taxes ; and 
 the gore in Essex County, granted to his heirs by the General As- 
 sembly of Vermont in 1787, was found to be of little or no value, 
 and remains unsettled to the present time. Col. WARNER was so 
 much engrossed with the patriotic passion that he omitted saving 
 his own land while he could save his country. 
 
 Regret, however, was unavailing then. Disease in an aggra- 
 vated form, had fastened its fangs upon his system, and death had 
 put his gripe upon his body. He was not permitted to die in his 
 senses. Prior to his decease, he was the victim of a raging de- 
 lirium ; and, in his wild imagining, fancied himself at the head 
 
 *See Appendix.
 
 68 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 of his regiment of Rangers, and, on his dying couch, restrained 
 by a constant guard of able-bodied men, he would fight his battles 
 over again. The preternatural strength, with which he was en- 
 dowed, decreased, at last, with the progress of his insidious mala- 
 dy, and the skillful botanist, whose prescriptions had prolonged 
 the lives of others, could not restore his own reason or save his 
 own life. The practised huntsman, the sinews of whose gigantic 
 frame were hardened in the hunting grounds of Vermont, and who 
 had never feared the face of any man, paled and trembled be- 
 fore the grim visage of that huntsman whose name is Death. 
 His earthly doom was finally sealed ! His earthly sands had run 
 out ! He obeyed the mandate to join the majority dbiit adplures 
 and was gathered to his fathers in the prime of life " ere his 
 eye was dim or his natural force abated." The gold was refined 
 and the crucible was broken ! The toil-worn body was lain in the 
 " narrow house appointed for all living" that the soul might es- 
 cape into life. " The mortal cerements have been burst and the 
 winged child is born into the true life the life of eternity." " Af- 
 ter life's fitful fever, he sleeps well." 
 
 " How sleep the brave who sink to rest, 
 By all their Country's wishes blest ! 
 When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, 
 Returns to deck their hallowed mould, 
 She there shall dress a sweeter sod, 
 Than fancy's feet have ever trod. 
 
 By fairy hands, their knell is rung, 
 By forms unseen their diree is sung, 
 Their Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, 
 To bless the turf that wraps their clay, 
 And Freedom shall awhile repair, 
 To dwell a weeping hermit there." 
 
 Gentlemen of the General Assemlly : 
 
 The time already occupied ought to warn me that I am in dan- 
 ger of over-tasking your patience. A few general observations, 
 naturally suggested by the subject-matter of this address, demand 
 brief notice, and then my duty to those, who have honored me by 
 their invitation and with their patient attention, is fulfilled. 
 
 The State of Vermont, unlike the Old Thirteen, had no pre- 
 vious colonial organization. No civil compact bound those in- 
 habitants together who emigrated hither from the Colonies. But
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 69 
 
 the ties of sympathy, strengthened by the menace and force of 
 tyranny, prompted them to unite together for the safety and pro- 
 motion of the common welfare. For this reason, as has been very 
 properly contended, " every record and document and pamphlet 
 relative to our early history is invested with peculiar importance as 
 showing the manner of development from a state of nature to a 
 well-organized and efficient government." 
 
 A twelve month since, M. VATTEMARE, the distinguished founder 
 of the system of International Literary and Scientific Exchanges, 
 visited the capitol of Vermont. He there addressed the members 
 of the General Assembly and proved, conclusively, that his pro- 
 ject was eminently feasible, and would greatly tend to " promote 
 the diffusion of knowledge and induce nations to be more firmly 
 united in the bond of mutual good offices." At that time, the 
 melancholy truth became widely known, that heretofore so little 
 regard had been paid to the preservation of our most important 
 documents, that not even the State Library contained a complete 
 set of the published laws and journals of our Legislature ! 
 
 Now, this must appear to every thoughtful Vermonter to be a 
 most humiliating fact; for the life of a free government is mainly 
 dependant upon the diffusion of intelligence. As, under our Con- 
 stitution, all freemen are annually called upon to discharge re- 
 sponsible duties, they should be provided with such subject-mat- 
 ters of reflection as will prepare them for discharging those duties 
 aright. There is no Appian path to mathematics and no royal 
 road to political science. It is the imperative duty of every citi- 
 zen of a free government to become familiar with the past and 
 present history of his own country and his own Stale. This can 
 not be done by intuition or miracle. He must be able to consult 
 reliable authorities for this purpose, and must bear in constant re- 
 membrance that the ark of political safety is entrusted to the cus- 
 tody of every freeman. I reiterate no new truism when I say 
 that he can best discharge his duty to his God and country who 
 studies that he may obey the laws of both. 
 
 A very foolish error has gained currency among the people 
 about the necessity and value of antiquarian research. An an- 
 tiquary is commonly regarded as an obtrusive and tedious old 
 fellow who visits you before breakfast and rummages over the
 
 70 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 old papers and letters which are stored away among the cob-webs 
 of your garret annoys you during the day with foolish stories con- 
 cerning this book or that hero about which you feel no interest, and 
 talks until midnight about some curious investigation under the 
 supposition that he has imparted to you some of his superfluous 
 enthusiasm. If, prior to his departure on the morrow, he gives 
 an extempore lecture on patriotism, and undertakes to touch the 
 nerve that runs through the pocket, he will probably be regaled 
 with a hint or two corresponding in spirit with the doings of that 
 celebrated club stationed in London, known the world over as the 
 " Pickwick Club." That association recognized the principle of 
 every member defraying his own travelling expenses, and could 
 see no objection whatever to the members of the Society pursuing 
 their inquiries, for any length of time, they pleased, upon the same 
 terms ! It also acquiesced in all proposals to pay the postage of 
 letters and the carriage of parcels ! 
 
 Now, whether the antiquary is provocative of foolish mirth or 
 not, is to 1dm of no importance. If he be a genuine antiquary, 
 he will examine successive constitutions, laws and historical data, 
 with a loftier purpose and to a more praise-worthy end than the 
 winning of praise or the gratification of an idle curiosity. His 
 mind will not be so much engrossed with the objects of the Pres- 
 ent, but he will find sources of gratification in contemplating 
 the* history of the Past. And, thus attached to, and identified 
 with, some comprehensive investigation, his time, his money, and 
 his all, will be cheerfully devoted to a pursuit which, like Virtue, 
 is apt to be its own reward. There is to him joy in seeking after 
 wisdom : not that wisdom which enables him to become richer in 
 gold or lands, to be powerful and influential among his fellow 
 men, but joy in seeking wisdom for itself, wisdom to be wise. 
 Groping, perhaps, for awhile in the dark, he is, at last, able to trace 
 to their origin, and through their various modifications, the institu- 
 tions of the Past, and furnishes for himself and his country the safest 
 means of comprehending the nature and tendency of existing sys- 
 tems. 
 
 A complete history of its own legislation, every State ought to 
 possess. And that history should be placed within the reach of 
 every freeman ; for, as has been well remarked, " without the
 
 LIFE OF SETH WARNER. 71 
 
 .possession of such a history and a practical regard to the lessons it 
 inculcates, legislation will be, at best, but a succession of experi- 
 ments : and, as a necessary consequence, every operation of gov- 
 ernment will be characterized with instability and want of wis- 
 dom."* 
 
 But the objects of this Society are not confined to the collection 
 and preservation of the legislative and historical materials of Ver- 
 mont. Its purposes are far more comprehensive. Those gentle- 
 men who formed an Association ten years ago, and were, by a leg- 
 islative enactment recognized as a body corporate and politic 
 actuated by an enlarged and elevated idea of the pursuits to which 
 such a society ought to be devoted, wisely decided that one of its 
 purposes should be the collection and preservation of materials for 
 the Natural History of the State. 
 
 Man's duties have been very properly classified, as first reli- 
 gious, then domestic, and then patriotic. I need not say that it is 
 one of the patriotic duties of every Vermonter to advance, by all 
 possible means, the grand projects which should absorb the public 
 mind whether, like the Geological Survey, they promote the de- 
 velopment of the hidden wealth of the earth, or, like the present 
 institution still in its infancy, tend to preserve from obscurity the 
 character of our best men and rescue from oblivion the memorials 
 or traditionary memory of important events. 
 
 One of the means to secure this end, would be the establishment 
 of a State Cabinet of Natural History, in which all the Indian 
 relics extant could be preserved, and perfect specimens of miner- 
 ology, botany, ornithology and zoology, could be arranged, which 
 would, at once, suggest to the mind of every spectator, the partial- 
 ity which the Creative Power has exhibited towards the valleys of 
 Lake Champlain and Connecticut River. 
 
 Moreover, it is all-important that such manuscripts and papers, 
 as illustrate the civil or natural history of Vermont, should be 
 preserved in a library easy of access at all seasons of the year. 
 It is true that we cannot indulge in the hope of gathering such a 
 library as the Bibliotheque du Roi in Paris, the Imperial Library 
 at St. Petersburgh, or the Royal Library at Copenhagen. But 
 
 "Vermont State Papers, p. 15.
 
 72 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 still, a creditable beginning could easily be made. A library 
 could be formed here without great delay I doubt not, and with as 
 much ease as BENJAMIN FRANKLIN established the first American 
 Library in Philadelphia, and which might be of as much practical 
 utility as the more costly and extensive collections of other States. 
 The temples of the Gods, in the time of the Ptolemies, centuries 
 ago, were crowded with choice and costly books : and, over the 
 alcoves, was the inscription dear to every true scholar, " the med- 
 icine of the mind," or, as otherwise translated, " the nourishment 
 of the soul." If the mind, as is contended, be the seat of all the hap- 
 piness that belongs to humanity, then under the halo of this heav- 
 enly truth will the value of books more " fully and at large ap- 
 pear." " There is one art," says COLERIDGE, "of which every 
 man should be master, the art of reflection. If you are not a 
 thinking man, to what purpose are you a man at all ?" But life 
 being short, and work indispensable, few persons have time to be 
 taught without libraries and cabinets. We must " read, mark 
 and learn." Libraries and Cabinets of Natural History have 
 very properly been denominated savings-banks in which one gen- 
 eration deposites its earnings for the use of the next : and that 
 adds something to the store and thus the fund rapidly increas- 
 es. 
 
 From the remarks already made, it will be obvious that the 
 "Vermont Historical and Antiquarian Society" issues cards of 
 invitation to a wide circle of guests. All, without distinction, are 
 asked to come and take a part in advancing the cause of that Phi- 
 losophy which teaches by fact; and to aid in rescuing from ob- 
 livion every thing which relates to the past or present drama of 
 the world. I repeat, what I have already said, that the object of 
 this Association is " Man and Nature whatever is or has been 
 performed by the one or produced by the other." 
 
 A few years ago a genuine Yankee, with scarcely money 
 enough in his pocket to purchase drawing materials and lay in a 
 store of provisions, pushed his boat into the waters of the Missis- 
 sippi he steers slowly down the stream gazes upon the banks 
 on either side and sketches the " changing scenery, the virgin 
 forest, the beetling cliffs, the spreading prairie, the Indian wigwam, 
 the rising city, the deserted cabin, the wonders of art and nature
 
 LIFE OF SETH WAUNEK. 73 
 
 alono- its banks, till, at last, he floats out with the stream into the 
 
 O ' y 
 
 Gulf that receives him as Eternity swallows time."* For three 
 years the patient Banvard sails up and down the Father of Rivers, 
 and labors on his work of love. And when the work was done, 
 and the picture completed, myriads of admiring countrymen flock- 
 ed to behold it. It is not strange that European curiosity should 
 be excited to get a glimpse of a sketch of three thousand miles 
 condensed into three ! ! 
 
 I have alluded to this artistic triumph over difficulties because, 
 to my mind, it seems to be a striking emblem of Civil and Natural 
 History. 
 
 In the mysterious economy of Providence, it often happens that 
 the horn of plenty drops substantial "aid and comfort" in the laps 
 of those who scorn the rugged heights of wisdom and love the 
 paths of ignoble ease. It is one of the note-worthy characteristics 
 of an earnest lover of science to seek and to attain valuable 
 knowledge under a pressure of seemingly insurmountable difficul- 
 ties. And how much soever the fact may have been regretted since 
 Solomon announced that " much study was a weariness of the 
 flesh," and that "much knowledge increaseth sorrow," it is a 
 melancholy truth that all persons, having the inclination and in- 
 tellectual power, have not the requisite pecuniary means to float 
 up and down the stream of the past, and to survey and map down 
 the wonders of art and nature which abound in its midst or cluster 
 along its banks. 
 
 But the antiquary has made the voyage, and on his own pages, 
 as on a canvass, he has jotted down past events and completed his 
 chart of the Stream of Time ! That is Civil History ! 
 
 Neither have all persons the means of collecting and arranging 
 the numberless specimens of wealth with which the animal, veg- 
 etable and mineral kingdoms abound. But the natural historian 
 takes the wings of the morning and flies to the uttermost parts of 
 the sea and returns laden with the choicest products of every soil 
 and zone. These he arranges so that the eye of the thoughtful en- 
 quirer can behold, at a glance, of what wonderful materials the 
 planet on which we live, move and have our being, is composed. 
 This may be called Natural History. 
 
 *Mr. PRIME'S Address before the Library Association of Newark, N. J. 
 11
 
 74 MR. HOUGHTON'S ADDRESS. 
 
 No matter what scientific bias controls the student, he is thus 
 enabled to be the profitable spectator of a panoramic view of six 
 thousand years ! We can sit down in the library and cabinet thus 
 formed, and the moving canvass shall pass steadily and slowly in 
 review before us. We shall thus familiarize ourselves with the 
 past become acquainted with the statesmen and heroes of an- 
 tiquity and modern times learn how this earth was constructed 
 keep our minds alive in the contemplation of the constantly in- 
 creasing beauties and wonders of Art and Nature. 
 
