UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA AT LOS ANGELES UNIVET^^TTY of CALFOKNIA LUb AWGELKS UBRAKY T H E INDUSTRIAL RESOURCES, ETC., SOUTHERN AND WESTERN STATES : EMBRACING A VIEW OK THEIK COMMERCE, AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES, INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, SLAVE AND EREE LABOR, SLAVERY INSTITUTIONS. PRODUCTS, ETC., OP THE SOUTH, 2rosct})cv luitl' UlSTOKICAL AM) STATISTICAL SKETCHES OF THE DIFFERENT STATES AND CITIES OF THE UNION— STATISTICS OF THE UNITED STATES COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURES, FROM THE EARLIEST PERIODS, COMPARED WITH OTHER LEADING POWERS— THE RESULTS OF THE DIFFERENT CENSUS RETURNS SINCE 1790, AND RETURNS OF THE CENSUS OF 1850, ON POPULATION, AGRICULTURE AND GENERAL INDUSTRY, ETC., ::■: ' 'with. a,N: ap],^,k,tv[dix. IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. II. BY J. D. B. DB BOW. PROFESSOR OF POLITICAL ECONO.MV, ETC., l.V THE UNIVERSITY OF LOUISIANA. 6 0897 PURLISHED AT 'UU) (^FPICE OK DE BOW'S REVIEW. MERCHANTS' KXCIIANGE, NEW-OHLEAN.S ; 107 Broauwav. Nkw-York ; amj East Hay and .1j1io.i.d Streets. Oh.irli;sto.> 18 5 3. 4€29 6 The paper on the early histor}'' of Mississippi, page 21, is I'rom the pen ot'tlie Hon. .1. M. Chilton ; that on Maryland, by R. G. Barnwell, Esq.; on Missouri and North Caro- lina, by Prof. Duncan ; on the Mexican Republic, Hon. Joel R. Poinsett ; Mexican Mines, Crantz Mayer ; Manufacturing Industry, 101, Senator James, of R. I. ; Ne\v- York. T. P. Kcttell ; Negro Slavery, Chancellor Harper and Hon. J. H. Hammond ; Negro Laws of the South, Hon. J. B. O'Neal ; Negro Diseases, Dr. Cartwright ; Negro W. Ely, M. "0. • Rice. R. SV. AlUton, Life Insurance, Dr. J- C-Nott ;« Pennsylvania, A. ofS. C, &c. .'". ' c''' '/'' ''■' INDEX TO VOL. II. (f O H GENERAL INDEX SEE END OK V O L U Jf E II,.) PAGE Mississippi River — Its Sources, Mouth and Valley ;-the Balize, Etc 1 " " The Great Importance of Improving it, Etc 10 " " Deposits and Changes at the Mouth 17 Basin 'JO Mississippi — Early History of the State -Jl " A Sketch of the General Character, Soil, Climate, Productions, Emigration, Pros' pects, Etc 41 Mississippi — Resources of 45 Marvland — Historical Events, Government, Resources, Improvements, Commerce, City of Baltimore, Etc -. 45 Maine — Its Early History, Physical Aspect, Agricultural and Mineral Resources, Commerce, Manufactures, Government, Finances, Population, Schools, Colleges, Etc 53 Missouri — History, Government, Courts. Boundariesand Surface, Natural Productions and CHmate, Rivers, Towns, Mineral Resources, Internal Improvements, Population, Educa- tion, Etc., Etc 56 Massachusetts — Her Productive Energies and Spirit fi7 Mobile — Commerce of 1850-51 76 " Topography, Sanitary Condition and Vital Statistics 78 " Statistical History of 79 Molasses, U. S. 1851 80 Memphis, Tenn 80 " Convention 1845 81 " " '1840 82 Minnesota 83 Me.xican Republic 85 " Mines and Mineral Resources. - - 92 Me.XICO — Products of Sugar, Cotton, Rice and Indigo !)!) Manufacturing Industry — Theory of Manufactures, their Progress, Origin and Growth of Cotton Manufactures in all Countries, U. S. Manufactures, and Southern Manufactures 101 Manufactures — Inducements for, in the South and West 107 '' Influence of, on the Growth of Cities 121 " Progress of Cctton Manufactures in the U. S 123 " Extension of Cotton and Wool Factories at the South 124 " Relative Cost of Steam and Water Power 128 Manufacture of Shoes at the South 130 Manufactures of Great BRiTAiN^Their Progress in Cotton, Wool, Flax and Linen, Silk, Etc , with Productions and Persons Employed 131 New-Orleans - 135 ' Custom-House Revenues since 1801 139 " Vital Statistics of 141 " 142 •' Imports from the Interior, from 1840 to 1851 143 " Exports of ^lour, Pork, Bacon, Beef, Lard, "Whisky, Corn, Etc 144 " Cotton and Tobacco 144 " " Sugar and ilolasses 145 " Arrival of Ships, Barques, Steamers, Etc 145 " Compared with New-York - 145 " Commercial Statistics ■<. 140 & 149 " Vital Statistics, Mortality, Etc., from 1785 148 " Prices of Commodities, Etc., for Different Years 152 " Importance of Increasing her Foreign Commerce — Her Banking Capital- 152 New-York — Commercial Growth and Greatness of New-York — Position of City; Origin of New-York, Early History, Advances, Improvements, Population, Resources, Commerce, Prospects - 134 New-York — Commerce - , - 163 " Value of Real and Personal Estate - • 164 North Carolina — Colonial, Revolutionary and Subsequent History, Physical Condition, Pro- duction, Industry and Resources, Population, Tovi-ns, Education, Sects, Courts, Canals, Rail- Roads ; 164 North Carolina — Its Resources, Manufactures, ice 182 " Improvements - 183 Nashville, Tenn - 185 Navigation — Ship-Building in the U. S., but more particularly in the West 185 " The Merchant Fleets and Navies of the World 187 " Vessels Built in U. S. since 1815 194 Tonnage ofU. S 195 Negro M.a.nia — The Negro and other Races of Men - -- 197 " Slavery — Memoir on, by Chancellor Harper, prepared for, and read before the Socie- tyforihe Advancement of Learning of South Carolina 205 1/ IV INDEX. Negro Slaverv AT THE South — (Gov. Hammond's Lcttei- to Clarkson.) hitroduotiou ; the Slave-Trade and Futile Attempts to Abolish it ; I'roscriptive Kightof Slavery ; Slavery in the Abstract; in its Moral and Religious Aspect, in its Political Influences us Afiecting Public Or- der, and the Safety and Power of the State, Abolition, Emancipation, Etc [Page -38 Negro St..\veky— Calhoun's Letter to King 2(i5 " Laws OK THE South _. 269 " Population of the South, with relereiicetoLifeInsurar.ee 29:! " Slavery — Origin, Progress and Prospects of Slavery in theU. S 303 * Nature and IJestiny of - SOH " Sr.AVERV — IJecline of Northern and Growth of Southern 310 " Population" — Picmedy Inr its Excess 313 Negroes — Diseases and Peculiarities of, by Dr. Cartwright 315 *' Physical Character of 329 " Management of, upon Southern Estates 330 "" •' " " 33li " " " •• " 33(i " Houses for 337 " Black and Mukuo Population of the South 336 " Employment of, in Cotton Factories 339 " Slave Trade of the South 339 Neoko Civilization and the. Dominican Kepublic 34'J Negroes of Ancient Times - 343 Negroes— (,bVe Slaves.) Ohio — Commerce and llesources of. •. 345 Wealth, Coal Trade, Etc --. 347 Olives— Cultivation of the Olive in the Southern Slates — 348 Post-Office — History of, in all Countries, Operations and Statistics of in the U. S., from the Earliest Periods, Hates of Postage, Etc 3.")0 Post S yste.m of Ancient Time? . . .". - 3(i;t Pennsylvania — History, Commerce, Manufactures, Agriculture, Etc ,3().> Philadelphia— Commerce of 1830, 1851 374 PlTTSliUUG— And its Manufacturing Industry 375 Pla.sk llOADs as Compared with Kail- Roads 377 Paper Mauufacture in the U. S.- 3t*3 Political Economy, Government, Etc 385 Rice — History and Statistics of, by Col. Allston 392 Planting 411 " Analysis, Crops, Culture, Etc 414 •' Culture of 4U) " in Southern States 423 " Estate of Gov. Aiken 421 of the Uplands 42(; - '• of Louisiana 4J7 " Culture in East Indies : 429 Rail-Roads — Address to People of Southern and Western States 434 Rail-Road and Transport, at Home and Abroad 457 " Convention at Nev/- Orleans, 1852 458 in United States, 1852 471-474 " Progress in U. S 478 " Prospects and Progress 478 " Communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, I'rogress of America, California and Oregon, Panama, Tehuantepec, &c.. Commerce of the East, Rail-Roads across Mexico, Progress of Rail-Road Enterprise, &c 48(i Rail-Road to the Pacific Ocean — Address of the Memphis Convention to the People of the United States, 1850 .507 R AiL-RoAUS to the Pacific Ocean 51(1 " for Arkansas 519 " in Georgia 521 " in Florida 522 " Mississippi Routes 523 " Tennessee Roads - .'520 " in Alabama 528-533 " in Louisiana 536-.'541 " .Jackson Road, Miss 53(! ill Texas 544-546 " Across Tehuantepec 553 '' Competition 555 Api'ENDI.x. — Chicago, 556 — Cincinnati, 55(J — Cotton Statistics, 556 — Commerce und Marine of the World, 556 — Libraries, Popular Vote and Population of U. States, 558 — Provision Trade, JJ. Slates, 559 — Railway .'-System of the World, 5.59 — St. Louis Commerce, 559 — Population of American Cities, 539 — Statistics of Massachusetts, Emigration, &c., 560 — Statistics of New- York Trade, 560 — Statistics of Newspapers in United States, 560. INDUSTRIAL RESOURCES, ETC. SOUTHERN AND WESTERN STATES MISSISSIPPI RIVER.— Its Sources- Mouth AND Valley — The Balize. — The great central region of America, which ex- tends from the Rocky Mountains to the lakes, and sweeps away to the mouth of the Atcha- falaya, and along the shores of the gulf; bounded by a perimeter of two thousand I leagues ; with an area of a million and a quar- ter of square miles, a population verging! upon that of all the remaining portions of the Union, and a trade demanding access to all the markets of the world ; belongs to the history of the generation of men that are now alive, and in the creation of which they have been the moving agents. In compari- son, all the marvellous developments of the past sink into nothing; the famed fertility of the Nile, the Scandinavian forests prolific of men, and earning the epithet " cradle of the human race," the overshadowing growth of Rome and Roman power. It is not for us now to dwell upon the era of savage domain over this empire ; the first whisperings of its existence breathed to Eu- ropean ears ; the early and romantic adven- tures to its midst; the marvellous narrations of the early explorers and travellers ; their lives of incident and daring ; their successes and reverses; the triumphant progress of civihzed population beyond all haunts of civ- ilized life ; the aboriginal yielding to the stern destiny which decreed him to melt away, a tenant at sufferance only, until the coming of the lord proprietors of the soil. At the era of the census of 1790, after the American revolution had been won, after sixteen years of American independence, and the adoption of a federal Constitution, nine-tenths of all the people of America were eastward of the Alleghany mountains. Scattering settlements only had passed this gi'eat barrier. "Tribes of fierce savages stood opposed, but the destiny of things could not be stayed. During the decennial period of 1790 to 1800 the savages were crushed and settlements greatly extended and population increased, expanding into the central basin." This central basin includes the western portions of the states of New- York, Penn- sylvania, and Virginia, and the whole of Ken- VOL. II. tucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, In- diana, Ohio, Michigan, Iowa, and "Wisconsin. The population of these vast territories was, in 18U0, 482,777, having increased about one and a half per cent, per annum since 1790. In 1810 it amounted to 1,090,158, having doubled in ten years; in 1820, 2,217,- 464, having doubled again; iu 1830, 3,672,569, or about seven to the square mile; in 1840, 5,302,918, or ten to the square mile. In these items the western portions of New- York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia are not included. If they be added for 1840, the total western population may be set down at 7,948,789, or fourteen to the square mile. The following table, prepared by Mr. Darby for the use of government, is computed on the supposition that the decennial increase from 1830 to 1840 has since been preserved : POPULATION OF THE GREAT CENTRAL BASIN IN 1847. Westem New-York 50,600 Western Pennsylvania 564,600 Western Virginia 222,300 Kentucky 834,970 Tennessee. 857,590 Alabama 759,500 Mississippi 450,070 Louisiana 434,100 Arkansas 161,600 Missouri 529,000 lUinois 867,000 Indiana 891,566 Ohio 1,862,400 Michigan 321,000 *Iowa 60,000 *Wisconsin 50,000 Total 8,925,696 Being about eighteen to the square mile, or one-ninth the density of Great Britain, ♦ These estimates of Mr. Darby in relation to Iowa and Wisconsin are greatly short of the reality. The census of Wisconsin, taken the present year, shows the total 155,000. Iowa had 43,000 in 18-10, and the increase since is estimated at 12,000 a year, making the present population 120.000 at least. 1 MISSISSIPPI RIVER. ITS SOURCES MOUTH AND VALLEY. Portugal, Spain, and France. The ■whole population of the United States at the same period being computed at 21,174,557. To give any notion of the agricultural taken in 18-10, whatever its merits, could be of but little practical value, since in the pro- gress of such a country the liistory of several years is as a century in older communities. wealth of this region would require access to i We will yet introduce a few fact.<, if only to more complete iuformatiou than any that can stimulate further the reader's iavestigations. be had by us now. The census which was i ESTIMATKD AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF THE GREAT WEST, 1845. Kentucky, Teiinesace, Alabam;t, Mississii)pi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, lUinuis, Indiaua, Ohio, MlDliigan, Iowa, Wisconsin, Total, 4.769,000 8,340,000 980,000 378,000 2.427,000 l,-v25,000 4,503.000 7,044,000 13,.57->,000 7,061,000 793,1100 971,000 13,091,000 8,625,000 l,5ii7,i.00 1,189,000 430,000 6,406,000 12,907.010 i:<,90J,000 24,447.000 4.815,000 681,000 1,200,000 54.625.000 70,26.-.,000 16,650,000 2,107.000 8.300,000 8,250,000 15,625,000 26,584,000 30,625,0110 57,600,1100 4.945,000 2,028.000 072,000 1,508,000 2,256,000 1,635,000 3,040,100 1,299,1100 642,000 875,000 2,631.000 2,680,000 4,120,000 4,555,(00 510,000 938,000 Tobacco, lbs. 63.310.000 37,1119,000 341,0' 193,600 13,744.000 1,168,000 3,520,000 7,676.800 1. 48 145. 23 185. 1 Cotton, lbs. 200,000 ,0110,1100 ,0110,000 •,000,1100 ,iUjO,000 000,(iOO 200,000 270,000 Sii^ar, lbs. 2,110,000 520,000 12,000 175,000,000 5,000 450,000 600,000 8,000,000 3,900,000 3,000,000 150,000 300,000 52,423,000 88,336,000 297,396,000 26,695,000 125,962,400 631,670,000 194,047,000 Western New-York, Pennsylvania, and Vu'ginia are also extensive agricultural re- gions, but it is almost impossible to give the exact amount of their products. Knowing ■what proportion of these states are included in the valley, and also their gross products, and remembering that the valley is by far the most agricultural, we should add at least four millions bushels wheat, three millions bushels oats, eight millions bushels corn, two and a half millions bushels potatoes, and three millions pounds tobacco, to the gross amount given above. Mr. Calhoun, in his great Report on the Memphis Convention, kindled with the mag- nificent theme which was presented before him, a population pressing upon the limits of the Rocky Mountains, a tonnage augmented thirty fold iu thirty years, a trade already equalling the whole foreign exports and im ports of the United States together, three hundred millions of dollars, and tliis but in the beginning. " Looking beyond to a not very diiftant future, when this immense val- ley, containing within its limits one million two hundred thousand square miles, lying iu its whole extent in the temperate zone, and occu]jying a position midway between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans, unequalled in fertility and the diversity of its production.-, intersected iu every direction by the mighty stream, including its tributaries, by which it is drained, and which supply a contiimou.- navigatiou of upwards f)f ten timusand miles, with a coast, including both banks, of twice that length, shall be crowded with population, and its resources fully ik-veloped, imagiiiatimi itself is taxed in the attempt to realize the magnitude of its commerce." The Missis.sippi river, with its greater and less tributaries draiiiiug the whole of this im mense country, and conducting its products and its commerce to the highway of nations, is worthy of elaborate consideration. We have designed a few pages upon this head, and suppose there are few topics which could have wider interest with our countrymen, and few with which the world at large have less familiarity. Nature has created nothing upon our continent more stupendous than these waters, and they are as much characteiistic of the great American republic as the institu- tions, the policy, the liberty, which di-tinguish it from all the nations of earth. Characteris- tic we say, for there is that in the physical aspect of a country, which, if it does not in- fluence the moral and political condition, is yet discovered to be in harmony with them, Va.-tness and giandeur in nature cannot be contemplated without elevation of thought antl sentiment in nature's offspring. Could one be a craven by the side of Niagara ? A slave's fetters might not be riveted on Al- pine heights. Man sympathizes with nature, and nature with man ; so that Goldsmitli ut- tered but the sentiment of humanity when he exclaimed from wild and elevated prospects, -Creation's heir. The world — the world is mine!" And first of the Mi^^sissippi proper. la 47° 10' N. lat. and 94° 54' \V. long., at an elevation of 1,G80 feet above the level of the ocean, and at a distance of 2,896 miles, on the summit of the Han/ettrn dc Terre, the dividing ridge from the Red river of the north, a little pool, fed by the gurgliigwaters of neighboring hills, discharges a liny rivulet, which, meandering over sand and pebi)le, danc- ing in shade and sunbeam, winds on its modest way. Ill breadth and dejith scarce measured by a span, the timid water-course mirrors MISSISSIPPI RIVER. ITS SOURCES— MOUTH ANB VALLEY. nodding wild flower?, and floats forest leaves, a miniature fleet that gentle breezes waft and eddies whirl. Ever and anon it blends witii kindred streamlets, and forms at last a minor lake. "From tiiis lake issues a second rivulet, a cradled Hercules, giving promise of the strength of his maturity; for its velocity has increased ; it transports the smaller branches of trees ; it begins to form sand bars ; its bends are more decided, and it sub- sides again into a third basin, larger than the two preceding. Thus attained renewed vigor, tried its consequence upon an additKHial length of two or three miles, empties at last mto the Lake Itasca." For the following table of distances and elevations, we are indebted to "Bradford's Notes on the North-west, 1846 :" DISTANCES ON THE MISSISSIPPI. R From Gulf Mexico. Altitude New-Orleans, Cathedral and level "'" *^"' of its pavement 104 10 5 Red River, Island opposito Mouth, 340 76 Natchez, Light-house 406 86 Yazoo River, Mouth .'.' 534 _ New-Madrid, Missouri 1U5 Ohio River, north side, Moulh 1216 324 St. Louis, garden of the Cathedral, 1390 38i Illinois River, the Mouth 1426 Prairie du Chien, American Fur- Trader's House 1932 642 Upper Iowa River 1978 I St. Peter's River, the Mouth ! ! ! 2192 744 Falls of St. Anthony, U. S. Cottage, 2200 856 Lake Cass, the Old Trading House, 27.55 1402 Itasea Lake, Schoolcraft's Island, 2890 1675 Utmost Sources of the Mississippi, at the summit of the Hauteurs de Terre 2986* 1680 The next principal river of the West, and the main tributary or branch of the Missis- sippi, is the Missouri, a description of which we cannot better give than in the language of the eminent geographer introduced above : " The springs which give rise to the Mis- souri are not more than a mile distant from some of the head waters of the Columbia, which flows west into the Pacific ocean. At the distance of 411 miles from the extreme point of the navigation of its head branches, are what are denominated the 'Gates of the Rocky Mountains,' which present a view ex- ceedingly grand. For the distance of 5| miles the rocks rise perpendicularly from the margin of the river to the height of 1200 feet. The river is compressed to the width of 150 yards, and for the first three miles there is only one spot, and that only of a few yards, on which a man could stand, between the water and the perpendicular ascent of the mountain. At the distance of 110 miles be- low this, and 521 miles Jrom its source, are [ the Great Falls, 2,575 miles above its en- trance into the Mississippi. The river de- scends, by a succession of rapids and falls, 35Y feet m about 16^ miles. The lower and great- est fall has a perpendicular pitch of 87 feet- the second of 19 feet; the third of 47 feet; the fourth of 26 feet. Between and below these falls are continual rapids of from 3 to 18 feet descent. These falls, next to those of Niagara, are the grandest on the continent. The course of the river above these falls is northerly. The Yellowstone river, 800 yards wide at Its mouth, probably the largest tribu- tary of the Missouri, enters it on the south- west side, 1,216 miles from its navigable source, and about 1,880 miles from its mouth. This river, at the place of junction, is as large as the Missouri. Steamboats ascend to this place, and could go farther by each branch. Chienne river, 400 yards wide at its mouth, enters the Missouri on the south-west side, 1,,310 miles from its mouth, in 44° 20' N. latitude. White river, 300 yards wide, enters it on the south-west side, 1,130 miles' from its mouth. Big Sioux river, 110 yards wide, enters 853 miles from its mouth, in 42° 48' N. latitude, on the north-east side. ' Platte river, 600 yards wide at its mouth, enters it on the south-west side, 600 miles from its mouth, in 40° 50' latitude. Kanzas river, 233 yards wide at its mouth, enters it on the south-west side, in 39° 5' N. latitude, at the distance of 340 miles from its mouth. Grand river enters it on the north-east side, 240 miles from its mouth, and is 190 yards wide. La Mine river, 70 yards wide, enters it 200 miles from its mouth. Osage river, 397 yards wide at its mouth, enters it on the south-west side, in 38° 31' N. latitude, 133 miles from its mouth. Gasconade river enters it on the south-west side, in 38° 45' N. latitude, 100 miles from its mouth. The Missouri enters Mississippi river 3,096 miles from its source, which, added to 1,253 miles, the distance to the Gulf of Mexico, makes its whole length 4,349 miles ;* and it is probably the longest • This table on the authority of Nicollet. Fchool- craft mnkes the whole length three thousand one hundred and sixty miles. The navigable portion of this distance is from the Gulf to the mouth of tlie Yellowstone river thirty-three hundred miles. We were under the im- pression that this was the greatest navigable "inland sea'' in the world, but if the Report of Mr Breeze to the Senate on the Railroad to the Pacific be rehed upon in all particulars, we have presented to us in .Asia a river which overtops ours, and dwarfs it in the comparison. We make an extract : " The Yang- ife-keaug has its source in the Peling Mountains of Thibet. After an immense distance in a southerly direction, it enters tlie Cljinese empire in north lati- tude about 28°, then it winds its way through the richest parts of China and the most numerous popu- lation o any part of the globe, crossiu;,' the vast em- pire, and after having accommodated by its tributa- ries, its lakes, its vast and numerous windings, its in- tersections by canals, almost tlie entire empire, and after drawing together on the grand canal at Chiog- Kyang-foo the vast productions, conimeroe and resources of the greater part of this vast empire, gently rolls itself into the ocean in north latitude MISSISSIPPI RIVER. ITS SOURCES MOUTH AND VALLEY. river iu the world. Througli its whole course, there is no substantial obstruction of the uavi- gatiou before arriving at the great falls. Its principal tributaries are each navigable from 100 to 800 miles. The alluvial, fertile soil on this stream and its tributaries is not very broad, and back of this are prairies of vast extent. Through the greater part of its course the Missouri is a rapid and turbid stream, and in the upper part of its course, flows through an arid and sterile country. It ia over half a mile wide at its mouth, and through a greater part of its course it is wider. Notwithstanding it drains such an extensive country, aud receives so many large tributa- ries, at certain seasons it is shallow, hardly affording sufhcient water for steamboat navi- gation, owing to its passing through a dry and open country, and being subject to exten- sive evaporation." Lastly, let us exhibit a sketch of the Ohio : " The Ohio is formed by the coulluence of Alleghany river from the north, and Mouon- gahela from the south, at Pittsburg, in the western part of Pennsylvania. The Alle- ghany river rises in Porter county, Pennsyl- vania, on the west side of the Alleghany mountains, flows into the state of New-York, and returns into Pennsylvania, and is the most important tributary of the Ohio. It is navi gable for boats of a hundred tons and of light draft to Olean, Cattaraugus county, New- York, 270 miles from its mouth in the Ohio, 600 feet above the level of the river at Pitts- burg, 1,280 feet above the level of the ocean, and 2,500 miles from the Gulf of Mexico. The Monongahela rises in Virginia, and where it unites with the Alleghany, is more than 400 yards wide. It is navigable at a good stage of the water for large boats, luO miles from its mouth. The Alleghany, though not larger than the Monongahela at the junction, is the more important stream. Inmiediately below the junction, the Ohio is over CUO yards wide, and is a placid and beautiful stream. At Pittsburg it is G80 feet above tide water ; at the mouth of the Muskingum, 541 feet ; at the mouth of the Scioto, 4G4 feet ; at Cin- cinnati, 414 feet; at its mouth in tlie Missis- sippi, 300 feet. Its length from Pittsburg to its mouth, according to the Western Pilot, is 959 miles ; but the distance in a direct course is about 014 miles. Its average descent is not quite five inches in a mile. The French called it la belle riviere, or the beautiful river; but its name, according to Heckewelder, is derived from the Indian word Ohiopekhanne, meaning a very white stream, alluding to the white caps with which its surface is covered in a high wind, omitting all but the first part for about .31°, Justin front of tlie great city of Cliang- hae, tlie port oi)Cii for foreij,'n commerce, being in length more Ihnu four lliousiind miles, anJ navigable eveu into Thibet." the ease of pronunciation. Tlie Ohio, for some distance below Pittsburg, is rapid, and the navigation interrupted at low water by chains of rock extending across the bed of the river. The scenery is exceedingly beau- tiful, though deficient in grandeur, exhibiting great sameness. The hills, two or three hun- dred feet high, approach the river and confine it on either side. Their tops have usually a rounded and graceful form, and are covered with the verdure of an almost unbroken forest. Approaching Cincinnati, the scenery becomes still more monotonous. The hills recede from the river, aud are less elevated. Heavy forests cover the banks and limit the prospect, but exhibiting a beautiful verdure, and often exuberant with blossoms. The river exhibits the same scenery as we continue to descend it, except that the hills become less bold and rocky. Many villages aud farm- houses are passed through the whole course of the river ; but as the bottom lands on its immediate margin are liable to be overflowed, the inhabitants prefer to settle a little back from the river, so that the dwellings in view do not correctly exhibit the population in the vicinity. Between Pittsburg and the mouth of the Ohio there are as many as one hun- dred considerable islands, besides a great number of sand-bars and tow-heads. These last are low, sandy islands, incapable of culti- vation, and covered with willows. Some of the islands are of exquisite beauty, and fur- nish desirable situations for a retired resi- dence. The principal tributaries of the Ohio are the Muskingum, Great Kanawha, J3ig Sandy, Scioto, Great Miami, Kentucky, Green, Wabash, Cumberland, and Tennessee. The last three ai'e the most important, of which the last is the largest. One remark- able circumstance respecting the Ohio as well as other western rivers is, its great elevations aud depressions. In the summer and autum- nal months, it often dwindles into a small stream, affording limited facilities for naviga- tion. Among the hills of Pennsylvania and Virginia, it is seen rippling over chains pf rock, through which a passage is barely af- forded to boats of the lightest burthen. Far- ther down, sand- bars either extend across the stream or pnjject into the bed of the river. Steamboats are sometimes grounded on the bars, where they are obliged to wait in peril for the periodical rise of the river. The low- est water is generally in the months of July, August, and Se|)tember. Tiie melting of the snows in the spring, and heavy rains in au- tumn or winter, fill the river to overflowing, and many of its islands and the bottoms on its margin are covered with water. These rises are generally gradual, and attended with no danger. As the "waters rise, trade and navigation are quickened into activity ; the largest steamboats, often of COO tons bur- then, now float in security. The average rise MISSISSIPPI RIVER. ITS SOURCES MOUTH AND VALLEY. of the water from low-water mark is 50 feet, but in the year 1832 an extraordinary flood was experienced. The river began to rise early in February, and on the ISth of that month it was 03 feet above low -water mark, and the lower parts of Cincinnati and Cov- ington were flooded. The river here is 1,006 feet wide, and the velocity of the stream at its height 6|- miles per hour. The water dis- charged by the rise of the river above low water alone, would fill a lake of one square mile in surfoce, 107 feet deep, in one hour. The surfiice drained by the Ohio and its nu- merous tributaries is about 77,000 square miles, and water four inches in depth on this surface would be sufficient to maintain the river at the above height and velocity for fourteen days. Such a flood as this has scarcely been known since the first settlement of the country. Tliere are no considerable falls in the river, excepting at Louisville, Kentucky, where it descends 22^ feet in the course of two miles. Even over these, boats pass in high water. But they have been ob- viated by a canal around them, which admits of the passage of the largest steamboats. The current of the Ohio is very gentle ; at the mean height of the river the current is about three miles an hour, at high water it is more, but at low water not more than two miles. During five or six weeks in the win- ter, the navigation is obstructed by floating ice. The Ohio and its tributaries have not less than 5,000 miles of navigable waters. The following distances have been derived from the Western Pilot, and are doubtless correct : From Pittsburg to Steubenville, 0., is 70 miles; to Wheeling, Va., 92 miles; to Marietta, 0., 174 miles; to Gallipolis, 0., 264f miles ; to Portsmouth, 0., 349 miles ; to Maysville, Ky., 397 mifes ; to Cincinnati, 0., 455i| miles; to Lawrenceburg, la., 479.J miles ; to Louisville, Ky., 587 miles ; to New Albany, la., 591 miles; to the mouth of the Cumberland river, Ky., 900 miles; mouth of Tennessee river, Ky., 911^ miles; mouth of Ohio, 959 miles." The free and uninterrupted navigation of these great inland waters must of course be a matter of prime interest to the country. They are to the populous nations on their banks as the ocean itself, over which commerce and not kings preside. No construction of state powers, as contradistinguished from federal, can exclude these arteries of trade from the pale of government regard and protection. They are points of national concern. No state or alliance of states can ajjply the remedies which their exigencies require. No narrowed views of economy and retrench- ment, no prospective expenditure, however vast, could be allowed to deter the legisla- ture of the Union from approaching the sol- emn act of duty which is involved here. We have not space at this moment to ad- vert to the various schemes which have been presented and urged for the improvement of this western navigation, but shall be happy on some other occasion to do so. The remain- ing sheets of our paper will be rather occu- pied with some reflections upon the " Passes of the Mississippi," which conduct its great waters into the gulf, the proposed methods of improving their depth and navigation, and of securing safety to the immense shipping seek- ing outlet and egress here. The mouths of the Mississippi have been undergoing incessant changes so far as our records extend, and we might add, so far as the history of the river can be traced. Old channels have been filling up and new ones forming ; at the same time that a continued sedimentary deposit has forced the delta itself continually to encroach upon the sea. The depth of water aflbrded in these channels has never been equal to the requisitions of com- merce, and it is only by dint of the most enor- mous application of steam power, and plough- ing through deep beds of sand, that the largest class of ships are enabled to navigate the chan- nel. Considerable expense is always incurred in this manner, and delays prejudicial to trade. We have known of a ship, the Coromandel, ia one instance, grounded in the Pass thirty- nine days. Could it be expected otherwise than that these impediments should be gi'eatly detrimental to the interests of the whole val- ley having this common outlet ? In 1720, of all the Passes, the scuih one only was in use. A Report amongst the French Colonial Records, now in Paris, of date about 1730, gives the depth from ten to twelve feet on the bars, varying each year according to the violence of the windo, etc. Another Report by M. Paria gives a depth of seventeen feet to one of the Passes which had hitherto been but twelve feet only, and argues that twenty-two feet might be insured by dredges. The employment of two vessels three months in the year was tried during a portion of this time by the West India Company, but it worked badly. "A flute was then placed mside of the bar and sunk into eighteen feet by means of wells built for that purpose, in- side such vessel, and filled up with water. This vessel was placed close to the bank of the bar for the purpose of receiving the car- goes of vessels that could not cross. It was soon perceived that the flute, receiving the whole power of the current, was forcing a passage of twenty-five feet through the Pass. The whole matter was immediately communi- cated to government" The following sketch represents the mouth of the Mississ^pi in May, 1852, ivith the quan- tity of water at various points, the vessels aground, the amount of damage done, etc. : MOUTH OP THE MISSISSIPPI— SOUTH-WEST PASS. HOWL AND i'C REPRESENTING THE APPEARANCE OF THE BAR, MAY IG, 1852. (Scale 600 feet to the Inch.) Prawn hy DAVIT) D. PORTER, Cnpt. U. S. N., and (■onmaniiinp Mail Sloamshiii Georgia, nnJ published by ordeiof Committee Chamber of Cunuuerce : Caldwell, Stanton, Owen, Skipwith and Sumner. VESSELS OS NEW-OBLEANS BAR. 1 Middlesex*... Deedemona. . Winchester... Progress C ons. 1,420 6'26 1,415 1,400 otton Bales. 4,50(1 'i,'.00 5,,' 00 4,:iOo Value. i> 1(0,001) 80,00(1 '.05,01(1 105,000 De- tained. 40 davs :i6 '■' H " 45 " Steamer Georgia. . . . Ship (Joodwin '* Mc'litreuil " Liberty roDS. 2,600 600 6(0 740 Ctlon Bales. FOO, &.C. 2,( 00 •J.OOO De- value, tained. ^60,0(0 H days 10,0(10 7 " 10,(00 6 " Add value ships and eteame Value of property detained 9,810 51,600 $196,000 106,000 * 1,660,000 * The Middlesex and oargo got damaged (by collision) on the bar $30,000, and returned to repair. Many other vessels than those abov* were aground at the same time, awaiting a swell from southeasterly gales. MISSISSIPPI RIVER. Tin5 BAUZE. Examinerl before the Committee on Com- 1 merce of the Le<);ish\tiire, in March, 1840, "William D. Talbot, a resident of the Balize for twenty-five years, used the following lan- guage : " The bars at the various Passes change very often, Tlie chaniu'ls sometinies change two or tliree times in a season. Ueeasionally one gale of wind will change the channel. The bars make to seaward every year. The ?outh-west Pass is now the main outlet. It has been so lor onl> three years, as at that time there •was as much waler in the North-east Pass as in it. The South-cast Pass was tlie main ship channel twen- ty years ago; there is only about six feet water in that Pass now, and where it was deepest then, there is only a few inches of waler at this time. The visible shores of the river have mude out into the Gulf two or three miles within his memory. Besides the depo- sit of mud and sand, which form the bars, there fre- quently arise bumps or mounds near the channel, ■which divert its course These bumps are supjiosed to be the production of salt sprin^^s, and sometimes arc formed In a very few days. They sometimes rise four or five feet above the surface of the water. He know one instance when some brick that were thrown overboard from a ve.-sel outside the bar, in three fathoms water, were raised above the surface by one of these banks, and weie taken to the Balize and used in building chimneys. In another instance, an anchor which was lost from a vessel, was lifted out of the water, so that it was taken ashore. About twenty years ago a sloop, used as a lighter, was lost outside the bar in a gale of wind; several yeai-s afterwards she was raised bj one of those strange formations, and her cargo was taken out of her." Lieut. Poole, of the United States En- gineers, in his Report of February 8, 1847, remarks: "Great changes have taken place in the last fifteen years in this (the South- east) and the North east Pass, which has been deepening while this has been filling up." It is stated where the i.sland, shown upon sheet No. 3, now is, there was at that period six fathoms water. The process seems to be still going on ; the space between this island and Antonio being nearly covered by a shoal, the centre of which is already above water. Dur- ing a few days that two ships were lying aground on the middle bank of the South- west Pass, iu eight feet water, a channel formed between them, through which a ship of sixteen feet draught passed out without obstruction ! The project of deepening or improving these outlets has been for a long time before the general government, and special reports upon the subject prepared by the engineer service after extended surveys. Three methods have been principally in- sisted upon, with different degrees of merit and ex])ense : 1st. To deepen by dredging-machines one or two of the Passes 2d. To close up till but one of them where they leiive the river trunk. 3d. To cut a canal from the river to the gulf All of these are regarded practicable. Sup- posing the first and second adopted together. Captain Chase estimates the expense as fol- lows, to give sufiicent depth of water : Dredging N. E. Pass ?1 00,000 Do. S. W. Pass 210,(100 $370,000 with an annual subsequent expenditure of $72,000 more. Closing the Pas.ses $214,500 Jette at N. E. Pass 100,000 Jette at S. W. " 182,500 Coutingenceis, e gulf by mciins of five mouths. These are denominated the North-east, t^outh, South- east, and South-west Passes. Tliey are from three to nine miles in length, and furnish a depth of water for the largest ships except upon the bars. The JOast Pass, called the Balize, has about seventeen feet of water on the bar, and is the one usually navigated. The South Pass was formerly of eciual depth, but is now, 18o5or 18u6,graduallyfillin!;up. The South-west Pass has from eleven to twelve feet water. Tho North-east and South-oast Passes are traversed only by small craft. On the south side of tlie Kast I'ass, about three miles from tho bar, is the pilot-house, a framed look-out house, about sixty feet high, whcrK several men reside. They make use of row-boats, and seldom venture out to sea except in good weather," towns and cities at present upon its banks, whose commercial interests are directly con- nected witli its waters, it is not a hundredth part of what it is one day destined to become; and vast as is the amount of produce from the interior which now descends, and of im- ports that a.scends that river, they are really inconsiderable when compared with the most moderate estimate of tlie amount that must at some future day find a way to their re- spective markets along its channel. Being the outlet of an immense valley, and the travel- ling and commercial thoroughfare of a popula- tion increasing beyond all ordinary calcula- tion, whatever affects the permanency of its channel, or general character as a navigable stream, must excite an interest in the minds of all who reside sufficiently near its waters to have their property affected by its over- flows, or a change in its channel. These over- flows have been of such a character for the last few years, as to spread consternation among those whose agricultural interests lie exposed to their ravages ; while the changes evidently taking place in the lower channel of the river have begun to excite alarm in those who see their business and real estates likely to be endangered by their continuance. The agricultural and commercial interests im- mediately connected with the lower Missis- sippi, and liable to be affected by its changes, are too vast and important to the general prosperity of the whole country to permit the necessity for its improvement to be much longer overlooked, or the improvement itself to be much longer deferred. People must be blind, indeed, to their interests, and to the consequences which already begin to stare them in the face, much longer to stand with folded arms, indifferent to the condition of a river, the yearly damages from which already amount to millions ; and the time cannot be far distant, if want of foresight or reckless in- difference to consequences continue to char- acterize the action of the Legislature of Loui- siana, when the river, breaking tlirough ita limits, and entirely changing its channel, will so affect present interests in that state as to bring total ruin to many, and leave others no longer possessing any interests capable of be- ing protected by its improvement. Convinced as I am that, when threatened dangers are overlooked, and all prevention neglected, these consequences become inevitable, I feel anxious that those whose interests are so deeply involved in the subject should be fully aroused to a sense of its importancc-and its danger, and induced to take it up in such a way as to insure the adoption of effective means to save themselves from ruin, and se- cure the permanent agricultural and commer- cial prosperity of Louisiana. With this view I now write. I see great danger before the people of that state, which science and expe- rience tell me, if not met by counteracting MISSISSIPPI RIVER THE GREAT IMPORTANCE OF IMPROVING. 11 remfdies, is inevitable ; and I cannot but feel astounded at tlie ignorance of some, tiie blind- ness of olbeis, and tlie apatliy of ail. If J succeed in impressing upon their minds the necessity for action, and that action follows, I shall have accomplished a great good ; if I fail, I shall at least have pcrftirmeil a duty, the neglect of which I should hold inexcusa- ble. Tlie Cnnfiea of the present Coiulition of the River. — Tiie condition of the lower Mississippi, its tendency to overflow, the frequent changes in its chaniWl,and consequent threatened dan- gers, are the result of many causes, among wJiich the following may be considered the principal : the sinuosity of the bed, and the want of uniformity in its breadth. Flowing through an alluvial soil, which, no doubt, was originally formed from the materials brought down by the river itself, it is natural that its bed should be subject to continual change, where change is so easily effected and wlitre 80 many causes for change arc permitted to exist. Tlie slightest irregularity of the batiks, or a deepening or shoaling of the bed on one side or tlie other, will cause the current to change its previous channel, and, in its efforts to continue the obtained motion in the same direction, and with the same velocity, it will abrade whichever bank interferes with that direction. Thus a curve is commenced, which by degrees becomes more extended by the continual abrasion of the concave bank, while the opposite convex side increases at the same time by deposits of material brought down, its advance keeping pace with the retreat of the other. The curve continues to progress until the river, in its circuitous sweep, returns towards the point where it commenced, leav- ing only a narrow isthmus at the neck of the bend, between the channel above and the one below, through which the water during some high flood at last finds its way, and opens for itself a new and more direct bed. This may be called a natural cut off, being one of those efforts which the river, urider the direction of Nature's laws, makes to regulate a defect in its channel. No person can look over tlie map of the Mississippi River without perceiv- ing that it has frequently exercised this self- regulating power, and, we may say, always to advantage. Different degrees of density in the soil com posing the banks, presenting more or less re- sistance at different points, will (all other things being equal) have a tendency to pro- duce a similar result; while the same cause, existing in the soil of the bed, will cause such irregularity in the breadth and depth of the channel as to vary materially the velocity of the current in different parts, and thus destroy every tiling like permanency and uniformity in the channel. The irregularity in the velo- city thus produced by the sinuosity of the bed, and by the want of uniformity in its) breadth, also increases its tendency to over- flow. For wherever the velocity is dimin- ished, and the free discharge checked, there must be a greater head of water in time of flood, and consequently an increased danger of inundation. Such are the evils consequent upon the present condition of the river: from tlic point where it enters the lower valley to its mouth, it may almost be said to consist of a series of curves. The channel being irregular, the ve- locity is diminished, and its deposits increased ; so that while it apparently retains its usual depth in some parts, in others the bed is evi- dently rising, and the tendency to oveiflow, from want of a regular and free discharge of its waters, is increased. There is also a pros- pect that the present channel may be so tilled up as to force the river to open a new passage for itself, and thereby cause the utter ruin of the great commercial interests which have grown up upon its banks. There are other causes, also, operating upon the Mississippi, which have more or le^s con- tributed to its present condition, and continue to exercise an injurious influence upon its channel. Above New-Orleans there are three outlets : the Atchafalaya, Plaquemine, and La Fourche, through which no inconsiderable portion of the water of the main river finds its way in time of flood. These outlets, reaching the gulf by a shorter course, have a greater fall than the main river; and their channels not being so deep, the velocity of their currents is greater at the bottom, conse- quently they are experiencing a gradual but steadily progressive deepening of their beds, and enlargement of their cross sections. On the other hand, the volume of water in the main river, being diminished by the discharge through these outlets, loses velocity in propor- tion, while its deposits are increased. Thus the bed of the main river, below these outlets, must experience a gradual and progressive elevation, and while these outlets are clearing out, deepening and enlarging their channels, the Mississippi is gradually filling up. In- deed, such is the effect produced upon the channel of the main river by means of outlets, that, in the passes, where they are numerous, the depth of the chaimel decreases regularly from their upper entrance to their mouths. The reason is obvious. The volume of water which enters the passes from above is dimin- ished, and the breadth of the bed being ex- tended towards the sea, the velocity is like- wise diminished ; and the current, no longer able to sweep into the gulf the sedimentary matter which it holds in suspension, or wliich it carries along at the bottom of the bed, nearly chokes up the mouths of the passes with it. Thus it is, that while there is a depth of over a hundred feet at New-Orleans, there is only twelve at the mouths of the passes ; and thus it is thjit, the free discharge 12 MISSISSIPPI RIVER — THE GREAT IMPORTANCE OF IMPROVING. of the water through the mouths of these j passes being impeded, the surface of the river higher up is made to reach a greater eleva- tion in time of a flood than it would if the mouths of the passes were deep enough to admit of a free discharge of water into the gulf It requires a certain centralized volume of water to keep open the channel of a river, as it acquires a different cross section after the volume of water is diminished, because the river will fashion the size of its bed to the volume of water that remains. The rapid increase of settlements along the tributaries of the Mississippi, the clearing of the woods, and the cultivation and draining of the lands, by affording a freer and more rapid passage for the waters of the valley into the streams, and carrying along a greater quan- tity of sedimentary matter, serve to increase still further the tendency to overflow in the main river. For though the quantity of rain that falls throughout the entire valley may not be greater than before, yet much of the impediments in the way of its discharge be- ing removed, and the absorption and evapora- tion diminished by the increased rapidity of the discharge, the water, after heavy rains, makes its appearance in the main river more speedily and more simultaneously, and it consequently rises to a greater height. This evil, however it may be provided against by an improved condition of the bed of the river, cannot be prevented. On the contrary, it may be expected to increase in proportion as the settlement and cultivation of the lands throughout the Great West continue to pro- gress. Incident to the condition of the river may be considered the swamps, lagoons or dead lakes interspersed along the low grounds that lie on both sides of the river, throughout much of its length in the lower valley. These act as reservoirs or feeders to the main river. In time of floods much of the surplus water flows into them, and, remaining there until the water in the river begins to fall, returns to the main channel. In this way they tend to equalize the volume of water in the river, preventing it from rising as high in time of flood as it otherwise would, and also from falling too rapidly. The effect which they have upon the condition of the river is bene- ficial, not only because they check, in some degree, the tendency to overflow, and shorten the time of low water ; but also because they serve as repositories for much of the sediment- ary matter In-ouglit down by the water which otherwise woulJ remain in the river channel. Tlie Remedy. — Before proceeding to state the remedy for the present evils and threat- ened dangers, it may be well to lay down a few simple general principles in Hydrodyna- mics. The velocitv of running w.ater depends upon volume, fall, and resistance. When these are uniform, the velocity is always the same; but, in proportion as the volume and fall are lessened, and the resistance increased, so is the velocity diminished, and vice versa. From this arises the fact, that in a straight reach of equal cross sections, where the vol- ume, fall and resistance are uniform, the velo- city remains the same ; while in a sinuous course of unequal cross sections, where the fall is diminished, the resistance increased, and both constantly varying, though the vol- ume may remain the same, the velocity is not only lessened, but it becomes vari^l in differ- ent parts of the channel. Velocitjralso varies where uniformity is wanting in the breadth of the bed ; being greater where the bed is narrow and deep than where it is wide and shallow. Water in a state of motion is ena- bled to take up and carry with it the sedi- ment from the bottom of the bed along which it flows ; while still water deposits there whatever body heavier than itself may fall into, or be contained in it. The quantity and character of the sedhnent thus taken up, de- pends upon the degree of velocity with which the water runs. It requires less to take up alluvial sediment than sand, sand than gravel, and gravel than stones or boulders. Thus the velocity of the current regulates the depth of its bed. Where it is great, the channel is deep, for the current is able to take up the sediment or sand, and carry it along ; and where it is languid, the channel is shallow, because the current is not only unable to scour out its bed and keep it deep, but even to carry the sediment brought from those parts of the channel where the velocity is greater, but deposits it along the bed, thus elevating the bottom, and making the river more shallow. From these few simple prin- ciples, it is plain that the course of a river should be straight, and its bed of a uniform breadth, or cross sections, whereby a regular velocity may be secured, the discharge of water be performed in the shortest time, and the abrasion of the banks prevented. In accordance with these principles, the remedy for the evils in the present condition of the Mississippi is as follows : 1st. If a straight course cannot be given to the river, from its too great expense or other local difHculty, it can be made to approximate as nearly as practicable to such a direction of its channel : that is, to alter the present curves, so that those of small radii may be replaced by others of much larger radii ; and the angles of incidence be considerably en- larged. This alteration in the course of the river, by diminishing resistance and increasing its fall, would have a tendency to lessen abrasion, and by rendering the velocity mo;e uniform, deepen the channel, remove present shoals, prevent their re-formation, and relieve the river in time of flood by causing a freer disehirge of its water. 2d. Establish a uniform cross section be- MlSSISSIPn RI\TER THE GREAT ISlrORTANCE OF IMPROVING. 13 twcen the principal tributaries and outlets, so as to adapt it to the volume both at high and low water mark. This would aid in accom- plishing the result sought for above. 3d. Regulate the width, and centralize the current, by giving the channel such a form that the greatest dcptli and velocity may be in tlie middle of the bed, and its least depth and force near its banks and levees. This would prevent abrasion, and secure perma- nency to the channel. Tlie old Remedies and their Defects. — In all attempts to remedy the evils arising from the defective condition of the Mississippi, the practice has been to erect new levees, and raise still higher those already in existence, in order to prevent overflows, or assist nature in her efforts to straigliteu the course by mak- ing cut-offs. The state of the river for the last few years shows clearly enough that, while the elevation of the levees.'may have a temporary effect in confining the water within the channel, it affords no permanent security, and applies no remedy whatever to the causes which are evidently rendering over- flows more frequent and more destructive. Indeed, the increased height of levees helps to render the overflows more destructive, when the water, rising still higher, finally breaks through. Because, the volume of water brought down by subsequent floods being either increased in quantity, or having a more elevated surface from the partial filling up of the bed, presses upon the levee with greater weight; and when it does break through, pours from a greater height, and makes its ravages more sudden and widely extended. Neitlier has any attention been paid to giv ing a proper direction to the course of the river, or to make the bed between the levees of such a form as would prevent the injurious action of tlie current on the banks and levees. So no remedy has been adopted for the bad effects of abrupt curves, or acute angles of incidence, which are the most active causes of irregularity in the bed and abrasion of the banks. The relative Merits of the different modes of directinq the Bed. — A most important point in regulating the course of a river that abrades its banks, and frequently changes its bed, is the proper direction of the channel. But the mode of doing this has given rise to a variety of opinions. One is to give long reaches — long as the country will admit — with the angles of meeting rounded off by curves. This plan, however, is defective, and the defect is in proportion to the fall of the water ; for the velocity acquired on tlie straiglit reach exercises a powerful anrl inju- rious effect on the curve where it meets tlie resistance of tlie concave bank, particularly where the curve is of small radius, and the angle of incidence acute. It would render defensive works necessary to protect the con- cave bank, which must cause great expense, but can prove of but little service. Neither should straight reaches be rejected altogether. Where the course cannot be made direct, nor curves avoided, straight reaches may'be ad- mitted, if of moderate length, with curves of as large radii as possible, to lessen resistance in the curve and the injurious effect of the current on the concave bank. Yet even this is rejected altogether by many, because, in some rivers so regulated, they find curves, angles of incidence, and abrasions. They af- firm that irregularities are always produced by this plan, by irregular resistance in the river's bed, and by deposits which vary with every flood ; and that, to insure it from all change, defensive works are absolutely neces- sary throughout its entire length, and on both sides, which would involve heavy expenses ; while in curves of small radii the current never abrades the convex bank, and defensive works cannot be needed under any view, save on the concave side. But such opinions are unsound, and exhibit, on their part who hold them, a great want of good practical judgment and mature reflec- tion. Although defensive works be only needed on the concave banks, yet, in a river made up of curves of small radii, there must necessarily be far more of them needed than in one of straight reaches of moderate length, connected by large curves. In the second place, as resistance must always be greatest on the concave side of a river thus made up of curves of small radii, because, the angles of incidence being more acute, the action of the current in the bend is more violent and injurious than in larger curves ; so, whatever defensive works be needed, they must be much stronger and more expensive. Thirdly, the irregularities found in rivers of this kind — namely, of straight moderate reaches with large curves to connect them — arise from the imperfect manner in which this system of improvement has been carried out, rather than in the system itself. For in none of these cases has any attempt been made to give the bed of the river a regular cross section, and thus confine the force of the current to the middle of the channel ; the only method by which the banks of the river can be protected from abrasion. It is neither just nor reasonable to urge, or argue against any system, the imperfect manner of carrying it out, the evils of which had been effectually prevented by its proper execution. The advocates of small curves, with well protected concave bank--, seem to believe that bends and angles of incidence cannot be avoided ; and are satisfied with attempting to remedy their evils in wliat they catch up any remedy for evils consequent on their existence. And I am equally satistied such a policy will prove tbe cheapest in tl:e end. 77/6 Fr'tnciples upon wfiich tlte proposed Sj/ifetn of Improvement is based. — Where the Mississippi runs in straight lines, or in curves of large radii, and where the greatest depth of water occupies the middle of the channel, forming a basin from which the banks on either side rise w'ith a gradual and uniform elevation, we find no abrasion of the banks; Con-!equently, the princi[)le9 which serve as the base of the proposed system ore neither innovations nor mere theoretical ideas, but the results of a simple imitation of the mode ■which nature, wlien uninterrupted, adopts to regulate the motion of water. It-is an estab- lished fact, that in straight canals, where the cross section is formed of a half circle, the greatest velocity is always in the middle, ■whore there is the gr"atest depth, and con- sequently the least resistance? to motinn. It is equally true, that ■where the hanks of a river or a canal rise from the bottom of the bed progressively, ■with a gradual and uniform elevation, the velocity and action of the cur- rent are weakest near the banks, and there ex- ists no apprehension of abrasion. These facts being indisputable, the ]iroblem is reduced to finding the meaus to give, and preserve, to tin; bed, a proper direction, and a cross section composed of a regular concave form, deepest in the middle, witii lateral sides, or banks, rising from the bottom of the bed with a grad- ual and uniform elevation. Reasons in favor of the Application of those Principles. — By the adoption of this system of improving the cliannel of the lower Mississippi, two important effects will be secured. 1st. The middle of the bed being the deep- est, the greatest velocity and action of the current wdll be confined to that part where it can produce no injury ; but, on the contrary, prove most useful in deepening the bed, and keeping it clear. 2d. The banks rising from the bottom of tbe bed in the form of inclined planes, or gentle curves, present the least ]iossible re- sistance, and, the water rcarest them havii g the least depth and velocity, there can be no abrasions of consequence, and little probability of changes in the channel. The only difficulty in the application of this system of impi-ovement consi-ts in main- taining the regularity of the proposed profile. The di<[)lacemcnt of materials, which always takes place during floods, is generally canscid by the irregularities of the present channel, and is considerable only where there are sud- den changes in the fall, or in the direction of the cum nt. These causes ■would not exist were the channel regulated as proposed ; and the higher parts of the banks or batture in front of the levee being covered with a sheet of water of little depth and velocity, the dis- placement of materials would only occur in the middle of tlie bed ahmg which they would be carried, rendering the formation of shoals highly im|irobable; or, if formed at ail, they would be of l.ttle consequence. And if slight irregularities still remained, caused by abrasions during a flood, they would only acquire a slight depth, which the materials that the current always brings down with it would fill up as soon as the velocity diminished. Admitting, even in opposition to the advo- cated opinioji, that there would be a consid- erable transport of materials, they would be almost equally deposited, because the uniform action of a current in a regular channel could not produce irregular effects ; so the regime of a river could not be sensibly altered. I am well satisfied that the quantity of matters carried along l)y the current would be much less in the bed if properly regulated, than in its present state. The displacement of the materials forming the bed, which now takes j>liice at every flood, is only due to the sud- den changes in the breadth and direction of the current, which are constantly occurring in the present condition of the river. The abrasion of the steep concave banks in the curves of small radii, and that of the Viottom caused by the irregularity in the velocity of the stream, provide the greater part of the materials now carried along by the current ; while the want of uniformity in the direction and breadth of tlie bed causes the changes in the extent and height of deposit at the con- vex sides. In an entirely straight channel, or in one consisting, as before said, of straight reaches of mudeiate length connected by curves of large radii of a unifomi cross sec- tion, and with gradually inclined banks and regular fall, those causes would not exist. The Mississippi, in its lower course, carries along in suspension small particles of earth, and at its bottom fine sand, whicli results from the abrasion of its banks, or from the tearing up and 'Wearing away of its bed; while the gravel and di'hris from the upper course of the river and its tributaries, which are found on its lower course, were no doubt dejiosited there at the time of the great revo- lutions of the globe. It follows from this, that as soon as we avoid the abrasion of the banks, and the causes of the accumulation of (h'positsin the chanmd, there wMll be little dis- placement of the materials which compose the bed and banks ; then the accumulation of de- posits will be prevented, and the repinieof the river be regular and uniform : for the form of MISSISSIPPI RIVER — THE GREAT IMPORTANCE OF IMPROVING. 15 the prnpo?e(] bed will cfTpctiinlly prevent tlie reni'ival <>f its material:^, and tlic irregularity of the deposit of such sediment and sand as may be brought down from the higher parts of the rivor, which I am justified In consider- ing the chief evils of its present condition. and the result entirely of those defects which I propo>'e to remedy. Character of the proposed Improvement. — Tlie special cliaracter of the system which I propose fir the improvement of the Missis- sippi River, may be thus stated: 1st. The bottom of the bed will have a con- cave form, with the greatest depth in the middle, with lateral sides rising progressively towards the top of the banks, so that the cur- rent will be completely centralized. 2d. That the action of the current will be strongest in the middle, where it can do no injury ; but, on the contrary, be useful in re- moving all materials which would otherwise be deposited there, and miglit tend to alt^^r the regularity and uniformity of the cross section. 3d. That the high water cannot reach the levee except over a gentle plane, or slope, covered with grass, which will have a ten- dency to lessen its action, and thereby pre- vent abrasion ; so that there will be no ap- prehension of its being broken through, or requiring any important repairs. 4th. That the borders of the bed being thus protected, and secured from the force of the current, and the middle kept deep and clear, the levees will not require to be as high as under the present system, and may be made of common earth, the interior slope being lined ■with grass; thus combining the least possible resistance to the passage of the water with economy iu construction and facility of re- pair. 5th. That the channel of the river, approx- imating as nearly as practicable to a straight course, and the main force of the current being confined to the middle, and nowhere washing against the banks, there will be no possibility of the formation of shoals, and scarcely a probability of the existence of snags, or sawyers, to impede navigation or render it dangerous For such tiees as may be brought down from the upper course of the river, or its tributaries, will naturally be carried by the force of the current into the middle of the channel, where the depth and velocity will be greatest, and where tliey will meet with no impediment to stop i.r detam them in their onward course to the gulf. Advantaricsof the proposed Imjirtivcvievt. — I think that the proposed system for the im- provement of the Mississippi River, on ac- count of its special advantages, and its econ- omy, is not only the best, but the only prac- ticable one for permanently icgulatmg the channel and embanking tliu river; and that when its advantages, and the facility of its execution, are once confirmed in the public mind by experience, it will afford a model for regulating and embanking such other rivers as may require improvement, and be adopted in jireference to any other, with sueh slight modifications as the peculiar character of each may require. I am convinced that this .sys- tem, fully and properly carried out, will entirely prevent the too frequent disasters caused by inundation, and secure to naviga- tion a mid-channel of uniform, constant, and sufficient depth everywhere, and at all sea- sons. These advantages appear to me to be suf- ficiently important, and to have enough claim upon public interest, to authorize my asking for this system of improvement, and the rea- sons upon which it is based, that attention and examination, and the sanction of that ap- proval, which I think they deserve from the well-informed part of the community, who now begin to feel the necessity and import- ance of improving the course of a river whose inundations cause so many ravages, and whose frequent changes threaten to inter- fere with the navigation of its channel. Objections to the proposed Improvement. — The only objection that can be made to the mode of directing the course of the river, and of centralizing the current as proposed, is, that it will require land at some places for a new channel, and at others for extending the breadth of the present bed of the river. But it is certainly better that the planters who reside along its banks, and whose inter- ests are so deeply involved in the future as well as the present condition of the river, should make a voluntary sacrifice of the necessary land, by which a perfect guaranty may be secured for the rest of the delta, than that their plantations should continue to be exposed, as they are at present, to heavy losses every year from inundations caused by the wearing away and breaking through of the levees. The examination of a system of improve- ment is often referred to persons who are not thoroughly acquainted with the subject, and who judge of the plan before them according to ancient prejudices and opinir makes in its banks, at the rate of 10 or 12 miles an hour, and left aground in the midst of a vast morass ; where they are obliged to elimb a tree for safety, and await the chance of a boat coming to then- rescue. Neverthe- less, the course of the river cannot be perma- nently altered by these violent torrents, on ac- count of the great depth of the main stream. Respecting the age of this vast formation, some curious points were stated. It appears that the Delta has not, in point of fact, ad- vanced into the sea — notwithstanding all the assertions to the contraiy — more than one mile in one hundred or one hundred and twen- ty years past ; the sediment of the water is only 1 in 1,800 by weight, or 1 in 3,000 by volume. The time required for tlie accumu- lation of matter found iu the Delta and Valley of the Mississippi, must have been 07,000 years; and another 33,000 years must have been required for bringing down to its present position the great deposit above. The larger fossil animals found in the soil of the Valley of the Mississippi are the mastodon, the me- gatherium, an extinct elephant, an extinct spe- cies of horse, some bovine animals, and a kind of tapir. Taking the period which he assign- ed for the formation of the Delta as a unit, it would be necessary to conceive as many of these units as the unit itself contained years, in order to arrive at the vast antiquity of evea the comparatively modern formations beneath it." MISSISSIPPI BASIN.— For the follow- ing, we are indebted to Wm. Darby, Esq., in a communication addressed to the Hon. J. 0. Calhoun : The outlines of the Mississippi Basin can only be determined approximately, but, how- ever, with adequate accuracy for all general purposes. Commencing on the Gulf of Mexico, and at the mouth of the Atchafalaya, the subjoined tabular view, taken from the best maps, will serve to show the several pai'ts and perimeter of this great Basm : Miles. Mouth of Atchafalaya, between the sour- ces of streams confluents of the Mis- sissippi Basin, and those of the Gulf of Mexico, to latitude forty degrees in the Rocky Mountains, from whence issue the sources of Platte, Rio Grande, and Colorado rivers 1,400 Along Rocky Mountains to sources of Marias river VOO Around northern sources of Missouri river, to the head of Red river brauch of Assiniboin 800 Around the sources of Mississippi proper, to the head of Kankakee branch of Illinois river 1,100 Between the confluents of the Canadian sea and those of Ohio, to the extreme source of Alleghany river 500 Along the dividing line of water source between the sources of streams flow- ing towards the Atlantic ocean and those into Ohio river. '700 MISSISSIPPI — EARLY HISTORY. it Miles. Between confluents of Mobile and Ten- nessee rivers 800 Between sources discharged into Mis- sissippi and those of Mobile and Pearl riviTs, to the mouth of Mississippi river, 400 Outlet of Atxhafalaya 200 Entire outline of Mississippi Basin 6,100 To estimate, to any very near approach to accuracy, tlie actual area comprised within this great perimeter, exceeding six thousand miles, is no easy task ; but the following care, fully measured sections, geographically and by the river valleys, will exhibit the parts comparatively with each other: Table of the extent of the Mississippi Basin by lines of latitude. Square Miles. From lat. 45 deg. to 49 deg. N., 150,000 " 40 deg. to 45 deg. N., 410,000 " 35 deg. to 40 deg. jS^., 520,000 South of latitude 35, 170,000 Entire surface, by rhombs of lat.,; .1,250,000 The following, from a careful measurement of it« great valleys, is the aggregate area of the Mississippi Basin, as given in the third edition of Darby's Geographical Dictiouary : Square Miles. Valley of Ohio 200,000 Valley of Mississippi proper 180,000 Valley of Missouri 500,000 Valley of the Lower Mississippi 330,000 I area 1,210,000 MISSISSIPPI.