 And thus 
 
 " Wkate'er we see, 
 
 Whate'er we feel, shall tend to feed and nurse, 
 By agency direct or indirect, 
 Our faculties ; shall fix in calmer seats 
 Of moral strength and raise to loftier heights 
 Of_divine love, our intellectual soul." 

 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 RIPTON, Vt., October 3, 1848. 
 GEORGE F. HOUGHTON, ESQ., St. Albans, Vt. 
 
 g IR . * * * * Some years since, I noticed that great injustice had been 
 done to the character of SETH WARNER by certain unintentional errors in existing 
 history ; and, when in Boston in the year 1845, 1 called Dr. JARRD SPARKS' atten- 
 tion to a passage in his Memoir of ETHAN ALLEN calculated to lessen the conse- 
 quence oi' Col. WARNER with posterity. After some conversation in relation to 
 WARNER, he requested me to write a Memoir of Col. WARNER for his " American 
 Biography." I told Dr. SPARKS that 1 would make an effort to collect materials 
 for such a work, and, if I should become unable to write, I would furnish him with 
 the materials. 
 
 After my return from Boston, I made efforts to collect the necessary materials, 
 but was so unsuccessful that I abandoned the idea of writing the Memoir. But in 
 the winter oi 1846-7 I fortunately found, among Mr. HENRY STEVENS' papers, such- 
 materials that I commenced writing the Memoir, and, haying prepared it for the 
 press, expected it would be published in the next volume of the American Biogra- 
 phy, but, by the enclosed letter from Dr. SPARKS, I found that work was discon- 
 tinued. 
 
 Being thus disappointed, I could not think of any mode in which the work could 
 he published. I could not think of publishing it in a pamphlet, and it would make a 
 volume too small to be thought of. At length, T concluded to write something to be 
 published with it, and commenced writing under the title " The Lite and Times of 
 THOMAS CHITTENDEN, including the History of the Constitutions of Vermont." 
 But I was soon admonished by the infirmities of age that I should not be able to 
 collect the necessasy materials and complete the work. At the same time, it for- 
 tunately occurred to me that Dr. SPARKS might permit his " Memoir of ETHAN 
 ALLEN" to be published with the Memoir of SETH WARNER, and in June last, I 
 wrote to Dr. SPARKS on the subject, and he generously complied with my wishes. 
 ALLEN and WARNER are named together, as the principal leaders of the Green 
 Mountain Boys, by the present generation, and I think they will be gratified when 
 they find the lives of the two distinguished patriots in the same volume. 
 
 Very Respectfully, 
 Your ob't serv't 
 
 DANIEL CHIPMAN. 
 
 NOTE. For the more perfect elucidation of several subjects to which allusion 
 has been made in the foregoing address, it has been thought advisable to re-publish, 
 in an appendix, a few papers which cannot now be found in print and for which I 
 am chiefly indebted to the courtesy of HENRY STEVENS, ESQ., of Barnet, the inde- 
 fatigable President of the " Vermont Historical and Antiquarian Society." 
 
 Report of a Committee of Council about lands on the West side of 
 Connecticut River. 
 
 PROVINCE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 To His Excellency JOHN WENTWORTH, Esq., Captain General, Governor and Com- 
 mander in Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of New Hampshire, in 
 New England, and Vice Admiral of the same.
 
 76 APPENDIX. 
 
 IN COUNCIL AVGCST 16-TH, 1771. 
 May it please Your Excellency 
 
 In pursuance of a vote of Council of the 20th December, 1768, appointing a 
 Commitiee to draft a just representation of the grievances of more than a thousand 
 grantees of land granted by the late Governor of this Province, with the advice 
 of His Majesty's Council, on the West side of Connecticut river, in consequence 
 of a petition of JOHN WENDALL, Esq., their agent, and that the Committe exhibit 
 a report to your Excellency in Council, we beg leave, upon faithful and mature ex- 
 amination, to report as follows, viz : 
 
 First That BENNING WENT/WORTH, Esq., late Governor of this Province, by his 
 commission, was authorized, and by instructions required, to erant (with advice of 
 Council) the unappropriated Crown lands in said Province, under certain reserva- 
 tions and services to His Majesty's subjects. 
 
 Secondly That between the years 1749 and 1764, the petitioners, with many 
 Others, solicited and obtained grams of sundry tracts of lands Westward of Con- 
 necticut River to a line twenty miles East of Hudson's River of the aforesaid Gov- 
 ernor, BEXNING WENTWORTH, Esq., with advice of Council, and under the Great 
 Seal of this Province. 
 
 That, by His Majesty's order in Council of 20th July, 1764, the jurisdiction of 
 the district Westward of Connecticut River, the property of the soil ungranted, 
 equally vested in the Crown under either provincial jurisdiction as we humbly pre- 
 sume, was rescinded from the Province of New Hampshire and annexed to the 
 Province of New York, unheard, unexpected, and without consciety of error or 
 forfeiture, although extremely detrimental to the Province, and, unless relieved by 
 His Majesty's most gracious clemency, will be entirely ruinous to the petitioners and 
 others in like circumstances, who, with their numerous innocent, loyal and indus- 
 trious families, must be reduced from hard-earned competence and quiet diligence, 
 to all the horrors, disorders and desperations of unmerited extremes! indigence ; for 
 the petitioners alledge and (for them) too plainly prove that their grants under New 
 Hampshire being perfected, they rested satisfied of their title to the premises as it 
 was never made a doubt by any person in New England, or even suspected but that 
 the jurisdiction of New Hampshire extended to a line twenty miles East of Hud- 
 son's river. They, therefore, proceeded to remove themselves, their families, and all 
 their property upon the premises, where for many yenrs they peaceablv pursued 
 their laborious cultivations, complying with the terms of their patents and popula- 
 ting an immense wilderness with useful subjects. These lands, being then settled 
 and improved, excited the cupidity of their neighbors, and in the year 1763, or 
 early in 1764, the desire to acquire, or rather to seize the New Hampshire well- 
 cleared plantations, fi:st broke forth in the proclamation of Lieutenant Governor 
 GOLDEN, requiring a return of all those names, that did or should hold possession of 
 any lands Westward of Connecticut River under the grant of New Hampshire, 
 that they might be proceeded against according to law. Hereupon, surveyors were 
 sent from New York, who, avowing the authority of that government, surveyed 
 the premises, including the houses, barns, and every other valuable improvement of 
 the petitioners, to grant them to other people, which was actually done by Mr. 
 COLDEX soon after the proclamation aforesaid was published. 
 
 The petitioners waited on Mr. GOLDEN, remonstrating to him the injury they 
 suffered by the proceedings and the unprecedented barbarity of such divestment. 
 
 But, they say, a day was appointed by the Lieutenant Governor to hear their 
 claims in Council, and they were promised that grants should be suspended until 
 that day. However, they experienced that grants were made previous thereto and 
 all relief totally refused. 
 
 Upon inquiry, it appeared that forty grants had actually passed of the premises 
 which were known, and,probably,many more, containing from two to twenty-seven 
 thousand acres of the most fertile and best cultivated lands, possessed by the claim- 
 ers under New Hampshire, and these grants made t > single persons of Mr. COL- 
 DEN'S own family connections or to officers, the largest tract not exceeding 
 five or six grantees, under no services or conditions of settlement or 
 cultivation except of quit rent, not even a reservation of pine timber for masts 
 with which the country is well clothed. It is now reported that some of 
 these grants have been altered, bearing a reservation of mast timber, and requiring 
 some cultivation or settlement. Immediately the grantees under New York pro- 
 ceeded to demand a relinquishment of the claims under New Hampshire, although 
 settled, possessed, cultivated and built upon for ten to fourteen years. Letters were
 
 APPENDIX. 77 
 
 sent wherein these new patentees menaced violence to some, actions of ejectment 
 to others, proposing leases for ten to fourteen years, at the rate of sixty bushels of 
 wheat per annum for every hundred acres of land others demanding three pounds 
 York currency, equal to thirty-four shillings sterling per acre, to release the pos- 
 sessors. Such exorbitances, cruelties and injustice, amounted to a total prohibi- 
 tion. 
 
 Whereupon, some were actually driven off from their possessions, others sued in 
 action of ejectment and harassed through different Courts at a great distance, until 
 the cost had swelled above their personal estates, and then their persons thrown into 
 jail, there to starve and rot until the remainder was satisfied, while their more mis- 
 erable families, ousted from their possessions, had the choice to starve in the wil- 
 derness or rot and become prey to that law which had not protected them from the 
 oppression of powerful avarice. Some of these people were taken by the Sheriff, 
 as trespassers, though residing upon and holding their lands granted by royal au- 
 thority, under the seal of New Hampshire their persons hurried to Albany jail 
 and all bail refused. 
 
 And when the trial came, in which they were to be ousted and, perhaps, fined for 
 presuming a refusal to yield up their whole and honestly acquired estates to those 
 who had unworthily obtained new grants of them under New York, the patent un- 
 der New Hampshire, upon which that title was professedly grounded, was not per- 
 mitted to be given to the Jury in evidence. Upon which strange events, every 
 case went against them. Indee J, it is a sure method, and by the like, there is not 
 the least doubt but every ocher patent or grant may have the same fate. It was an 
 admirable brevity, and extremely facilitates an entire eradication of all property, 
 unless sanctified by a grant under New York, at the enormous expense of .330 
 sterling fora tract of six miles square which sum was actually paid by those few 
 whose ability, co-operating with the distress of impending ruin, enabled and com- 
 pelled them thus unreasonably to purchase peace and quiet possession of their own 
 property ; but had the patent or grant under New Hampshire been admitted to be 
 given in evidence to the Jury, yet the petitioners were reduced to the most extra- 
 ordinary disadvantages, torn away from their friends and families from sixty to 
 eighty miles, confined in a loathsome jail, buil refused upon a civil process, their lit- 
 tle monies wasted, without a friend to protect or lawyer to advise and direct them. 
 Thus to have a trial at law for all the property they had on earth, before a Court and! 
 by a Jury, in effect, interested in their defeat, opposed by the most ingenious and 
 weighty lawyers who had almost universally, directly or under cover of other names, 
 been shrewdly made grantees under New Y ork & located upon these desirable farms 
 under such untoward circumstances, the event required no divination to foresee, and 
 accordingly your petitioners suffered, and, being poor people and strangers, sunk un- 
 der the frowns of Government, and interest, they could neither sustain the cost of 
 an appeal, nor procure bondsmen to respond the event. 
 
 Thus insurmountably oppressed, their adversaries cautiously avoided laying (heir 
 actions at such a sum as justifies an appeal to His Majesty in Council, and conse- 
 quently foreclosed that only sure and just relief. Having thus stated the facts as 
 they have been strongly proved to us, it now remains that some observations be of- 
 fered, which we humbly presume will recommend the petitioners to an establish- 
 ment in their property, and this Province to His Majesty's most gracious conde- 
 scension and favor in restoring to them a district, so essential to their welfare, con- 
 tiguous to, and otherwise convenient and desirable for the settlement prosperity, and 
 orderly goverment of that people, now groaning under and heavily complaining of 
 every outrage, dissension, and wretched confusion, in a degree not known even in 
 the hour of conquest. 
 
 The Government of New York, evidently proceeding upon some title to these 
 lands previous to His Majesty's order in Council 20th July, 1764, which expressly 
 says " considering a representation of Lords Commissioners for trade and planta- 
 tions relative to the disputes that have some years since subsisted between the 
 Province of New York and New Hampshire, concerning the boundary line be- 
 tween the two Provinces, His Majesty, taking the same into consideration, was 
 pleased, with the advice of his Privy Council, to approve of what is therein pro- 
 posed, and doth accordingly hereby order, and declare the Western banks of Con- 
 necticut river as far North as the 45th degree of North latitude, to be the boundary 
 line between the said Provinces." 
 
 It may be answered, the Province of New Hampshire, by royal author ity, was 
 to run from a point in Merrimack river due West until it met some other govern-
 
 78 APPENDIX. 
 
 ment. The Province of Massachusetts and Connecticut claimed and possessed 
 to a line of 20 miles distance East from Hudson's river, and as the Eastern bounda- 
 ries of New York were not determined by royal authority, by public claim, or by 
 acts of jurisdiction, or even by common popular supposition, further Eastward than 
 the said 20 miles line, it was surely the duly of this Province to extend its juris- 
 diction thereto, in obedience to His Majesty's commission. We are further sup- 
 ported herein by His late Majesty's instructions to BENNIXG WENTWORTH. Esq., 
 Governor of this Province, upon a report of the Lords of the Council, 2"*th Au- 
 gust, 1744, requiring him to move the Assembly to provide for and support the 
 garrison called Fort Dummer, situated on the West side of- Connecticut river, or 
 in default, the district adjoining should be granted to the Massachusetts Bay. 
 They could with reason be required to maintain a Fort no longer within their 
 jurisdiction ; accordingly it was proposed to the Assembly, who disapproving the 
 situation, refused and were dissolved. The next Assembly concerted and made 
 proper grants for its support, which monies, with other instances of obedience to 
 the royal requisitions, this Province is now paying interest tor, and has a tax of 
 three years yet unexpired to reimburse. This, of itself, cannot fail to ascertain the 
 jurisdiction to New Hampshire Province to the royal decree in 1764. In a report 
 of His Majestv's Attorney and Solicitor General, 14ih August, 1752, it is said that 
 sixty thousand acres of land on the Western side of Connecticut river, called equiv- 
 alent land, by the determination of the boundary line in 1738, is become a part of 
 New Hampshire, and the district have reported it part of the land the petitioners 
 complain ol being ousted from. 
 
 These we presume are the highest and fully sufficient authority that the case can 
 require, or admit, in favor of New Hampshire, and perfectly conclusive in support 
 of the petitioners' claims of property, but \ve find it most particularly justified by 
 the treaty between the commissaries of Massachusetts Bay and New York, held 
 at New Haven in the year 1767 in consequence of His Majesty's representation 
 officially signified by the Right Honorable the Earl of Shelburn. In that treaty, 
 the Commissaries for New York proposed a line, after many interme- 
 diate proposals, about thirty-seven miles West of Connecticut River, to 
 be the boundary line between those two Provinces ; wherefore we con- 
 clude that, in their own opinion, New Hampshire did extend to the same line, be- 
 fore the decree of 1764 had altered it, for it is plain beyond a doubt, that every rea- 
 son, in behalf of the Massachusetts Bay having this line, is much stronger in favor 
 of New Hampshire, and consequently that the grants to the petitioners, by the Gov- 
 ernor and under the Seal of New Hampshire, are valid and legally convey a legal 
 title to the premises which no alteration of jurisdiction can abrogate or nullity. 
 We have purposely neglected considering the stale pretence of claim under the Duke 
 of .York's patent that title being universally supposed to be merged in the Crown. 
 If this is waved,yet it is surely obsolete and vacant from non use--an absurdity itself. 
 Jf not, and that patent is still a private and valid existence it equally includes more 
 than half the patent to the Council of Plymouth, and can operate to the removal 
 of at least half a million of British subjects, after near a century of quiet posses- 
 sion. 
 
 An idea, so repugnant to the civil law (the common law knows nothing of set- 
 tling new countries) to good policy, to common justice, and even to common sense 
 itself, that we forbear to enlarge our report with the abundant refutations that title 
 unalienably suffocates itself with, as this Province has not been informed of the 
 cause that occasioned the defalcation of so large and valuable a district, now never 
 more cited to defend themselves, nor were in the least appraised thereof until the 
 arrival of his Majesty's orders in Council, and to this day are entirely Eta loss 
 therein, it is impossible to enter fully into our justification or properly to repre- 
 sent thereon to your Excellency in Council, but as some representations alone 
 would have occasioned a measure so grievous to a loyal Province, and so uncom- 
 monly replete with eventual injury and distress to a numerous body of His Majes- 
 ty's subjects we would hereby confute such things as have occurred during our in- 
 quiry into the petition. 
 
 It has been suggested that Lieut. Gov. COLDES had represented the inconvenience 
 of this district appertaining to New Hampshire, and that for distance and situation 
 it could never be well governed but in New York, of which the inhabitants were 
 very desirous. It is with great reluctance we find it our duty to contradict such as- 
 sertions. The district in question is nearer Portsmouth than New York, from 
 sixty to three hundred and twenty miles, and it is evident that the nearer an Es- 
 tate is to the Capital of its Government, the more convenient, especially in Amer-
 
 .APPENDIX. 79 
 
 ica where, upon most occasions of law, course must be had to the Capital where all 
 appeals are heard, and which, in the present extent of New York, is almost im- 
 possible, at least it must be ruinous ior from many parts of the districts taken 
 off from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, in which Provinces 
 there is no law to conduct a prisoner through them under a precept issued in any 
 other, consequently these poor people are deprived of this Court and the Court of 
 Chancery in said Province, unless they travel, without the said limits of New Eng- 
 land, a journey of at least five hundred miles, which in time and expense would 
 swallow almost any American farmer's Estates, and, under law and justice, the 
 greatest violence and mischief to him, and here it is worthy of observation, the 
 bounds proposed, viz: the Western banks of Connecticut river, which we are told 
 was represented to have a North and South course into the Country, whereas it ap- 
 pears by a survey of SAMUEL HOLLAND, Surveyor General of the Northern district 
 of America, taken officially and without the intervention of the parties, though a 
 fact well known for twenty years past, that the course of said river is for many 
 miles East and West, and in many places to the South of East, in so nmch that 
 for more than five eighths of the river, there is no West nor East banks and, there- 
 fore, no bounds that can be known. Besides this, in the Spring and upon freshets, 
 the river dilates more than a mile in many places, upon which, as being the most 
 fertile, there are the best farms and most inhabitants, and by this means are in 
 New Hampshire half the year, and the other half in New York. As to the in- 
 habitants preferring to be in New York, their continual petitions, both here and in 
 the public offices at home, their Agents in England appointed to solicit their res- 
 toration to New Hampshire and the manifold grievances they daily suffer and com- 
 plain of in that Province, testify to the contrary beyond a volume of representations, 
 nor can we imagine with what spirit it could be offered, or how any person could 
 presume to utter such gross and palpable fictions, which we humbly conceive are 
 detrimental to His Majesty's service, by causing a mutilation of a small Province, 
 at best but scarcely able to support the government, although from the beginning 
 to this day, both in war and peace, they have approved themselves faithful and loy- 
 al subjects to the King, and who, by their blood and treasure, defended this very 
 territory from the enemy, annexing it to the Province of New York, already of 
 immense extent and opulence, who, neither in the last war dare defend it from the 
 savages, nor in the present peace give the strongest testimonies of veneration and 
 obedience to the land, except the receding from an agreement to distress the Brit- 
 ish commerce where it wasno longer tenable can be called an adequate renovation, 
 and an all-meritorious obliteration of their former conduct. 
 
 It is also said that Mr. GOLDEN represented that the grants under New Hamp- 
 shire were clandestinely obtained by enormous fees, and that a man, in no better 
 appearance than a common pedler, travelled through New York and New Jersey, 
 offering for sale many townships. The first part of this calumny, Mr. GOLDEN 
 knows, is false. It is contrived to injure the Governor and Council of New Hamp- 
 shire. 1 he grants were made in Council, and recorded in the Secretary's office, 
 whereto all persons have uninterrupted and open acess, with a full right to demand 
 copies of record, which was never yet denied to any one. 
 
 It is, therefore, plain that these grants were not made in the least clandestinely, 
 neither could they be in the very nature of the thing. Therefore, this assertion is 
 highly unjust, untrue and injurious to His Majesty's Council of New Hampshire. 
 As to the enotmous fees insinuated, we can only say they are unknown to, and un- 
 participated by, the Council, and that we believe it might be proved that Mr. 
 WENTWOKTH did not receive more than 30 sterling for passing a patent of those 
 very townships, which we know, after the decree of 1764, the same grantees were 
 for each township compelled to pay, at New York, three hundred and thirty pounds 
 sterling, to obtain, notwithstanding they had performed all the conditions in the 
 patent under New Hampshire. We are surprised at the nugationness of his as- 
 serting that a man of no better appearauce than a pedler offered to sell many town- 
 ships. Be it so. We justly may suspect that such a person had no right to them, 
 or may it not be reasonably apprehended that, some such tool was employed merely 
 to defame and degrade the government of New Hampshire? 
 
 Seeing that even Mr. GOLDEN presumed to lay such groundless petitions before 
 His Majesty's Ministers of State, though irom his present rank and appearance so 
 highly remote from the pedler, we heartily wish we were not thus called upon to 
 be jealous of either, but had these grants been obtained clandestinely, and at enor- 
 mous expense, how could a poor pedler-like man have acquired them ? The absurd- 
 ity and malice of the anecdote are equal and evident.
 
 80 APPENDIX. 
 
 We are also casually informed that it was by him represented that officers would 
 not locate in New Hampshire. If it was true.it might have been our misfortune, 
 but by no means a matter of accusation or criminality. But the fact is otherwise; 
 many officers did and do daily locale in New Hampshire, and it might be more 
 reasonably complained of on our side that these did not claim in New York. Yet 
 this is not all the insidious, cruel secret. It was suggested to many officers, and 
 other peoplj of respectable rank, who had obtained the royal mandamus for grants 
 of land, that they might locate on cultivated tracts of the New Hampshire seitlers, 
 which were rendered valuable by their labors. Ry this means, many, not knowing 
 the injustice of the case, did locate upon the premises, which, undoubtedly, an- 
 swered the purposes of those who wished to have the poor settlers ousted under the 
 misused names and countenance of the Royal Proclamation. These being all the 
 matter of complaint against New Hampshire preferred by Mr. GOLDEN that have 
 been suggested to us, and the Province having had no official or other citation, nor 
 the least notice of these or any other complaints against their jurisdiction on the 
 premises, beJbre the arrival of His Majesty's orders in Council of 17&4, whereby 
 they were deprived of this district, we beg leave further to represent that the unex- 
 pected decree obtained exports, and without a hearing of New Hampshire, as was 
 formerly granted in a similar dispute with Massachusetts Bay, and is now in agita- 
 tion between New York and New Jersey, and between New York and Massa- 
 chusetts Bay, though immediately obeyed with the utmost minute punctuality. 
 Yet it conveyed the greatest surprise and grief through the Province, not only the 
 loss they sustained of a country maintained and defended by their men and money 
 as part of the Province by express command of his late Majesty, but more especial- 
 ly that it appeared as a censure inflicted for misconduct they know not to have in- 
 curred, and without an opportunity to vindicate themselves, whereby many inno- 
 cent subjects, the petitioners are involved in the most distressful circumstances, 
 far more to be regretted and marked with infinitely greater calamity than the 
 Canadians, whom they assisted to conquer, were subjected to, by the change of 
 government that ensued, under which they were mercifully quieted in their posses- 
 sions, while the petitioners complain and lament that they are disseized and eject- 
 ed solely under the pretence of an alteration in the boundary line of the two Prov- 
 inces. 
 
 But as the petitioners were now excluded from this Province, the Council enter- 
 tained the greatest reluctance to hear their petition, nor were prevailed upon until 
 through repeated representations that the grievances complained of were in some 
 degree innocently occasioned by their official advice, and that the event extremely 
 affected the honor and prosperity of the Province which in duty to their Majesty 
 and faithfulness to their fellow subjects they are bound to pursue. 
 
 From the same motives, we have delayed returning our report daily hoping that 
 the petitioners would be relieved, and that their petitions would be laid before His 
 Majesty, from whose paternal care of his remotest subjects the most solid relief 
 will undoubtedly result. 
 
 We, therefore, beg leave to report as belore expressed, and that our humble ad- 
 dress be presented to His Majesty representating the injury sustained by his loyal 
 and obedient Province of New Hampshire by the alteration of the boundary line 
 of said Province in favor of the Province of New York, also of the sufferings re- 
 sulting to many thousands of His Majesty's good subjects, thereby most humbly 
 praying that His Majesty will be graciously pleased to restore and re-annex the 
 premises to this Province, which event, we humbly conceive, will give peace and 
 relief to the petitioners, and highly promote population and improvement (if that 
 district, facilitate and augment the revenue of quit rent, and preserve the pine tim- 
 ber fit for masts, accommodate the inhabitants in the mode, situation and distance 
 of their provincial government and be, in every other view and tendency, a blessing 
 to that country and plant an everlasting gratitude for such an instance of the Royal 
 benignity of His Majesty's most happy government. 
 
 All which is humbly submitted to your Excellency in Council, by 
 
 DANIEL PIERCE, ) 
 GEORGE JAFFREY, Committee. 
 DANIEL ROGERS, i
 
 APPENDIX. 81 
 
 PROVINCE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 IN COUNCIL 16iH AUGUST, 1771. 
 
 The foregoing report having been read, voted and resolved that the same be ac- 
 cepted andpresented lo His Excellency the Governor, praying His Excellency 
 will be pleased to transmit the same to be laid before His Majesty, humbly im- 
 ploring the Royal condescension to re-annex the district on the West side of Con- 
 necticut river taken from this Province and added to the Province of New York, 
 by His Majesty's order in Council, in the year 1764, and that His Excellency will 
 be pleased to recommend the same, being for His Majesty's service and for the 
 just benefit of this Province by such further explanations and observations thereon 
 as to His Excellency shall seem proper and just. 
 
 THEODORE ATKINSON, Sec'y. 
 
 Copy of a Letter from the Widow of Col. Seln- Warner to Dr. 
 William Samuel Johnson. 
 
 WOODBUKT, October 8th, 1786. 
 
 Honored Sir : Though I am unacquainted with your person, yet being ac- 
 quainted with your character, I am emboldened to request your honor to take the 
 care of a memorial herewith sent,begging the favor of you to take the charge therof , 
 and lay the same before the honorable Congress. Though I am poor and needy, 
 the thing did not originate in my breast ; but the officers, and those acquainted 
 with Col. WARNER'S conduct in the last war, urged me to make the trial, and even 
 offered to wait on me to Congress for that purpose. But my poverty prevents me 
 from making such a journey, together with the uncertainty of obtaining a hearing. 
 1 seek not for great things, but should be glad to have a sufficiency to educate my 
 fatherless children, so that they may not be contemptible among the human race. 
 1 am, Honored Sir, 
 
 an unknown, disconsolate widow, 
 
 ESTHER WARNER. 
 To WILLIAM SAMUEL JOHNSON, Esq. 
 
 Mrs. Esther Warner's Petition to Congress. 
 
 To the Honorable the President and Members of the Congress of the United 
 States of America, now assembled at the City and State of New York : 
 The petition of ESTHER WARNER, widow and relict of Colonel SETH WARNER-, 
 formerly of Bennington, in the State of Vermont, more lately of Woodbury, in 
 the State of Connecticut, humbly sheweth : That Colonel WARNER, early in the 
 contest of America with Great Britain, for the maintaining of their natural rights, 
 in opposition to British oppression and tyranny, took an active part previous to the 
 Honorable Congress' appointing him to the command of a regiment; and so dis- 
 tinguished himself by his zeal and heroic actions as that the Honorable Congress 
 was pleased to honor him with the command of a regiment whose conduct is 
 particularly described in a recommendation by the Governor and principal inhab- 
 itants of the State of Vermont and some in Connecticut, to the President of Con- 
 gress, dated July 7th, A. D. 1786, herewith transmitted to your honors, some of 
 which persons are officers in the regiment under his command, and are personally 
 knowing to the facts therein related. The circumstances of your disconsolate pe- 
 titioner as to her interest and circumstances in life will appear by certificate of 
 DANIEL SHERMAN, Judge of Probate, herewith transmitted, dated Oct. 3d, A. D'. 
 1786, by which your honors will see that your unhappy petitioner hath nothing to 
 support herself and three children, only her own industry having two sons and a 
 daughter, two of which are unable to earn anything by their labor. Your petition- 
 er would further represent to your honors that the Colonel was so taken up in the 
 defence of the Country in the late war, that he wholly neglected his own interest, 
 by means of which he lost much of his estate, as it lay chiefly in lands in the State 
 of Vermont, for want of taking seasonable care thereof, and although your peti- 
 tioner had a hard task in looking after the Colonel in his last sickness, as the Co-
 
 OZ APPENDIX. 
 
 lonel lay long confined, unable to help himself, and your petitioner had the unhap- 
 piness to see her dear companion, as it were, die by inches, (as a mortification be- 
 gan in his feet and by a slow progress proceeded up to his body, which continued 
 for months beiore it put an end to his valuable life.) Notwithstanding your peti- 
 tioner had the chief care of looking after her dear companion, it yielded her some 
 consolation that she had the opportunity of looking after the Colonel in his last 
 sickness. Had it been the Colonel's fate to have fallen in battle, as many did that 
 were engaged with him, your petitioner is informed that she should be entitled to 
 receive some gratuity from your honors. 
 