— Early HisxoRT.-Of the early discovery of tliis country, there is no history which, in all its details, can be called authentic. Though not quite so apocryphal as that which narrates the adventures of Ja- son in search of the golden fleece, or Hercules strangling lions and other monsters, with which Grecian and Roman traditions have entertained mankind, the story of the adventures of De Soto and his companions is, at best, believed only because no more jirobable or authentic account exists. The territory now embraced within the lim- its of the state of Mississippi was a "vast, un- broken, untrodden, niagniflcent wilderness," save the almost imperceptible traces by wiiich the untutored savages glided from < ne of tlieir hunting grounds to another, and the few sparse villages which they inhabited, until the year 1540, (310 years ago,) when De Soto, with his followers, numbering about 1,000 mounted men, led on by thirst of conquest and gold, pene- trated across the eastern boundary . 17 9, I find the following account of the Natchez magaacre : "The Natchez, an Indian nation, formed a general consi inicy to massacre the 1 repch colonists of Louisiana." (Louisiana then conipicheiided Nat- chez.1 "M. de Chepart, who conimanphon, that the big boy, who had a very small coat, had a right to compel the little boy, who had a very large one, to exchange with him. The Indians very naturally considered this regard to the mere '' fitness of things " as being by no means a correct rule of justice. If the numbers of the white men in the old world required additional domain, the red man's oc- cupation as a hunter required extensive wilds remote from civilization. The interests, as well as the habits, of the two races, were therefore equally antagonistic. Every addi tional mile settled by the white man, was equivalent to a spoliation of ten miles of the Indian's hunting grounds. For a long time the Chickasaw tribe had been hostile to the French, and. as lias been already related, had incorporated with their nation the refugees of the Natchez tribe, which act was itself a defiance of the Frencli. They had frequently, at former periods, instigated small tribes to incursions upon the white set- tlements ; and. influenced by English emissa- ries, had entirely excluded French traders from their borders. They also committed fre- quent hostilities upon the voyageurs between Mobile and the Illinois settlements, untd the year 1729. About this time, they commenced urging the league and conspiracy, which event- uated in tlie Natchez massacre. After the defeat of the Natcliez tribe, the refugees, who joined tlie Chickasaws, succeeded in persuad- ing the latter to open hostilities against the French, and renewed the depredations, which, for a time, had been suspended, upon the French commerce. In consequence of these acts, the river trade was virtually suspended, and the colonies kept in continual alarm. Under these circumstances, in 17 3i, Bien- ville returned from France, bearing a fresh commission from the King, as Governor and Commandant-General of Louisiana. His name had once been terrible to the savages, and he doubted not it would now frighten them into subjection. But, on demanding the surrender of the Natchez refugees, he received only a bold refusal. He instantly determined to chastise the insolence of the savages. With this view, he commenced levying troops upon the upper and lower Misssissippi, and at Mo- bile, and formed an alliance with the Choc- taws, ^vho agreed to meet him with a large body of warriors, at Fort Tombigbee, on the river of that name. D'Artaguette, command- ant at Fort Chartres, was ordered to march his whole disposable force to the Chickasaw nation, across the country, from Chickasaw Bluff, to which point he was to descend the Mississippi from Illinois, and to join tlte grand army under Bienville, who had resolved to as- cend the Tombigbee river to its upper fork, with stores of artillery, and thence to march to the head waters of the Tallaiiatchie, at which point he expected to find D'Artagm^tte. The 10th of May, 1736, was the day fixed for the meeting of the two divisions of the army. Bienville reached Fort Tombigbee on the 14th of April, 1736, and was there immediate ly joined by 600 Choctaw warriors, and six days afterwards by 600 more ; making 1,200 auxiliaries. UnavoidaVile delays prevented Bienville from leaving Fort Tombigbee till the 4th day of May, only six days before that fixed for the junction of the grand army with D'Arta- guette's division. To reach the designated point of junction required twenty days — thus making thi; arrival of one of the divisions with- out the other almost certain, and exposing each to the danger of being cut off fiom the other, and destroyed separately. 26 oAKl.l' BISTORT. Tliey at length reacbed the point of the river, about twenty-seven miles from the near- est Cliickasaw town, and debarking, erected a Btockade for the protection of tbe sick, and of the stores and artillery. This done, Bienville marched in quest of the enemy, and on the 2oth of May encamped in view of their strong- hold. The next day the Choctaws attempted to surprise the enemy, but were repulsed. At noon the French advanced, and in two des- perate assaults, were repulsed by the deadly fire from the fort. The battle raged for four hours, during which many of the French were billed and wounded. Bienville, seeing the British flag waving over the ramparts, a'}d despairing of success without artillery, drew off his forces in excellent order, leaving four officers and thirty-two men dead, and sixty wounded, on the spot were they fell. Next morning the bodies of the French, killed and wounded, were discovered already quartered and impaled on the stockades of the fort. At a league's distance from the enemy, Bienville now intrenched himself, overwhelm- ed with chagrin ; and having received no tidings respectuig DArtaguette's division, he resolved to abandon his enterprise, and return to New-Orleans. On the 29th May, he broke up his camp, and next day reached the point, at the head of the Tombigbee, where he had deposited his stores; and on the .31st, having dismissed his Choctaw warriors, he threw his cannon into the river,* and, floating down the river with his army, reached Forte Conde in safety. About the last of June he returned to New-Orleans, shorn of his glory, and covered with shame. Alas! were this but all! But unhappily the brave DArtaguette, accompanied by the red warriors of the north, from the shores of Lake Micliigan and the Wabash, had descend- ed the Mississippi to the Chickasaw bluff; and traversing the country east, had reached un- observed the Chickasaw country, and on the evening before the 10th of May encamped near the place of rendezvous. Here, in sight of the eni;my, with his lieutenants, Vincennes and Voisin, and the Jesuit, Senat, he sought for intelligence respecting Bienville. But on the 2Uth of May, his Indian allies, eager for the fray, and impatient of restraint, forced him to lead them on to the attack. The Chickasaws retreated before his well- conducted assault from the first fort and town, to a second town, from which they also re- treated to a third town, in assaulting which • Several years since, an Indian tradition was veri- fied by the discovery, at th« very spot of Bienville's debarkation, of the cannon and Inad, which were? thrown overhoiird by the unfortunate commander. An old man, named M'Gilvery, Iiad frequently slated that ihoso silent witnesses of ancient tradition lay buried there, but without credence, till accident led jO their discovery. DArtaguette received two wounds which dis- abled him, and he fell. Dismayed by this misfortune, the red men of Illinois precipitate- ly fled. Voisin, though only sixteen years old, conducted the retreat, forcing his men to carry with them such of the wounded as could bear removal. DArtaguette remained where he fell, weltering m his blood, and bis faithful friend Senat, and his lieutenant Vincennes, voluntarily remained to receive the last sigh of the wounded, or share their captivity. DArtaguette and his companions were treated kindly by the Indians. Their wounds were dressed, and they were assiduously nursed by their captors, who were influenced by the hope of obtaining a great ransom from Bienville, who was known to be then advanc- ing to their country. But the retreat of Bien- ville having destroyed this hope, the Chicka- saws resolved to sacrifice their hapless cap- tives to their savage revenge. They were taken to a neighboring field, and there, with the exception of one, who was left to relate the tragedy to his countrymen, the prisoners were tortured before slow fires tid death ended their agonies. At this time, Bienville, ignorant of DArtaguette's unhappy fate, and doubtless chiding him for delay, was inglori- ously flying from the strife, for which he had been so impatient. Not till his arrival at New-Orleans did Bienville learn the fate of DArtaguette and his comrades. Must not his suspicions of DArtaguette's fidelity, if he entertained any, have been converted into self-reproaches, for having, by his own want of energy, been in- strumental in bringing about such a deplora- ble catastrophe ? To retrieve liis late disgrace, Bienville de- termined on an expedition from the north, with a grand army, by the route which D'Arta- guette had pursued against the Chickasaws, which, on being submitted to the minister, was approved. The spring of 1739 was the time appointed for this invasion, and directions were given, and preparations made according- ly. In the mean time, the Chickasaws bad sent runners to their English friends, with nu- merous presents, consisting of the spoils of victory, to inform them of their triumph, and solicit an alliance with them. About the last of May, 1789, Bienville, with his army drawn from Mobile and the settle- ments contiguous to the lower Mississippi, em- barked in boats and barges at New-Orleans, and slowly ascended the Mississippi river to the mouth of the Ijt. Francis, at which point he was joined by La Bui-:soniore witli the Illi- nois division, Bienville's whole army now amounted to 1 200 whites, and nearly 2,600 Indians, making .3,700 fighting men. Crossing the river, the army erected a fort (called As- sumption) as a depot. It was now the middle of August, and sicKness began to ravage the army fearfully. Winter came, and disease MISSISSIPPI EARLY BISTORT. m disappeared only to make room for famine. The invasion, tlierefore, was delayed till the arrival of supplies from New-Orleans. Thus the march was delayed till March, 1740, when not more than two hundred efft-ctive men could be mustered into line besides the Indians. With these M. Celeron was sent against the enemy, with instructions to treat for peace. The Chickasaws, supposing them to be the whole French army, upon their approach sued for peace, and M. Celeron immediately entered into a treaty of amity and peace with them. A deputation of Chickasaw chiefs and war- riors accompanied him to "Assumption," where Bienville ratified the treaty which M. Celeron had stipulated. The fort was dismantled ; the French army re-crossed the river; and Bien- rille, having there discharged his northern allies, again floated ingloriously back to New- Orleans, sunk lower than before in military reputation. Here closed his career. He had been an able commander, and had gained lau- rels, but age had disqualified him for the ar- duous task of tracking and conquering in their native forests the warlike savages, who had, several centuries before, boldly resisted the mail-clad warriors of old Spain under the chivalrou.'? De Soto, and who were now aided by the wealth and the counsel of their English allies. In the following spring Bienville was super- seded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who was appointed Governor and Commandant-Gen- eral of Louisiana. Bienville had for nearly forty years controlled the affairs of the colony, but now retired under a cloud of censure, and the disajiprobation of hia hitherto confiding sovereign. About this time cotton was introduced into Louisiana, but was cultivated in small quan- tities. Notwithstanding the military reverses of Louisiana, the settlements had extended along the lower Mississippi, and population and wealth increased. The tropical fruits, and varieties of the potato, had been introduced — the last affording sustenance to the colonists, and the former supplying them with luxuries, while thuy also adorned their homes with perennial verdure, unknown in less genial climes. For ten years Louisiana remained free from Indian hostilities; but in 1752, the English bad introduced vast quantities of British goods and commodities of English trade among the Choctaws and Chickasaws, within the terri- tory churned by France, and had established trading posts, and protected them by regular fortifications, built by the Indians under the histructions of the British traders. These traders imiitted no opportunity of rendering the Indians hostile to th8»French, and endeav- oring to unite all the tribes against the latter. To protect the south against the Chickasaws, Vaudreuil determined to invade the heart of the country with a large force, amounting to 700 regulars and militia, and a large body of Choctaws, and other Indian allies, from the borders of the Tombigbeeaud Alabama rivers. With this army, having repaired Fort Tom- bigbee, the governor proceeded by the same route which Bienville had pursued in his first exjiedition, in 1736, into the Chickasaw coun- try. Having no artillery, and not being able to draw the Chickasaws out of their fortifications, Vaudreuil contented himself with ravaging their fields, and burning their corn and desert- ed villages. This done, he established a strong garrison at Fort Tombigbee, and returned to New Orleans. About this period the popu- lation of the French colony received a fresh ac- cession in a large number of poor, but virtuous girls, transported from France at the royal ex- pense, and endowed by royal bounty with q small tract of land — a cow and calf — a cock and five hens — a gun and ammunition — an axe and a hoe, and a supply of garden seeds. Each of these girls, with her dower, was given by Vaudreuil in marriage to some one of the sodliers, who had received an hon- orable discharge. This importation continued annually till the year 1751 ; and from this source have sprung many worthy families in Louisiana, and, doubtless, in Mississippi too.* In 1755, the war between France and Eng- land had reduced the French king to the necessity of forming a treaty, by which the latter ceded to England all that portion of Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi river, except the island of New-Orleans. In 17G3, France, bya secret treaty, ceded to Spain all that portion of Louisiana lying west of the Mississippi river, and the island of New-Or- lenns, lying east of that river, south of bayou Mauchac, and the port and river Mobile. The established boundary between Great Britain's and France's possessions acquired by Spain, was the middle line of the Mississippi river down to the Manchac; thence along said bayou and Amite river to Lake Maurepas; thence through Maurepas, Pontchartrain and Borgue, to the sea. In the mean time Spain had ceded to Eng- land all Florida, then embracing all the coast east of Perdido river and bay, to the St. Mary's river on the Atlantic coast. In 1763, Florida was divided by the English king's decree into East and West Florida. By this decree, West Florida embraced the country east of the Mississippi river, and north of bayou Iberville, vp to I he 31.s< paral- lel of north latitude, and eastwardly to the Chattahoochee river. But in 1732, in order to obtain a footing •A similar importation was made into Virginia, while a colony, and tlie girls wore sold nt miction for tobacco, wliiiii seems at that early period to have been considered a quid pro guo. 28 MISSISSIPPI EARLY HTSTORT. \restward of tbe Mississippi, and north from the Gulf of Mexico, George II. had phuiiied a colony, under Gen. James Oglethorpe, to be called the Province of Georgia — to embrace tlie unoccupied country south and west of the Atlantic, to the Mississippi river. In 1733, an English colony was planted at Savannah, with the view of carrying out this design. This was the origin of the present state of Georgia. As by the decree of the king, the 31st de- gi-ee of north Latitude had been established as the boundary of West Florida, of course all of the country north of that line and east of the Mississippi would, under Oglethorpe's charter, belong to the colony of Georgia. It is stated by Monette, that the Court of St James, having learned that by fixing the 31st degree of north latitude as the boundary of Florida, they had left out important settle- ments on the east side of the Mississippi river, and north of that line, issued a second decree, extending the northern boundary of West Florida as far as the mouth of the Yazoo river. But it appears from better authority,* that there was only a commission issued, au- thorizing the Governor of West Florida to make this extension, without any evidence that it was ever done by any formal declara- tion. As long as both Florida and Georgia be- longed to Great Britain, this uncertainty of boundary could not be of any practical impor- tance, or give rise to any conflict of jurisdic- tion ; but after the revolt of the American colonies, including Georgia, the actual bound- ary of West Florida on the north became of great importance to individuals, who had re- ceived grants of land north of the 31st degree, from the Governor of West Florida, who had no right to make such grants beyond the lim its of West Flurida. By the articles of cession from Georgia to the United States, and by the action of a Board of Commissioners establish- ed by Congress, many of these grants have been saved, or confirmed ; but ou the other hand, many have been lost for want of such confirmation by the government of the United States, and for other reasons. f This uncertainty of boundary also led, at a future period, to misunderstandings between the United States and Spain, as will be here- after explained in this narrative. TiiEATY OF 1783 — The Acadians — ScuEMES OF Disunion in the West. — After tlie cession by France to Great Britain, the inhumanity of the English government to the Frencli inhabitants of a portion of the terri- tory ceded to her by France drove them des- titute from their homes, and many of them found their way down the Mississippi to New- •Spb 12 Wheaton, S27. i-Sei! 9 Wheiilon, G7C; 12 Wheaton, 527 ; and 13 Bmedus & Marshall's (Jlississippi) Koports, 168. Orleans, where they were kindly provided with the means of settlmg upon the coast west of the Mississippi, and they still consti- tute a distinct class of the population. Many of them, doubtless, settled at and near Nat- chez. Their expulsion from their homes was one of the causes by which the population and wealth of the French colony were aug- mented. In the year 1170, a spirit of adventure pre- vailed in the English colonies, which led nu- merous emigrants to the West, The Missis- sippi river did not limit their explorations. The King of England had held out induce- ments for emigration to Florida, and a water communication of 2,000 miles afforded a comparatively easy access to it, from Virginia and North Carolina. The point of destination was the Walnut Hills, (now Vicksburg,) Nat- chez, Bayou Sara, and I3aton Rouge. Before the summer of 1773 had ended, four hundred families from the Atlantic sea-board had ad- vanced to the Monongahela and Ohio rivers, and descended in boats to the Natchez coun- try. Early in February, 1764, the old French posts, including Natchez, had been garrisoned with British troops. It WdS now presumable that the whites would be safe from the In- dians, But, at a bend of the river at Fort Adams, four hundred men, under Major Loftus, in keel-boats, ascending to the Illinois posts, of which he had been appointed com- mandant, received a destructive discharge of fire-arms and arrows from the Tunica Indians, who were concealed on both sides of the river. The whole flotilla, after feeble resist- ance, suffered themselves to be borne back by the current, oeyond the reach of the enemy. Many were killed, including Major Loftus, and many wounded. A village now stands where Fort Adams stood, and bears the same name. It was formerly known as Loftus's Heights, in commemoration of this tragical event. When it was ascertained that the English jurisdiction had been extended over all the settlements east of the Mississippi up to the Walnut Hills, the French, then numerous, ex- pressed great dissatisfaction, and some even removed to the west side of the river, south of Manchac, in order that they might again be within French jurisdiction. But on receiv- ing assurances that their religion, lives and property would be protected, the greater part remained. After the extension of the British authority in 1765, and until the revolt of the American colonies, England encouraged emigration to the upland region, extendir)g from the Yazoo river to Baton Rouge, by liberal grants of land. In 1768, numerous emigrants from Georgia, the Carolinas, and New-Jersey, set- tled in the regions drained by the Homochitto and the Bayou Pierre, within fifteen milea MISSISSIPPI — EARLY HISTORT. 29 from the banks of the Mississippi river. Not loug aftiTwartis a body of Scotcli llighlanderi? arrived, aod colonized the braucbea of the Hoiuocliitto, about tbirty miles east of Nat- chez. This colouy was subsequently augment- ed by new emigrants, and bore the name of New-Scotland. In 1773, the greatest number of emigrants airived ; after this period, the revolutionary war checked emigration till the year 1777, except that, after the declaration of indepen- dence, many of the loyal subjects of Great Britain, disliking the appellation of " British tories," are said to have retired from the new states, and to have emigrated to the region between the Yazoo and Baton Rouge ; the inhabitants of which took no part in the bos- tlhties against England, but remained faithful subjects to the crown. During this period, England encouraged monopolies of trade by her subjects, and the introduction of African slaves, in large num- bers. From P'ort Bute, (built in 1764, on the north bank of Bayou Manchac, near its junc- tion with the Mississippi,) she supplied the settlements of Louisiana with many Eugliish commodities, and with slaves — the introduc- tion of which had been prohibited by Spain. To prevent this illicit trade with Spanish subjects, the Spanish governor had a fort con- structed on the south bank of the Manchac, opposite to Fort Bute. But the period was close at hand when Great Britain was destined to lose all the pos- sessions which she bad for so many years been contending for. During the revolutionary war troops were sent from Virginia to the Illinois posts, and a bloody and protracted frontier ■war resulted in the loss ot her north-western possessions, including the post of Kaskaskia. During this frontier war, the federal govern- ment was supplied frequently from New- Orleans with provisions and munitions of war, transported in barges up the Mississippi as far as Fort Pitt, under the command of Amer- ican ofHcers. The friendly disposition of the Spanish authorities in possession of the west side of the Mis!sissij)pi river greatly facilitated this mode of transportation. Thus, during the years 1777, 1778, and 1779, the Amer- ican posts on the Ohio and upper Mississippi rivers were supplied regularly with military stores, and even artillery. It was, however, a hazardous enterprise ; and although the inhabitants of the British possessions east of the Mississippi river bad not participated in the war, yet it was deemed necessary by Captain Willing, under whose command these enter prises were conducted, to ascertain whether the Natchez settlers would contiime neutrals, so far as not to interrupt the transportation of supplies from New-Orleans to the Ohio posts. He accordingly landed with fifty men, m 1778, at Natchez, and took the sense of a public meeting, convened for the occasion, and entered into a convention of neutrality with thom. He was informed, however, that seve- ral individuals would not be governed by this convention. These he resolved to j>]ace in military custody. He theref(ire had them conveyed, by night, from their houses, with their slaves and other personalty, to his vessel, and detained them till they gave a pledge not to violate the convention of neutrality. They were then set at liberty, with their prop- erty, except one individual, a pensioner of the British king, whom, on account of his energy and attachment to the interests of the British crown, he conveyed to the city of New Orleans. There he gave him the liberty of the city, upon his parole, till his return to Natchez. Disregarding his parole, he returned to Natchez, resolved on vengeance. Not many weeks afterwards, on the return of one of Captain Willing's boats from New-Orleans, it was decoyed to the shore, at El]i.s"s Cliffs, and was there attacked by twenty-five am- bushed men, who fired a sudden volley upon his crew, which killed five men and wounded several others. The boat immediately made for the shore, and the crew surrendered. The boat was commanded by Captain Reuben Harrison, and the concealed party by Colonel Hutchins, aided by Captains Hooper and Bingaman. This occurred in 1773. On his return from New-Orleans, Captain Willing landed at Natchez, and levied a heavy contri- bution upon his vindictive enemy, for the benefit of the American army. This outrage on the Americans accelerated a determination of the Spanish autlioiities, previously formed, in view of an expected rupture between Great Britain and Spain, to subjugate that part of Louisiana east of the Mississippi river, which had been ceded by France to Great Britain ; and the Spanish governor planned a vigorous campaign, to commence as soon as war between England and Spain should be declared. All those within this region who had emigratetl from the eastern colonies prior to the revolution were anxious to see the British authorities excluded from the country, and many of these were willing to aid personally, and by their influence, the Spanish governor, in reducing the British posts in the south, east of thn Mis- sissippi. Tlie governor did not long want an opportunity of executing his plan. In 1779, Spain, as an ally of France, de- clared war against England, and Don Bernard de Galvez, colonel of the Spanish armies, and governor of Louisiana, a man of genius and ambition, having received early intimation of the fact, immediately concerted measures with such eiierg3% that on the first of September he was before Fort Bute with 1,400 men. After a brave resistance, for five days, the fort was carried by storm, and demolished. Reinforced by several hundred militia, in- cbidiug many Americans, he marched to Baton 90 MISSISSIPPI EARLY HISTORY, Rouge, then garrisoned with 400 regular troops aud 100 railitia, and abundantly supplied with arms, ordnance, and all kinds of military stores. On the 21st of September, after a brisk cannonade of several hours, the com- mandant capitulated, by surrendering to the King of Spain not only the post of Baton Rouge, but all that portion of the region then known as West Florida, including the forts at Natchez, Amite, and Thompson's Creek. Thus Great Britain lost the remnant of her posses- Bions in the valley of the Mississippi. Gal vez, pushing on his conquests, succeeded, during the year 1780, in subjugating the 'wholt' province of West Florida. Subsequently, East Florida yielded to the arms of Spain; and by the treaty of 1783, England coufirmed to his Catholic Majesty the possession of both East and West Florida. During the operations of Galvez against Pensacola, the English colonists in the Nat- chez district, having learned that a powerful British armament was off the coast of Florida, for the recovery of his Majesty's possessions, attempted to overpower the Spanish garrison at Fort Panmure, at Natchez, and reinstate British authority over that portion of the province. Having secured the aid of a large number of Choctaw warriors, they raised the British flag on an eminence above the town of Nat- chez, in full view of the fort, and commenced their operations for its capture. During the night they planted their cannon near the fort, but a heavy fire, the next morning, compelled them to retire. During a day and night, a moderate cannonade was kept up between the besiegers and the fort; at length the gar- rison, having been persuaded that the fort had been undermined with a train, which was to be ignited on the following day, capitulated, on condition of being permitted peaceably to retire, and march to Baton Rouge. But in a short time intelligence was received that a Spanish, instead of a British fleet, had arrived witli a reinforcement for Galvez. This filled the insurgents with consternation ; and mind- ful of the fate of O'Reilly's victims ten years before, they sought safety in flight. Many perished with fatigue and exposure, and others fell into the hands of the Spanish authorities, and were treated as rebels. On the 29th of July, 1781, the civil and military commandant of the fort at Natchez commenced measures for the punishment of insurgents. Arrests and connscalions com- menced. During September and October, the wealth of twenty fugitive rebels had been Beizud for confiscation. Before the middle of November, seven of the leaders, who were prisoners at New-Orleans, were convicted and sentenced to death, but were afterwards re- prieved by the governor-general. Thus ended the first revolt of the Anglo Americaua against the Spanish authorities. The second one, thirty years afterwards, waa more fortunate, as will be hereafter related. In 1783, by a treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, the southern boundary of the latter was estab- lished at the 31st parallel of north latitude. B}' the same treaty. Great Britain confirmed to Spain all the Floridas, south of the Slst degree of north latitude. Peace having been thus concluded between the belligerent powers contending for posses- sion of the Mississippi valley, emigrants from France, (he Mexico- Spanish Colonies, the West Indies, and the United States, com- menced pouring into Louisiana. At the same time the King of France caused a large number of exiled Acadians to be brought into the colony, to join their coun- trymen, who, thirty yeai'S before, had fled from Acadia, to escape British persecution, and settled in Louisiana. Agriculture and commerce, which war had so long suspended, once more roused the colonists to that peace- ful emulation which alone confers true and permanent prosperity and happiness on the human race. In 1785, the official census showed a popu- lation exceeding 33,000 in Louisiana, includ- ing the Natchez settlements ; of this number lower Louisiana contained 28,000, of which 5,000 belonged to New-Orleans. In 1785, Galvez removed his head-quarters to Cuba, of which he had been appointed Captain General, and to the government of which Louisiana had been attached, until the regular appointment of Galvez's successor. About this period, the Catholic clergy, jeal- ous of the influence of the western people of the United States, attempted to introduce the Inquisition into Louisiana. But Miro, judge of residence, caused the zealous ecclesiastic, who had been intrusted with this enterprise, to be seized while asleep, and safoly conveyed on board a vessel, in which he was transported to Spain. The King of Spain now signified his desire that the British settlers (who, by the treaty of 1783, were required within eighteen months to quit the territory) should be permitted to remain, and enjoy all the privileges of Spanish subjects ; and, to induce the Irish to remain, the judge of residence caused the Natchez district to be supplied with Irish Catholic priests, who arrived early in the year 1786, In 1786, Miro received his commission as successor of Galvez. He must have found the colony full of turbulent spirits, inasmuch as his first edicts prohibited gambling, duel- ling, and the wearing of concealed weapons. Untier his administration the colony flourished. Population multiplied, commerce increased, and the trade with the settlements on the Ohio and its tributaries had become extensive and valuable. It has been already observed, that owing MISSISSIPPI — EARLY HISTORY. 31 to some doubts respecting the boundaries be- < tween the Spanish domain and Georgia, diffi- culties had arisen. Georgia had now extended her settlements west, and come into contact with the Spanish settlements north of the 31° of north latitude; Georgia claimed all north of that degree to the mouth of the Yazoo river, under Oglethorpe's charter, and Spain claimed all which had been, at any time, actually subject to French dominion.* This whole region, containing a ])opulation of 10,000 souls, was now in possession of Spain. Commissioners had gone from Georgia to New-Orleans in 1785, to demand a surrender of this territory, and an acknowledgment of the line of division as fixed by the treaty of I'ISS. But the subject had been referred to the general government. Georgia had, by a legislative act, on the 7th of February, 1785, erected the county of Bourbon, near the Mis- Bissippi river, giving to citizens of the United States, residing there, preference over any foreigner to lands within this territory. This act, after the whole subject had been referred to the federal government, was repealed. A new source of controversy was now aris- ing, which was destined to deprive Spain of all the possessions which she had wrested from England. This was the natural right claimed by the people of the North-western Territoiy to navigate the Mississippi river to New-Orleans and the Balize, free from any tax or other molestation or hindrance. The trade between the inhabitants of the North- western Territory and Louisiana had become very important ; and Spain, desirous of mak- ing it a source of revenue to herself, estab- lished ports, and exacted harbor duties and other charges incidental to commerce. The western traders considered these charges un- * The curious reader will find the opinion of the court, delivered by Judge Clayton, in the case of Mon'gonicry and others vs. Ives and others, reported in 13th vol. of S. & M.'s Miss. Reports, full of inter- esting information on this subject, which vrill fully repay the labor of its perusal. Judge SharJiey, who, though he concurred in the opinion of the court, thought "there never had been an extension of the norlliern boundary of West Florida above the 31st deg. of north latitude," supported this position by the following very concise and forcible argument: "The colonies became then indei)endeiit, with de- fined boundaries, If that memorable event put an end to the authority of (Ireat Britain over the terri- tory above the 31st deg. of north lat., it must have done fo because that territory) was within tkc limits of some one of the revnltivg colonies. The declara- tion of independence did not extend over any terri- tory not within some one of the colonies', nor was there any acriuisition of territory by comiuest, not lying within their boundaries. If the territory above the 3l8t deg. of north latitude was part of the colony of Ge()r-,ia, the authority of Great Britain over it ceased when Georgia becjme independent. If, on the other hand, it was part of West Florida, the authority of Great Britain did not cease, as Florida was not one of the revolting colonics. The treaty did not cede territory to the colonies, but only acknow- ledged their independence as states, with known boundaries." just and oppressive, and only paid them be- cause compelled by military force. Many even resisted every attempt made to enforce pay- ment, and were, consequently, seized, fined, and imprisoned, and subjected to great ex- pense, loss, and delay. In some cases, cargoes were confiscated, and the owners driven des- titute back to their homes. During the years 1785 and 1787, these occurrences roused such a feeling of animosity and thirst of vengeance among all the western people, from the Vjanks of the Monongahela to those of the Cumber- land and Tennessee, that there was needed only some daring military spirit to bring .about an invasion of New-Orleans, in the event of the general government failing to obtain by negotiation the privileges indispen- sable to the prosperity of the western country. In 1787, a separation from the Atlantic states, and the erection of an independent government, with the view of wresting Lou- isiana from Spain, was seriously contemplated, if not actually planned. Under these circum- stances. General James Wilkinson, a merchant of Kentucky, obtained from the Spanish au- thorities a license to introduce western pro- duce into New-Orleans, free of duty, on the condition that he would use his influence in conciliating the western people, and encourage their immigration to the Spanish colonies, by relaxing the system of imposts, as to all who should settle within their limits, east of the Mississippi river. For a time the Spanish minister, hoping to derive some profit to him- self, connived at this plan ; but being foiled in his expectations, suddenly ordered a strict enforcement of the impost law3. At the request of Governor Miro, Wilkin- son prepared a memorial to the crown, re- specting the relations of Spain with the in- habitants of the North western Territory, which was transmitted to Madrid. This docu- ment was composed with much address.