 Your petitioner, therefore,can but hope inasmuch as the death of her dear hus- 
 band was in consequence of the wounds and hardships he received in his country's 
 service in the late war, your honors will be graciously pleased to take her distress- 
 ed circumstances into your wise consideration and grant her such a bounty as that 
 she may be able to support herself and children, and give them such education as 
 that they might not be contemptible among the human race. The which your pe- 
 titioner is the more embolden to ask your honors, as she hath been informed your 
 honors have, in some instances, been liberal to the posterity of those who have dis- 
 tinguished themselves in their country's service in the late war for which, as in 
 duty bound, your unhappy petitioner shall ever pray. 
 
 ESTHER WARNER. 
 
 Dated at Woodbury the eighth day of October, A. D. 1786. 
 
 [The following report of a Committee appointed by the General Assembly of the 
 State of New York " to prepare a draft of a state of the just rights of this Colony 
 (New York,) with respect to encroachments made on its Eastern boundary," is re^- 
 published from the Journal of the General Assembly of New York, 1773, pp. 90 
 108, and presents the views entertained at that date by the authorities of the Colo- 
 ny of New York. The facts and arguments are of great historical interest and 
 the entire draught will abundantly compensate for the time spent in its perusal. It 
 may be regarded as a Per Contra to the report made in New Hampshire and also 
 comprised in this Appendix.] 
 
 A STATE of the Right of the Colony of New York, with respect to its Eastern 
 boundary on Connecticut River, so far as concerns the late encroachments under 
 the government of New Hampshire. 
 
 In considering the objections which have been raised by the government of New 
 Hampshire against the Eastern extent of this Colony, to the banks of Connecticut! 
 river, the pre-occupancy of that river by the Dutch will be of moment. But wheth- 
 er Capt. Hudson, who was the discoverer, acquired any right ; whether he trans- 
 ferred his pretensions to the States General whether his conveyance was valid ', 
 or, finally, whether the Crown of England was not already interested with the 
 country from the discoveries which had been made for the English by Sebastian 
 Cabot, in the reign of King Henry the Vllth ? are questions foreign to our purpose ; 
 since it is not the right, but the priority of possession of the Dutch, which is a6 
 present material, and to be supported. 
 
 In the year 1609, Hudson first discovered the coast between Martha's Vineyard 
 and the first Virginia settlement ; and it then began to be minutely explored, and 
 the bays, rivers and islands ascertained and distinguished. 
 
 Hudson's river was again visited in 1610, and in the following years by Dutch 
 ships, and their Colony advanced with such rapidity, that in 1612 they had a town 
 and Fort on the island of Manhattan's, now New York; and in 1615, another 
 town and Fort at Aurania, now Albany, 160 miles up Hudson's river ; previous to 
 which the States General, in 1614, granted a pateut to some of their subjects with- 
 the privilege of an exclusive trade in this country, which they denominated New 
 Netherland. 
 
 In 1623, they made a grant of the soil to the West India company ; who in the 
 same year erected Fort Nassau, on the East side of Delaware Bay, and Fort Good 
 Hope on Connecticut river ; and upwards of 35 miles from its mouth. Near to this 
 ancient fortress, the remains of which are still to be seen, the town of Hartford hath, 
 since been built under Connecticut.
 
 APPENDIX. 83 
 
 Fort Casimer, now called New-Castle, on the Delaware, they built in 1651 : 
 About four years afterwards they removed the Swedes, who were then settled in 
 that part of the country, and thus became possessed of the vVest side of Delaware 
 Bay, now called the three.lower counties. 
 
 There is not the least doubt but that the Dutch actually enjoyed the exclusive 
 possession, trade and advantage of the whole Connecticut river, long before it had 
 been approached by any English subject ; and had purchased almost all the lands 
 on both sides of it from the" natives. 
 
 It is equally clear that they considered and claimed all the country to the West- 
 ward of Connecticut river, and as far Northward as the river St. Lawrence, as part 
 of their Colony of New Netherland ; and we find it so laid down in all the ancient 
 maps.* 
 
 When the first war between England and Holland became inevitable, King 
 Charles the Second, by letters patent, dated the 12th day of March, 1663 4, 
 granted to his brother, the Duke of York, the tracts of country which compre- 
 hended New York, to render this gift effectual, before the war was proclaimed, 
 a fleet and land force were sent out to remove the Dutch, and put the Duke in pos- 
 session. 
 
 The Dutch Governor Stuyvesant, in his letter dated the 2d day of September, 
 1664, N. S. in answer to a letter from Governor Nicholls, in August preceding, 
 demanding a surrender of the Forts and the countries possessed by the Dutch, un- 
 der his command, denied the title of the King of Great Britain to this part of Amer- 
 ica ; insisted on the rights of the States General as founded, not only on the first 
 discovery, but on purchases from the native proprietors, and a long, peaceful and 
 uninterrupted possession ; and protested against every act of hostility as an in- 
 fraction of the alliance and treaty of peace then subsisting between His Britannic 
 Majesty and the States General. 
 
 But however clear his opinion of the right of the Dutch, in no condition to de- 
 fend it, he found himself obliged to submit to a superior power ; accordingly, on 
 the 27th day of August, 1664, he surrendered all the country, which the Dutch then 
 possessed, to King Charles the Second. 
 
 A capitulation was previously agreed upon and granted for the security of the 
 inhabitants: By the third article it is declared, Thai all the people shall continue 
 free denizens, and shall enjoy their lands, houses and goods, wheresoever they are 
 within this counli y, and dispose of them as they please. 
 
 Afterwards the States General, by the treaty of Breda, in 1667, made a cession 
 of this country to the Crown of England. 
 
 During the succeeding war between the two nations, the Dutch, in 1673, 
 re-conquered a part of it ; but by the definitive treaty of London, in 1674. 
 they again surrendered, and finally yielded all their claim to the Crown of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 To remove any doubt of the validity of the Duke's title, either from the want of 
 seizin in the Crown when it originated, or on account of the intermediate conquest 
 by the Dutch, it was confirmed to his Royal Highness by further letters patent, 
 dated the 29th day of June, 1674. 
 
 The descriptive part in both grants is the same, and comprehends, among other 
 lands, " All that island or islands commonly called Matawacks, or Long Island, 
 " together with Hudson's river ; and all the land from the VVest side of the Con- 
 " necticut river to the East side of Delaware Bay." 
 
 Connecticut river extends into the country, upon a Northerly direction, beyond 
 the 45th degree of North latitude, where we find its head. Hudson's river, in its 
 general course, is nearly parallel to Connecticut river, and takes its rise a little to 
 the Southward of that latitude. 
 
 The Duke continued proprietor and chief governor of this province, till he as- 
 cended the throne, when his right was merged in tne royal authority. On his 
 
 *See Ogilvy's America, published in 1671, and his map at page 168, Section 
 Niew Nederlandt, where the country to the Southward of the River St. Lawrence, 
 is called Nova Belgica, five Niew Nederlandt, and the river itself is called Bio St. 
 Lawrence, alias De Groote Kivier van Niew Nederlandt. 
 
 See also Blave's America, published in Amsterdam, in 1663, vol. xi,and his map 
 inscribed Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova. 
 
 See also Johannis Van Kuieu's Atlas.
 
 84 APPENDIX. 
 
 abdication, it passed to King William, his successor, as lord proprietor, and royal 
 sovereign. 
 
 In the Duke of York's commissions to his several lieutenant governors, Major 
 Edmond Andross, on the first day of July, 1764, and Col. Thomas Dongan, on the 
 30th day of September, 1682, among other descriptions of the boundary of this 
 province, are expressly comprehended all the land from the West side of Connecti- 
 cut river, to the East side ot Delaware Bay. 
 
 King William and Queen Mary, by their commission dated the 4th day of Jan- 
 uary, in the first year of their reign, appointed Henry Slaughter to be governor of 
 the province of New York, and the. territories depending thereon; the bounda- 
 ries whereof to the Connecticut river on the East, by the above and many other 
 grants, commissions and public acts, were notorious. 
 
 In all subsequent acts and commissions, this Colony is described by the same 
 general words, t/ie province of New York and the territories depending thereon; 
 and its boundaries have never been altered by the government here or at 
 home. 
 
 Indeed, the Colony itself has been diminished by the Duke of York's trans- 
 fer of that part of it which is now called New- Jersey to Lord Berkley, and 
 Sir Philip Carteret. By our agreement with Connecticut, in 1683, under mu- 
 tual acts of legislature, subject to the royal approbation, and by his Majesty's 
 proclamation of the seventh day of October, 1763, establishing the limits of Que- 
 bec. 
 
 The latter is reserved for the state of the rights of this Colony respecting the 
 grants formerly made by the French government of Canada, of lands on Lake 
 Champlain, and at and to the Southward of Crown Point. Nor need any thing 
 here be said of the grant of New Jersey, it being of no moment in the present 
 controvery. 
 
 But it will be of use to explain the settlement with Connecticut, because it 
 has been misconstrued to our prejudice, both by Massachusetts Bay and New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 And here it is necessary to premise, that the New England Colonies were found- 
 ed on the grant of King James the first, to the council of Plymouth, dated the third 
 day of November, in the 18th year of his reign, of the property and jurisdiction of 
 the lands in America, (called New England) from forty to forty-eight degrees of 
 North latitude. 
 
 That it was the intention of the Crown that this right should not interfere with 
 the claims and possessions of the Dutch in this country, which were undoubtedly 
 well known in England, is evident from a recital to the following purpose, " Now 
 forasmuch as the King has been certainly given to understand by divers good sub- 
 jects that have for these many years frequented the coasts and territories between 
 the degrees of forty and forty-eight, that there are no other subjects of any Chris- 
 tian King or State, or by any authority from their sovereign lord or princes, actual- 
 ly in possession of any the said lands or precincts." And also from a proviso in 
 these words. "Provided always, That the said lands, islands, or any of the prem- 
 ises by the said letters patent intended or meant to be granted, were not then ac- 
 tually possessed or inhabited by any other Christian power or State." 
 
 Most of the Dutch Colony of New Netherland was, however, included within 
 the bounds of this grant ; it was therefore void for the false suggestion, and if it 
 had been valid, the possessions of the Dutch were at least excepted and excluded 
 by the saving clause. 
 
 The council of Plymouth by their deed dated the 19th day of March, in the 3d 
 year of the reign of King Charles the first, granted to Sir Henry Roswell and oth- 
 ers all lands from three miles Northward of any and every part of Merrimack 
 river, to three miles Southward from any and every part of Charles river and of 
 Massachusetts Bay, .(East and West from sea to sea) with all islands on the East 
 and Western coasts. 
 
 Within this description also, part of the New-Netherlands is comprehend- 
 ed. 
 
 Sir Henry and his associates, having formed the design of planting a Colony, 
 thus became invested with the right of soil ; but they still wanted the powers of 
 jurisdiction or government, which the Council of Plymouth never pretended to 
 .transfer. 
 
 To remedy this inconveniency a royal charter was obtained, dated the 4th 
 day of March, 16289, incorporating them by the name of the Governor and
 
 APPENDIX. 85 
 
 company of the Massachusetts Bay, with ample jurisdiction and powers of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 But these grants are liable to both the above objections, they are null as founded 
 upon a void patent, or at the best they cannot convey what was expressly excepted 
 out of Plymouth patent by the proviso. 
 
 If it should be pretended that the charter, from the liberal terms of the granting 
 clause, invested a new right in aid of what was conveyed by the deed from the 
 council of Plymouth, it must be a satisfactory answer that it also includes an ex- 
 press proviso, that if the lands thereby intended to be granted, were, at the time of 
 the patent to the council of Plymouth possessed or inhabited by any Christian 
 prince or State, the grant, as to such part, should be utterly void. 
 
 We need not enlarge on these objections. The Massachusetts charter was va- 
 cated, and the title of that Colony now solely depends on their new charter of 1691 
 as we shall have occasion more fully to observe in the sequel. Thus much is necessa- 
 ry in this place place to enable us to explain 
 
 THE CLAIM OF CONNECTICUT- 
 
 This Colony was formed by a coalition of two distinct societies ; that of Hart- 
 ford, consisting, according to Doctor Douglass, of some discontented people who 
 removed from the Massachusetts Bay about the year 1636 ; and that of New-Ha- 
 ven, planted the year after by emigrants from England, under the direction of Mr. 
 Eton. 
 
 These little Colonies were planted without the least right or authority from the 
 Crown, nor had any legal government. Under a voluntary association they assum- 
 ed the exercised jurisdiction after the model of the Massachusetts Bay. For some 
 time the Dutch seem to have considered the people of Hartford as their tenants, 
 and probably it was with their approbation and under their right that they first 
 settled. 
 
 We find from the Dutch records, that the following conditions were proposed to 
 them in the year 1642. 
 
 * " Conditiones a D. Directore Gen. Senatnys Novi Belgii, Domiuis 
 Weytingh atque Hill, Delagatis a nobili senatu Hartfordiensi, 
 oblata>. 
 
 Progro agro nostro Hartfordiensi annuo persolpent Pr&pote.ntiss. D.D.or- 
 dinbus Feed Provinciarum belgicarum aut eorum vicariss decimam Parte'/n Re- 
 ventus Agrorum turn aratro turn ligone aliove cultorum media ; Pomariis, Hor- 
 tisque oleribus dicatis Jugerum Holla ndiuin,non ejcceedentibus exceptis ; aut 
 decimarum loco,pretium nobile postea constiluendum tain, diu quam diu possessorcs 
 ejusdem agri futurierunt." 
 
 " Actum in Arce Amstelodamensi, in Novo Belgio die Julii, 9 Anno Christi, 
 1642." 
 
 We have no evidence that the English acceded to these proposals ; nor is it 
 probable, considering their superior strength, that they ever did. On the contrary, 
 they daily extended their possessions, and in 1643, the Colonies of the Massachu- 
 sets Bay, Plymouth, Connecticut and New-Haven, entered into a league both 
 
 *In English thus.-Conditions offered by the Director General of the States of New 
 Netherland, to Messrs. Weyting and Hill, delegates from the honorable Assembly 
 of Hartford. 
 
 They shall annually pay to their high Mightinesses the States General of the 
 United Netherlands, or their deputies, for our territory at Hartford, the tenth part 
 of the increase of their lands that are cultivated with the plow, spade, or any othrr 
 means of cultivation; excepting such orchards and gardens for raising pot-herbs 
 as shall not exceed an acre of Holland measure ; or instead of the said tenth part, 
 a suitable consideration hereafter to be paid as long as they shall possess the said 
 territory. 
 
 Done at the Fort in Amsterdam, in New-Netherland, the 9th day of July, in the 
 year of Christ 1642.
 
 t) APPENDIX. 
 
 against the Dutch and Indians, and grew so powerful as to meet shortly after upon 
 a design of extirpating the former. The Massachusetts Bay, probably, from a sense 
 of the impropriety of such an attempt without orders from England, declined the 
 enterprise. 
 
 The Dutch had long beheld the increasing powerof their neighbors with the ut- 
 most anxiety. 
 
 Governor Stuyvesant, an active and faithful officer, as is abundantly proved by 
 his letters remaining among the Dutch records, in one to the West India company, 
 dated the 20th day of April, 1660, laments the desperate situation of the affairs of 
 New Netherland. " Your honors (says he) imagine that the (roubles in England 
 " will prevent any attempt on these pans. Alas ! they are ten to one in number to 
 " us. and are able without any assistance to deprive us of the country when they 
 please." On the 29th of June in the same year, he informs them that the demands, 
 encroachments and usurpations of the English, gave the people here great concern. 
 " The right to both rivers (says he) by purchase and possession is our own without 
 dispute." 
 
 While the affairs were in this situation, the English of New Haven and Hartford 
 thought it prudent to apply to the Crown tor a grant. 
 
 In their petition they set forth that they had obtained their possessions partly by 
 purchase and partly by conquest. 
 
 King Charles the second, on their application by letters patent, dated the 23d 
 day of April, 1662, granted them the Colony of Connecticut under the following 
 description "Bounded on the East by Narraganset river, commonly called Nar- 
 ' raganset Bay, where the said riv^r falleth into the sea ; and on the North by the 
 ' line of the Massachusetts plantation ; and on the South by the sea, and in lon- 
 ' gitude as the line of the Massachusetts Colony, running from East to West ; that 
 ' is to say, from the said Narraganset Bay on the East, to the South sea on the 
 ' West part." 
 
 This being a Crown grant, on the suit and petition of the grantees, is to be 
 taken most beneficially for the King. The descriptive words, and the intention 
 of the grant, will, in legal construction, be satisfied by giving the Colony the same 
 length as the Massachusetts Bay; and it is plain, both from the recital and the 
 saving clause in the Plymouth Patent, on which the Massachusetts title was found- 
 ed, that the latter could not, in any sense, extend to the Westward of Connecticut 
 river. 
 
 It was understood in England in this light, and that it did not interfere with the 
 Dutch Colony of New Netherland ; for within only two years afterwards King 
 Charles the Second, expressly granted all the country to the Westward of Con- 
 necticut River to the Duke of York ; and that this grant was particularly designed 
 to include the Dutch possessions, seems manifest from the circumstances which ac- 
 companied it. No sooner had it passed the great seal than an armament was 
 equipped to subdue the Dutch, and the command given to Col. Nicholls, who came 
 over both in quality of general of the expedition, and lieutenant governor under 
 the Duke. 
 
 Governor Nicholls accordingly asserted his Royal highness" right to the country 
 on the West side of Connecticut river, which immediately gave rise to a controver- 
 sy between him and the corporation of Connecticut ; but he thought it prudent to 
 terminate it by an amicable negotiation. He found them already possessed of 
 Greenwich and Stanford, two towns within 20 miles of Hudson's river ; and that 
 they had several other settlements not much more distant. His government was 
 feeble, and chiefly consisted of the Dutch, upon whose attachment he had no rea- 
 son to depend ; and he foresaw the greatest difficulties if he should attempt to bring 
 the Connecticut planters under subjection by force. Besides, when lands were of 
 little value, it seemed more eligible to secure the friendship than to excite the re- 
 sentment and haired of a powerful neighbor- On these principles he recommended 
 it to the Duke to relax from his rights, and to yield to them the part they then occu- 
 pied. Such being his sentiments, a fruitless attempt was made for esiablishing a 
 boundary between New York and Connecticut, in the first year of his administra- 
 tion. The proceedings and the mistakes so prejudicial to the Duke, into which he 
 was drawn upon that occasion, as well as several of his letters to his Royal High- 
 ness, plainly prove that he had a very incompetent knowledge of the geography oi 
 the country, or of the rights with which he was intrusted. However, a final com- 
 pact took place between the two Colonies, in the year 1683, when their respective 
 commissioners agreed that a twenty mile line from Hudson's river should, for the 
 future, become the partition between the Duke's territories and Connecticut ; but
 
 APPENDIX. 87 
 
 subject to the approbation of the King and the Duke. This agreement was con- 
 firmed by King William, on the 20th day of March, 1700. 
 
 1 hat the line owed its foundation merely to prudential reasons, and was not 
 grounded on the right of either Colony, is incontestible. The Duke claimed to 
 Connecticut river, Connecticut to the South sea. From pretensions so repugnant, 
 there was no more room to fix on a twenty mile line from Hudson's river as the 
 boundary, than on a line at the distance ot 30, or 10, or 5 miles. A disposition to 
 leave Connecticut in the possession of her actual settlements, for the sake of peace, 
 preponderated, as was the true motive of the agreement. This is confirmed from 
 the cession of Greenwich and Stanford, in favor of Connecticut, though they were 
 within the twenty miles. 
 
 THE MASSACHUSETTS' CLAIM 
 
 stands by no means in so respectable a light as that of Connecticut. 
 
 We have already remarked, that the old charter was adjudged void. It was so de- 
 termined in the high Court of Chancery in England, in 1684, and they submitted 
 to the decree, and never took any measures to obtain a reversal ; nor can their pas- 
 sivity be ascribed to the arbitrary councils of King Charles, since the revolution 
 (which happened a few years afterwards) gave them the fairest opportunity to ob- 
 tain redress, had they been injured : It seems therefore just to conclude, that they 
 were convinced of the detects of their former grant, and thought it more for their 
 interest to solicit and accept of a new charter, which they accordingly procured on 
 the 7th day of October, 1691. That province, is here described as follows : " All 
 " that part of New England, in America, lying and extending from the great riv- 
 " er, commonly called Memomack, or Merimack, on the North part; and from 
 " three miles Northward of the said river to the Atlantic, or Western sea, or ocean, 
 ' on the South part ; and all the lands and hereditaments whatsoever, lying within 
 ' the limits aforesaid, extending as far as the outermost points or promontories of 
 'land called Cape Cod and Cape Mallabar, North and South, and in latitude, 
 ' breadth and in length and longitude, of and within the breadth and compass afore- 
 ' said, throughout the main land there, from the said Atlantic, or Western sea or 
 ' ocean, on the East part, towards the South sea ; or Westward, as far as the Coi- 
 ' onies of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and the Naraganset country."* 
 
 These words (as far as) being in the case of grant of the Crown on the suit of 
 the party, in legal construction, carry the Massachusetts Bay Colony no further 
 Westward than till it meets the Colony of Connecticut, and not to Connecticut 
 river, and much less to the Westward of it. And it is worth a remark, that Con- 
 necticut itself, at the time of the new charter, did not in the knowledge of the 
 Crown, extend Westward of that river ; nor did it, in fact, till nine years afterwards, 
 when the agreement of 1683 was rendered effectual by the royal approbation. 
 Besides, it is contrary to reason to suppose that King William and Queen 
 Mary could possibly have intended, by that charter, to diminish, or grant away 
 any part of New York, which was a royal Colony, under their own immediate 
 government, without express mention thereof in the charter, and without any 
 notification to Colonel Slaughter, the then Governor, that the Crown had grant- 
 ed such a part of what was before within his jurisdiction, by their Majesty's com- 
 mission. 
 
 Under circumstances so favorable to the rights of this Colony, we have great 
 reason to complain of the unwarrantable encroachments under the authority of 
 the government of the Massachusetts Bay, by which a valuable tract extending 
 from Connecticut river, within 20 miles of Hudson's river, has been wrested from 
 us. 
 
 Their conduct seems the more inexcusable, as they must have known that such 
 encroachments were not only disrespectful to his- Majesty's authority, and big with 
 great mischiefs and disorders, but were highly injurious to private property, great 
 part of these lands having anciently been granted to his Majesty's subjects, under 
 the great seal of this Colony. 
 So long ago as the year 1635, King James the Second, by letters patent, under 
 
 * Note. This new grant recites that the old charter was vacated by a judgment 
 in chancery-, ID Trinity term, 1684, and that the agents of the Colony had petition- 
 ed to be incorporated by a new charter.
 
 88 APPENDIX. 
 
 that seal, granted to the Rensselaer family the Manor of Rensselaerwyck, extend- 
 ing from Hudson's river, both on the East and West sides, 24 miles. 
 
 Westenhook was granted under the great seal of this province, on the 6th day 
 of March, 1705, and its Eastern bounds are about 30 miles from Hudson's 
 river. 
 
 Hosick was granted on the second day of June, 1688, and extends above 30 miles 
 from the river. 
 
 These several grant? cover the country the whole breadth of the Massachusetts 
 claim, and not only offer the highest evidence of the ancient right and jurisdiction 
 of this Colony, as tar as the controversy respects the Massachusetts Bay, but au- 
 thorize a remark of no small moment, to wit : That with respect to the lands in- 
 cluded within such of those patents as are prior, in point of time, to the Massa- 
 chusetts charter of 1691, the Crown had clearly parted with its right under the seal 
 of New York ; and so far had no estate left to be disposed of, or upon which that 
 charter could have operated, had its boundaries been ever so unquestionable and 
 comprehensive. 
 
 As their example, and the agreement with Connecticut, are the only pleas which 
 have ever been held up by the government of New Hampshire to justify their 
 claims and encroachments, it seemed indispensably necessary to give a general idea 
 Of both. 
 
 Nor ought it to pass unobserved, that the Colony of New York has a double title 
 to the country on the Wood Creek, and on both sides of Lake Champlain ; 1st by the 
 original grant to the Duke of York, which established Connecticut river as our 
 ancient Eastern boundary, and which, without any alteration by the agreement 
 with Connecticut, has continued such down to the present day. And 2dly, by the 
 subjection of tire five nations to the Crown of England by treaties with this gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 The submission of these nations took place so early as the year 1683, and is prov- 
 ed by several treaties between them, Col. Dongan and our other Governors, which 
 are preserved in the office of the Secretary for Indian affairs : and at the trade and 
 plantation office in England; and some of them in' Mr. Cojden's History of the 
 five nations. 
 
 That the country on Lake Champlain belonged originally to the five nations is 
 proved by all the ancient maps,* where we find the lake called Lake Iroquois, (the 
 French name for the five nations) or Mere des Iroquois, and the river (called by 
 the French Sorell) which leads from the lake into the river St. Lawrence, Rivier 
 des Iroquois, and the country about the Lake Irocisia. 
 
 This government accordingly discovered an early attention to their rights in that 
 part of the country. 
 
 So long ago as the year 1696, a grant passed the great seal of this Colony to God- 
 frey Dellious, for a tract of land extending from the North bounds of Saratoga 
 (which lies on both sides of Hudson's river, about thirty miles North of the city of 
 Albany) to the Rock Rosian, a station indisputable, and which is well known to 
 lie on Lake Champlain, and above twenty miles to the Northward of Crown Point. 
 This tract extends twelve miles East of Hudson's river, and the same distance East 
 from Wood Creek and the waters to the Northward ; and it is worth a remark that 
 such was its value and importance eve~n that early day, that the legislature con- 
 ceived the grant of it to be too great a fevor for one subject, and passed a law in 
 1699, repealing it as extravagant. 
 
 The tract called Wallumscock, which reaches from the rear bounds of Saragh- 
 toga Eastwardly so as to be upwards of 23 miles to the Eastward of Hudson's river 
 was also granted under our great seal, the 15th day of June, 1739. 
 
 In short, the faithless encroachments of the French on Lake Champlain their 
 fortifying Crown Point and Ticonderoga the many depredations they committed 
 in concert with the savages in their alliance the destruction of the frontier vil- 
 
 *Vide Ogilvy's America, published in 1671, and the mapat page 168, Sect. N>ew 
 Nederlandt ; and his account of Lake Iroquois (Champlain) and the river Iroquois, 
 (Sorell) page 166. 
 