* The views set forth in it were adopted by his Majesty as the basis of the future administra- tion of affairs in Louisiana. It is probable that his Majesty was in- fluenced by the intimation contained in this memorial, that an alliance might possibly be formed between his Spanish subjects, in the valley of the Mississippi, and the republican settlements of the West. There was at this period great danger, either of an invasion of Louisiana by the people of the North-west, or of an alliance between the two, and the formation of a separate government. The apparent tardi- ness of the general government in negotiating with Spain respecting a privilege, so indis- pensable to the western people, as the right of navigating the Mississippi, had alienated the attachment of the latter; and a rumor that the American minister had consented to ) • See 1st Monetle's Valley of Mississippi, p. 473. 32 MISSISSIPPI EARLY HISTORr. postpone the assertion of this right for twenty years, produced an indignation among them, which the Spanish king liastened to avail himself of, by sending emissaries to Kentucky, to enlist the prominent men of that and the adjoining states in the treasonable scheme of throwing off the federal authority, and form- ing an alliance with Spain. But these machinations were happily frus- trated, as well by the change of policy in the administration of Spanish affairs at New- Orleans, as by the declaration of the general government of its intention to insist upon the free navigation of the Mississippi, according to the treaties of 1763 and 1783, to both of which Spain had been a party. Movements of Ellicott, Wilkinson, and Gatoso — Organization of Mississippi Teh- EiTORT. — The Spanish king ordered liberal grants of land to be offered to all emigrants from the territories now comprising Kentucky and Tennessee, to the Spanish provinces. Un- der this liberal system, numerous settlements were made by Americans in Upper Louisi- ana, as well as in the province east of the Mis- sissippi river, and below the mouth of the Tazoo. The Spanish governor, in the mean time, was instructed to use all means of effect- ing a political union between the Spanish provinces and the western people of the Uni- ted States. Tins policy continued two years, and thus delayed all danger, during that pe- riod, of an invasion of Louisiana by the north- western settlers ; but, at the expiration of that time, Guanloquoi, the Spanish minister, suddenly reiinacted the revenue laws, and seizures and confiscations, fines and imprison- ment, were recommenced with such rigor, as again to rouse the resentment of the western people, and render an immediate invasion of the Spanish provinces a popular measure. An e.Ktensive couilagration occurred at this moment at New-Orleans, and the distress and want consequent upon it compelled the gov- ernor to release all prisoners, restore their property, and rescind all commercial restric- tions, in order to induce the western traders to supply the city with provisions. At the same time donations of land were made to all emigrants; and many Americans, lured by this generosity, settled in the Natchez district and elsewhere within the Spanish territory. The census of 1788 showed an aggregate population, in Louisiana and West Floriila, of 42,611 souls, being an increase of 10,000 in three years. This included the importation of Acadians and Spaniards, before mentioned ; the remainder were Americans. Of the wliole population there were — free whites, 19,415; free colored persons, 1,701 ; slaves, 21,465. In September, 1788, it became absolutely necessary for the federal government to re- quire from Spain a full concession of the right, claimed by the we.stern people, to the tree navigation of the Mississippi. Accordingly, Congress resolved that " the free navigation of the Mississippi is a clear and essential right of the United States, and that the same ought to be considered and supported as such." The American ministers were charged specially to negotiate for the surrender of West Flo- rida, near the Mississippi, and the whole eastern bank of the river to the sea, provided tlie free use of the river through Louisiana could not be otherwise obtained. But the Spanish ministers showed little inclination to relinquish any portion of this territory, and not only delayed all negotiation, but instiga- ted the Creek and other Indian tribes to a violation of their treaties with the United States, and to acts of violence, with the view of preventing any future settlements within the South-western Territory. Spanish posts and garrisons occupied the country east of the Mississippi, as high up as Memphis, and the Spanish authorities had orgai.ized the militia of Louisiana, with the view of defending every position assumed by Spain against the United States. At the same time, large American forces were concentrated on the Ohio, and the Spanish governor had every reason to fear that an army, flushed with victory in the north-west, would descend upon the first spring flood of the Ohio and Mississippi riv- ers, and invade Louisiana. The President of the United States had himself authorized and encouraged preparations for such a conflict. At this juncture, Spain became embarrassed by her European wars, and dreading hostili- ties against Louisiana, intimated a disposition to settle the points in controversy. General Washington immediately dispatched Thomas Pinckney, as minister plenipotentiary to Ma- drid, and on the 20th day of October, 1795, a tieaty was signed, adjusting all subjects of dispute. By this treaty, the 31st parallel of north latitude was recognized as the northern boundary of the Spanish possessions, and Spain agreed, within six months, to withdraw her troops and garrisons from the territory north of that boundary. It was further stipu- lated, that the people of the United States should use the port of New Orleans as a place of deposit for produce and merchandise, for the space of tfirce years, and export the same free of all duty. This treaty was duly rati- fied by the Senate of the United States, and the President commenced preparations to car- ry its .stipulations into effect, such as survey- ing the boundary line, enforcing neutrality among the Indians, &c. This treaty had the effect of arresting a .'■cheme which the citizens of Georgia had con- ceived, of expelling all tlie Spaniards from the territory east of the Mi>-sissippi river, and north of the 31st parallel of latitude, and also led to the repeal of an ai t of tlie Legislature of Georgia, incorporating the Mississippi Com- pany, and granting millions of acres of land witliin the disputed territory. It will be here- MISSISSIPPI — EARLY HISTORY. 33 after perceived that this -whole territory was afterwards ceded by Georgia to the United States, April 24(h, 1802. The treaty of JIadrid provided for the ap- pointment by Spain of a commissioner to meet one to be appointed by the United States, ■within six months after the ratification of the treaty, to ascertain and fix the northern boun- dary of the Spanish province, that is, the 31st parallel of latitude. The President of the United States, in due time, appointed Col. Andrew Ellicott as the American commission- er, and Don Manuel Gayoso de Sernos was also appointed commissioner of Spain, under the orders of Bai'ou de Carondelet, governor- general of Louisiana. Gayoso was then gov- ernor of the Natchez district. In September, 1*796, Col. Ellicott left Phil- adelphia for Natchez, and obtaining at Pitts- burg thirty woodsmen armed with rifles, de- scended the Ohio in a barge ; but owing to low water and ice, he did not reach Natchez till the 2-lth day of February, 1191. Before this time he had been overtaken by au addi- tional military escort of thirty men, but at the request of Gayoso, left the whole escort of sixty men at the Bayou Pierre. After an in- terview between Col. Ellicott and Gayoso, the latter reluctantly consented to fix the 19th day of March as the day on which both com- missioners should repair to Bayou Tunica, with the view of ascertaining and defining the boundary. Col. Ellicott hoisted the American flag on an eminence, near Fort Panmure, within the present limits of the city of Natchez, and as- certained by observation that his position was about 39 miles north of the 31st deg. of north latitude. The governor-general, Carondelet, was, in the mean time, duly notified of his arrival, as, by the terms of Gayoso's appoint- ment, Carondelet was to be present, and di- rect the Spanish commissioners in ascertaining and defining the boundary. But Carondelet evaded the appointment on the plea of impor- tant business at New-Orleans, and tried to induce Col. Ellicott to visit that city. The American commi.^sioner declined the invita- tion, and ordered his miUtary escort, under Lieutenant M'Leary, from the Bayou Pierre to Natchez, at which point they arrived on the 15th March, 1797. Having encamped near Col. EUicott's flag, the commandant soon after formally demanded the surrender of Fort Panmure to the American troops. Gayoso, who had hitherto feigned prepara- tions to abandon the fort, now suddenly returned all the stores and artillery into it by night, and placed it in a state of defense ; he also, soon after, proceeded to strengthen the forts at Natchez and Walnut Hills, by reinforcements from New-Orleans. Upon a protest against these perfidious measures, by the American commissioner, Gayoso de- clared that they were prompted by appreben- VOL. II. sions of Indian hostilities, and of an invasion of Louisiana by the British troops from Cana- da. In order to convince CoL Ellicott of the truth of the first pretext, Gayoso caused swarms of drunken Indians to parade with drawn knives and threatening gestures before the American camp; and in order to conciliate them. Colonel E. was compelled to distribute rations and presents among them. For the last pretext, tliere seemed afterwards to have been some foundation, as there is no doubt an invasion of Louisiana was contemplated by Canadians, and influential men in the United States, among whom was a United States senator from Tennessee. But Col. Ellicott saw iu these measures only a determination to postpone the surrender of the territory, un- der the hope that some circumstance might happen which would restore this valuable region to Spain. All hopes of inducing the western people to throw off their allegiance to the general government and unite with Spain, had not been abandoned. A Spanish agent was again sent to Kentucky to sound public men on this subject, and stir up disaf- fection to the United States in the West ; and the death of General Wayne, by which Gene- ral Wilkinson, who was supposed to be favor- able to this design, had been advanced to the command of the Northwestern Territory, gave fresh encouragement to these hopes. The American commisjioner became much incensed, and an angry correspondence com- menced between him and Gayoso. The peo- ple of the district, fearing tliat the Spaniards would not surrender the territory, sliared in the excitement and indignation of the Ameri- can commissioner. The latter maintained his position, anxiously expecting an advanced guard of American troops from Fort Massac ; a detachment of forty men, descending from this point, under Lieutenant Percy Smith Pope, arrived at Walnut Hills early in April, 1797, and encamped near the Spanish fort at that point. On the l7th April, Col. Ellicott having learned his arrival, required him to advance to his relief without delay ; and on the 24th April, Lieutenant Pope, with his detachment, arrived at Natchez, and was es- corted to the American camp by Lieutenant M'Leary's company. Gayoso strongly remonstrated against the presence of the American troops, and urged their removal to several points ; but the American commissioner resolved to maintain his position, and Lieutenant Pope proceeded to the completion of the intrenchments of his camp. He also strengthened himself by vol- untary enlistments, and by the apprehension of some deserters from the north-western army, who were found among the Spaniards. In a few weeks it was ascertained that the Spaniards had sent emissaries to the neigh- boring tribes of Indians, with instructions to excite their resentment against the American 34 MISSISSIPPI EARLY HISTORY. forces. Tliis cause, together -with the perfidy' of the Spuniards in deferring the fulfihutiit of the treaty, greatly excited the people. There were now four thousand Americans residing north of the stipulated boundary, impatient for the departure of the Spanish authorities, and the est;djlishment of the federal authority. Many were ready to capture Fort Panmure, and drive out the Spanish authorities by force. These citizens inhabited the region extending north from the boundary to Bayou Pierre, and thence east to the sources of this stream, and of Cole's Creek, St. Catharine, Homochitto, and Buffalo. The governor-general endeavored to allay this excitement, by issuing a proclamation on the 24th of May, declaring that the country would be surrendered after the danger of Brit- ish invasion had passed away. But this, in- stead of calming, inflamed the public mind to a still higher degree of excitement. At length, Gayoso declared that he had re- ceived instructions from Carondelet to remove the artillery and military stores from all the forts north of the stipulated boundary. Thus open violence was prevented until the 9th day of June, when an American citizen, a Baptist preacher, was seized by the Spanish autliori- ties, and placed in the stocks, within the fort. The people flew to arms, and compelled the Spanish commandant, and his principal offi- cers and their families, to take refuge within the walls of the fort. Military companies were immediately organized — officers chosen to command them — and, in a few hours, the Spanish authority was virtually overthrown. At the same time, Lieutenant Pope issued an address, calling on all the citizens to assert their rights, and pledging liimself to protect them from every act of hostility. A large concourse of people met at Beach's, on the Nashville road, on the 20th day of June ; and after free discussion, appointed a "committee of public safety," consisting of seven prominent men, to conduct future nego- tiations with the Spanish autiiorities. The consent of this committee was declared to be necessary to the validity of every Spanish edict. On the 18th of June, Gayoso desired and obtained an interview with the American commissioner, at Captain Minor's house, to which place he made his way from the fort, secretly, through cane-brakes and a corn field, to the back door, and thence to the parlor, in such a state of humiliation as deeply affected Colonel EUicott. Here he met the committee — recognized their representative capacity — acceded to their demands of amnesty to the citizens who had revolted, and of their ex- emption from service in the Spanish militia, except in cases of riot or Indian hostilities. These conccs-ions all tended greatly to allay the popular excitement. Mistrusting the fidelity of one of the " com- mittee,"* Colonel Ellicott persuaded the gov- ernor to dissolve it, and to authorize the elec- tion of a permanent one in its stead. Accord- ingly, a new committee of nine members was elected in July, by virtue of Spanish authori- ty, to be "permanent" in its duration. This committee was the finishing stroke to Spanish authority and jurisdiction. During the ensuing autumn. Col. Ellicott removed liis camp to the present site of the town of Washington, seven miles N. E. of Nat- chez, and returned to Natchez on the 27th of September. On the 26th July preceding, Gayoso, having been appointed governor gen- eral of Louisiana, departed for New-Orleans; but previously appointed Capt. Stephen Minor temporary commandant of Fort Panmure. Soon afterwards. Colonel Grandpre was ap- pointed lieutenant-governor at Natchez, but at the request of the permanent committee, never appeared there, and Capt. Minor con- tinued to exercise the duties of that office. Harmony having been thus restored. Lieuten- ant Pope had retired with his command to the more healthy position at Washington, as above related. General Wilkinson having learned the delay of the Spanish authorities in evacuating the forts north of the boundary, dispatched Capt. Isaac Guiou, a revolutionary officer of expe- rience and sound sense, and enjoying the con- fidence of the President, with a detachment of troops, to assume the command at Natchez. He arrived in December, and assumed the command. At first he treated the Spanish authorities with respect, but discovering that, without any good reason, they were still in- clined to delay the evacuation of the forts and the survey of the line of demarcation, he be- came impatient, and resolved to take the fort by assault. But on the 23(1 March, 1798, Fort Nogales, at Walnut Hills, was evacua- ted, and the troops descended thence to Nat- chez. Here they remained, studiously con- cealing the time of their departure ; and Capt. Guion declared, that the first day of April should not witness the Spanish garrison with- in the fort. On the 2nth March, at midnight, the Span- iards sent their artillery and stores aboard their boats, and about four o'clock, on the morning of the 1st April, the troops marched from the fort to the river bank. Before day- light they had embarked, and had proceeded several miles on their voyage to New-Orleans. No farewell salute honored their stealthy de- parture. Col. Ellicott alone, suspecting their intention, rose early, and walking towards the • The members of the first committee were, Joseph Bernard, .liidge Peter H. lirucu, Daniel Chirke, Ga- briel Henoit^t, Pliiliuuler Smith, Isaac Gaillard, Roger Dixon, William Ratliff, and Prederick Kimball. Of these, F. Kimball was suspected. An iictivo oppo- nent of the measures of Culonel Kllicott was Colonel Anthony Uutchens. MISSISSIPPI — EARLY HISTORY. 35 fort, entered its open gates just after the rear guard liad passed out of it, and from the para- pet witnessed all their movements, till the whole riotilla was out of sight. All cause for delaying the survey of the line of demarcation having been now remov- ed, Gayoso appointed Capt. Stephen Minor and Sir William Dunbar commissioners of Spain, who, with Col Ellicott, repaired to Bayou Tunica, six miles below Fort Adams; and on the 21st of May, 1*798, having b^en joined by Governor Gayoso, they proceeded to mark the line as far as East Florida, the survey through which, owing to Indian dis- turbances, was not made until the following year. In the mean time Congress had erected the territory, surrendered by Spain, into a terri torial government, by the name of the " Mis- sissippi Territory." Its boundaries were the Mississippi on the west, the 31st° of latitude on the south, a line drawn due east from the mouth of the Yazoo to Chattahoochee river on the north, and on the east by said Chattahoo chee river. Wiutlirop Sargent, former Secretary of the North-western Territory, under Governor St. Clair, was appointed the first governor of the Mississippi Territory. He arrived at Natchez on the 6th day of August, 1*798, and on the 26th day of the same month. General Wilkin- son arrived with the federal array.* Proclamation and Letters of "Winthrop Sargent, First Governor and Organizek OF THE Territory. — The long disputed boun- dary between Spain and the United States having been, at length, amicably established, the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, who were unwilling to fraternize with republicans, quietly retired from the Natchez District. General Wilkinson, with the view of insuring future tranquillity, established a military post at Loftus's Heights, (afterwards named Fort Adams, in compliment to the President,) and other posts along the line eastward, with a small garrison in each. His own head-quarters remained at Natchez, opposite to which a new Spanish fort was erected. A convention between Gayoso and General Wilkinson pro- vided for the mutual extradition of deserters across the boundary, or across the river. A most amicable spirit prevailed between the civil and military authorities of the two provinces, in commemoration of which the Spanish fort opposite to Natchez received the name of " Fort Concord," from its command- ant, Don Jose Vidal. The parish of Con- cordia and town of Vidalia owe their names to the fort and its courteous commandant. • Monotte says, that the govornor was accompa- nied by the! ttTritorial judges. This, it will hereafter be perciMvetl, ia Governor Sargent's letters, is an error. Tliu t;ovL'rnor liaj not even a secretary, and wrote out with his own hand the archives of the ter- ritory. Nevertheless, great jealousy was enter- tained by the Spanish government of Amer- ican immigrants, especially to such as had served in the revolutionary war. Though, in the war, Spain had favored the Americans out of hatred to Great Britain, yet she had not then fully realized the possibility of her do- minions coming in conflict with those of the republic ; and, in truth, she was induced to conquer the Natchez District and the Floridas only with the expectation of holding perpetual jjossesiion of them, and rendering the Indian tribes a perpetual barrier between her Ameri- can possessions and those of the United States. This policy was openly avowed by her at the treaty of 1*783, between Great Britain, France, and the United States, and, as will be hereafter seen, was espoused by the French goveniment, and only frustrated by the firmness and sa- gacity of the American ministers, Mr. Jay and Mr. Adams. This policy was now rendered impossible by the surrender of the Natchez District, and in the rapid influx of American population into it, occasioned by its transfer to the United States. She saw foreshadowed that destiny by which she was ultimately driven from the American continent. The most strin- gent regulations were adopted to discourage the immigration into her territory of any other than her own subjects. Every immigrant was required immediately to take" an oath of alle- giance to Spain, and to domiciliate in some old Spanish settlement, under the eye of a Spanish commandant. No foreigner, without money, slaves, or other valuable j^roperty, could re- ceive a grant of land until he had lived, and been honestly employed, for the space of four years, within the colony. For want of equally salutary restri.tions on the American side of the line, the worthy governor, Winthrop Sar- gent, (wiio was a firm supporter of the alien and sedition laws,) was greatly troubled by turbulent and irresponsible men, as his letters, hereafter to be exhibited to the reader, will abundantly show. The ordinance of 178Y— the provisions of which (except the clause interdicting slavery) had been extended by Congress to the Missis- sippi Territory— required the appointment of a governor, secretary, three judges, and other civil oflllcers, and provided for a General As- sembly, to consist of the governer, a council of five, and representatives of counties, and one delegate to Congress. Tha General Assembly', in 1*799, passed an act appointing justices R'ith civil and criminal jurisdiction of limited extent, with the right of appeal to the parties afTected by their judg- ments. (Hutch. Code, ch.l and bQ) The gov- ernor, by proclamation, divided the district into the counties of Adams and Pickering, so named in honor of tlie President and Secretary of State. The district extended .about 100 miles north of the southern boundary, and about 25 miles east of the Mississippi river. 36 MISSISSIPPI EARLY HISTORY. It comprised about 6,000 inhabitaut", of u;liom more than 1,000 were slaves. The terriiory north of thi?, for 500 miles, was inhalnted by Indians. The NatchfZ District having been surrendered to the United States as part of Georgia, the consent of that state had been previously obtained to the establishment of a territorial government, by Congress, over it. This consent w-as followed, several years after- wards, by an act of cession by Georgia to the United States (in 1802) of all her lands south of Tennessee, in consideration of §1,250,000 of the first net proceeds of the ceded lands, the United States recognizing all grants of land made by Georgia to inhabitants thereof prior to 27th October, 1795. All tl.e land so ceded was afterwards, by act of 1804, attached to the Mississippi Territory, which thus com- prised the whole territory now composing Al- abama and M ssissippi, from the 31st to the 35th degree of north latitude. The coi 'fidence in the federal government, ex- hibited by Georgia, in thus readily conceding to the former all jurisdiction over a country which she herself was incapable of protecting, presents a favorable contrast to the c< induct of Texas, m reference to that portion of New-Mexicoclaimed by her.* Tlie increasing power of the federal government was then a source of pride, and not of jealousy, to the old states, who had es- tablished it as a remedy for the evils of their previous weak and inefficient confederation. The reverence with which the federal author- ity was then regarded, is forcibly illustrated in the style of Governor Sargent's letters to the executive department. They are replete with courtesy, ami profound sense of duty and obedience. Though they may exhibit too much of this quality, yet such a sfyle is far prefer- able to that affectation of equality and parade of independence which will not admit even of thit subordination which difference of official rank requires for its own preservation, but de- sires to merge all distinctions in the title of "qitizen"— a title which, during the French Revolution, raised every human butcher to a level with the purest patriot. To .some extent, these French notions of equality obtruded themselves within Ameri- can circles, and so far had the insolent appeals of Citizen Genet to the " Democracy" of the country betrayed men into forgetfulncss of what they owed to the character of (General Washington, and the dignity of the first magis- trate, that, at a public dinner given by the "Democratic Society" at New- York, on the Fourth of July, the President was toasted as " Citizen George Washington!" without an additional word indicative of re- spect for his station, or gratitude for his ser- * Of course we ar« entirely at " swords' points" with our friend Mr. Chilton in this matter.— [Kd.] vices. It was even discovered that courtesy to the fair sex was incompatible with sound republicanism; and, although good democrats still married, the more scrupulous were care- ful that the public journals should designate the bride as " Citess," instead of " Miss." Such were the pains then taken to engraft these French extravagances on American manners.* But there was no French familiarity (of the revolutionary sort) in the letters of old Winthrop Sargent. He entertained a pro- found respect for the President and his cabi- net, and not only was not ashamed to express it himself, but made it the test of fidelity to government in others. The following letter is an exemplar of his respect for superiors : " Cincinnati, May 21, 1798. " My Dear Sir :— I have just now received your favor of 4th instant. The confidence and good wishes of the President of the United States (per.'onal respect and admira- tion even out of view) would be in a high de- gree grateful. I can know no greater happi- ness, with the sentiments that I possess for Mr. Adams, than is communicated by his honorary distinction of confidence ; and next to my desire of aspiring to an elevated station in the mind of the President, I assure you, sir, is my wish of being thought well of by your- self. ... " I am indeed, my dear sir, extremely sick, and perhaps too much debilitated to engage in those duties that might, even in better times, be to me arduous. However, my dear sir, you have expressed a wish that, if the appointment is made, I should accept it. This also I must suppose to be the desire of the President, and in consequence, I shall impli- citly be governed by your instructions ; if I can believe it amongst the probabilities that my state of health may possibly admit of my discharge of those duties which shall be as- signed to me. ... " Before the arrival of Governor St. Clair, I was making my arrangements for leaving the territory. . . . My situation was crit- ical, and I had made up my mind upon a northern journey — a voyage to the sea-coast, as most congenial to my feelings. I have deposited the public records witJh a Captain * Life and Writiiiss of John .I.iy, vol. 1. p. 319. {a.) («,.■) A pleamight be pul in for tills democratic affec- tation, if weremoinbor llio passion for titles whicli had benim to develop itself in other quarters, which ia •' y//.v Scrnie i/(>/t«cs.s" olc, etc., sought to gratify the prevailing taste (Sec some interesting pages on this point in llildrcth's History of the Administration of Washington ; also, Garland's l.ile of John Ran- d(ili)li.) The disresjjoct to the President, involved in tho title of " Oa'ic?!," has, pcrhapx, been equalled since. Witness, a few years ago, the dmner of the New-York Merchants, at which " Her Majesty the Queen" was toiistod with loud applause, and-' His Kxcellency the President," (Mr. Tyler,) druuk in silence.— [Editor.] MISSISSIPPI EARLY HISTORY. 37 Harrison * a young gentleman of Virginia, of j education, son to a former governor of tliiit name, long in tbe family of Genenil Wayne j in a confidential character, and wlu) for seven years has sustaiuetl a fair, indeed unblemished reputation as a military officer. A few weeks since he resigned, and from faitli in the good- ness and propriety of his principles and his ability, I had placed in him the confidence before expressed ; and I am sure, sir, that he will not betray any trust with which govern- ment may honor him. Indeed, I think him a very deserving young man. " In case of my appointment, will it not be proper I should be furnished with a military escort ? I hope government may be jdeasetl to consider that ray expenses at taking pos- tession of the new country must be considera- ble, and make some provision therefor. The movement, not having been calculated by me, has not by me been provided for. I leave Lome, and those little conveniences that have enabled me to live on my former salary ; and I believe no man in the administration will be unwilling to confess that a considerable sum of money must be actually due to me for my services to this country. " I have the honor to be, with every senti- ment of respect and esteem, sir, your very bumble servant, Winthrop Sargent. " The Hon. Secretary of State." In his next letter, the governor acknow- ledges receipt of his commission as Governor of the Mississippi Territory, and pledges him- self most earnestly to " act with integrity, and to the best of his ability," but urges his bad health as a plea in advance of all omis- sions, etc. He also regrets being compelled to visit the territory without the jiuhjcH, but expresses his intention immediately to depart. This letter is dated May 29th, 1798. In a letter of the same date, he says : " I do, indeed, accept your remarks in good faith, and you cannot confer on me a greater obligation than by continuing them. They may be honorable to myself and useful to the new government. Tlie footing on which Gov- ernor Gayoso lived with the inhabitants Oth of June, 1845, no less than 10,409,034 acres of surveyed and registered lands, await- ing the appearance of purchasers. And if we estimate the value of these at no more than the very moderate price of two and a half dollars per acre, (the rate assumed by the commissioners of the state,) it will appear that Mississippi possesses, in her unappropri- ated public domain alone, a fund equal to five .and a half millions of pounds sterling, or more than five timeathe principal, and more than a hundred times the interest of the debt. But further, we have at this moment before us a copy of the official budget of Mississippi for the years 1846, '47 and '48 ; and what are the prominent facts which these documents disclose ? Not, certainly, that the people of Mississippi are poor and helpless. In 1^46, the number of taxable acres in the state was 15,232 389 ; and in 1848 the area of assess- ment has expanded to 16,019,488 acres; that is to say, in two years it has increased five per cent. The whole amount of public taxes annually collected within the state was under $380,000, or £76,000; and the burthen of these was limited to an infinitesimal as- sessment, on most of the principal kinds of real and personal property. We find, for ex- ample, entries of the amount of duty levied on pleasure wagons, race, saddle, and harness horses, gold and silver plate, pianos, pistols, bowie knives, ' slaves under sixty years,' and ' free male negroes.' " MARYLAND. — Historical Events — Go- vernment — Resources — Improvements — Commerce — City of Baltimoke, etc. — The state of Maryland derives its name from Hen- rietta Maria, the wife of Charles I., by whom a charter was granted to George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore. The charter was issued on the 20th of June, 1632, and assigned to the grantee all the territory lying within cer- tain prescribed limits, with extensive jurisdic- tion and powers of government over it. It was distinguished for its liberal and democra- tic character in an age which was proverbially illiberal and tyrannical. The law-making power was vested in the Lord Proprietary jointly with the people, or their re])resenta- tives. The Proprietary could only act alone in cases of sudden emergency, when the people or their representatives could not be easily assembled. The right of exemption from taxation by the crown, except with their own consent, was clearly stipulated, together with many nthar privileges, us they were then called ; but which, in this enlightened age, are justly considered the inalienable rights of man. The fires of Protestantism, which were lighted up by Luther and Calvin, were burn- 46 MARYLAND — HISTORY AND RESOURCES OF. ing with undiminished intensity in England as well as ou tlie continent ; and the seventy and cruelty of the law.s of England towards the Catholics rendered it impossible for them to remain in their own country, and enjoy that greatest of earthly blessings, the liberty to worsliip our Maker according to the dictates of our own conscience. It is well known that religious persecution and the love of gold were the inciting causes to all the emigrations from the old world to the new. Bat the early settlers of Marvlatid had to encounter difficulties of the same kind as tho^e which compelled them to Hy their own country. Maryland having been included within the limits of the royal government of Virginia previous to the issuing of her charter, one William Claiborne obtained from the governor and council a license to trade with the Indians on the Che- sapeake. Taking advantage of his position, he excited jealousies on the part of the In- dians towards the Marylanders, by represent- ing them as Spaniards and enemies. But he failed in his insidious attempts, and afterwards created an open rebellion, in which he was again thwarted, and compelled to fly first to Virginia, and then to England, where he was tried and convicted of treason. The first General Assembly of the freemen of the colony was convened at the town of St Mary's, in 1635. A considerable portion of the records of their proceedings was de- stroyed by fire, so that but little of them is known. The second Assembly was convened in 1G38. In some respects the constitution of those early legislatures differed from those of the present day. The charter entitled every freeman to take a share in the making of those laws by wliicli he was to be governed. As it was inconvenient to assemble at a given time and place persons who were few and far be- tween, each one was allowed to vote by proxy, so that it sometimes happened that one indi- vidual cast a dozen votes The Proprietary, however, was invested with the power of sum- moning by special writ those whose presence be particularly desired. At a later period, two burgesses were elected from every hundred individuals ; but each individual had the right, if he thouglit proper to exercise it, to claim his seat in the legislature. This right was, how- ever, taken away by the General Assembly itself; and the council, the delegates from the several hundreds, and those who were sum- monetl by special writ, constituted this body. The Proprietary (or governor) could obtain the control of the Assembly by adding to it a few of his personal friends. They all sat at first in one house, but were afterwards divided into two, called the upper and lower, somewhat like those of tlie Lords and Commons of Great Britain ; the council appointed by the Lord Proprietary forming the upper, and the dele- gates of the people the lower. It was during this session that the colonists began to pave the way for the more just and equitable sys- tem which lies at the foundation of the pres- ent constitution of Maryland. The old leaven of aristocracy and monarchy which pervaded the government, began to receive a blow which, by frequent repetition, compelled the ancient system to yield to the wants of the age and the stern spirit of liberty, which were so heroically displayed during the eventful crisis of the great Revolution. Lord Baltimore attempted to compel the colonists to accept the system of laws which he had digested, and to annul the acts of the legislature, because they were not framed by himself. The people were convinced that the Proprietary had no other than the veto power, and vindicated their rights by rejecting the whole system. The Lord Proprietary vetoed all of the bills that were passed, but after- wards abandoned it, preferring the welfare and prosperity of the colony to his own indi- vidual privileges, and sensible that the power of negativing any bill of which he disapproved was quite sufficient to protect his rights and authority in the province.* But Maryland was destined to encounter other difficulties be- sides those of a civil character. Although re- ligious freedom was expressly granted to them by the charter, no sooner bad the contest be- tween the king and parliament broken out in England, than the spirit of disaffection began to show itself in the colonies. The bigoted Puritans who were driven from Virginia on account of their intolerance, fomented the dis- sensions which began to prevail between the various Christian sects. Their strength in- creased with the success of the parliament, until finally they attempted the reduction of Maryland by adbell 12d,000 Easton Faimnrs' Bank, (Branch) Theo. R. I ockennaa — Riohnrd Tliomas 271,575 Frederi.-k " " Richard Potts GodlV")' Koontz 250,000 " Farmers' and Mechanics' William Tyler Thomas W. Morgan l-.'5,430 " Krtderiok County Bank AlexaniU'r It. Hanson. . .James H. Williams 150,000 Hagerstown Ilasfrslown Bank .\lexaiider N'eil Elio BcaUy 2.i0,000 Port Deposit (^ecil Bank Jonathan Tonio A. Anderson 50,000 WestminslcT liank of Westminster Isaac Sliriver John Kisher 60,000 '• Farmers' and .Mechanics' Jacob .Mnlhias Jacob Reese 50,000 Williamsport.. ..Washington County Bank.... Daniel Wei.sel John Van Lear, Jr 135,C00 Country Total, 12 Hanks Circulation, $1,200,000.. Specie, 3400,000. Capital, §1,9.97,079 Baltimore street. Bank of Baltimore James H. McCuUoh C- C. Jamison 1,200,000 North street Chesapeake Bank John P. Oittin.irs Jimies Lownds. 311,473 Baltimore street Citizens' Bank Adam Denmead Wm. h. Richardson 100,000 Howard street. . .Commercial and Farmers'. . .Thomas Meredith Trueman Cross 512,560 South street Farmers' and Merchants'... J. Hanson 'I honias John Loney 393,560 " Farmers' and Planters' William E. Mahew Thomas B.'Rutter 6ii0,625 North street Franklin Bank John J. Donaldson Aquila P. Giles 301.850 Gay street Marine Bank Jacob Bier Philip l.ittig, Jr 810,000 North (Jabert St Mechanics' Bank John B. Morris James \V. Allnut 593,898 Gay street Merchants' Bank James Swan Dainel l^prigg 1,. '500,000 North Charles st.Union Bank of Maryland John M. Gordon Robert Mickio 916,350 Eutaw street Western Bank Chauncey Brooks James H. Carter 400,000 City Total, 12 Banks Circulation, $2,000,000. . Specie, $2,127,000. Cap'I. $7,140,316 Grand total g9,137.395 According to the late report of the Manu- facturers' Convention of Maryland, the num- bei' of cotton factories in the state the present year is 28. FOREIGN TRADE OF MARYLAND. Tears, Imports, 1840 4,910,746 1841 0,101.313 1842 4,417,978 1843 2,479,13! 1844 3,917,750 184.1 3,741,804 1846 4,042,915 1848 5.348.643 1849 4,97(>,000 1850 6,124,201 ynm. Fipnrts. 1840 5,768,768 1841 4,947,166 1842 4.904,766 184.3 2,820.814 1844 .5,13.3,169 1845 5,2.M.977 1S46 6,979,0.=i5 1848 7.129,782 1P49 8,000,600 1850 6,589,481 POPULATION OF BALTIMORE. Tears. Slaves. Free Cold. Wliite Totjil 1790 1,2.55.... 323.... II. 925... 13,.5()3 1800 2,843.... 2,771.... 20.91)0... 26.514 1810 4,672.... 5,671. ...36212... 46,.5.55 1820. ..,4.3r)7....10.3.'6.... 48.855 .. 62,7.38 1830 4,120.... 14,790 ..51,710 .. 70,620 1840 .. ..3,212.... 17980. ...ai,.321. 102.5'3 1850.... 2,946.... 24,625... 14 1,441... 109,012 In its increase in wealth, Baltimore ha.i kept ptice with the increase of its population. la 1808, the value of taxabU- property in the city was computed at S2,5'.i2,780. the fol- lowing is the otHcial estimate of tlie value of the property, and the number of iiouses erect- ed in the city for the hxst six year.^ : Tears. Real and piT»inil prop. No. Iiuiise* rrected 1844 53,790, 170 609 1845 53,750,496 ],5U8 1840 54.8-.1.217 1847 72,079.322 2,006 1848 74,228.276 1 ,920 1849 -8,25.!.588 1,894 1850 80,237,900 Tlie city now contains upwards of an hun- dred cluirche.s, tliree universities, four colleges, and many beautihd and cummodious puljUc buildings. To notice these, however, further than they affect the commercial or mercantile ciiaracter of the city, is no part of the design of tliis article. The Merchants' Exchange, at the corner of Gay and Lombard streets, is a spa- cious building, 225 feet long by 141 feet wide, and contains, besides the usual reading-room, and the room for the meeting of the mer- chants, the custom-house, bank, telegraphic offices, a hotel, &c. The room in which the merchants' meetings are held is fifty-three feet square, has upon its east and west sides co- lonnade.s, the columns of which are of fine Italian marble, each a single block, and it is lighted by a dome 115 feet above the street The tottil value of goods shipped from Bal- timore during the year ending June 30th, 1849, was 88,000,61)0; of which $7,780,695 were of articles of domestic produce, and *213.065 of foreign articles. The exports were in 634 vessels, with a tonnage of 149,928 tons and employing 6,335 men in their navi- gation. Of the above, 491 vessels were Ame- rican, and 145 umlcr the flags of eighteen dif- ferent foreign nations. The foreign imports into Baltimore during the same time were valued at $4,976,731, of which $4,613,219 were in American vessels. The foreign imjiorts were received in 484 vessels, of the tonnage of 110,068, and manned by 4,581 men. The total niunber of vessels owned and re- gistered at Btiltimore on the 30th of June, 1849, was 134,025.35 tons— 53,624.75 tons being engaged in coasting, and 11,464.28 tons in steam navigation. In the same year there were built in Baltimare 9 ships and barks, 8 brigs, 41 schooners, 5 steamers, with the ag- gregate tonnage of 12,199.66 tons. (See B^- timore.) * Bankers' Magazine. MAINE EARLY HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION OF. 53 MAINE. — Its Early HrsTonv— riivsiCAi. Aspect — Auricultuual and Mineral Re SOWRCKs — Commerce— Manufactures — Gov EENMENT— Finances — Population — Schools, CoLLKGKs, (tc, &c. — lu tho year 1603, a com- pany (if Bristol merchants fitted out an expidi- tion of two small vessels, under the command of Martin Piing, for the purpose of exploring the shores of America north of Martha's Vineyard and Massachusetts Bay, and of opening a trade with tlie natives — ?ome very flaltering notices having been received of that portion of the New World from Bartholomow Gosnold, who had visited it the year before. Pring landed on the coast of Maine, in June, 1603, discov- ered some of its principal rivers, and re- turned to England. In 1606 he repeated the voyage, and made a more accurate survey of Maine ttian before. The whole country, from the mouth of the Hudson to New-Brunswick, was in the same year granted by James I., of England, to a body of " kuiglits, gentlemen, and merchants," in England, called the Ply- mouth Company. This company sent out a colony of jjlanters, under George Popham, who landed at the mouth of the Kennebec river on the 21st of August, 1607, and erected a few rude cabins, a store-house, and some slight fortifications. Forty-five only of the emigrants remained at the place, which they called St. George; the rest returned to England in the following December. The glace where this colony, usually called the agadahoc colony, passed the winter, is now the town of Phippsburg. The winter was extremely severe, and the poor emigrants suffered from famine and hardships of every description. Their store-house was destroyed by fire, their commander died, and in the fol- lowing year they abandoned the settlement, and returned to England. The principal object of trading vessels to the American coasts, at that early period, was the collection of furs and skins, and of sassa- fras, then becoming fashionable in England, as a medicinal drug. Priug took home with him one of his vessels entirely freighted with sassafras, and the other with furs and skins. The next settlers on the New-England coast were the Pilgrims, at Plymouth, in 1620, from whom settlers gradually extended to the coasts of Maine. Gorges and Mason, two Englishmen, had long been engaged in trafficking on these coasts. In 1621 Mason obtained the grant of a tract of country, ex- tending from Salem to the mouth of the Merrimac ; and in 1622 Mason and Gorges, together, obtained a grant of the whole tract from the Merrimac to the Kennebec, which they called Laconia. They sent out a colony of fishermen, who settled at the mouth of the Piscataqua, where Portsmouth now stands. Others, fishmongers from Lontlon, settled at Dover, eight miles np the river. These set- tlements, in what is now New-Hampshire, are among the oldest in the United States ; but they did not prosper, and were only fishing stutio 18. Settlements of stragglers continued to be made eastward along the coast. In 1625 thero was a settlement at what is now York, and another at the mouth of the Saco. In 1632 the people of Plymouth established a trading-house on the Penobscot, and one at Machias, at the entrance of tlie Bay of Fundy, both of which places were plundered by the French in 1633, who claimed the whole country east of Pemaquid Point. In 1635 the French sent an armed vessel to the trad- ing house at Penobscot, and took possession of it, paying the traders for their goods in bills on France. The traders were sent home to Plymouth. An attempt was made to re- gain tlie place, but without success ; and the French held it many years. In 1635, the Council of New-England sur- rendered their patent, and their territories fell to eight different proprietors. Gorges was one of them ; and to his territories, lying between the Kennebec and Piscataqua, he gave the name of New-Somerset. He sent out his nephew, William Gorges, as his dep- uty, to establish a government over the set- tlements. A general court was held at Saco. In 1639, Gorges, who for thirty years had been engaged in colonization projects, and who had lost by them some §598,000, obtained a royal charter for his American provinces, and changed their name to Maine, in honor, it is conjectured, of the Queen of England, who had some feudal relation with the French province of that name. It had. ho\vli*'er, been long the custom of the planters and fishermen of the whole New- England coast, to designate it as " the Main," to distinguish the main 1 nd from the islands. Gorges, who appears to have had some- what pompous and inflated notions of things, attempted to erect over his fishmonger sub- jects a stately government, consisting of a lieutenant, chancellor, marshal, admiral, (though he had no navy,) and other high officers, who, together with eight deputies chosen by the people, were to constitute the general court, or legislative council. The little hamlet of Agamenticus he chartered as a city, and changed its name to Georgiana, in honor of himself. When the civil war commenced in England, Sir Fernando Gorges adhered to the king, and his enemies succeeded in getting wrested from him all his territory north and east of the Saco. Gorges died in 1647, and iu 1652 his little province was annexed to Massachusetts, and Georgiana changed to York. The heirs of Gorges contended with Mas- sachusetts for Maine until the year 1677, when they sold all their right and title to it for the sum of £1,200. The province, as claimed by Massachusetts, under this purchase, did not I extend east of the Kennebec. The French 54 MAINE EARLY mSTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION OF. claimed all east of that as part of Acadie; and New- York, then governed by Andros, claimed all between the Kennebec and Pe- nobscot. Androa built a fort at Peniaquid, and purchased peace of the Indians, who had nearly depopulated the white settlements, by agreeing to pay them an annual tribute of com — a peck for each English family. From 1670 to 1712, the English settlements in Maine suffered much from the incursion? of the Indians and French. Some of the towns ■were completely destroyed, and large num- bers of people massacred. The government of Maesachusetts offered a reward of $132 for every grown Indian taken prisoner. By the treaty of Utrecht, in 1712, France yielded to England all her claims to Acadie, and thus the Indian massacres in New-England ceased. Of all the flourishing settlements on the coast of Maine, however, only three were left, the others having been destroyed. .Maine being incorporated with Massachu- setts, its history is merged in that of the latter, and we hear nothing more of it until after the Revolutionary War. In 1785 its population was so increased that a convention of the people was held at Portland, to consider the expediency of erecting themselves into an independent state. Ptirtland was first settled in 1632, and pur- chased by Gorges in 1637. In 1675 it was destroyed in the Indian war, and again in 1690 by the same enemy. It was rebuilt in 1715, and in twenty years afterwards its trade in lumber was extensive, so that it supplied the BAish navy with masts and spars, which were chiefly exported in foreign vessels. At the commencement of the Revolution, Port- land had a population of 1,900, and a port tonnage of 2,555. It had 230 houses, and a Congregational and Episcopal church. In 1775 it was bombarded by the British, and 136 houses, including the principal public buildings, were destroyed. The place was at that time called Falmouth, which was changed to Portland in 1786. It is now the largest town in Maine. It was not until 1802 that another effort was made by thi' people of Maine to become a separate state. In 1788 the people opposed the ratification of the federal constitution, chiefly on the ground tliat it might prove an obstacle to their favorite project of becoming an independent state, which was not effected until 1820. Tiie boundaries of Maine, as fixed by the late treaty, are the result of a controversy with Great Britain of a quarter of a century's standing, and ot»e which came near involving the two countries in a war. By the treaty, the St. Croix, and a line running due north from the niomiment at its source to the St. John's river, form the boundary on the east. On the north, the line follows the St. John's and St, Francis rivers to lake Pohenagamook. On the west, the line follows the high lands from that lake in a south-west direction to the north-east comer of New-Hampshire, which state forms part of the western boundary. The Atlantic is on the south. Maine is the largest of the New- England States, having an area of 30,000 square miles, or more than four times the area of Massa- chusetts. Maine is diversified, of an uneven surface, but not generally mountainous. Near the sea the land is mostly level. Farther inland, it becomes hilly, and finally mountain- ous. Mount Kotahdin, the highest elevation, is 5,300 feet high. In the interior there are a number of small lakes, noted for their scenery. Maine his a sea-coast of over 230 miles, indented by numerous bays, and protected by numerous islands. It has more good harbors than any other state in the Union. The land on the sea-coast, for from ten to twenty miles inland, is not very fertile, but improves in quality as one leaves the coast. In the north- west and south-east parts, the soil is light and indifferent. Between the Penobscot and Ken- nebec there are lands equal m fertility to any in the Union. The climate of Maine is .subject to great extremes of heat and cold, ranging from 100° of Fahrenheit's thermometer, in summer, down to 27° below zero in winter. It is, however, generally healthy. The season of vegetation does not continue in vigor more than three and a half months in the year, its greatest length being from the 21st of April to the 16th of October. Maine has a number of fine rivers. The Penobscot, 250 miles long, is navigable for large ships to Bangor, 52 miles fiora the ocean. The Kennebec, 250 miles long, is navigable for large ships 12 miles, to Bath, and for vessels of 100 tons, 42 miles, to Augusta. The Saco is navigable only sis miles. The entrance and exit from the rivers of Maine arc very much facilitated by the high tides which prevail there. At Bangor, 52 miles from the sea, the tide rises seventeen or eighteen feet. It is computed, that at least one tenth of the surface of Maine is covered with water, so immerous are the lakes and ponds in the interior. Lake Moosehead, the large.st, is 50 miles long, and 10 or 12 broad. Penobscot Bay is 30 miles long and 18 wide. Casco is 20 miles long. Maine is noted for its fisheries, lumber, and ship building. Its other products are grass, flax, and all the different kinds of grain ; but the season is often too short for Indian com. The wild lands produce vast quantities of timber and lumber, which may be regarded as the staple production, the annual amount exported being from 10 to ?1 5.0(10,000. The state is well adapted to grazing and wool growing, the amount of wool being several millions of dollars annually. Lime, marble, MAINE EAKLY HISTORY AND PRESENT CONDITION OF. 55 and ice are exported in vast quantities. Ships are manufactured for a foreign market, and the fisheries furnish employment for thousands of the citizens. The most commercial places in the state arc Portland, Bangor, Bath, Hallowell, Au- gusta, Thomaston, famous for its lime, Belfast, Wiscasaet, Wells, Gardiner, Brunswick, Cam- den, Castine, Eastport, and Topsham, noted for its ship-building. Goveniinent. — The government of Maine consists of a Governor, Senate, and House of Eepresentatives. The governor is elected annually by the people, and has a salary of §1,500. A council of seven persons to advise the governor, is elected annually by the joint ballot of the legislature. The members of the Senate and House of Representatives — the former consisting of thirty-one, and the latter of one hundred and fifty-one members — are elected by the people, annually. All male citizens of the United St&tcs, 21 years of age, (except paupers,) who have been in the state three months previous to an election, are voters, by written ballot. Jndk'iary. — This is vested in a supreme judicial court, and such other courts as the legislature may, from time to time, establish. The Supreme Court has four judges, with a salary of 81,800. The state is divided into three districts, with a judge over each — salary, §1,200. In each of the 13 counties there is a Probate Court, with salaries vary- ing from $150 to $620. Finances. — Maine has a total debt of $600,500, paying an interest of $36,000. From the last report of the state treasurer, we have the following ; Amount of receipts from Blay 1, 1851, to April 30, 1851 $426,196 30 Balance of cash in treasury May 1, 1850 125,924 07 $552,120 37 Amount of expenditures from May 1, 1850, to April 30, 1851, iuclusivo . . 507,450 30 Leaving a balance in treasury May 1, 1851, of $44,670 07 Some of the heaviest items of expenditure in 1850-51 were as follows: Pay of the legislature, $47,976 ; salaries, $24,557 ; roll of accounts, $15,238 ; cost of criminal prose- cutions, $26,887 ; school fund, $81,610 ; state roads and bridges, $6,750 ; deaf, dumb, and blind, $5,126 ; state reform school, $3,000 ; insane hospital, $602 ; teachers' institutes, $2,600. The resources of the state, consisting prin- cipally of direct taxes and income from the land-office, are estimated at $688,602, for 1851. During the same year the chief re- Bources of income werj as follows: Direct taxes, $207,575; land-office, $137,341; per- manent school fund, $2,707 ; school fund, No. 18, $28,440; duties on commissions, $1,860 ; bank dividends, $800 ; U. S. stock and pre- mium, $21,850; interest on U. S. loan, $600. J'opulation. — The progress of the popula- tion of Maine, since 1790, has been as follows: Increase per cent. 1790 96,540 1800 151,719 67.2 1810 228,705 60.7 1820 298,335 30.4 1830 399,955 34.0 1840 501,793 24.9 1850 683,088* 16.6 The present population consists of 103,787 families, containing 296,635 white males, and 285,128 white females. Tlie free colored population is 1,325. The number of dwelling- houses in the .state is 95,797. Its number of representatives in Congress is six, having lost one by the apportionment of the last census. As each representative must represent 93,702 persons, Maine has a residuary fraction of 21,020 persons. The two most populous cities in Maine are Portland and Bangor, the population of the former being 26,819, and of the latter, 14,441. Common Schools. — In 1828, the state set apart 20 town.ships of public land as a basis for a school fund. These lands have yielded thus far $104,363, which is permanent school fund. In 1850, there were set apart 24 half townships more. The banks are also required to give to the school fund, semi-annually, one half of one per cent, on their capital stock. This tax, in 1850, amounted to $27,230; which, added to the interest arising from the school fund, amounting to $6,216, makes $33,492, the sum divided among the towns of the state, in 1850, for school purposes. The inhabitants of every town are also taxed 40 cents each for the support of schools. In 1850, this tax amounted to $264,351. The number of common schools in the state, in 1850, was 6,627, with 230,274 pupils. The average monthly wages of male teachers is $16.66; of female $5.92. There are school libraries in nine towns. There are 92 char- tered academies in the state. Teachers' insti- tutes also have been in successful operation for several years; 1,732 teachers attended them in 1850. Colleges. — Bowdoin College, at Brunswick, named in honor of its principal benefactor, the Hon. James Bowdoin, was founded in 1794. Its president is Leonard Woods, jr., D.D. It has 14 professors, 1,051 alumni, and 121 students, at the present time. Its library contains 22,900 volumes. Waterville College was founded in 1820, by the Baptists, at Waterville. David N. Sheldon, D.D., is its president. It has five professors and 76 stu- • This gives 19 inhabitants to tbo stiuare mile. 56 MISSOURI ITS HISTORY. dents. There is also the Bangor Tboological Seminaiy, at Bangor, founded in 1816; the Wesleyaa Seminary, at Readfield, founded in 1822. Maine has al'o the Maine Medical School, at Brun.=iwick, founded in 1820; it has five professors and 51 students. There were in Maine, in 1840, 3,241 per- sons, over 20 years of age, xvlio could neither read nor write. Internal Improvements. — The Cumberland and Oxford Canal, connecting Portland with Sabago pond, and, by locks in the Songo river, with Brandy and Long ponds, forms a naviga- tion of 50^ miles. It is 34 feet wide, contains 26 locks, and cost ?250,000. Railroads. — The Androscoggin and Kenne- bec Railroad is 55 miles long, and cost $1,621,878. The Bangor and Piscataquis is 11 f miles long. The Calais and Baring, 6 miles long. The Portland, Saco, and Ports- mouth is 52 miles long. The great Atlantic and St. Lawrence Railroad, extending from Portland to the Canada line, which it strikes at the town of Canada, in Vermont, where it connects with the St. Lawrence and Atlantic Railroad, extending from Montreal eastward, is 156 miles long. Railroad cars now run through from Montreal to Portland. It has a branch 13 miles long. The Kennebec, Bath, and Portland Railroad connects Portland with Augusta, the capital of the state. It is 60 miles long. There is also the York and Cumberland, from Portland to Great Falls, New-Hampshire, which is about 50 miles long. On tlie 1st of January, 1852, Maine had 315 miles of railroad complete and in use, and 127 miles in progress of completion ; making in all, 442 miles. Manufactures. — From the returns of the last census, we have the following statistics on the manufacture of cotton, woollen, and iron, in the state of Maine, up to 1850 : Caintal H»nd8 Value of llivesteil. enlploveJ Pr. Jucts Cotton goods $3,.329.700 .. 3,739 . . $2,596,356 WooUin goods,. . . 467,(iU0.. 624., 753.300 Pig Iron, 214,000.. 71.. 3{i,GlG Iron Castings, 150,100.. 244.. 265,000 The number of spindles employed in the manufacture of cotton, in 1850, was 142,700; but during that year 112,500 were stopped. The quantity of lumber of all kinds manu- factured in Maine, in 1850, was 203,754,201 feet; in 1851 it was 202,005,830 feet, which, at the average price of *10 per thousand feet, would amount to ? 2,020,05 8. Maine is noted for its ship-building. In 1850 it built 127 ships, 75 brigs, 115 schoo- ners, 3 sloops, and 6 steamers; — in all, 326 Tessels, having a tonnage of 91,211. No other state in the Union built halt as many, except New- York, which built 224 vessels, of a tonnage of 58,342. Salt is manufactured in large quantities iu Maine ; also, paper, leather, hats, caps, bon- nets, articles of saddlery, pottery ware, bricks, lime, machinery, hardware, cutlery, cordage, carriages and wagons, furniture, drc. The amount of capital employed in manufactures is not probably less than §10,500,000. Commerce. — Maine exported, in the year ending July 1, 1850, domestic products to the amount of 81,536,818, and foreign to the amount of $29,094. Her total imports, for the same year, amounted to $856,411. Banks. — Maine has thirty -seven banks, with a capital of 83,586,100 for all of them. Their entire circulation is §2,994,905. Tlicir total liabilities amount to 88,251,260. These are met by the following resources : Loans §6,450,460 Bank balances 813,232 Specie on hand 630,296 Real estate 102,570 Bills of MHine banks 150,016 Bills of other banks 104,686 Total resources $8,251,260 Such is the condition of banking in Maine, as furnished by the last annual abstract, pub- lished by the Secretary ol State in May, 1851. The average dividends of these banks is about four per cent. More complete statistics of Maine cannot be given, until the returns of the last United States census are known. MISSOURI.— Its History— St.\tk Gov- ernment, Courts, etc. — Boundaries, and Sur- face AND Soil of the Country — Natuu.u, Productions and Clim.\te — Principal Rivers — Cuief Towns — JIineral Resources of the State — Internal I.mi'rovements — Popula- tion—education, ETC., ETC. History. — Hernando de Soto may be said to be the first European that beheld the river Mississippi, called by him, on its discovery, (April, 1541,) "Rio Grande." Crossing this stream, probably some thirty miles below Helena, in the state of Arkansas, he traversed, at the head of his adventurous band, a good- ly portion of the territoiy beyond. He is thought by some, but without sufficient reason, to Iiavc come, during this march, into the limits of the present state of Missouri. The Mississippi was first explored iu 1673, by Marquette and Joliet, two French mission- aries, and more fully by La Salle, also a na- tive of France, in 1C82. By him all the re- gion situate between the so-called " Illinois country " and the Gulf of Mexico was for- mally declared an aj)pcndage of the French crown, and called Louisiana, in lionor of the reigning monarch. From this time, settlements began to be made by the French within the Mis- sissippi valley, advancing respectively from the northern and southern extremities towards MISSOURI ITS HISTORY. 57 the interior. Canada had long (from 1608) been inhibited by colonists from France ; but not till tlie beginning of the 18th century was the region bordering on the gulf alike distin- guished. Natchez was settled in 1700; New- Orleans was founded in 1718; and within ?. few years the whole valley was protected from Spanish invasion by a chain of forts ex- tending from the lakes to the Mexican gulf Among these, was built in 1719, Fort Orleans, near the mouth of the Osage, not fiir from the present capital of Missouri. The " Illinois country," above mentioned, was discovered and explored by Joliet and Marquette, and was colonized before Louisiana. The first settlement was made at Kaskaskia, in 1684; the next, at Cahokia, in 1699 ; and Viucen- nes, in 1735. In legal proceedings, the region now known as the state of Missouri was included by the French and Spanish in the Illinois country ; but popularly and historically it was denomi- nated '■ Upper Louisiana." The state of Ar- kansas was included within the same division. Situated in the central part of the valley, the progress of settlement in Missouri at first was not rapid. Its lead mines were worked as early as 1720. In 1755, the oldest town in the state, St. Genevieve, was founded ; St. Louis, in 1764; and afterwards a number of towns in quick succession. During all this time, there was granted only one tract of land ■within the limits of the state. Meanwhile (1703) the jurisdiction of the valley passed from France to Spain and England : Spain obtaimng all the territory west of the Missis- sippi; England all east of that river. To England, too, was assigned, as the reward of conquest, made permanent by the treaty of 1763, the entire province of Canada. France, after a violent contest, had been despoiled of all her territorial possessions in North Amer- ica. During the struggle, a number of Ca- nadian French, expecting but dreading the English yoke, emigrated by the way of the lakes, and going southward, located in Illinois, and I'pper and Lower Louisiana. Hence the first important impulse to the colonization of Missouri. The population of Spanish Loui- siana at the time of its public transfer, not without serious opposition on the part of the settlers, (1769,) was estimated at 13,540 persons, of whom 5,556 were whites, the re- mainder negro slaves. Of the whites, over 2,000 were able to bear arms. Of the whole populivtion, the city of New-Orleans alone contained 3,190 souls, domiciliated in 468 bouses. A river trade had sprung up be- tween the northern and southern portions of the province ; and the exports of the province amounted, the year before, to ?250,0ii0. The character of the new government was mild and conciliating. The laws of Spain were promulgated as the law of the land. The highest tribunal in Lower Louisiana was that of the governor ; in Upper Louisiana, that of the lieutenant governor. The commandants of the various posts in the province were the inferior tribunals. Lands were granted liber- ally to colonists, on the payment of a trifling douceur to the proper commandant ; and every encouragement was given to those wishing to effect a settlement. Numerous emigrants from Spain flocked into the province. In 1775, St. Louis, originally a depot for the fur trade, had increased in population to 800. Its houses numbered 120, many of them built of stone. St. Genevieve contained 460 inhabitants, and about 100 houses. Just then the American revolution broke out, and Spain, siding with the English colonists, entered into hostilities against England. In Lower Louisiana and iu West Florida, the arms of Spain were suc- cessful. Meantime St. Louis was besieged and attacked (1780) by a body of British troops and Indians, 1,540 strong, from Michili- mackinac and the southern extremity of Lake Michigan. Col. Clark, then at Kaskaskia, being called on for assistance, arrived in time to give succor, when the grand assault was being made upon the town, (May 6 ;) for, attacked by the " Longknives," as the Indians called the Amer- icans, they fled from the scene, and returned in chagrin to their homes. During the siege, which lasted a week, about sixty persons were killed in the town and vicinity. Thirty more, who had been captured by the Indians, were rescued by the gallant Clark. The force under his command was not quite 500 men. The general peace of 1783 put an end to hostili- ties. Spain retained her previous possessions, and received in addition the whole of Florida south of the 31st parallel of latitude. Great Britain resigned East Louisiana, called also Illinois, to the United States, retaining only Canada. Emigration into Spanish Louisiana began once more on the restoration of peace, and trade and agriculture commenced again to flourish. The hardy settlers of the western part of the United States now built their cabins in numerous places on the west side of the MississippL As might have been ex- pected, difficulties soon arose between Spain and the United States. The former power became jealous of the increasing greatness of the latter. A dispute relative to the western boundary of Georgia and the navigation of the Mississippi was settled by a treaty, (Oct. 20, 1795,) by which the Spanish king granted to the United States the free navigation of the Mississippi, and agreed to the 31st paral- lel of latitude as the northern boundary of the Floridas. Territory north of that line, occupied by Spain at the signing of the treaty, was not surrendered, however, until 1798, (March 28,) the rival powers having ap proached meanwhile the very brink of war. The promised free navigation of the Missis- sippi was unexpectedly obstructed, a place of 5S MISSOURI ITS HISTORY. commercial deposit refused, and disabilities thrown ia the way of Americans desiring to settle in Louisiana. War would certainly have ensued, for Spain was jealous of Amer- ican prosperity ; and the American spirit of enterprise, resolved on pa.ssing any and every territorial bound, was not always intent on preserving the strictest regard to the rights, i"eal or assumed, of its less adventurous neigh- bors. I nvasion, however, was prevented by the cession of Louisiana to France, (March 21, 1801,) and its disposal by that power to the United States, (April 30, 1803.) In the European troubles consequent upon the French revolution of 1*789, Spain had be- come involved in the general war, and her king was compelled to bow before the irresist- ible might of Xapoleon, then First Consul of France, and surrender to that conqueror the province of Louisiana. Distrusting his power to retain it, engaged as he was in a contest with Europe, and pressed for money, Napoleon Bold the province to tlie United States for $15,000,000. It was formally delivered to the United States Dec. 20, 1803, at New- Orleans; the outposts not being all resigned un til the ensuing spring. At this time the prov- ince contained 49,500 inhabitants, of whom 6,028 were living in Upper Louisiana. The products of its agriculture, in 1802, were chiefly cotton and sugar; of the former, 20,000 bales, of the latter, 5,000 hogsheads. The commerce of New-Orleans had become exten- sive; its exports, coming from the province and the AYestern states and territories, and consisting chiefly of flour, pork, salt, beef, tobacco, cotton, sugar, molasses, peltries, naval stores and lumber, amounted to 40,000 tons. The commerce of Upper Louisiana was flour- ishing. A prosperous trade was being carried on between St. Louis and New-Orlean.s, and with the settlements on the Ohio, Cumberland and Tennessee rivers. The annual crop was about 88,000 minots (264,000 bushels) of wheat, 84,000 of Indian corn, and 28,627 lbs. of tobacco. Tiie mines produced 1,700 quin- tals (cwts.) of lead ; the salines, about 1,000 bbls. of salt. The fur trade brought in about $70,000. Louisiana, henceforth, formed part of the United States, itself " an empire," bought, to use the words of Bonaparte, " for a mere trifle." The whole purchase was speedily divided into the " Territory of Orleans" (since 1812 the State of Louisana) and the " District of Loui- siana," erected in 1806 iuto a territorial govern- ment, administered by a governor and territo- rial judges, under the title of "Territory of Loui. ii.