 See also the map inscribed Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova, published ia *i vol. 
 Geographies Blaviana3,in 1662, page 35. 
 
 And Johannis Van Keulen's Atlas, published art Amsterdam in 1720.
 
 APPENDIX. OH 
 
 lages and settlements, and repeated massacres of the defenceless inhabitants, 
 (which exhibited a scene of inexpressible horror and distress) have alone prevented 
 the improvement and cultivation of this valuable part of the Colony. 
 
 Having thus, in general, established the right and the ancient exercise of jurisdic- 
 tion of this government to the lands Westward of Connecticut river, the way is 
 open to consider the principles upon which 
 
 The extraordinary claim of NEW-HAMPSHIRE is founded. 
 
 The council of Plymouth, on the 19th day of March, 1621, granted to John Ma- 
 son their Secretary, a tract of land from Nuemkeag to Merrimack river. In the 
 year 1629, they granted him a tract of land between Merrimack and Piscataqua 
 river, sixty miles up each river, to be bounded on the West by a line across from 
 river to river. 
 
 Both these grants were united and confirmed to Mr. Mason by a new grant 
 from the council of Plymouth dated the 22d day oi April. 1635, under the follow- 
 ing description: " A portion of main land in New England, from the middle of 
 " Merrimack river to proceed Eastward along the sea coast to Cape Anne ; and 
 " round about the same to Piscataqua harbor, and so forward up within the river 
 " Newickawanock.and to the furthest head thereof; and thence North-Westward 
 "till sixty miles be finished from the first entrance of Piscataqua harbor ; and also 
 " from Nuemkeag, through the river thereof, up into the land, West, sixty miles; 
 " from which period to cross over land to the sixty miles end, accounted irom Pis- 
 "cat&qua through the Newichawanock river, to the land North-Westward. And 
 ' also all the South half of the Isles of Shoals, together with all other islands and 
 ' iselets, as well inbayed as adjoining, laying abutting upon or near the premises, 
 'within five leagues distance, and not otherwise granted by special name before 
 ' the 18th day of April, 1635, the said tract or portion of land to be called and dis- 
 tinguished by the name of New Hampshire." 
 
 We have already observed that though the council of Plymouth claimed and 
 granted the property, yet they never pretended to the right of delegating, jurisdic- 
 tion or the powers of government. 
 
 To remedy this defect, King Charles, by letters patent dated the 19th day of 
 August, 1635, confirmed to Mr. Mason this grant or tract called New-Hampshire, 
 with powers of govemmeut and jurisdiction as in the palatinate or bishoprick of 
 Durham. 
 
 Thus was this little Colony established, comprehending no more than about twen- 
 ty miles sea line in breadth, and sixty miles inland or in length. 
 
 Mason died in the close of the year 1635, and by will devised New Hampshire 
 to John Tuston (to be called Mason.) John dying before he came of age, it 
 descended to his brother Robert Tuston Mason, who was not of age till 1650. 
 During his minority the Massachusetts government took the Colony, without 
 any authority from the proprietor of the Crown, on its own disposal and protec- 
 tion. 
 
 Mason, after the restoration, petitioned King Charles the second for redress. 
 In 1675, a report, in favor of his title, was made by the Crown officers, and the 
 King sent a mandatory letter on the subject to the Massachusetts Bay Govern- 
 ment. Mr. Stoughton and Mr. Buckley being sent over as agents by that Colony 
 to answer Mason's complaint, they, as attornies legally constituted by the Massa- 
 chusetts Bay Colony, renounced and disclaimed all right to New Hampshire ; which 
 being duly reportecl, was confirmed by the King and privy council the 10th day of 
 July, 1677. Hut it appears that while Massachusetts Bay exercised jurisdiction 
 over that Colony, they made no scruple to grant away the lands ; for after their 
 disclaimer, and the above mentioned order of the King in Council thereupon, all 
 the grants they made beyond their boundary (to wit) three miles North of Merri- 
 mack river, were vacated by an act of Assembly of the Massachusetts Bay passed 
 in the year 1679. 
 
 The Mason family, however clear their title, derived from it no advantage till 
 the year 1748, when they recovered the land which remained vacant and unpa- 
 tented by New Hampshire. The residue the occupants still retain.* 
 
 *The present possessors (says Doctor Douglass) have no other claim to their land 
 than possession, and some uncertain Indian deeds, a Doug. 22. 
 
 13
 
 iK) APPENDIX. 
 
 This is a view of the title and limits of the Colony of New Hompshire as grant- 
 ed to Mason. Instead of crossing Connecticut river it did not reach it by twenty 
 miles, and the lands, between its West bounds and the river, remained vested in 
 the Crown and extra-provincial, till the year 1742, 
 
 That it remained vested in the Crown is incontestible, for although the council 
 of Plymouth parcelled out part of their territories into several distinct Colonies 
 or settlements, yet this tract was included in neither of them ; it therefore revert- 
 ed to the Crown on- the surrender of the Plymouth grant on the 7th day of June , 
 
 Indeed originally the government of the Massachusetts Bay insisted that their 
 grant extended from three miles North of the Black Rock, where Merrimack river 
 emptied itself into the sea, when the charter was granted, to three miles North of 
 the fork or crotch, where the river first receives the name of Merrimack ; and from 
 thence due West, which formed a paralellogram of upwards of fifty miles in 
 breadth, to the Northward of their real boundary ; comprehending not only part of 
 those lands, but a considerable portion of Mason's. 
 
 This construction being thought unwarrantable, a contention arose between that 
 province and New Hampshire, tor the determination of which commissioners were 
 appointed, on the 3d day of April, 1737, under the great seal of Great Britain. From 
 their decree both pasties appealed. 
 
 It is- observable, that the question turned singly on the true place of beginning, 
 and the course of the North boundary line of the Massachusetts Bay. Its length or 
 termination, after striking the West boundsof Mason's grant, did not concern New 
 Hampshire, nor could it have fallen under consideration. 
 
 The appeal was heard before the King and council, -on the 5th day of March, 
 J739, and some time afterwards it was finally determined that the line should be- 
 gin three miles North of the mouth of Merrimack river ; and that a parallel to 
 Merrimack river should be continued from thence, as far as the Fluxwre at Pan- 
 tucket Falls ; and from a station three miles North of the Fluxure ; or Falls, the 
 line should run West ten degrees North, by compass to the New York East boun- 
 dary. 
 
 The province of the Massachusetts Bay had formerly assumed jurisdiction over 
 some land properly belonging to Connecticut. Several years before the above 
 determination, to wit, in the year 1713, they gave Connecticut as an equivalent 
 105,793 acres,, whieh they represented as a part of their vacant province lands. It 
 was comprised in four distinct parcels, one of which containing about 40,000 acres-, 
 was situate above Northfield, upon Connecticut river, and to the Northward of the 
 line established as above mentioned, for the actual boundary of the Massachusetts 
 Bay. 
 
 An adjudication, so solemn and decisive, ought for ever to have extinguished all 
 claim under the Massachusetts-Bay to the lands to the Northward of that boundary; 
 but since the confirmation, by the Crown, of the ancient right of New York, on 
 occasion of the intrusions under New Hampshire, (in the manner hereafter related) 
 a title is stirred up to those lands, on a pretence that they were originally a part of 
 the Massachusetts Bay province. To justify this visionary claim, it is alledged, 
 that at the time of submitting the dispute between the Massachusetts Bay and 
 New Hampshire to commissioners, it was stipulated by these Colonies that the de- 
 cision should not- affect private property. 
 
 But surely such a reservation can on no construction relate to any lands but what 
 were controverted between, and claimed by both contracting parties ; and the gov- 
 ernment of New Hampshire, at least, could not then have entertained air idea oi a 
 claim to the Westward of Mason's grant. To apply it, therefore, to what was 
 never within the limits of either, and to suppose that New York, which compre- 
 hends it, and which wasno party to the stipulation, should be bound by it, is so ex- 
 traordinary, that a further refutation must be unnecessary. 
 
 To proceed : The old Colony, of New Hampshire,or Mason's grant, had for ma- 
 ny years been under the jurisdiction of the same governor as the Massachusetts 
 Bay, but by a distinct commission. 
 
 While the dispute subsisted respecting their common boundary, the Assembly 
 of New Hampshire preferred a complaint to the King and council against their 
 Governor, charging^ him with partiality towards his more profitable government of 
 the Massachusetts Bay. The complaint appearing to be well grounded, a separate 
 Governor for New Hampshire was appointed. 
 
 On this occasion, a commission issued to Benning Wentworth, Esq. the first 
 Governor, dated the 3d day of July, in the 15th year of the reign of King George
 
 APPENDIX. 91 
 
 the second ; and the old Colony of New Hampshire was greatly extended, so as 
 to include a large district, which till then had remained extra-provincial and par- 
 ticularly the lands from the West bounds of Mason's grant, to the West side of 
 Connecticut river, the ancient boundary of the Colony of New York. 
 
 It is thus described in the commission: " Bounded on the South side by a sim- 
 ' ilar curved line, pursuing the course of Merrimack river, at three miles distance 
 'on the North side thereof; beginning at the Atlantic ocean, and extending at a 
 ' point due North of a place called Pantucket Falls, and by a straight Line drawn 
 ' from thence due West across the said river, till it meets with our other govern- 
 ' ments; and bounded on the South side by a line passing up through ihe mouth 
 ' of Piscataqua harbor, and up to the middle of the river, to the river of Newich- 
 ' wanock, part of which is now called Salmon Falls, and through ibe middle of the 
 ' same to the furthest head thereof, and from thence North ,two degrees Westerly 
 ' till one hundred and twenty miles be finished from the mouth of Piscataqua bar- 
 ' bor aforesaid, or until it meets with our other government." 
 
 Hardly can it be conceived that a boundary so plainly described could have be- 
 come an occasion of controversy. 
 
 Tiiere was no room to suspect that the Crowu intended to.abridge any of the old 
 Colonies in favor of the new ; since without the most distant intimation of such a 
 design, the limits of the adjoining governments are given -as .the extent of New 
 Hampshire. 
 
 But neither the clearest evidence of right, nor the most explicit directions of the 
 royal commission, have proved sufficient to protect us from the encroachments of 
 New Hampshire, nor the mischiefs and confusion which are inseparable from a 
 contention of this nature between two Colonies. 
 
 Governor Wentworth was pleased to conclude, that because Connecticut and 
 the Massachusetts Bay Colonies had carried their Western boundary within twenty 
 miles of Hudson's river, that, therefore, New Hampshire must be entitled to the 
 same license. 
 
 His emissaries have since discovered another reason, which the Governor seems 
 never to have entertained. They alledge 
 
 That in the year 1744, an order was sent from the Crown to the Governor of New 
 Hampshire, importing, that if that government did not provide for Fort Dummer, 
 there would be a necessity lor annexing the Fort, with a suitable district of country, 
 to the province of the Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 On this foundation are the boundaries of New York attempted to be circum- 
 scribed. 
 
 The argument drawn from our agreement with Connecticut is, it is conceived, 
 fully refuted, by shewing, as we have already done, that the reasons and motives to 
 which it is to be ascribed, were merely prudential and grounded on the claim or the 
 boundaries of neither Colony, one having contended for the South sea, and the 
 other for Connecticut river. 
 
 What then can be inferred from this treaty to the disadvantage of New York ? 
 If from generosity or policy, or for the sake of peace, part of an estate should be 
 ceded to a contentious or importunate neighbor, is it to be construed into a surrender 
 and extinguishment of the whole? 
 
 With respect to the Massachusetts Bay, we have shewn that they have no better 
 title to the Westward of Connecticut river, than a possession acquired by force 
 and intrusion , and which has proved the unhappy occasion of spilling the blood of 
 the innocent, and terminated in despoiling a number of the inhabitants of this Col- 
 ony of their rightful property. 
 
 This dispute was agitated between our respective commissaries, at a late treaty 
 at New Haven, 1767, and where the Massachusetts Bay had the assistance of Gov- 
 ernor Hutchinson. one of their ablest men, and the most conversant in subjects of 
 this nature ; and it is presumed that it must appear from a candid perusal of the 
 proofs and arguments then offered, that the Eastern boundary of New York, upon 
 Connecticut river, was clearly maintained. 
 
 It is our misfortune that the lands, which have so long been the subject of con- 
 tention with that province, are fully occupied.* Hence, though firmly persuaded 
 
 * Upon these settlements one of their own historians makes the following candid 
 remark, "Afew years since, the General Assembly of the Massachusetts Say 
 " was in the humor oj distributing the properly of much vacant province land t
 
 92 APPENDIX. 
 
 that when the merits of the case should be considered for a final adjudication, the 
 right of this Colony to that boundary must be evident ; our commissaries from pa- 
 cific motives, from a respect to the report of the lords of trade and plantations and 
 to his Majesty's gracious recommendation of an amicable settlement, conceded so 
 far as to offer a twenty mile line as a boundary ; if his Majesty should think fit, by 
 confirming it, to surrender his right of jurisdiction and property to so great an ex- 
 tent of country, in favor of a charter government. 
 
 But there is no necessity of enlarging upon this head, since it is apprehended that, 
 independent of the considerations which it furnishes, a single reflection will of it- 
 self be sufficient to expose the weakness of every argument which can be deduced 
 from the examples of the Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut, to countenance a 
 similar claim on the part of New Hampshire. 
 
 And to place our remark in a stronger point of light, every thing contended for 
 that we agreed with the one, and sat down quiet under the intrusions of the other, 
 of those Colonies, from a conviction that both had a clear right to a twenty mile 
 line from Hudson's river, might safely be admitted ; and these concessions alter all 
 could not in the least advance the cause of New Hampshire. 
 