-ively raised lor export. Poultry suc- ceeds admirably. The climate of Mis-souri is extremely vari able. In winter, the cold is excessive; in summer, the heat. The thermometer falls below Zero, and the Missouri and Mississijipi are frczi-n over, so that heavy-loaded wagnns can cro -.- in safety for weeks at a time. The country being open and exposed to the sun's rays, and the soil loose and sandy, and con- sequently retentive of heat, the summer ia exceedingly warm. The atmosphere, Jiow- ever, is dry and pure, and cooling winds temper the heat of sunmier. Bilious and remittent fevers prevail in the bottom lands during warm weather. Other portions of the state are deemed healthy, and will probably be- come jiifire so as settlements increase. Pul- monic, or lung complaints, terminating in con- sumption, in spite of the variableness of the weather, are rare ; but pleurisy and lung fe- vers are not unfrequent in winter. Prixch'ai, Rivkrs. — Omitting the Missis- sippi as not flowing within the limits of the state, we may mention first, as most important among the rivers of Missouri, the stream from which it takes its name. This river rises in the Rocky Mountains, not far from the head waters of the Columbia, 3,096 miles from its mouth. The last four or five hundred milea of its course alone lie within the limits of the state; the rest flows through the Territory of Missouri. The trough through wliich the river flows is from two to four miles wide, and is bounded by rocky limestone hills, which rise to a height of from one to three hundred feet. Nearly all the bottoms of the Missouri are on its north side; and ordinarily, they are not subject to overflow. In this respect they differ widely from those of the Mississippi, which latter are, moreover, of greater width, and formed of soil less sandy and less easily percolated by water. The Missouri flows ilown an inclined plane, the upper strata of which are readily disintegrated and trans- ported by the rapid flow of the main stream and its chief tributaries, the Yellowstone and the Platte. Its waters become thorough- ly impregnated, as we find them at its mouth, with mineral and organic substances in solu- tion or suspension, imparting to it that turbid character for which it is distinguished. The alluvial lands lying along the river are subject to being covered, during inundations, with drifting sands; they are, however, occupied by a luxuriant vegetation both of trees and herbs. The.se bottomlands are favorites with settlers, and they are capable of supporting a dense pupulation. Tiie river is navigable from its mouth to the falls, '2,000 miles from its mouth. Its valley has double the elevation of that of the Mississippi; and the average rapidity of the stream is as fast again as that of the other. In 1819 it was first navigated by a steaiidjoat. The products of the Santa Fe and of tlie In- dian fur trade find their way down this river. The former trade i< valued at §500,000 a year, the latter at $.300,000. The next largest river of the state is the Osa^e, a tributary of the Missouri, coming in on its south side, 120 miles from its mouth. At its mouth the Osage is 400 yards wide; and is navigable for boats of a light draught for about 200 miles, at high water. About 62 MISSOURI — CHIEF TOWNS. the head \s'aterg of this stream are found the best cotton lands in the state. The Gascon ade conies into the Missouri below the Osage, near the town of Hermann, and is important for the supplies of fine plank and timber whicli it furnishes to the country below. The Ma- ramec is a beautiful river, running through the mineral region, and flowing into the Mis- sissippi, 18 miles below St. Louis. Further south are the rivers St. Francis and the White, with their branches. North of tlie Missouri we find Salt river flowing into the Mississippi ; and the Chariton and the Grand, which empty into the ISIissouri. Propositions have been made for improving the Osage, Grand, Salt, and Maramec ; and it is expected that no long time will elapse before the desired improve- ments, at least in the Osage (cost, $204,600) and the Grand, {U^,181,) will be effected. Those proposed to be made in the former will, on estimate, save the people residing within the territory which it waters an annual aggre- gate of §329,594. Other rivers than those mentioned are of minor importance. Chief Towns. — The oldest town in the state is St. Genevieve, on the west bank of the Mississippi, about 60 miles below St. Louis. It is interesting chiefly for its early history, and for its future prospects. At pres- ent it is much decayed, though beginning agaiu to flourish. The old village, {Le Vieux Vil- lage) now called the Big Field, {Le Grand Champ.) and distant about three miles from the present town, was settled about the year 1755. The original settlers were cultivators of the soil, traders in furs, peltries and lead, and voyageurs. Of the old village, nothing now remains. The new town was settled, about 1785, the year of the great flood [Van- nee dea grands eaux) by emigrants from Kaskaskia, in Illinois, and a portion of tlie inhabitants of the old town. About a year ago, the last survivor of the new town settlers, Jean Bapt. Valle, sen., died at an advanced age. The present town is located in the neighborhood of a rich mining and agricul- tural country, and must in time enjoy coii- sideralile commerce. When the contemplated railroail between it and the Iron Mountain shall have been finished, its prosperity will be insured. Marblu and limestone abound iu its vicinity. Its sand is the best iu the United States for the manufacture of glass, and Bos- ton and Pittsburg use it in large quantities in their manufactories. The village possesses, too, great advantages for manufiicturiug. Be- sides iron, there is diiposited here for shipment all the lead, cobalt, and copper made in the neighboring counties of south-east Missouri. New-Madrid, another of the first settled towns in Missouri, was founded by Jaques Glamorgan, a Scotchman, holding office under the Spanish government, in the year 1788 or 1789. Its founders and first inhabitants were men fond of adventure, iutelUgent, and most ' of them possessed of comfortable means of living. They engaged in raising cotton, which, together with furs and peltries bought from the Indians, they exported. None of the old town is now in existence. Its fort, churches, cemeteries, and houses, have all been swept away by the encroachments of the Mississippi. In a few years no traces of the town so noted for its suft'erings during the earthquakes of 1811-12 will be discoverable by the inquiring stranger. The present town was laid out back of the old, in 1820. The location is, or rather will be, good, in a commercial point of view. The chief drawback from the advance- ment of the town is the vast region of swamp, or submerged land, lying directly in its rear. That portion of the neighboring country which can be tilled, is rich and highly productive. When the proposed drainage of the surround- ing district shall have been completed, there- fore, New-Madrid will awake to new life and energy. Its annual exports reach iu value about $100,000. The city of St. Louis, by far the largest in the state, and the largest west of the Missis- sippi, destined to be second only to New-Or- leans in all the valley, was founded in 1664 by a company of merchants, who had an exclusive grant for carrying on commerce with the In- dians on the Missouri. The city is situated on the Missisippi, on the first bluff, 20 miles below the mouth of the Missouri ; and is ad- mirably located for carrying on commerce. It has access to a vast region of country : on the north by the Mississippi and the Illinois, on the west by the Missouri, and on the south- east by the Ohio. The mighty Mississippi gives it an outlet to the ocean. Its trade sur- passes that of any place on the river above New-Orleans. In 1810 its population was 1,600; in 1820,4,598 ; in 1830,6,694; in 1840, 16,496; in 1850, 77,465, of whom 2,616 were slaves. Capital invested in the city in 1850 amounted to $3,853,351 ; persons em- ployed, 7,929; annual product, 113,908,577. Of the population, 40,414 were natives of foreign countries, of whom 23,774 were born in Germany. This emigrant population is one of tlie chief causes of the city's advance in wealth and prosperity. The bluff on which the city is built is composed of limestone, formed into two distinct banks: tiie first 20, tlie second 60 feet above high water. The city is thickly settled a mile and a half along the river, but extends in all .six and a half miles by the curve of the river. Its breadth reaches back in all three miles ; but tlie thickly settled part only three quarters of a mile. The houses are usually of neat constiuction, the most recent being built of brick, and some of stone quarried on the spot. Tlie city con- tains 49 churches, valued at $1,213,600. Of the,se, 12 are Roman Catholic; 12 Methodist; 8 Presbyterian; 5 Episcopal; 5 Lutheran; 2 Baptist ; 2 Unitarian ; 2 Evangelical ; 1 Boat- MISSOURI — MINERAL RESOURCES. 63 Tnen'^ Tliere are, besides, two synagogues. There are •within the city limits 44 common schools, with 2,847 pupils ; 16 private schools, ■with 2,378 pupils; 9 Roman Catholic, with 1,856 pupils; a Catholic College with 25U pupils ; ami two Medical Colleges, with 14 professors and 262 students. Tlie trade of St. Louis is, of course, extensive and increasing. Of the principal articles of trade, there were received at that point during the year 1850, 60,862 bales of hemp ; 573,502 pigs of lead ; 1,792,074 bushels of wheat; 325,070 barrels of flour; 101,562 barrels of pork ; and 9,055 hogsheads of tobacco. The number of steam- boat arrivals during the same year was 2,599. The amount of lumber received and manufac- tured into shingles, laths, and staves, was 29,676,099 feet. Among the other towns in the state may be mentioned Jefferson City, on the Missouri, just above the mouth of the Osage, distinguished only as being the seat of government. Boon- ville, on the Missouri, above Jefferson City, in Cooper county, was settled by Daniel Boone, of Kentucky. Glasgow, in Howard, laid out in 1836, contains now 1,000 inhabitants, and is flourishing in its commerce. Lexington, in Lafayette, also on the Missouri, is a thriving place, situated in a rich region, and containing about 2,500 inhabitants. Weston, in Platte, on the same river, is a flourishing place. In- dependence, in Jackson, is the starting point of the Santa Fe trading caravan. St. Charles, near the mouth of the Missouri, is the most important town on that river. Potosi, in the mining district, is on the increase. Hercula- neum is the principal place of deposit for lead from the mines. Cape Girardeau, on the Mis- sissippi, below St. Genevieve, has a fine harbor, and is the port of a flourishing region in the rear. Louisiana, Clarkesville, and Hannibal are most important landing-places on the Mis- sissippi, above St. Louis. Palmyra, lying back of Hannibal, was once a thriving village, but afterwards became much decayed. It is now again flourishing, containing about 2,000 inhabitants. Mineral Resources. — The mineral region of Missouri occupies an area of from seventeen to eighteen millions of acres, an extent of country greater than New-Hampshire, Massa chusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island and Del- aware united. It was described as early as 1718, on a French chart, as wn p00 of tons, enough to supply the ■world for more than a century. The mines of Elba, of Sweden, or of Norway, do not contain the same amount of metallic iron ore. The operation of smelting the ore is now carried on ■with diligence at the mountains, and the pig iron is transported in wagons, at the cost of one quarter of a cent a pound, to St. Gene- vieve. The contemplated railroad between the two points will, when constructed, give a new impulse to the mining operations. It is only of late years that the iron mines of Mis- souri have been wrought; and even now the manufactories do not produce enough to sup- ply the foundries of St. Louis, that city being obliged to import a large quantity of Scotch pig iron, an inferior article, for which as much again is paid as metal of the best quality can be produced for within the limits of the state. Copper is, perhaps, destined to be the most valuable mineral production of Missouri. The ores of this metal are found througliout the mineral region, but chiefly to tlie south and ■west of the mine La Motte. The ore is of every variety, and usually very rich. It is found combined with iron, lead, and frequently manganese, cobalt and nickel. It is generally pyritous, but oxides and carbonates are fre- quently found. A very rich mine, called Buck- eye, of argentiferous copper, combined with cobalt and nickel, was discovered a few years •ince. about five miles south of the mine La Motte. A shaft has been sunk in it to the depth of one hundred feet, discovering large veins rich in ores. 'J'he ores appear to be, in general, a cement uniting angular fragments of lime rocks, forming a breccia; and much of it is easily removed by tli(! ))iokaxe alone. Three fourths of the ore yields more than 3-1 per cent. Of metal. It is probable that the main lode of the deposit lias not yet been reached. The ore as it comes up is worth 875 a ton. As yet, regular systematic mining for copper has not begun in the state, except on a small scale in the vicinity of the two or three smcilting establishmc^nts previously in opera- tion. It is expected that copper mining will be carried in tiiis state to depths rivalling [those of the celebrated mines of Wales and Germany. The mines are considered more valuable than those on Lake Superior. Indi- cations of extensive and heavy lodes of the metal have been traced for miles, situate, a great part of the distance, in public land, liable to entry at §1.25 an acre. The ore needs but little cleansing, and is often smelted in the con- dition in which it is thrown up from the mine. Zinc ores, in the form of calamine and sul- phuret, are often discovered in abundance in mining for lead. They are, as yet, deemed valueless, but will, no doubt, be turned to pro- fitable use with the advance of metallurgic information.'* Maiifjane-ie ores are also very abundant, and mu^t in time be sought for with avidity.f Cobalt has ])ecome an object of ex- ploration. It is usually fouinl associated with nickel, in the torn: of the sulphuretor the black oxide. An apparatus for the preparation of cobalt oxide has been fitted up at the mine La Motte, and it is estimated that the tract will produce from three to five thousand pounds of the article per annum. The fact of the existence of this ore, to any valuable ex- tent, is only a very recent discovery. :j: Nickel, which, with cobalt, is the most valuable, in- trinsically, of the metals, after silver, has not yet been extracted in any form to any con- siderable quantity § Silver is not found in this state in mines, nor, is it likely, will be. But all the ores of lead contain it; many of them in quantities that will justify its extraction by the well- known and simple process of crystallization, practised successfully on the Missouri lead by capitalists in England. Three hundred and fifty pounds of pure silver were obtained from 1,000,000 ll)s. of lead; 100 lbs. of the latter containing one half an ounce of the former. •In commerce zinc is often known under the name of spelter. Iteinga cheiipaiKl light metal, and one which, after having been supevtii'ially oxidized, long resists the farther action of air and water, it has been much used of late years as a substitute for lead in lining water cisterns and covering house.s. It is employed, also, in the operation of transferring printing, called zincography. t Manganese, in the form of the black oxide, (a com- pound containing one part of the metal and two of oxygen,) is extensively made use of as a .source of ox- ygen, and is particularly valuable on account of the use made ol it in decomposing common salt fur the production of chlorine. Some of the proto-salts of the melal are employed in calico printing to produce brown colors, and occnsionally as deoxidiz ng agents, J The oxiile of ciiljnlt is nearly black, but when ex- isting as a hydrate, or when largely diluttd by lusion with glass or borax, it produces its well-known blue color. This color being perin;inent at very high tem- peratures, this oxide is an invaluable article in the manufacture of porcelain and pottery, all the blue colors of which are derived from it. Fused with glass, it imparts a blue tint without impairing its trans- pareney. ? Since the commencement of the manufacture of German silver, (argentan.) nickel has become an ar- ticle of considerable eommenial importance. It is most usually found in combination with the ores Of cobalt. Its separation is a complicated process. MISSOURI INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS. 65 Some of the lead ore of Missouri, analyzed by Dr. KiiiiT, was foiiiul to contain an amount of silver eijual in value to the lead. I'm has been found near Caledonia, but not in sufficient quantities, it would seem, to justify working. Gold has not been discovered iu Missouri. It ■will probably never be found in placers, but may be iu combination with other metals. In minerals of the non-metallic kind, Mis- souri abounds. The carboniferous Ibnentone formation, on which St Louis is built, and which extends throughout the northern di- vision of the state, forms a beautiful and compact building material. Some of the lay- ers abound iu a species of coral, the stone from wiiich presents a fine appearance when polished. Other layers furnish an excellent lime; and it is thought by Dr. Prout that some are sufficiently aluminous to make a good hydraulic cement. Sandstones are abun- dant, but are of too loose a texture and too coarse-grained to be used as a building ma- terial, though some species would answer very well for flag-stones. The white sandstone of St. Genevieve makes superior glass. Porphyries, some of them having a red ground interspersed with crj'stals, and susceptible of a high polish, are numerous in southern Missouri. They are well fitted for architectural and ornamental uses. Syenite is also found, but it is too coarse and loose of texture to answer building pur- poses. Marbles are found in different parts of the state. They are usually of a highly crystalline character, and traversed sometimes by veins of different colors, which inipart to the marble a beautiful appearance Several varieties are found in the vicinity of Pilot Knob Mountain. Gypsum, or sulphate of lime, from which plas ter of Paris is made by heating the gypsum, has been discovered in Jackson county, extend- ing in a regular layer some distance along the bank of the Missouri. It may prove very valuable in agriculture. Saltpetre is known to exist in caverns on the banks of the Mara- mec. Current and Gasconade. Sulphate of ba ryta, or heavy spar, is found in the lead dig- gings. Coal exists in abundance in the northern part of the state. It is, in general, what is called bituminous coal. At Cote sans Dessein, how- ever, it assumes the form of cannel coal, a variety which contains less bitumen and more carbon than the other. It has been discovered at several distinct points in Cole and Callaway counties, and as higli as 40 miles upon the Osage. Some of its layers are of a great thickness. On distillation, this coal furnishes an excellent coke, and gives out gas of a fine illuminating power. It burns with a bright and copious flame, and leaves but little ashes. Being destitute of sulphur, it is well adapted to furnaces and manufacturing purposes. Clays, useful for economical purposes, are VOL. II. found iu different parts of Missouri. The sub- soil of the regi(»n around St. Louis, abounding as it does in oxide of iron and alumina, makes brick of a very handsome red tint and smooth texture. It is fitted, too, for the manufacture of pottery. Variegated clays are found in the same vicinity. Kaolin (the Chinese n'ime for porcelain clay) and pipe clays, of which porce- lain and earthenware may be made, have been discovered near Caledonia and near Cape Gi- rardeau. Delftware is manufactured in St. Louis from clay obtained near Commerce, in Scott county. I.NTKRNAL Improvememts. — Mispouri is far in the rear of other newly settled states, as re- gards works of internal improvement. There were in the state, at the beginning of 1850, five Macadamized roads, commencing at the city of St. Louis, neither of which, liowever, were in use more than a few miles beyond the city limits ; a railroad in progress of construc- tion from Independence to the Missouri river, a distance of about three miles; and certain im- provements had been made on the Osage river, at a cost of about $18,570. Common roads and bridges excepted, these were all the public improvements made up to 1850, in the state. Charters for sundry railroads — one running from Palmyra to the Mississippi, one from Hannibal to St. Joseph's, one from Indepen- dence to White River, one from Alexandria to St. Francisville, in Clark county, and another from Lexington, Lafayette county, to the Mis- sissippi — have been obtained from the legis- lature ; but it is probable that no further steps will be taken for some time towards construct- ing at least the second, third, and fifth men- tioned roads. The obtaining a charter has been the only noteworthy event in the history of most railroad enterprises in Missouri. We have learned by verbal communication, that a plank road is being constructed, in lieu of the proposed railroad from St. Genevieve to the Iron Mountain. The work is being carried on with zeal. Measures are being taken also for the construction of a plank road from Cape Girardeau to Jackson. The amount of ?30,000 has been subscribed for the purpose. The work has been commenced. Manufacturing and mining are in advance of internal improvements. The amount invested in both would not, it is thought, have exceeded, in 1850, $2,000,000. Few states possess more manufiicturiug facilities than Missouri, but as yet only a few factories are in operation. In 1840 there were in the state, according to the census, 9 woollen manufactories, 6 in Callo- way and 3 in Pike, with 13 workmen, a cap- ital of ?5,100, and goods produced to the value of ?13,750. There are no cotton or silk manu- factories. Homemade cotton goods, of fam- ily wearing, amounted in value to 81,1^9.544, Several bale rope and bagging factories were iu operation on the Missouri, and two iu St. 5 66 MISSOURI ^MINERAL WEALTH. Louis* Tlie statistics of 1840 show that the lumber trade of tliat year produced §70,355, and that there were sold l'JG,0S2 horses and mules, -133,875 neat cattle, 348,018 sheep, 1,271,161 swine, and poultry to the value of $270,647. Since that time all these articles of trade liave increased in yearly quantity, as also the agricultural products of tlie state. We have no means at present of ascertaining the precise increase. Population. — From 1848 to 1850 the state increased 93,936 souls, or nearly sixteen per cent, in population, notwithstanding the large emigration to California. The ratio of increase of the whites and that of the slave is nearly exactly the same. In the 100 counties of the state there resided, in 1848, .'588,971 people; in 1850, 682,907, of whoui 595,140 were free, and 87,769 slaves. Next to St. Louis county, which contained 105,064, Platte county, con- taining 16,929, had the greatest number of inhabitants. Education. — The state supports common schools, which seem to be working well. It contains, beside these and private schools and academies, live colleges : the University of St. Louis, a Roman Catholic institution, located in *The subjoined extract from the messagp of Gov. Edwards, lor 1846, sets forth the principal supposed causes which retard the advancemcut, us wcil as those ■which tend to promote the establishment, of manulac- tures in Missouri : " The estabhshment of manufactories is attended with its difflcuUies. To carry them on very success- fully, large investments and a superior population are required. We are not without capilal, but the high rate of interest, and the many supposed profitable in- vestments tor money which liave heretofore existed, have prevented the appropriation of funds to the erection of manufacturing establishments. If the rate of interest were lower, capilal wouhl be profitably in- vested in manufactories to a considerable extent. The tariff, also, retards the establishment of niaiiutactories in our state, whether it be a tarilf for proiection, or a tariff for revenue, for all tariffs for revenue iire tariffs for protection to a greater or less extent ; but a high tariff tends more to prevent the establishment of man- ul'actories in our state than a low one, being a protec- tion to the eastern manufacturer. The eastern manu- facturer contends that he cannot succeed without protection against his foreign competitor. Our in- terior p(jsition,and our remoteness from the principal ports of entry, give the manufacturer in this country a protection which no tariff can immediately affect. If, then, the eastern manufacturer was but lightly protected, or not protected at all, ho would find it pro- fitable to remove his capital, and to invest it in manu- factures in the west, where nature would always pro- tect him against the foreign competitor. No country can manufacture cheaper than our state. We have all the necessary ingredients at the lowest prices. We have the real estate, th« water power, the ore to make the iron to make the machinery, the mnnual labor, the provisions to support the hands, the raw material, the flax, hemp, and wool of our own production, and the cotton in exchange for our wheat, corn and tobac- co, hogs, horses, cattle and mules ; and these ingre- dients we have, taken together, cheaper than any other country on earth. Even our manual labor is at the lowest price. But, as before observed, to manufac- ture very successfully, a superior population is re- quired. This we can soon have by fostering the com- mon school, and developing the genius and mechani- cal ingenuity of the youth of our country." St. Louis, and founded in 1829; St. Mary's College, at Barrens, also Catholic, founded in 1830; Marion College, at New Palmyra, founded in 1831 ; St. Charles College, Method- ist, at St. Charles, fouuded in 1839; Fayette College, at Fayette, and Missouri University, at Columbia, founded in 1840. They could number in all, in 1840, about 500 students. The University of Missouri had, in 1850, 154 medical students, 6 seniors, 13 juniors, 10 sopho- mores, 21 freshmen, and 30 in the preparatory department. The President is Rev. James Shannon, A. M. : the professors are — W. W. hudson, A. M., Math., Nat. Philos. and Astron- omy ; E. H. Leffingwell, A. M., Chem., Mineral, and Geology ; R. F. Barrett, M. D., Phvsiol. and Mat.Medica ; J. M McDonell, M. D., Anat. and Surgery ; J. S. Moore, M. D., Theory and Prac. of Medicine ; R. S. Thomas, A. M., Metaph., Rhet. and Logic ; G. H. Matthews, A. M., Anc. Languages ; Johu B. Thompson, M. D., Pathol, and Clin. Medicine; R. A. Grant, A. M., tutor of Mathematics; W. C. Shields, A. B., tutor of Languages ; J. S. Moore, M. D., Dean of Med. Faculty ; I.J. Hodgen, M. D., Demonst. of An- atomy ; R. S. Thomas, A. M., Librarian. In 1840 the Methodists had 51 travelling preachers in the state ; the Baptists, 86 min- isters and 146 churches ; the Presbyterians. 17 ministers and 33 churches ; the Roman Catho- lics, one bishop and 30 priests; the Episco- palians, three ministers. (See St. Louis.) MISSOURI.— Mineral Wealth.— Dr. Lew- is Feuchtwanger gives us this summary : The mineral wealth of Missouri has long been proverbial. The discovery of lead in 1715, and the production of 9,000,000 pounds in 1846, must naturally attach sufficient im- portance to this State. Latterly, also, iron has been made very conspicuous in it, espe- cially since attention has been drawn to the iron mountains of southern Missouri, which, according to my approximate calculation, contain not less than 600,000,000 tons of iron in tlieir bowels. A short time ago, (1847,) a report was made by Dr. King on the subject of erecting more furnaces on a new locality on the Mississippi river, called Birmingham, and he says that iron exists in that particular spot in great tibundance. One ridge, which is called the Iiwi Rid()c, contains an immense deposit of Injdratcil brown oxide, averaging from fifty to sixty per cent, cast iron, which shows itself for .several acres over the summit of the ridge, and extending down its flanks on each side of the adjoining ravines, where the ore may be seen in tliick masses. As regards iron in the state of Missouri, it appears as plenty there as coal in Pennsylva- nia ; and wherever it is situated, appears to lie in such huge masses, like the coal mines in Mauch Chunk. Pennsylvania. Next to iron is Coppeii of great importance to the state of Missomi. Large tracts, con- MASSACHUSETTS — HER TRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AND SPIRIT. 6Y taining this valuable ore, have been discov- ered on Current river ; and on Maramec river, and in tlio southern part of the state, very good veins of copper have been discov- ered, and wrouglit to some advantage. In Jefferstm county, a very good prospect of copper mines may be seen. CoBAi-T is an ore of no less importance than the former. It occurs in tlic form of black oxide and sulphuret, and is found either in thin layers, in lead mines, accompanying the dr>ibone, (carbonate^ or in connection ■with manganese, which is found to contain the cobalt from five to fifty per cent. Zinc, in tlie form of sulphuret and carbon- ate, or calamine, is found in great abundance in the lead mines, where it appears to form the lens, or shell of the veins of lead, it being found on the upper and lower crust of the rock. It is thrown away as useless by the miners, although there are imported into this country over $200,000 worth annually. Silver. — It is ascertained that the average of silver contained in all the Missouri lead ores is from six to eight ounces to the ton ; but it has never been attempted to separate the same before bringing the lead in market. Nickel. — This rare ore has been found to accompany the copper and cobalt, particularly in localities where the latter is found in a state of sulphuret and combined with the copper ore. One shipment of a mixture of the three metals, averaging in the greatest part the copper, and cobalt and nickel in smaller proportions, has been made a year ago from Mine la Motte, and I understand it has proved profitable. Mang.\nese abounds all over the southern pai't of tlie state of Missouri. Among the non-metallic substances, Bary- TEs deserves a conspicuous place in this state ; for it is found here in great abundance, and of a beautiful white color, suitable for admixture with white lead. MASSACHUSETTS— Her Productive' Energies and Spirit (1849). — During the past summer we had the satisfaction of visiting Massachusetts, and inspecting for ourselves the extraordinary enterprise and industry ■which has given it character among the first of ancient or modern states. All the docu meuts were kindly put into our possession by the lion J. G. Palfrey, Secretary of State, from wliich the most complete notions may be formed. Whatever displeasure as a south- erner we may have expressed, and however often we may have expressed it, in relation to tlie unauthoriztid and illiberal course pur- sued by Massachusetts in reference to our institutions and our riglits, we cannot but admire her in tlie positins in Boston, also an American Oriental Society, an American Sta- tistical Association, and a Historical Genealo- gical Society. There are three Historical Societies in ttie state : at Boston, at Dorches- ter, and at Salem ; also an American Anti- quarian Society at Worcester. The following table will sliow the number of agricultural societies, and the amounts they have received from the state's munificence : 68 MASSACHUSETTS — HER PRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AND SPIRIT. •"•"ocT rfuoc-rcoSfd^S'i rt j;m ci3< — o^'^Jj-a i:.Q B-o-g-g 3 o g {3 [5 o ooooogoo ITS O O T ■^ i- C^ C* ^^ 00 CO C^^ CO •.StS^Lo' effort — , 55 — — CI CI "N c, . - X 00 teooooij'Xxo-co •g -g a a : a are 38 Institutions for Savings in the state. The Railroad Corporations -would occupy a chapter of themselves. The following table and extract is taken from Dr. Chickering's admirable -work pub- lished last year : ^ a a •S a <: 1 1 •9 si a ^. ■goo ir„ ■s X >. d . >, 1 -1 a c. . a • S2 g cs 1" . a 3 •cc a & S 01 3 c! ? .s a an • a a J^^. .y >1 <5 •3 a a s'^ < .- d lliliipi|li a^;zi p9 B jS w <; « •< ca There are two Horticultural Societies; the Fair of the one at Boston, in September last, we attended, and were surprised to witness the show of splendid fruits and flowers from such a region. There are two institutes for the insane. AVe cannot _ even refer to the various religious associations. Mr. Elliott, of Boston, estimates the charities of Boston for thirty years past at near $3,000,000 in all, private and unseen benevolence being of course not included in the estimate. Among the numerous societies, we note one for the prevention of pauperism, one for penitent females, (we suppose of the town,) and one for the aid of discharf/cd convicts. The Noii- Resistance Society is characteristic, as is also the Anti- Slavery, V\i\\ 25 auxiliary, and God knows how many Abolition Societies, which began, perhaps, as anti-slavery. Tliere is a Society for tlio Abolition of Capital Punish- ment. Massachusetts abounds in Banking Institution.s, as we shall see by and by. There 1 ?: CJ §; CO is ^ It t It vxa3 J8d 10.38680 10 139 7 9.52326 14.38095 17.35851 78.74 junouiv ' i J? ti = M r-; = — c: CO "^^ T Cl to CC cc -^ i 360,467 397,908 438,253 479,989 549,016 644,317 jad ©9Baj3ui aSujaAV 3.132 3.083 2.511 3.553 4.283 z S «£ ^ at C ^ " » c juaD la J 36.11899 35.48943 28.1.5284 41.78045 52.10939 409.73 janomv 6,617 8,850 9,.511 18,094 31,991 75,063 18,320 93,383 ensaaj 18,320 24,937 33,787 43,298 61,392 93,383 lai asE3J0ui sSBjaAV 1.1063 1.1065 1.03.59 1.5519 1.91213 jaaD jaj 11.03133 ll.(i3428 10.85049 16.64879 20.85359 94.75 ^unotuv 44,058 49,195 51,247 87,121 127,292 .3,58,913 378,787 737,700 emoso 378,787 422,845 472.040 523,287 610.408 1 737,700 •'- „ft~ 00 i s ^ of . e.iB3i lO Oi — C-t CO -t* t- 00 CO GO CO CO Inc 50 Gen Cen * The cnt.tle sliow and fair of thia Society, at Pittsfield, in 1814, was the Jirst held, in this country. " It will be seen that the increase of the whole population for tlie first 10 years was nearly equal to that in the second period of two months' less duration, but greater than that in the third, which alone embraced ten years and two montlis. In the last two periods, there was decidedly a larger increase than in either of the first three periods. The increase of manufactures from 1820 to 1840, greatly checked the emigration to other states. " The increase of Boston and other parts of the state, from 1810 to 1820, was decidedly less than during any other period ; and during the last two periods it was decidedly greater than during tlie first two periods. "By adopting 2-14,149 as the population of Massachusetts in 1705. we find that tiie in- crease in the twenty -five years was 134,638, from which we deduce the average increase MASSACHUSETTS — HER PRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AND SPIRIT. 69 of 9.1811 percent, in five years; of 19.2054 per cent, in ten years ; and -42.0992 per cent, in twenty years. In thirty years the increase at the same rate would be 109,415, or C9.3920 per cent. At the average rate of 9 1811 per cent, increase in five years, the numb r would be 2GG,565 in 1770 ; 291,039 in 1775 ; 317,760 in 1780; 346,934 in 1785. " The average increase of Mas.'^achusetts, in each period of ten years, from 1765 to 1790, was 1 9.2054 per cent. ; and from 1790 to 1840, 14.2606 per cent. " The average increase of Massachusetts, in each period of twenty years, from 1765 to 1790, was 42.0992 per cent. ; and from 1790 to 1840, 30.5551 per cent. " The average increase of Boston, in each period of ten years, from 1790 to 1840, was 38.506 per cent. ; and of the rest of the state, only 12.3173 per cent. "The increase of Massachusetts, from 1765 to 1840, was 493,551, or 202.1515 percent; of Boston, 77,863, or 601.6945 per cent; and of the rest of the state, 415,688, or 181.8177 per cent. "The average increase of Massachusetts, fi-om 1765 to 1840, in each twenty-five years, was 44.5688 per cent. ; in each twenty years, 34.2950 per cent.; in each ten years, 15.8857 per cent; in each five years, 7.6503 per cent; and in each year, 1.4853 per cent This last is .1433 per cent per annum greater than 1.342IJ per cent, the rate from 1790 to 1840. " It will appear from these statements, that the average increase of the population of Massachusetts was greater from 1765 to 1790 than it has been since. Had the rate contin- ued the same, the number would have been 911,749 in 1840. Also, the increase of Bos- ton was, on an average, much less during the first twenty -five years than that of the other parts of the state, and much greater during the last two periods of twenty-five years each, showing a tendency to centralization in Boston." • Tiie number of pau))ers in Massachusetts is large: 15,261 were supported by the state in 1846 ; net amount expended in their sup- port, $301,707 08, the state supplying $33,852 of it. In all her precision and system we regret that Ma.ssachusetts excludes in her statistics all reference to her black population. Can this be designedly ? Surely this class of population is sufiicieutly large there to attract especial notice. Why is there, then, not a single syllable in all of her documents rel.a- tive to them ? This is not so in slave states. We are not content here without knowledge of the condition, prospects, and improvement of the blacks. Does not Massachusetts owe it to her sister states to show the results of her benevolent systems upon those who were formerly her slaves, and whom, as she tells us, she has been endeavoring to improve ? Let us know their condition now, and their advances. Let us see the results of your experiment. You are not silfnt in meddling with our affairs — excuse the want of courtesy betrayed in thus intermeddling in yours. We leant facts. Pass we now under review some of the volumes of Massachusetts State Documents. 1. Statistics of her Industry, published by the Secretary, 1845. These are not regarded complete by that officer, from the indisposition of manufacturers, »tc., to give full-information of their affairs. PRODUCTS OF MJiSSACHUSETl'S, 1845. Articles. Value. Capital Hand' Invested. empl. A nchors, Chain Ca- bles, &c $538,966 $377,685 422 Axes, Hatchets, and other edge tools... 94,441 48,225 94 Beef, &c., slaughtered 225,918 Beeswii: 981 —— Berries 10.842 Blacking 10, 422 35 Bleaching or Coloring 2,106,000 200,500 211 Blocks and Pumps. .. 127,249 204 Boats.. 82,943 164 Boots and Shoes 14,799,140 45,877 Boxes of all kinds... 215,105 235 Brass articles 331.890 167,600 145 Bricks 612,8.32 1,407 Britannia Ware 102,5.'>0 49,350 93 Broom Seed & Brush 86,111 ■ Brooms 200.814 313 Brushes 1.53,900 68.875 220 Butter 1,116.709 Buttons, metal 56,080 51,500 60 Butts or Hinges 25.390 3,500 49 Calico 4.779.817 1,401.500 2,053 Candles Sperm, & Oil 3,613,796 2,451,917 306 Candles Tallow, and Soap 836,156 405,872 343 Cannon 82,000 120,0110 48 Cards 323,845 171.500 147 Carpeting 834.322 488,000 1,034 Cars, Railroad car- riages, and other vehicles 1,343,576 553,434 1,881 Chairs aud Cabinet Ware 1,476.679 477,374 2,594 Cheese 398,174 Chemical Prepara- tions 331,965 251,700 113 Chocolate 81.672 47,.500 27 Clocks 54,975 10,350 40 Coal, Mineral, & Iron Ore 21,669 78 Combs 198 965 73,100 340 Cooi)erage 269,935 487 Copper 6in,9.30 329,000 197 Cordage 906,321 543,930 647 Cotton goods of all kinds 12,193.449 17,739.000 20,710 Cutlery 148.175 68,725 197 Dyeing 98,700 114 Earthcrn and Stone Ware 52,025 15,500 72 Engines, Fire 37,800 42 Engines and Boilers, Steam 208..546 127,000 221 Firearms 260,819 789,848 357 Fishery, Mackerel and Cod 1,484,137 1,238,640 7,866 Fishery, Whale 10,371,167 11,085,910 11,378 Flax - 665 Flour aud olhor Grain 174.805 44,550 30 Fringe and Tassels... 54,300 11,700 106 Fruit 744,,i40 Gins, Cotton 45.444 75,000 48 Glass 758.300 700,200 630 Glue 387.575 283,675 253 Grain 2,228,229 10 MASSACHUSETTS — HER PRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AXD SPIRIT. Artiiles Value Hats and Caps 734,947 Hay 5,214,356 Hollow Warp and Cast- inirs, other than Pig Iron 1,280.141 Honey 13,206 Hops 32.251 Hosiery and Yarn. . . . 94,892 Instruments, Mathe- matical, &c 54.050 Iron, Pig 148,761 Iron Railing, Fences and Safes 129,300 Jewelry, includ. Chro- nometers, Watclies, Gold <$• Silver Wrne 305,623 Lasts 80,145 Latches and Door Handles 3,200 Lead Pipe, and Lead Manufactures 90,880 Lead, VVlxite, and Paints 3S6,200 Leather 3,830,6.57 Lime 43.629 Linen Thread 145,000 Linseed Oil 181,100 Locks 60,079 Lumber and Shingles. 921,106 Machinery 2,022 648 Maple Sugar 4i,443 Marble 220,004 Milk 304,917 Millet 8,476 Musical lustruments. 54S.625 Oil, I.ard 219,990 Oil (see Candles and Fishery) Paper 1,750,273 Pens, Steel 15,000 Plouyhs and other Agricultural Tools. 121,691 Potatoes, 1,303.030 Poultry and Eggs.... 25,891 Powder 165,500 Rolled and Slit Iron, and Nail 2,478,300 Saddles, Harnesses and Trunks 422,794 Salt 79,980 Sashes, Blinds and Doors 180,181 Scythes 113.935 Seeds 4.721 Shoe Pegs 18,206 She vels.Spades. Forks and Hoes 275,212 Silk, Raw 952 SUk, Sewing 150,477 Snuff, Tobacco, and Cigars 324,039 Soap, (see Candles; . . Starch 119,940 Stone, Ruilding , 1,005,599 Straw Boniiels and Hats, I'alm-leaf H ats and li raid .... 1 ,649.490 Sugar, Refined 940,000 Tacks and Rrads 253.687 Teazles 3,308 Tin Ware 793 624 Tobacco raised 10,686 Tools, Mechanics' 16i,899 Upholstery 354,261 Vegetables, other than Potatoes 515,082 Vessels 1,172,147 ■Whips 111,947 Woodi Fire), Bark and Charcoal 1,03^6.58 Wooden Ware 416,366 Wool 365,138 Carit.ll invtrsted 213,793 empl 1,003 713,270 1,267 42,500 238 68 235 155,000 63,000 87 126,225 293 84 750 10 72,700 50 253,.500 1,900,545 79,000 77,000 23;,009 1,103,850 106 2,043 80 192 34 75 9,,5ii6 2,421 312 293,100 91,000 427 37 1,144,.537 5,000 1,369 12 58,575 120,000 49 1,906,400 1,729 144,540 399,285 648 584 215 171 96,590 123,950 38,900 259 156 572 39 1,849 37,500 410,000 123,225 343,710 124,700 13,311 106 269 710 256 275 1,017 526 2,025 806 Articles Value Capital Hards iDvested empl Woollen Goods of all kinds 8.877,478 5,604,002 7,372 Worsted Goods 654,566 514,000 846 Stoves, Bread, Betr, Books and Station- ery, Balances, Mat- ches, Lamps, Pick- les,Papir Hangings, Tvpes, Umbrellas, &c 4,758,3&1 1,587,760 3,232 Total 114,478,443 59,145,767 152,766 2. Railroad Reports. — There are annual volumes pnbli.sbed. From the one published in 1847 for 1846,^6 note twenty-eight cor- porations. The fatal accidents on all during the year are nine — seven not fatal; others supposed not given. Among tlie information given is that relative to stock of companies, cost of roads and buildings, characteristics of roads, re-sults of the year, expenditures, in- come, motive power, dividends, &.C. All of these evidence wkie prosperity, and deserve to be studied in every part of the Union. In 1818 there was not a single mile of railway in New-England, save a short wooden track. The capital invested in railroads by Massa- chusetts men in 1846, was esthnated at ^37,000,000 ; it must be now fast verging upon 150,000,000. 3. State jAinntic Asyhtm. — Six hundred and thirty-seven insane persons have had the privilege of the institution during 1846. OCCUPATIONS OF THOSE ADMITTED. 1816. Previously. Farmers admitted 30 272 Merchants " 12 98 Laborers " 31 178 Shoemakers " 2 89 Seamen " 13 80 Carpenters " 8 67 Manufacturers" 1 35 Teachers " 3 31 Slndents " 6 31: niacksmiths " 2 22 Printers f 1 20 Tailors " 1 14 Clergymen " 2 12 Lawyers " Q Physicians " ft Females not accustomed to labor. .. 177 Females accustomed to sedentary employment 4 240' Femnles accustomed to active em- ployment 06 432 Many not classed, particularly females. 4. Common Schools. — The Report of the Secretary of the Board, a considerable vol- ume, contains the particulars in relation to all the school districts, itc. From the concluding pages we extract a pa.ssage : " And the calamities which spring from ignorance, and a neglect of the social condi- tion of the masses of the people, are no excep- tion to this rule. Rejniblics, one after an- other — a splendid yet mournful train — have emerged into being; they have risen to great- ness, and surrounding nations have sought MASSACHUSETTS — HER PRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AND SPIRIT. 71 protection beneath the shelter of their power ; i but they have peri-^hed through a want of in- telhirenoe ami virtue in tlie nuieses of the peo- ple." They liave been delivered over to anar- chy and thence to despotism; and because they would not obey tlieir own laws, they have been held in bondage by tlie laws of ty- rants. Otio after anotlier, they have been blotted from the page of existence, and the descendants of a renowned and nohlt^ ancestry have been made bondmen and bonil-womeu ; they have been dishonored and trampled upon, on the very soil still choral with the brave deeds of their forefathers. Has a suf ficient munber of these victim-nations been sacrificed, or must ours be added to the tragic list ? If men had been wise, these sacrifices might have been mitigated, or brought to an end, centuries ago. If men are wise, they may be brought to au end now. But if men ■will not be wise, these mournful catastrophes muse be repeated again and again, ft)r centu- ries to come. Doubtless, at some time, they will come to an end. When the accuniula- tion of evils .shall be so enormous and over- whelming that humanity can no longer en dure them, the adequate efforts for their termi- nation will be made. The question for us is, has not the fulness of time now come ? Are not the sufferings of past ages, are not the cries of expiring nations, whose echoes have not yet died away, a summons sufficiently loud to reach our ears, and to rouse us to apply a rem- edy for the present, an antidote for the fu- ture ? We shall answer these question?, by the way in which we educate the rising gene- ration. If we do not prepare children to be- come good citizens ; if we do not develop their capacities; if we do not enrich their minds with knowledge, imbue their hearts with the love of truth and duty, and a reve- rence for all things sacred and holy, then our republic must go down to destruction, as others have gone before it ; and maTikind must sweep through another vast cycle of sin and suffering, before the dawn of a better era can arise upon the world. It is for our gov- ernment, and for that public opinion, which, in a republic, governs the govennuent, to choose between those alternatives of weal or woe." The volume of extracts from School Re- ports for 1844, contains 340 page.a. Tliat some idea may be formed of the immense la- bor expended upon it, the following extract is introduced: "Ou the Ist of May last, therefore, I found myself in possession of the School Commit- tees' Reports for two years. Each set of these was more voluminous than for any former year. Together, they were equal to fifty-five hundred closely written letter-paper p: giis. Every one of these I have carefully lead. Taken as a whole, they are documents of ex- traoniinary interest and value. From them, the i)resent volume of the Abstracts, more select than any of its predecessors, has been compiled. I earnestly recommend its peru- sal to every friend of popular education in Massachusetts — especially to all school com- mittee-men and teachers." 5. Rffjhiration of Birthx, Marriagea, and Deaths. — These are volumes published annu- ally. We have four of them before us — the one of 1842 being the first puVjlished under the state law. These cannot be too highly commended when properly kept. They pre- sent at all times an index to the actual con- dition of a people. The system of Massachu- setts is deserving of universal imitation in other states, and we hope to see something of the kind before long. The volume for 184.5 contains an admirable letter to the Secretary, by that able statisti- cian, Lemuel Shattuck, Esq., of Boston. We make no apologies for presenting to our read- ers some of the striking results which it un- folds : PRODUCTIVE CLASSES. From this statement it appears that, while the whole United States had 52.85 per cent, of the population of the productive class, be- tween 15 and 60, Massachusetts had 59.65 per cent, and England 56.70; showing this state to be better situated, in this respect, than either. In the aged class it appears, however, that England had 7.20 per cent, while this state had but 6.74 — a result in favor of the longevity of that country. Some counties compare better than others or th« whole state. Boston has 64.65 per cent. — the greatest pro- portion of the productive class ; and only 2.93 per cent. — the least of the aged. PROPORTION OF BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS, IN EUROPE. STATES. Period of Ob.servation. Aiinuiil numher of Marriages, Birtlis and Deaths, to 100 persons living, or percent. Number of persons Jn-ine to n„c annual Marriage, RiitL, and Dfath Marriages, per cent. Births, per cent 3.200 2.837 3.S74 3.767 4.^*4 Dealhs, per ceat Marr.iiges. 1 Births. One in jOne in Oeatlis. One ia 1S39.-1842 1840-1842 lS;i9-lS41 1839-1841 1842 .770 .825 .8 269 93 50 to 55 31 55 to 60 Over 60 ^ 11 16 2,671 2,671 24,297 24,297 1 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 The number of births in Massachusetts, in 1845, was 15,564; being 7,793 males, and 7,594 females. In 1S44 thore was 1 twin birth to " lS4o '< 1H44 " 1845 " 1844 « 184.5 to to 7,261 1 " to 15,444 1 quadruplet to 15,523 123 births. 129 " 1 triplet no "The births registered in England are in proportion to the population one seventh part more numerous than in France, and one sev- enth pa.rt leas than in Prussia. To 3,625 inhabi- tants, 100 births are annually registered in France, 113 m England, 133 in Prussia, ISO in Austria, 151 in Russia. Tiie small number of birtlis in France is not accounted for by any ditference in the proportion of the persons married, who are, in fact, more numerous in France tiian in any other country from whicli I have been able to procure returns. It ap pears that lOU Frencli wives iiad 14 cliildren, 100 Prassian wives 21 children, yearly ; or, in other terms, 717 wives bore annually 100 children in France, 152 children in Prussia. If the births are divided by the annual mar- riages that took place seven years before, there were 3.33 births (in wedlock) to a mar- riage in France — 1.05 to a marriage in Prus- sia, and 4.34 to a marriage in Austria; 4.26 to a marriage in Englaud, and if a correction be made for first marriages, 4.79 to every two persons married. Tlie total annual birtlis in England, divided by the persons married sev- en years before, give on an average 5.12 chil- dren to every two persons married ; and as many illegitimate children are the oHspring of married persons before, during, or after mar- riage, the number of children to every two [)er3ons married in England must be between 4.79 and 5.12, or little .short of five, about three of which attain the age of marriage to replace the two parents and tliose who have no offspring; the surplus swelling the number of tlie existing inhabitants of the island, or flowiut' in of emigration." TABLE OF LONGEVITY. AOG SURVIVING. NumLersu vivin? ea, h s )f(ritieJ age, ( alculateil tVitri thedeatlm. In Ma-s (■IV18.-IIS. In I'rest.in, Kng and. It'Ai. IXA-i IXM. 1»45. G.'ntry. Tradesmen Operativee. At Birth 1110 88.43 81 76 72.04 67.62 60 .56 48 34 40 40 .32.87 26.08 18.. 35 9.00 2.03 .07 100. 80.51 79 42 70.71 64 . 99 .58.63 47.32 39 01 32.28 26.02 18.20 8.45 1.64 .08 100. 83.74 76 69 69.46 65.13 58. 21 47 30 38.78 32 56 26.92 19.09 9 32 1.83 .05 100. 82.38 74.67 65.26 61.04 53. 9H 42.12 33.73 27.07 21.71 15.26 6.81> 1.35 .07 100. 90.8 87.6 . 82.4 81.1 76. 3 72.3 63.4 56. 45.1 25.4 8. 1.3 100. 79.6 73.5 61.8 56.6 51. G 45.9 .37.5 28. 1 20.5 13.3 4.6 .8 ICO. 1 year . . 08.2 67.5 5 " 44.6 10 " 38.8 20 " 31.5 30 " 25.2 40 " 20.4 50 " 15 6 60 " 11.2 70 " 6.1 80 " 2.1 90 «' .2 100 " It appears from this table, (hat in Masoa- [per cent, of the "tradesmen," and only 31.5 chusetts 00.50 per cent, in 1842 survived tlie per cent, of the "operatives," survived the age of 20, and only 53.98 in 1845; wliile in .same age. In Massacliusetts, 26.08 in 1842, Preston 76.3 percent, of the "gentry," 51.0 j and only 21.71 m 1845, survived the age of MASSACHUSETTS — HER PRODUCTIVE ENERGIES AND SPIRIT. 73 60, while in Preston 45.1 per cent of the gen- try, 20.5 per cent, of the tradesmen, and only 11.2 per cent, of the laborers survived that age. This shows that the people of Massa- chusetts do not enjoy so good health as the better classes in England, tliough better health than the laboring classes. The influence of circumstances and occupation on health and longevity, is strikingly illustrated by the state- ment concerning Preston. It appears that while 72.3 per cent, of the gentry survived 30 years, only 25.2 of the operatives, or laborers, survived the same age. The following extracts are curious and in- terest'ng. They furnish the most powerful reasons for the preservation of life statistics, and the study of this important branch of knowledge : "Man comes into existence a helpless be- ing; arrives at maturity by the aid of others; exists in a state of maturity an indefinite pe- riod, and then decays and dies; 'the dust re- turns to the earth as it was.' This is the com- mon lot of all. Life may extend to 70, 80, 90, or even 100 years: and it may terminate in a year, a month, or even in an hour. We know that we all must die ; but the time of our death we do not know. It may come com- paratively soon ; it may not. We believe, however, that the time of our death, though unknown, is in some respects within our own control. We believe that disease and deatii come not from a mysterious, unconditional Providence, but are the result of the condition of our bodies, and the influences that are brought to bear upon them. Many of these influences we bring around us by our own vol- untary choice. One person takes proper food, at proper times and in proper quantities ; an- other indulges his appetite, and takes unwhole- some food, at irregular intervals, and in inju- rious quantities. One person clothes himself so as to maintain a uniform temperature of the body at all times ; another guards not against the changes in the temperature of the seasons, but allows himself to be alternately heated and chilled. One man selects a place of residence where the air he breathes is pure and invigorating ; another, where the noxious impurities of the air carry disease and death to his vitals. One person keeps his skin in a healthy state by frequent bathing ; another permits it to be coated over with impurities. One chooses an occupation which gives suffi- cient exercise, physical and mental, to keep all the energies of his body vigorous ; another, one that requires too much labor for his phy- sical nature, or has in itself unhealthy influ- ences, or in his occupation over-exerts himself so as to impair his physical an^l mental capa- city. One man exposes himself to the con- tagion of small-pox, knowing, at the same time, that it is dangerous, takes the disease and (lies ; another vaccinates himself, and thus protects and saves his life. One man ven- tures upon the ocean without sufficient know- ledge to manage his craft, and thus exposes himself to accidental death ; another is cau- tious, and ventures no fixrther than safety per- mits. The act of the one in each case is fa- vorable, and prolongs life ; the act of another is unfavorable, and abridges it. And will not every one say that all these acts and influ- ences, for good or for evil, are more or less within the control of man ? — that life may be saved and prolonged, and that the time of our death may, in some sense, be postponed ? Nu- merous illustrations of this truth present them- selves within the circle of our own knowledge. The late Rev. Dr. Ripley, of Concord, when settled, in 1778, had a feeble constitution; and one man voted against him because he thought it useless to settle a man whose prob- abilities of living were so small. He, how- ever, by great care and attention to his health, acquired a pretty good constitution, and sur- vived his 90th year. He probably added 50 years to a life, which another man, under simi- lar circumstances, would not have enjoyed. " The tendency of our people is to become a manufacturing people; and manufactures have been so far investigated, that the cost of every article — material, transportation, labor, wages, board, 8 1834 O'^O 1835 7r8 1836 617 1837 KW 1838 l.^«'7 1839 1,725 1840 1,453 1841 1,372 1842 1,015 1843 V.55 1844 452 1845 943 1846 No poll tax 28,770 1847 Do. 15,925 1848 1.217 16,980 1849 1,607 6,185 1850 1,400 7.135 1S51 1,554 87,100 Value of Carriages ' 42,450 27.590 24,680 7,840 8,685 54,740 Special No of Tax Slaves 1 856 2,565 2,411 3,1-11 3.4.S9 3,920 2.135 2,1 07 3,467 .3.iJ55 3,.5n2 3.963 10.000 3,81j7 12.690 4.586 10,748 3,808 9,890 4.169 9,570 3,888 5,735 3,313 9,285 5,203 Value of Slaves 694 805 1,(IU0,3.50 1.447.000 1.871,100 2,7 -J 1,300 l,4(il,200 1,22.^1150 1.078.020 l,.=ili8.900 1,067.375 1 471.750 1,705,845 1,428,620 1,697,650 1,323.480 1.544.3.50 1,600,8.50 1.345,850 2,493,845 M Value of li:*ndiee l.(i4-',400 1.143.725 L.Wl.lOO 2 739.o.'i0 2,975.250 2.-J53,285 3,1 06,3.^0 1,820,770 2,297,600 2,477,820 1,676,550 2.329.976 2,442.616 2.121,820 1 760 745 1,801,750 1,728,3.50 2,041.360 3,836,565 Valoe of Keal K-t.iIe 3.377.649 4,611,9.^0 6.414.425 18,1150.1180 27.4e2.961 20.407 4.35 21.098,915 13.441,783 17 6019.50 16.138.643 14,773.470 14.0.i3 056 12.622,085 12,854,650 8,r.38.2ft0 8,943.810 9.300,930 8,.57-,025 11,698,045 Tota! Valu.ition 5.014,864 6,756,025 9,083,135 22,1)60,230 33,062,191 24,121.920 24.480.315 16,398,623 21 468,450 20,283.8:» 17,921,770 18,098,877 16.503.325 16.745,345 11,776,730 12.431.560 12,629,700 11.985,790 17,070,295 MOLASSES TRADE OF UNITED STATES, 1851, RECEIPTS OF FOREIGN IN UNITED STATES. Hhds. Tcs. Bbla. Total receipts, from Jjinuary 1 to Decpmber 31, 1851 2.57.688 18.620 25,2CS Add stock at all the ports, January 1, 1851 12,800 310 250 Total supiJly 270,488 18,930 25,518 Deduct exports in 1851 2,3t5 408 239 268,123 18,.522 25,279 Deduct stock, 1st January, 1852 11,200 327 252 Total coni=umptioii of foreign in 1851 256.923 18.195 25,027 —Or. about i . 33,238,278 gallons. Add crop of Louisiana. Texas, Florida, &c., of 1850-51, (the most of which caino to market iu 1^51, and assuming the stock of this description, 1st January of each year, to be criual) 10,709.7 10 gallons. Would make the whole consumption in 1851 43 94S,0I8 gallons. Consumption of foreign in 1850 24,816,949 " Add crop of Louisiana, Texas, Florida, &c., 1849-50 12,212.300 « Would make the whole consumption in 1850 37.019,249 " Whole excess in 1851 6,928,779 " Excess of foreign in 1851 8,431.3i.9 " It xvill be Bcen by the above statement, that the increase in the consumption of foreign in the countrj', in 1851, is ec^al to about 34 per cent, over the consumjition of 18,jO. It will be remembered, however, that the crop of Louisiana, Texas, &c., in 1860- .51, was 1,502,560 gallons short of the production of the previous season, which induced larcjer im- portations tlie past year ; even New-Orleans having taken equal to 1,227,435 gallons of Cuba to supply the deficiency. The crop of Louisiana, Ac, the jircsent season, is estimated to be a full average one. MEMPHIS, TENN.— Eveiy day gives me additional evidence of the increasing pros- perity of this already prosperous city ; and although her commerce is great, yet upon that alone her public-spirited citizens dr> not intend to rely, for the notes of jirepara- tion are already licnrd in various quarters, and in addition to her commerce, manufac- tories will 8(>on claim a part in adding to her weallli. Preparations are now making 1 for the establishment of a very large bi.at-! yard, to l)e conducted on a scale as exten- sive as any in the west; and ere long, althfiugh we cannot afford the facilities at Na.shville, Tennes.-^eeans will have the oppor- tunity of supporting in Tennessee this im- portant brancli of industry. The gentleman who opens the yard is said to be one of the bt£.st boat-builders in the Union. As an evi- dence of its truth, some of the finest boats running on the Mississippi are his liandiwork; among others, tlie magnificent Autocrat. In addition to this, an extensive flour mill, now nearly completed, is about to commence operations, and will make, it is said, sixty- two thousanil barrels of flour annually ; creating another large source of wealth to the communit}'. These things speak most favor- ably for the public spirit of Memiihis, and in- deed I find on all sides evidence that her citizens are determined, by th(> liberal views they t.ake of things, to make ."Memphis one of tlie first cities in the West— and the city already feels the beneficial result of these views. In 1840,1am told, Mempliis had a population of from tluee to four thousand ; MEMrmS CONVENTION OF 1845. 81 the census rocently taken shows a population of twelve i!k)U?:uk1 ; and althoutch no prophet, I venture the prediction that 18(30 will show a population more than double this number. * * * » Since writing the above, I learn that a large cotton manufactory has just been erected here, and will go into operation very shortly, giving employment to a large num- ber of operatives. Why cannot we chronicle suiji an event in Nashville? Urge our citizens to wake up to the importance of these things, for if tlicy sleep much longer, every city in tiiis country will outstrip us, and upon ourselves must rest the fault. MEMPHIS CONVENTION OF 1845.— We give the resolutions adopted, for useful reference : 1st. — Refolved, That the reports of the various committees, presented to the con- vention, be printed, together with such documents accompanying them, as the com- mittee appointed to supervise the printing of the proceedings of the convention shall deem necessary. 2d. — Resolved, That safe communication between the Gulf of ilexico and the interior, afforded by the navigation of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers and their yirincipal tributa- ries, is indispensable to the defense of the country in time of war, and essential also to its commerce. 3d. — Resolved, Tliat the improvement and preservation of the navigation of those great rivers, are objects as strictly national as any other prejtaration for the defense of the country, and that such im])roveinents are deemed by this convention impracticable by the states, or individual enterprise, and call for the appropriation of money for the same by the General Government. 4th — Resolved, That the deepening of the mouth of the Mississippi, so as to pass ships of the largest class, cost what it may, is a work worthy of the nation, and would greatly promote the general prosjjerity. 5th. — Resolved, That if the policy of rein- forcing our Navy with war steamers be adopted, the western waters are proper sources of supply, as they abound in iron, the best material for their construction, and in lead and copper, important materials for munitions of war; provisions also being cheap, and the skill requisite for their con- struction and navigation being ample in this region, which already j)ossesses the lar- gest steam commercial marine in the world. 6th — Resolved, That the project of eon necting the Mississippi river with the Lakes of the North, by a ship canal, and thus with the Atlantic Ocean, is a measure worthy (f the enlightened consideration of (Vingress. '7th. — Resolved, That the intereonrse be- tween the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic VOL. II. coast ought to be preserved unimpaired, and that ample military and naval defenses, and additional light-houses and beacons, should be established along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and at the most eligible points. %x\\.— Resolved, That the Gulf and Lake coasts are greater in extent than the Atlan- tic seaboard ; that the interests to be defend- ed in one quarter are quite as important, and altogether as national, as those in the other; and that the (,'xpenditures required for the proper defenses of the (5ult' and Lakes, will fall far short of what has been freely voted for the coast defenses of the Atlantic. 9lh. — Resolved, That Congress should es- tablish a National Armory and Foundry at some point on the western waters, at as early a period as practicable. loth. — Resolved, That the Marine Hospi- tals on the western and southern waters, the construction of which has been com- menced or authorized by Congress, ought to be prosecuted to completion with the least practicable delay. 11 til. — Resolved, That the Mail service of the West and South requires great inqn-ove- ment in speed and regularity, particularly on the western rivers, and that measures ought to be taken for the prompt extension, by Government, of the Magnetic Telegraphy into or through the Valley of the Mississippi. r2th. — Resolved, That millions of aci'cs of the public domain, lying on the Mississippi river and its tributaries, now worthless for purposes of cultivation, might be reclaimed by throwing up embankments, so as to pre- vent overflow ; and that this convention recommend such measures as may be deem- ed expedient to accomplish that object, by grant of said lands, or an appropriation of money. 13th. — Resolved, That Railroads and com- munications from the Valley of the Missis- sippi to the South Atlantic ports, in giving greater facilities to trade, greater dispatch in travelling, and in developing new sources of wealth, are, in all their salutary influen- ces on the commercial, social, and political relations, strongly urged upon the considera- tion and patriotism of the people of theWest: and they are the more recommended as works within the jiower of private enter- prise to construct, and as afTording profita- ble investment of capital. 14lh. — Resolved, That in order that the earliest opportunity may be afforded for private individuals and eiiter]irise to direct their capital and energies to the completion of the important roads projected, the con- vention recommend to the delegations pres- ent to ap]ioint committees charged with the duty of prompt and early a))plicati<)ns to their respective Legislatm-es, for charters to 82 MEMPHIS CONVENTION OF 1849. construct such roads as may pass through their states ; and to ask such aid and pat- ronage from said states as they, in their discretion, may deem proper and necessary, to aid in tiie construction of the works. 15th. — Resolved^ That as many of the roads projected may pass through the public domain, tliis convention -would respectful I3' urge upon the consideration of Congress, the equity of granting the right of way and alternate sections, iu aid of the works so situated — such grant, iu the opinion of this convention, being no more than a fair com- pensation paid by the proprietor for the enhanced value imparted to the sections of land retained by Government. 16th. — Resolved, That efficient steps should be t.aken by the General Govern- ment to move and prevent the recurrence of the obstacles in the Mississippi, opposite the city of St. Louis, so that the harbor there may at all times be accessible, as ob- jects of public utility, and of a national character, and entirely beyond the ability of Missouri to accomplish. ITlh. — Resolved, That it is expedient that Congress should make an appropriation of money, for the purpose of completing the Military Road from the Avest bank of the Mississippi (opposite Memphis) through the swamps, to the highlands in Arkansas, in the direction of the various military posts on the western frontier. 18th. — Resolved, That a Dry Dock and convenient arrangement for the repairs and refitting of Government vessels, should be establislied at some suitable point on the Gulf of Mexico. loth. — Resolved, That the president ap- point a committee of five members of this convention, to memorialize Congress on the various topics embraced in the foregoing resolutions. 20th. — Resolved, That the president also ap]>oint a committee of five members of this convention, to address our common constit- uents on the same subjects. MEMPHIS CONVENTION OF 1849.— RicsoLiTioxs Adopted. — Resolved, That it is the opinion of this convention, that it is the duty of the Gener.al Government to provide, at an early period, for the con- struction of a national railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean. Rcsotved, That to facilitate the accom- plishment of this object, in the opinion of this convention, it is the duty of the Gene- ral Government to constitute an efficient and competent corps of engineers, to make complete explorations and surveys of all the routes that have been designated by public opinion, as proper for the line of this road. Resolved, That after the proper surveys shall have been completed, that, in the opinion of this convention, it is the duty of tile General Government to locate the line of the road ; and, in making the location, tliat route should be selected which is easiest of access, best calculated to subserve the purposes of national defense, most conven- ient to the people of, and (as far as practi- cable) central to, the United States, and upon which a railroad can be constructed on the cheapest and best terms. Resolved, That, to carry into effect the object of the first resolution, in the opinion of this convention, the public lands of the United States constitute a legitimate and jjropcr fund. Resolved, That, after the construction of the national railway trunk from the Missis- sippi river to the Pacific ocean, in the opin- ion of this convention, it is the duty of Con- gress to aid, by the ajipropriation of the national domain, in the construction of such branch railroads as will best connect it with the northern lakes, and the great thorough- fares leading to the Atlantic ocean, and with such other points on the Mississippi river as will connect it with the lines of improve- ment completed, or in the course of construc- tion ; and also to aid in the construction of branches from the main trunk to suitable points on the Gulf of Mexico, either east or west of the Mis.-^issippi river. Resolved, That, in the opinion of this con- vention, it is the duty of the General Govern- ment to provide, under liberal conditions, for a connection between the main trunk of this national railroad and all railroads now made, or which may hereafter be constructed by the authority of the several states and territo- ries of the Union. Resolved, That as an important means, a necessary preliminary to the construction of a railroad, it is the first duty of Congress to take the necessary measures for the establish- ment of military posts from the western con- fines of uur western states, along the southern houndaiies of our republic and our Indian frontier, to the Pacific ocean ; that these posts should be established in all proper places, not far distant from each other, and that civilized and productive settlements should be encouraged around them, by sales and the grant of preemption rights of the pub- lie lauds to actual settlers, and by such other encouragement as may be deemed necessary, so that by these means ample opportunities may be afforded to our engineers for the im- mediate survey and reconnolssanee of our possessions lying between our western and southern states and the Pacific ocean ; and so, also, that by these means safe, practical roads, one or more, with facilities of travel, may be immediately formed for our citizens, and for the transportation of troops and mu- nitions of war, etc., across our own territo- ries, from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores. MINNESOTA. 