 Let it only be remembered that the Connecticut charter is prior by two years to 
 the first establishment of this Colony ; that the Massachusetts original charter was 
 much more ancient ; and that both claimed an extent to the South sea ; while, on 
 the other hand, Mason's grant, the old Colony of New Hampshire, is limited to the 
 precise length of sixty miles ; which did not approach Connecticut river within 
 twenty miles ; and the commission to Governor Wentworth, by which it is en- 
 larged, is so recent as the year 1742, and expressly bounds it (without specifying 
 any dimensions) on his Majesty's other governments : Hence then arises a fatal 
 distinction between the cases. Besides the important circumstance of boundary, 
 priority of establishment is asserted on the side of the Massachusetts Bay and Con- 
 necticut ; but with respect to New Hampshire in its present form, it is unquestion- 
 ably in favor of New York. Upon the same principles, therefore, that the two for- 
 mer Colonies claim beyond Connecticut river, ought New Hampshire to be confin- 
 ed to its Western banks ; and thus, instead of being favorable to the pretensions of 
 New Hampshire, by a paritv of reason, as has so frequently been urged, do those 
 cases, rightly considered, afford a solid and decisive argument against the encroach- 
 ments of that government. 
 
 As to the second objection, the order requiring New Hampshire to support Fort 
 Pummer, it is necessary to explain the occasion of it. 
 
 The Massachusetts Bay government before the determination of their dispute 
 with New Hampshire, and while they claimed the country to the Northward of the 
 boundary then established, and on the East as well as West sides of Connecticut 
 river, erected this Fort for the defence and protection of their Northern frontier, 
 and as a barrier against the French and Indians of Canada. When they were re- 
 stricted to their just limits, they became desirous to be eased of the charge of sup- 
 porting it, and to lay the burthen upon their neighbors ; they, therefore, made a com- 
 plaint in the year 1744, to the ministry, in which they were pleased to represent, 
 that this Fort had fallen by the then late determination of their boundary, within 
 the government of New Hampshire which ought to support it. An assertion ev- 
 idently calculated to prejudice the rights of New York, and to justify their own 
 encroachments to the Westward of Connecticut river. 
 
 On this misrepresentation the order was procured, importing the sense of the 
 Crown that New Hampshire ought to maintain Fort Dummer, or it would be- 
 
 " perhaps in good policy and foresight, to secure to the Massachusetts people, by 
 "possession, the property of part of some controverted lands." 1 Dous. 424. 
 
 That the settlements did not take place without opposition from New York, is 
 admitted by the same author. " Anno 1726 (says he] some of the Massachusetts 
 "people, in settling Housatonick townships, were arrested to Albany Court, in an 
 " action of trespass against a grant to some Dutchman, from my Lord Cornbury, 
 " Governor of New York." 1 Poug. 417. 
 
 In fact the government of New York considered and treated the settlements 
 which were made in that part of the country, both under the Massachusetts Bay 
 and New Hampshire, as acts of violence and encroachment; and by a public pro- 
 clamation, dated the 28th day of July, 1753, commanded the sheriff of the County 
 of Albany to arrest the intruders, that they might be prosecuted and punished.
 
 APPENDIX. 93 
 
 come necessary to annex it to Massachusetts Bay, with a suitable district of 
 country. 
 
 These being the facts, we observe 
 
 That it is notorious that the government of New Hampshire paid no obedience 
 to the order ; but the Fort, during the whole of that war, continued to be supported 
 by the province of the Massachusetts Bay, and yet no land was added to that Col- 
 ony, by way of compensation, as the order intimated. .-I,: ^ 
 
 troni hence it is reasonable to conclude, not only that the government of New 
 Hampshire was apprised that the Fort did not lie within their limits, and therefore 
 gave themselves no concern about the order ; but that the mistake was discovered by 
 the Crown, and that the Massachusetts Bay for that reason was never gratified by 
 the addition of land they had reason to expect. Nor is it difficult to account tor the 
 mistake itself: the officer who framed the order must doubtless have apprehended 
 that the Fort was erected on the East side of Connecticut river. A presumption 
 which can only free it from the inconsistency to which it must otherwise be subject; 
 while with this explanation nothing could have been more just and equitable ; for, 
 as we have already observed, the Crown had but two years before extended the 
 jurisdiction of New Hampshire over a district of extra-provincial lands on the East 
 side of the river ; if that government therefore refused to follow the king's directions, 
 there was no hardship in annexing the Fort, supposing it to lie on the East side of" 
 the river, with a suitable district of country on the same side, to the province of th,e 
 Massachusetts Bay. 
 
 This reasoning appears to be the more conclusive, because it cannot be con- 
 ceived that the Crown could mean to abridge the limits of New York, on account 
 of a Fort which they had never been required to support. 
 
 Besides, if the order was capable of being construed in the latitude attempted, 
 it could never have altered or impeached the rights of this Colony. It was an oc- 
 casional instruction in the military line, in which our jurisdiction was not had in 
 contemplation, in which we were not considered as parties, and which related to 
 two different governments, and was procured exparte, on the suggestion only of 
 one of them. 
 
 It is certain that a circumstance so unimportant made no impression on the late 
 Governor Wentworth, whose station gave him the best opportunity of being ac- 
 quainted with the means by which the order was procured, and the spirit with which 
 it was dictated. 
 
 It will appear that he clearly apprehended the nature of his commission ; that the 
 Western extent of his province depended on the limits of New York ; and that, till 
 they were made known to him, he must be at an utter loss for the exercise of his ju- 
 risdiction. 
 
 Almost from the date of his commission, till the year 1748, we were at war with 
 Spain and France, and there was no room to think of the cultivation or improve- 
 ment of the country. The French of Canada found us full employment on our 
 frontiers which were continually harassed and destroyed. 
 
 On the 17th day of November, 1749, Governor Wentworth apprized the Gov- 
 ernment of New York, that he was directed by the Crown to grant the unim- 
 proved lands of New Hampshire; but that the war had prevented his progress 
 therein. That the prospect of a general and lasting peace with the Indians had 
 now encouraged people to apply for lands, and particularly for some townships 
 in the Western part of his government, which would fall in the neighborhood of 
 New York. He therefore transmitted a description of New Hampshire, as the 
 King had determined it ; and desired to be informed how far North of Albany the 
 Colony of New York extended, and how many miles to the Eastward of Hudson's 
 river, to the Northward of Massachusetts line, that he might govern himself accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 This was behaving with prudence and candor ; and happy would it have been 
 for New York, had he continued to be influenced by the same temper. 
 
 His letter was communicated by the Governor to the council of New York, on 
 the 3d day of April, 1750, with the extract of Governor Wentworth's commission, 
 expressing the boundaries of New Hampshire ; and his Excellency having re- 
 quired their sentiments, they advised him to acquaint Governor Wentworth in an- 
 swer to his inquiry, " That the province of New York is bounded Eastward by 
 " Connecticut river, the letters patent from King Charles the second to the Duke 
 " of York expressly granting all the lands from the West side of Connecticut river, 
 " to the Kast side "of Delaware Bay."
 
 94 APPENDIX. 
 
 This advice was accordingly transmitted to Governor Wentworth, by a letter of 
 the 9th day of April. 1750 ; and one would think it must have proved satisfactory. 
 He saw that the Colony of New York was limited by the original grant .o Con- 
 necticut river. He knew that his government was but lately established, and b -und- 
 ed upon the neighboring provinces ; but it seems his Excellency had no intention to 
 give up the point so easily. He, therefore, in a letter to Governor Clinton, of t'le 
 5J5th day of Apiil, 1750, acquaints him, that the information he had received from 
 his Excellency, that it was the opinion of his Majesty's council that Connecticut 
 river is the Eastern boundary of New York government, would have been entirely 
 satisfactory to him, had not the charter governments of Connecticut and Massachu- 
 setts Bay extended their bounds many miles to the Westward of said river. That 
 it being the opinion of his Majesty's council of that government, that New Hamp- 
 shire had an equal right to claim the same extent of Western .boundary ; he had 
 in consequence of their advice, before Governor Clinton's letter came to hand, 
 granted one township due North of Massachusetts line, and by measurement 24 
 miles East of the city of Albany. He concludes with these expressions. " Al- 
 " though I am prohibited by his Majesty's commission to interfere with his other 
 " government, yet it is presumed that I should strictly adhere to the limits therein ; 
 " and I assure you that I am very far from desiring to make the least encroachment, 
 " or set on foot any dispute on these points : It will, therefore, give me great salis- 
 " faction if, a< your leisure, you can inform me by what authority Connecticut and 
 " the Massachusetts Bay governments claimed so far to the Westward as they have 
 " settled ; and in the mean time, I shall desist from making any further grants, on 
 " the Western frontier of my government, that may have the least probability of in- 
 " terfering with your government." 
 
 Tin's letter was communicated to the council of New York, on the 5th day of 
 June 1750, who advised their governor, in answer to Mr. Wentworth's inquiry 
 by what authority Connecticut and Massachusetts Bay governments claimed so 
 far to the Westward as they had settled ? to acquaint him that the claim of the 
 Colony of Connecticut is founded upon an agreement with this government on 
 or about the year 1684 ; and that the Massachusetts' settlements, so far to the 
 Westward, were made by intrusion ; and that it was probable that the township 
 which he had lately granted, or some part of it, had already been granted by this 
 government. 
 
 This advice was transmitted by letter from Mr. Clinton of the 6th day of June, 
 1750, which concludes with this passage. " From the information I have, there is 
 " reason to apprehend that the lands within the township you have lately granted, 
 " or part of them have been granted here. As my answer to your letter might 
 " probably have furnished you with objections against any grant which might in- 
 " terfere with this province, I am surprised that you did not wait till it came to hand 
 " before you proceeded therein. If it is still in your power to recall the grant, your 
 ** doing so will be but a piece of justice to this government, otherwise I shall think 
 " myself obliged to send a representation of the matter to be laid before his Maj- 
 " esty." 
 
 Governor Wentworth's reply to this letter is dated the 22d day of June 1750 ; 
 he informs Mr. Clinton, " That his Majesty's council of that Colony were unani- 
 mously of opinion not to commence a dispute with the government of New York, 
 respecting the extent of the Western boundary of New Hampshire, till his Majesty's 
 pleasure should be further known ; and that they had advised, that he should on 
 the part of New Hampshire, make a representation of the matter to his Majesty 
 relying that the same should be done on the part of New York ; and that whatever 
 shoulu be determined thereon, the government of New Hampshire would esteem 
 their duty to acquiesce in, without further dispute, which he hoped would be satis- 
 factory on that point." 
 
 He then proceeds to an apology for granting the township mentioned in his for- 
 mer letter; intimating that it would not have been done, had Mr. Clinton's first let- 
 ter arrived in time ; adding this memorable sentence. " There is no possibility of 
 " vacating the grant, as you desire ; but if it falls, by his Majesty's determination, 
 " in the government of New York, IT WILL BE VOID OF COURSE." 
 
 The council of New York, on the 24th day of July, 1750, approved of the expe- 
 dient proposed by Mr. Wentworth ; further advising that it would be for the mu- 
 tual advantage of both governments to exchange copies of each others represen- 
 tations to his Majesty. And theiropinion being communicated to Governor Went- 
 worth by letter of the 25th day of July, 1750, this correspondence closed by Gover- 
 nor Wentworth's answer of the 3d day of September following, informing Mr.
 
 APPENDIX. 95 
 
 Clinton, that the council of New Hampshire approved of the proposal that the rep- 
 resentations to the Crown should be exchanged, as it might contribute to the spee- 
 dy determination of the controversy, without expense on either side; promising 
 to transmit Governor Clinton an authentic copy of his representation, as soon as 
 it should be perfected. 
 
 From this relation, it appears that the government of New York acted with all 
 possible candor and uprightness towards New Hampshire. That they gave all the 
 satisfaction that could be expected with respect to their right ; and althongh this 
 was so clear and unexceptionable, cheerfully agreed to submit it to his Majesty's 
 further determination. 
 
 It is to be wished that as much could be said in favor of the late Governor 
 Wentworth. After engaging to transmit a copy of his representation totGov- 
 ernor Clinton, he cb.ang.ed his resolution, and forwarded it privately, without 
 any notice to this government. It was contained in a letter to the lords of trade, 
 dated the 23d day of March, 17501, but it was not until the 22d day of De- 
 cember 1752, thai our Colony agent, by their lordship's directions, obtained a 
 copy. 
 
 The representation, on the part of New York, was approved of and entered 
 upon the minutes of the Council, on the 18th day of October, 1751, and transmitted 
 about the close of that year. 
 
 Within two years afterwards, complaint was made to this government of the 
 encroachments under New Hampshire, on the lands and possessions of the New 
 York grantees. It seems that the claimants of the township which Mr. Went- 
 worth confessed in his letter of the 25th day of April, 1750, he had granted within 
 24 miles East from Hudson's river, were attempting, to avail themselves of that 
 grant. 
 
 Upon this occasion to maintain our jurisdiction, and prevent such encroach- 
 ments for the future, the government of New York, on the 2Rth day of July, 1753, 
 issued a proclamation for apprehending all persons, who should thereafter, under 
 color of title from New Hampshire, take possession of lands granted by this 
 province. 
 
 From this period the matter rested for some years ; the incursions of the In- 
 dians immediately preceding the late war obstructing all new settlements, and 
 the government of New York confiding that New Hampshire, after all that 
 had passed, after being so fully premonished of our right, and agreeing to 
 submit the determination without further controversy to his Majesty, would 
 not have ventured to grant any more of the laads in dispute, until a final decis- 
 ion. 
 
 How much they were disappointed in these reasonable expectations remains to 
 be shewn.- Bwt it would be improper to pass over in silence the claim of New 
 Hampshire, as represented by Mr. Wentworth, since it may justly be concluded 
 that if he had nothing substantial to offer in its support, it must be incapable of any 
 vindication. 
 
 He aims at restricting both the Eastern and Northern limits of this Colony . 
 
 With respect to the Eastern boundary he relies-- 
 
 1st. On the settlement between New York and Connecticut, at twenty miles 
 distance from Hudson's river. 
 
 2d. He advances, as a fact, that the Massachusetts government have allowed 
 New York to extend their claim also 20 miles East from that river, artfully repre- 
 senting their setting those bounds to their encroachments, as an act of favor and in- 
 dulgence, when he was fully apprized that the government of New York complain- 
 ed of their possessing any of the country to the Westward of Connecticut river, as 
 highly injurious. 
 
 3d. To prejudice the Crown against New York, he observes, that one Rensselaer 
 claims 24 miles square on each side of the river : that it is a tract sufficient for thir- 
 ty-two townships, of six miles square each, and comprehends more good land than 
 any other subject enjoys in his Majesty's dominions; and yet that Mr. Rensselaer 
 has not thought fit to contend with the Massachusetts Bay for the 24 miles. This 
 is a strange exaggeration ; the Rensselaer family are not indebted to the govern- 
 ment of New York for their estate : they continue to enjoy it by an act ofjustice, 
 and not of favor. It was originally a Dutch Colony of itself, granted to their an- 
 cestors by the Dutch West India company, who held it as a part of New Nether- 
 landt, under the States General. 
 
 On the surrender, in 1664, their rights were secured to them, in common with 
 (he rest of the inhabitants, by the before mentioned article of the capitulation
 
 96 APl'EJXDIX. 
 
 granted on the surrender of the country, by Colonel Nicholls, the commander 
 in chief under the Crown, and Lieutenant Governor undjr the Duke. The faith 
 of government was pledged for their security ; and their estates were confirmed 
 under the seal of this Colony, in the year 1685, not by the mere act of the pro- 
 vincial Governor and council, but by an express order from King James the 
 second. 
 
 Nor, though immaterial, is it true that the lands are good in quality , they are in 
 general very indifferent. Not that no subject has so much good land : The Penn, 
 Baltimore. Fairfax and Granville families have much more. Nor that the Rens- 
 selaer family have never contended against the encroachments of the Massachu- 
 setts Bay ; for it is notorious that they have frequently solicited for the protection 
 of government against those encroachments, and that more than once recourse has 
 been had to arms, and blood been shed on that very account. 
 
 4th. Governor Wemworth.in his representation, further informs their lordships, 
 that, presuming it would be his Majesty's pleasure that a North and South line 
 should divide both the Massachusetts and New Hampshire from the government 
 of New York, he had extended the Western boundary of New Hampshire as far 
 West as the Massachusetts Bay had done theirs (that is) within 20 miles of Hud- 
 son's river. 
 
 This is again very uncandid. He puts New Hampshire upon the same foot- 
 ing as the Massachusetts, although he must have known there was not the least 
 similarity in the cases ; the Massachusetts government considering their first char- 
 ter in 1628-9, as of force at the time of the Duke's grant, and therefore restrictive 
 of its limits ; but the King's commission which established New Hampshire in its 
 present extent, being so recent as the year 1742. 
 
 Nor had he the least right to presume that the Crown would diminish New York, 
 to enlarge New Hampshire ; for which, it is conceived, no reason could possibly 
 be assigned. Nor had he, as he asserted, extended the Western boundary of New 
 Hampshire to a twenty mile line from Hudson's nver. On the contrary, so far 
 was he from having seized that part of the country, that he had just before solemn- 
 ly assured Governor Clinton, in his letter of the 22d day of June, 1750, that he and 
 hii council were unanimously of opinion, not even to commence a dispute with this 
 government, respecting the Western extent of New Hampshire, till his Majesty's 
 pleasure should be further known : condescending, at the same time, to apologize 
 to Governor Clinton, (who had threatened to complain of him to the King) for the 
 grant of one township, by ascribing it to the want of timely information of the 
 limits of New York, and by telling him that though it was impossible to recall that 
 grant , IT WOULD BE VOID OF COURSE if his Majesty's determination should be in fa- 
 tor of New York. 
 
 Sthly. In order to induce the Crown to abridge the Northern limits of New 
 York, Governor Wentworth ventures upon this extraordinary assertion, (to wit) 
 " It will be necessary to inform your lordships that the government of New York 
 " was founded upon a grant made by the Crown to the Duke of York, and that 
 " it was to commence at the sea, and run sixty miles North into the country, 
 " which line will cross Hudson's river, about twenty miles South of the city of 
 " Albany." 
 
 It is painful to remark, that in this passage Governor Wentworth pronounces as 
 a fact, not only what was inconsistent with his own knowledge from the abstract 
 of the Duke of York's grant, with which he had been furnished ; but what it was 
 in every man's power to contradict by evidence which could not deceive ; the grant 
 bring on record both in England and New York. 
 
 True it is that the limits of New York depend entirety upon that grant. Except 
 with respect to New Jersey, Connecticut and Quebec, they have never suffered the 
 least alteration, but remain the same ever since it became an English Colony ; all 
 commissions and instructions from the Crown, presupposing the boundaries to be 
 clearly established by that grant, and to be notorious. 
 
 Does it contain a single word of Mr. Wentworth's description, (to wit) " Com- 
 menting at the sea, and running sixty miles into the country ?" On the contrary , 
 after describing several tracts.it proceeds to grant Hudson's river, and all the land 
 from the West side of Connecticut river to the East side of Delaware Bay, and 
 clearly includes the country under consideration. 
 
 This is the nature of the New Hampshire claim, recommended and enforced 
 with every advantage by Governor Wentworth, its author, who best knew the 
 reasons which gave rise to it, and the principles upon which it was founded ; and
 
 APPENDIX. 97 
 
 it is submitted whether he has offered even the shadow of an argument in its sup- 
 port. 
 
 How then can his subsequent conduct towards New York be justified ] No 
 sooner was the conquest of Canada completed, and security, by that means, estab- 
 lished in this part of America, than he reconciled it to himself to lay aside all re- 
 straint. 
 
 The country to the Westward of Connecticut river became an inviting object 
 
 and granted the lands without reserve. 
 
 Before this government had the least intimntion of hisJnten^ions, he hjid^in th 
 course of three or four years, patented upwards of one hundred townships, of six 
 miles square each, dispersed over the whole face of the country, from the West side 
 of Connecticut river down to the very borders of Lake Champlain. 
 
 But it was impossible such a plan could be executed without at length attracting 
 the attention of this government ; and it was no sooner known than they published 
 a proclamation, dated the 28th day of December, 1763, stating the title and bounds 
 both of New Hampshire and New York, as well as the many grants which the 
 former government had unwarrantably issued ; the attempts that had been made 
 to settle under those grants, and the impositions which had been practiced on the 
 inhabitants here by the sales of lands under the claim : To warn, therefore, the in- 
 cautious from being longer deceived ; to assert the right, and fully to maintain the 
 jurisdiction of this Colony, all civil officers were required to exercise their respec- 
 tive jurisdictions and functions as far as the banks of Connecticut river, the undoubt- 
 ed Eastern limits of that part of the Colony. And the sheriffof the County of Alba- 
 ny, which then comprehended those lands, was enjoined to return to the comman- 
 der in chief the names of all who, under the grant of New Hampshire, should hold 
 the possession of any lands Westward of Connecticut river, that they might be 
 proceeded against according to law. 
 
 About this time, Governor Wentworth's grantees, not contented with the vacant 
 lands they had wrongfully usurped, began to enlarge their views, and to execute 
 the design of seizing the estates and possessions of the inhabitants who, formally 
 years, had been quietly settled under the title of New York: It was, therefore, 
 thought highly necessary to solicit the Crown for the determination of a controver- 
 sy which had been so serious and alarming. 
 
 Accordingly, on the 20th day of January 1764, the government of New York 
 transmitted to the lords of trade a representation of the controversy, and of the pro- 
 ceedings of New Hampshire, and its emissaries, and urged the necessity of his 
 Majesty's interposition. 
 
 The cause,soon after, upon the report of the lords of trade, came under the con- 
 sideration of his Majesty in privy council, who was pleased on the 4th day of July 
 following, to adjudge and determine '' The Western banks of the river Connecti- 
 " cut, from where it enters the province of the Massachusetts Bay,as far North as the 
 "45th degree of Northern latitude, to be the boundary line of the said two prov- 
 " inces of New Hampshire and New York." And to enjoin and require the re- 
 spective governors and commanders in chief of his Majesty s said province of New 
 Hampshire and New York, and all others whom it might concern, to take notice 
 thereof and govern themselves accordingly. 
 
 That none might plead ignorance, the decree was soon after publicly notified by 
 a proclamation of this government, inserted in the newspapers, and dispersed 
 throughout the Northern parts of the Colony. 
 
 The nature of this royal adjudication has been greatly misrepresented. 
 
 In every question of boundary between two Colonies,, the King, in privy council, 
 exercises original jurisdiction, on the principles of feodal sovereignty. There can 
 be no other tribunal. 
 
 The claims of New York and New Hampshire came judicially before his Maj- 
 esty, by the authoritative acts of the governor and council of each, and by theirmu- 
 tual agreement and consent. 
 
 The question was not what bounds his Majesty would be pleased thereafter to 
 establish between his two contending Colonies ; but what were then the just extent 
 and jurisdiction of each of them respectively. 
 
 The royal adjudication is accordingly expressed in terms which cannot be 
 misconstrued ; not directing that Connecticut river shall become the boundary be-
 
 98 APPENDIX. 
 
 tween the two Colonies ; but declaring the Western banks of that river to be the 
 boundary. 
 
 Thence it follows that this is a royal adjudication, in the dernier resort, on the 
 very point of right, in favor and confirmatory of the ancient jurisdiction of New 
 York ; and not a regulation of convenience and policy, by which an accession is 
 acquired toils original limits. 
 
 Indeed, the latter cannot possibly be supposed. The occasion and naturfe 
 of the appeal, as well as the clear and precise language of the decree, forbid 
 
 Soon after it was proclaimed, on the solicitation of the inhabitants, arid for the 
 better administration of justice, two new Counties, Cumberland and Gloucester, 
 were erected out of the lands which had been claimed by the government of New 
 Hampshire, and which had hitherto remained part of the County of Albany ; and 
 Cumberland County is now, on the petition of its inhabitants, represented in Gene- 
 ral Assembly. 
 
 It is suggested that the government of New Hampshire, not satisfied with the 
 final determination even of the Crown, have lately received their solicitations, and 
 employed their influence to procure an alteration of jurisdiction by a cession of a 
 considerable part of the late controverted territory in their favor. 
 
 But it is conceived there are many weighty reasons which stand opposed to such 
 a measure. , 
 
 His Majesty, in privy council, after fully considering the merits of both claims 
 has already, upon the clearest evidence of ancient right, been pleased to ascertain 
 the Eastern boundary of New York ; and it has the singular advantage of being 
 distinguished and rendered obvious and unquestionable by a large river, instead of 
 a simple line of marked trees which must be substituted in case of any innova- 
 tion ; and which, in jurisdictions so limited, is ever productive of public detri- 
 ment in the administration of justice, and private inconvenience with respect to 
 property. 
 
 In the next place, in full confidence of the wisdom, justice, and stability of the 
 decision, among others, a great number of his Majesty's military subjects, entitled 
 (in reward of their services) to lands by virtue of the royal proclamation of the 7th 
 day of October, 1763, have obtained grants, under the seal of this Colony, for a 
 great part of the country upon, and to the Eastward of Lake Champlain, the Wood 
 Creek, and Hudson's River. They all consider themselves as deeply interested in 
 enjoying their estates under the present jurisdiction ; not only on account of the 
 superior value and convenience of their lands while they continue a par: of New 
 York, but because, if they should be annexed to New Hampshire, a cloud will be 
 raised over their titles, from an opinion which must in that case prevail, that in the 
 sense of the Crown those lands never appertained to New York, and were appro- 
 priated without lawful authority. 
 
 Besides, as such an alteration would become an inlet to uncertainty of title, 
 so must it entail upon the subject endless litigation and contention, and all 
 the train of evils which are their usual concomitants; and, in this scene of 
 confusion, both the improvement, and the peace of the country, must be sacri- 
 ficed. 
 
 Again ,if the inhabitants, who will be most efTected, are worthy of attention, 
 their wishes and prayers must prove a further obstacle to any change ; a great 
 majority of those who live in the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester, 
 having earnestly implored his Majesty that they may remain under the jurisdic- 
 tion of this government, which they esteem a peculiar blessing and advantage. 
 Nor is their solicitude without reason ; whether we consider the constitution of 
 this Colony as more immediately copied alter, and corresponding with, that of 
 the parent kingdom ; or its easy and equal administration of justice ; its em- 
 inent advantage for commerce or the superior value of its lands ; in each of which 
 respects, it is not excelled, if rivalled, by any of his Majesty's American planta- 
 tions. 
 
 And lastly, it is conceived that no benefit can accrue to the Crown by the altera- 
 tion which is sought after ; since the inhabitants of this Colony are surpassed by 
 none in loyalty and attachment to pur gracious sovereign, and in just and dutiful 
 sentiments of government ; and since the royal revenue from the quit-rents, in- 
 stead of beinw augmented, would be greatly diminished by restricting the ancient 
 boundary of New York to enlarge New Hampshire. 
 
 Upon the whole , there seems to be too much reason to suspect that the advocates 
 for an alteration of jurisdiction, are influenced by partial and sinister motives ; or
 
 APPENDIX. 99 
 
 they could not, after so solemn and final an adjudication, desire what is inconvenient 
 ana impolitic in itself; injurious to the just and ancient rights of New York ; and 
 must not only prove hurtful to the interest of all who are possessed of property in 
 that part of the Colony, but be productive of endless controversy, disquiet and 
 Confusion. 
 
 By order of the General Assembly, 
 
 JOHN CRUGER, Speaker.
 
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