83 and in order that our government may ful-i fil its recent treaty stipulations with Mexico. Resolved, That while the contemplated railroad across the continent is being con- structed, a present communication between the states of this Union and the American and Asiatic coasts of the Pacific ocean, is of vast importance to every portion of this country; that such communication can be obtained by ship-canal or railroad across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, Nicaragua, or Panama, or across them all ; which i-ailroads or canals may be constructed by i)rivate en- terprise; and this convention, in order to encourage the undertaking and completion of such works, recommend the passage of a law, by the Congress of the United States, directing the Postmaster General, Secretary of War, and Secretary of the Navy, to make annual conti'acts for the transportation of the mails, troops, and military and naval stores of the government, from the Atlantic to the Pacific ports of the country, by the shortest, speediest, and cheapest route. Resolved, That, in the event of the appro- priation by Congress of a considerable por- tion of the public lands, or of the proceeds of the sales thereof, to the construction of a railroad from the Mississippi river to the Pacific ocean, that liberal appropriations of the public lands lying within the limits of the respective states, should ^e made to aid Ihem in the construction of their works of internal improvement. Resolved, That, in the present state of our knowlcflge, we feel warranted in recommend- ing to the particular attention of the General Government for examination, as possessing special advantages, the route commencing at San Diego on the Pacific ocean, crossing the Colorado of the West, running along the Gila river, or near it, in a direction to the Paso del Norte, and tlieuce across the state of Texas to its north-eastern boundary, between 32° and 33° of north latitude, terminating at some point on the Mississippi between the mouth of the Ohio river and the mouth of Red river. Resolved, That a special committee of seven be appointed by the president of the conven- tion, to collect and publish information, to prepare a memorial to the Congress, and an address to the people, of the United States, upon the subject of increasing the facilities of intercourse between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and such other matters as shall be embraced in the resolutions of this convention Committee of seven, appointed by the presi- dent to memorialize Congress, &c. : J. D. B. DeBow, of Louisiana. Absalom Fowler, of Arkansas. James C, Jones, of Tennessee. J. R. SmoTHER, of Missouri. J. F. G. MiTTAG, of South Carolina. C. C. Mills, of Texas. G. S. Yeegee, of Mississippi MINNESOTA.— We make the following extract descriptive of Minnesota, from a letter written by II. II. Siblej', Esq. : "The part of Minnesota which lies east of the Mississippi river constituted a portion of Wisconsin Territory before the admission into the Union of the state of that name, with curtailed boundaries. The St. Croix, and a line drawn from the main branch of that stream to the mouth of the St. Louis River, on Lake Superior, now divide Wis- consin and Minnesota. On the Avest of the Mississippi, the parallel of 43° 30' is the line of division between the state of Iowa and Minnesota west to the Missouri. All the country up the latter stream to its junc- tion with the AVhitewater, and along that river to the British Possessions, thence west- wardly following the line of 49° to the intersection of the extreme north-west boun- dary of Wisconsin, • in Lake Superior, ap- pertains to Minnesota Territory. The area embraced between these limits contains between 140,000 and 150,000 square miles, equal in extent to New-York, Virginia and Pennsylvania combined. "This immense region is bountifully water- ed by the Mississippi, St. Peter's, and Missouri rivers, and the Red River of the north, and their nimierous tributary streams which tra- verse it in every part. There are also in- numerable bodies of fresh water, which abound in fish of various kinds, the white fish especially being found in great numbers in the more northern and large lakes. The general character of Minnesota is that of high rolling prairie; but the streams and lakes are bordered with heavy bodies of timber which contain every species of wood known along the Mississippi below, except beech and sycamore. At a point about eight miles above the Falls of St. Anthony, west of the Mississippi, commences a large and remarkable forest which extends to the south, nearly at a right angle across the Minnesota or St. Peter's river, to the branches of the Makato or Blue Earth river. This vast body of woodland is more than one hundred and twenty miles in length, and from fifteen to forty in breadth. Many beautiful lakes of limpid water are found withiu its limits. In this beautiful country are to be found all the requisites to sustain a dense population. The soil is of great fertility and unusual depth, covered as it is with the motdd of a thousand years. The Indian is here in his forest home, hitherto secure from the intru- sion of the pale faces; but the advancing tide of civilization warns him that ere long he must yield up his title to this domain, and seek another, and a strange dwelling-place. It is a melancholy reflection that the large and warlike tribes of Sioux and Chippewas, who now own full nine tenths of the soil of Minnesota, must soon be subjected to the 84 MINNESOTA. operation of the same causes ■nliich have swept their eastern hretliren from the earth, unless an entirely different line of policy is pursued by the government towards them. if they were brought under the influence and restraint of our benign laws, and some hope extended to them, that education and a course of moral training would, at some period hereafter, entitle them to be placed on an equality, socially and politically, with the whiles, much good would be the result. The soil of Minnesota is admirably adapted to liie cultivation of all the cereal grains. Wheat, oats, and barley afford a safe crop, even at the British Red river colony, which is in latitude 50°. " Minnesota is destined to become a great agricultui-al region, and her prairies are well calmilated for the raising of stock. Tiiere is also sueli an extent of water-power through- out its broad surface, that no reason can be perceived why manufactures Avould not flourish also. The reports of those scien- tific men who have explored the country justify us in the belief tiiat our territory is rieli in copper ores; and more particularly in galena or lead. "Wiiether coal exists is a problem yet to be solved. If it shall be found in any consiilerable quantities, the dis- covery will be of more real advantage to Min- nesota tiian the best mines of silver and gold. " On the upi)er portion of the Mississippi and St. Groix valleys lies the great region of pine, which will continue to prove a source of wealth to the territory and state for a century to come. The manufacture of pine lumber already oecuj)ies a large part of the industrial labor of the people. Much of this is needed for home consumption, caused by tiie rapid increase of population ; but the larger portion is sent to St. Louis, where it meets with a ready sale. "The climate of Minnesota is not subject to sudden variations, especially in winter. Although, in some years, the snowfalls to a considerable depth, j-et, as a general rule, Ave have far less than is the case either in IS'ew-Eiigland or the northern part of the state of New-York. The comparative ab- sence of moisture in our country is attribut- able, doubt less,to the fact that no very large bodies of water ai'e to be found, allliough, as t have before stated, small lakes abound. During the coldest weatlier in winter the air is pei'fectly still ; consequently the tempera- ture is much moi'e tolerable, and even jdea- sant, tlian could be supposed by those who reside in the same latitude on a stormy At- lantic coast. "Tlie navigation of the Mississippi is not to be relied on after tlie first week in De- cember, and steamboats arrive in the spriuir about the 10th or I'itli of April, so tliat the river may be considered as closed about live monlha in the year. "St Paul is the present capital of the territory. It is situated on the east bank of tlie Mississippi, about fix miles below P"ort Snolling, and eight miles by land from the Falls of St. Antliony, It is now a town of twelve or thirteen hundred inhabitants, and is rapidly augmenting in population. "Stillwater is a thriving village on lake St. Croix, about eighteen miles from St. Paul by land, and twenty-five miles from the Mississippi It is second only to St. Paul in size, and is increasing steadily in Avealth and population. There is also quite a village at the Falls of St. Anthony, which is one of the most lovely spots in the upper coimtry, and also at Marine Mills on the St Croix river, Sauk Papids, on the Mississippi, seventy-five miles above the falls, and at Mendo'ta, at the mouth of the St Peter's i-iver. Point Douglass is at the junction between the Mississippi and St Croix livers. It is a charming place, and is destined to be the site of commercial importance. "Pembina is the name of a settlement on. our side of the line of the British Possessions, and contains upwards of a thousand souls, principally persons of a mixed Indian and white blood. These people are active and enterprising, hardy and intrepid, excellent horsemen, and well skilled in the use of fire- arms. They subsist by agriculture and the hunting of birfialo. They desire to be re- cognized as citizens of the United States, as do some thousands of their kindred, who now reside at Selkirk's colony in the British territory ; but who are anxious to cnutnci- l)ate themselves from the iron rule of the lludson Bay Company. These people are only waiting some action on the part of the government of the United States to join their brethr<'n at Pembina. They would form an invaluable defense to that exposed frontier, either with the British government (to whieh tlipy are much disaffected) or with the Indian tribes. "I might state in the connection that the Indians generally through our territory are kindly disposed towaids the whites, and anxious to avoid a collision. This is empha- tically the case Avith the Sioux and Chip- pewas. "I would remark in conclusion, that the people of oui' territory are distinguished for intelligence and high-toned morality. For the twelve months or more prior to the establishment by Congress of a government for Minnesota, althougli, in the anomalous position in whieh it was left by the admis- sion of Wisconsin into the Union as a state, it was uncei'tain to what extent, if any, the laws covdd be enforced, not a crime of any magnitude was committed. The emigration to Minnesota is composed of men who go there with the well-founded assurance, tliat^ iu a laud where nature has lavished her MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 85 choicest gifts, where sickness has no dwell- iug-|>]ace, where the dreadful cholera has not elaidied a siugle victim, their toil will be amply rewarded, while their persons and property are fully protected by the broad shield of law. The suu shines not upon a fairer region, one more desirable as a home for the mechanic, the farmer, and the laborer, or where their industry will be more fully requited, than Minnesota Territory." ilEXrCAX REPLTBLTC— The work, the title of which we have prefixed to this article,* besides being well-timed, fur it has made its appearance when all meu's minds are occupied Willi the subject, is very cleverly written, and exhibit^, iu an advantageous light, the indus- try and talent of the author. General Thomp- son appears to have availed liimself of all the advantages of his situation, to store his mind with characteristic anecdotes of the people among wliom he was living, as wellas carefully to observe the tendency of the events that were p;t8.ulation of the country has been variously estimated. In 18;>0, it was be- lieved to have reached 8,600,666. It cannot be short u{ that number now. It is composed of a very few European Spaniards ; Creoles or Spanish descendants, who aie the chief j)ro- prietors of the soil, and govern the country ; Indians, unmixed, descendants of hewers of wood and drawers of water among the abo- riginal races found there at the lime of the ci'iiquest, the better born having perished un- der tlie oppression of i heir conquerers ; and the mixed classes. Of tliis enumeration, the poor Indians are the most numerous and the most industrious. Now, in what condition is this immense population to defend the country against an invading army ? The regular army of Mexico, even in the midst of peace, cannot be estimated much below 30,UOO»with an equal number of active militia, enrolled and partially disciplined, ready to be called into the field ia any emergency. The entire militia cannot well be counted at less than 500,000 men, liable to be drafted into the service at any moment. Of these latter, 100,000 are horse-' men, unsurpassed in horsemanship and in the use of the spear and tasso. It must not be supposed that, because the recruiting service is carried on forcibly, and the recruits con- ducted to tlie army like felons, they make on that account ineflicient soldiers. "VVe have seen the French conscript manacled and driven along to the depot by gensd'armes; we have seen the English sailor dragged, bleeding, thi'ough the mud. by the press-gang, to man some vessel of war ; and yet, after a moderate course of drill, they both are animated by the esprit de ccrps of their comrades, and rival the most enthusiastic volunteers in battle. The Mexicans do not excel in the use of firearms, but frequent practice may remedy that de- fect. When we were in Mexico, in 18'J9, the army was stated by the Secretary of War to consist of 58,955 men, of whom 32,101 were actually under arms. The uoops of the line were con. posed of twelve battalions of infantry, each of 823 men, the full war coni])lement being 12213 ; twelve regiments of cavalry, each 559 men, the war complement being 815 ; and ihrce brigades of artillery, of 1797 men in all. In addition to this force, stationed at and near the capital, the rejxirt represented 22,788 reg- ulars under arms, protecting the coasts and the northern frontier. We believe this to have been an exaggerated statement ; indeed, we know it to be so ; but we likewise know, that the expenses of the army, at that period exceeded nine millions of dollars a year, 'i'his i-xtrava- gance has proveil ihf fiuiifiil source of all the evils that have befallen this ill-fated country since its separation from Sj)ain. The Mexican government, soon after its in- stallation, negotiated a loan in England, which they dis^ipaIed in ostentatious ami needless exj)enses in three years; and from that period the country has bt-eii torn by domestic faction and constantly recurring insurrections. If we were called n])on lo account for these disor- ders, we should be disposed to attribute them altogether to want of economy and financial skill. They borrow money, and lavi^h it as if it formed part of their annual income ; they anticipate theli' revcuue at a ruinous sacrifice. MEXICAN REPUBLIC. 87 aiul make no permanent provi(»ion for repay- ing tlx'ir debt, or refunding the amount tlius abstracted, at an enormous cost, from their in come. The pensions, no inconsiderable items of their expenses, tlie salaries, the army and navy, are all unpaid, and all complain and chimor ; and, at length, on some pretext or other, revolt against the government in the vain hope of being relieved. Whether the in- vasion of their territory will impart more wis- dom to their councils and energy to their go- vernment, we know not. But if the people should take an active part in the contest, and the clergy be incited to oppose us, our forces ought to be well organized, well disciplined, and well supplied, to promise a successful re- sult to our arms. During the struggle for in- dependence it was remarked, that the frequent failure of the insurgents was occasioned by the necessity they were under to subsist their armies on the country they sought to liberate. Owmg, in some measure, to the bad roads and absence of other meansof transportation, little more is |)roduoed, in most of the districts, than the wants of the inhabitants require ; and the attempt to take from them that little, would rouse them to desperate resistance. All out- rages upon the churcli, t 'o, must be avoided ; for if the clergy are forced to regard their in- fluence or their property to be in danger, they will exert the one to inflame tlie minds of the people against us, and give a portion of the other tosupply the goverrjment with the means of carrying on the war, as they can very well afford to do. The great influence exercised by the priesthood over the affairs of Mexico may be inferred from the fact, that all the great revolutions that country has undergone, during tJie present century, have been their work. Hidalgo and his co-laborers were priests, and the successful movement that resulted in the separation of Mexico from Spain was instiga- ted by thnm, in i^rder to preserve their estates, ■which would have been forfeited if the decrees of the Cortes of Spain had been carried into effect in their American dependencies. They afterwards dreaded the ultimate effect of free institutions, and aided to overthrow the federal republic, and to erect upon iis ruins a central government, which, if it be allowed to subsist any length of time by the Mexican people, must terminate in monarchy. We mean despotic monarchy. We are aware that many entertain the opinion that this is the onlv form of government suited to restrain the turbulent character cf this people. We do not coincide with this opinion, but believe, that with more experience and better education, the people will gradually comprehend the workings and benefits of free government, and become tranquil. This can only happen, how- ever, under a federal system. A central go- vernment, under whatever denomination it may exist, will be a tyranny ; and if the states should separate, an event by no means improbable, there is too much reason to fear they will be involved in continual disputes and war wiih each other, and become, each in its turn, subject to military despotism. From all these evils their sister republic n)ight have saved them, not by force, but by advice and persuasion ; for a very large majority of the . Mexicans are inclined to look up to us as their example; and it is certain. that the contem- plation of our success cheered them on their rugged path to freedom. Tlie monarchists, the aristocracy, and the clergy, became early aware of this feeling among the people, and, aided by the Europeans in Mexico, succeeded in driving from the country the first envoy sent there by our government, who, it was supposed, exercised an influence adverse to their views ; and now the same parties have provoked a war with the United States, which must result in the further i^lienation of the two republics. We shall for ever regret that thisgovernment has permitted them to succeed in their nefarious designs. We venture to predict, however, that their triumph will be ephemeral. Let the final result of this war be what it may, let the monarchists and the military succeed in establishing a central des- potism and a kingly throne in Mexico, such a government will not long subsist where the |ieople are as deeply imbued with ihe spirit of liberty as the Mexicans are. They will rise in their might and shake off so disgraceful a yoke ; and in our opinion the only circum- stance likely to retard this event, Avould be the premature interventionof this government. It is not our province, nor is it our intention, to indicate the steps by which these United States might acquire sway over the republics of the new worki ; but we are persuaded they might, by judicious management, exercise a beneficial moral influence over their councils and conduct, equally advantageous to both parties. So many misrepresentations have appeared in print, injurious to the character of the leaders of the republican party there, that we cannot forbear giving an account of the occurrences as they really took place. We attach no blame to tlie European authors wlio have recorded the events of the several revolu- tionary movements in Mexico. They re- ceived their information from men preju- diced against the party of the people, and with feelings warmly enlisted in favor of the aristocracy. Their statements furnish another striking proof of the difficulty of writing con- temporaneous history. The feeble attempts which were made to render Mexico independent of Spain, from the year 18 ID to 1821, were chiefly the work of the parish priests, aided by the Indian popu- lation. Not one of the nobles, and very few of the gentry, took part with the insurg' nts. It is true that the revolution was ultimately effected by them ; but they were actuated by 88 MEXICAN REPUBLIC. very different motives from those wliich had animated the people iu their first efforts to Bhake off tlie yoke of the motiier country. The new con-^titution of Spain was so liberal as to be offensive to their pride. The Euro- peans saw, with jealousy, that the Creoles jwould be intrusted with power ; and the clergy with ilread that the decrees of the Spanish Cortes would deprive them of their vast possessions, and reduce them to poverty. They speedily determined on a separation, and found a fitting agent to carry out their plans in Don Augustm Iturbide, who pos- sessed great influence with the army, and had hitherto been an active, zeahjus, and cruel persecutor of the Mexican insurgents. The sepiiration from Spain was declared, and the "plan of I^uala" promulgated; the principal object of this scheme was to establish a Bour- bon Prince of Spain on the throne of Mexico. A vast number of the Creoles, and of the peo- ple generally, were opposed to the plan of Iguala. They were unwilling to receive a prince of Spain, or to sanction the adoption of a monarchical government. They were with- out organization, however, and compelled to submit to the Bourbonistas, as the ruling party was then styled. In this state of af- fairs, the new Caj^tain-gcneral, O'Donojn, ar- rived at Vera Cruz, to take command of the country under the new constitution. He soon saw the futility of resisting the march of the revolution, entered into a negotiati ni ■with Iturbide, on the basis of the plan of Iguala, and evacuated the country with the Spanish troops that had formed the garrisdu of" Mexico. So far, the part}' were successful, but their intentions were frustrated by the ambition of the chief they had selected tti carry them into effect Iturbide managed to have himself proclaimed emperor by the army, dissolved the Congress, and impris oneil his former frientls, the chief Bourbon- istas. His career of extravagance and mis- rule was brief, and we hesitate not to predict that a similar fate awaits any one who shall have the folly to make a simihtr attempt. After a sharjj contest between the Bourbonis- tas and the Republicans, the latter succeeded in establishing a federal govenmient, very nearly resembling that of tlie United States. "When l\>\:* was resolved on, the former made an effort to elect one of their number ])resi- dent. The election of the people, however, elevated General Guadaloupe \'ict( ria to the presidency of the new liepublic, and (reneral Jjravo became vice-president and leader of the opposition, which was promptly formed against the administration. Matters went on Bmoothly enough until the republican party began to gain the ascendency in Congress, when one Montauo made a silly attempt to disturb the government at Otumba, in 1827. His declaration was only remarkable for con- taining a deuunciation of the Minister of the United States, and a peremptory demand that he should be expelled from Mexico. His example was followed by Colonel Rivero. Bi'th these insurrectionary movements were put down by a proclamation, declaring them treasonal)le. But to the surprise of every one, a very few months after this event, General Bravo retired to Zulancingo, with a small body of discontents, from whence he issued a mani- festo, declaring himself in favor of the plan of Montauo. We never shall forget the exulta- tion of the Bourbonistas, the Europeans, the priests, and all those who had hitherto ap- peared in the character of advocates of order and moderation, when this movement became public. They already believed themselves triumphant, and ruling again in Mexico. They were destined, however, again to be disappointed. By order of government, General Guerrero marched upon Zulancin- go; and Bravo, although at the head of a considerable force, surrendered without any serious opposition. He was brought to trial before the Congress of the Mexican United States, found guilty of treasonable designs, and banished the country for a period of seven years. But the great struggle between the two contending parties that divided the nation, was made upon the election of a successor to President Victoria. Guerrero was the candi- (1 ite of the republicans, and Gomez Pedraza of their opponents. The latter was Secretary of War in Victoria's cabinet. General Guer- rero had distinguished himself in the wars of the revolution, as an active and brave parti- san leader. He was, however, a weak man, and totally unfit for the station. Pedraza, his antagonist, on the contrary, was a man of education; he began his career in the service of Spain, under the viceroys, taking an active part against the Mexican patriots; was sent deputy to the Cortes of Spain ; antl, on his return, became one of Iturbide's ministers, and subsequently a leader of the escoiceses, or Bom'boii party, which contributed so es- sentially to the overthrow of the emperor. On the first outbreak against the admiuistra- tion, he took part in it.s favor, and was furious- ly abused by his former friends They became reconciled to him, however, when they se- lected him, as it were, a fit instrument of their designs, and resolved to run liim in opposition to Guerrero. Although he had very frequently and openly declareil that he would never again hold communion with men who had sought, by the basest means, to destroy the liberties of their country, lie did not long hesitate to yield to their solicitations. This party could not have made a better se- lection. Pedraza liad partisans among the Iturbidestas, and even with the republicans, and was supporteil by the whole strength of the Bourbon faction. He was, moreover, Sec- retaiy of War, aud showed himself not over- MEXICAN REPUBLIC. s» scrupulous in using: the power that station placed in his hands, to further liis views. Officers, whose adlierence was doubtful, were dismi^^sed ; and to all the states military commandants were sent, to exert their power and influence to favor the election of their chief. There is good reason to believe, like- wise, that the wealth of liis rich partisans was used to obtain the same end. Notwithstand- ing all these abuses, Gomez Pedraza was elected President by a majority of only two votes. It is very probable, that if tiie power thus iniquitously acquired had been used with moderacion, it would have been preserved without a struggle ; but the senate and the supreme court, both bodies created during the reign of the Bourbon party, and both violently opposed to the republicans, commenced at once a series of persecutions against such of their opponents whose talents, liberal p'inci- pies, or extensive popularity, excited their jealousy, or gave cause of alarm. Several governors of the states of tlie confederation were impeached on anonymous charges, sus- pended from their offices, and a design manifested to bring them to condign pun- ishment. One especially, Don Lorenzo Za- vala, at that time governor of tiie state of Mexico, was the chief olyect of their ani- mosity. He was charged falsely, as we have reason to know, with treasonable prac- tices, and a party of soldiers was dispatched to the capital of the state, St. Augustin de los Cuevas, where he resided, to arrest him. The first intimation he had of being accused, was the order for his arrest, delivered to him by an officer of cavalry, who was accompanied by an escort of soldiers to convey him to pri- son ; a prison which, it was afterwards ascer- tained, iiad been fitted up with every precau- tion to prevent escape, and from which he would piobably have been sent to the scaf- fold. That the governor of a free and inde- pendent state, containing nearly a million of people, should be arrested without any other preliminary proceedings, upon the simple order of the executive, is calculated to ex cite the indignation of every frfeman ; and yet how is this occurrence narrated by Eng- lish historians ? Speaking of the defection of Santa Anna, who, on being deprived of the office of governor of Vera Cruz, appeared in arms, and declared against the election of Pedraza, as having been effected by fraud and violence, and in favor of General Guer- rero, they say : " In the capital some of the Yorkino.s, and among others one of the chief leaders, Zavala, governor of the state of Mexico, evinced a disposition to make common cause with Santa Anna ; and Zavala, upon his being denounced to the Congress as a correspondent of that general, confirmed the accusation by flight." Zavala was not apprised that such an accusa- tion had been preferred against him ; he saw only the order for bis arrest, and the soldiers sent to conduct him to prison. He knew the character of his persecutors, and the little pros- ])oct he had of obtaining justice at tlioir hands, lie foresaw a long imprisonment, to be ter- minated, too probably, by a violent death, and he fled. He was more disposed to sus- ' tain the government than to take part with that chief against Santa Anna, for there was no sympathy between them; but he was driven to rebellion against it by the unjust and tyrannical conduct of his enemie.s. He would have submitted to the elevation of Pedraza to the presidency, notwithstanding he was an eye-witness to the unju-tifiable means used to obtain that election ; l)ut he was an object of hatred to the party in y)ower, because he had uniformly, and with great abil- ity and great force of eloquence, suppoited tlie federal party and advocated republican piinciples. These unjust and violent exhibi- tions of animosity against the best patriots and most deserving men in the country, roused the people to resistance, and pro- duced the catastrophe which drove Pe- draza from the country, and placet! General Guerrero in the presidential chair. Santa Anna was compelled to retire before the naiional army, commanded by General Cal- deron, to the city of Oaxaca, where, after a protracted siege and desperate resistance, he was forced to surrender. He was saved from destruction only by the successful revo- lution in the capital of the 4th of December; a revolution, we repeat, entirely brought about by the violence and injustice of the reigning faction. We would not be under- stood as including President Victoria in this charge ; he deserved the high encomium pro- nounced upon him by General Thompson, in the work before us. He was truly a man of inflexible virtue and transcendent patriotism ; but iiis virtues were those of endurance rather than of active usefulness. He was uninformed, and therelbre dependent upon his ministers, and above all, very indolent; so that, after the election of Pedraza, he suffered him to tlircct all the measures of the government until his overthrow and flight, when he re- posed the same trust in Guerrero. The outrageous conduct of the friends of Pedraza brought on the crisis, and it was considered most advisable by the leaders of the opposition to efi'ect the revolution in the capital itself, and, if possible, before the ar- rival of the armed bands that were known to be on their march from the coast of the Paci- fic, whose excesses they dreaded. Accord- ingly, on the night of the 30th of November, 1828, the acorilada, a large edifice at the en- trance of the city, then used as artillery bar- racks, was seized by the ex-marquis of Ca- dena, at the head of a battalion of militia. The next morning they were joined by Gen. Lobato, who assumed the command, Zavala 90 MEXICAN REPUBLIC. and others, wlio liad been persecuted and outlawed; "and,". says tlie author we liave before quoted, " by a luultitude of leperos, who were proniiseil the piUage of tlie capital a3 a reward for their services." This is not only untrue, but improbable: these leperos resemble the lazzaroni of Naples, unarmed and unaccustomed to the use of arms ; what services could such men render ? The insur- gent forces increased every hour, by the junc- tion of the militia from the neighb'iihood, and by desertion from the army. Guerrero was proclaimed, and at that period his name would have assembled a host He visited the acordada, and then retired to a distance of three leagues from the city, waiting the result of eveut.s, but taking no part in the contest. The city was beleaguered ; and al though the government made a feeble defense, and must have been conscious of its utter ina bility to repel an assault, it obstinately refused to accept the terms which were repeatedly and urgently pressed upon it, in order to pre- serve the inhabitants from the excesses to be apprehended from a body of armeition was made to this change ; all the states gave in their ad- lierence to it; the republicans were released from the pri-ons in wliich tliey had been con fined by tlieir opponents, and the satisfaction of the peoi)le apjieared complete. To add to Guerrero's popularity, a Spanish force under General Barradas, which hud landed at Tain- pico with the avowed intention of subduing Mexico, had at this time been vanquished, and forced to lay down their arms, by Gen- eral Santa Anna. Every thing combined to render his term of otSce prosperou-i ; but unfortimately for himself, if not for the coun- try, he was a very vain as well as weak man, and suffered his former enemies and opponents to approach and counsel him. He was flattered by the notice of men of their rank and distinction, and received them into his confidence, gradually putting away all his old partisans and tried friends. When the way was thus cleared. General Anastasio Bustamente, who had been chosen vice-president, gave the signal of revolt by putting himself at the head of the forces stationed in the state of Vera Cruz. From thence he issued his proclamation, setting forth the abuses and usurpations of Guerrero, and declaring his intention of wresting the government from him. The revolutionary president looked in vain for counsel and suc- cor in this emergency. He had dismissed his republican friends and counsellors, :md the persons who hail brought him into these difH- culties, left him to extricate himself as best he might. He became alarmed at the idea of being besieged in tlie ])alace ; and under the pretext of placing himself at the head of the troops and marching against Bustamente, he left the capital and retired to his old haunts in the south. Here he was pursued by the relentless animosity of his enemies, and at length captured by a most contempti- ble stratagem and executed as a traitor, by order of government. A more disgraceful outnxge never was perpetrated; but as the perpetrators were Bourbonistas, the friends of law and order, so called, the English his- torians have thought proper to pass it over in silence. Guerreio, as we have seen, was a very weak man, but he was humane, generous, and brave, and had served his country during her strutrgle for independence, faithl'ully and gallantly. He was covered with wounds received in battles with the royalists, and merited a better fate. He had no sooner left the capital than his late friends and advisers seizetl upon tlie reins of government. Busta- mente was declared his successor, and the administration went blundering on amiil the universal disaffection and dissatisfaction of the people, until General Santa Anna availed himself of this public sentiment to place him- self in an attitude of hostility to Bustamente, and \o pronounce against the existing order of tilings, that is, to issue his jiroclamation con- taining his plan or declaration of views and intentions. This plan was so thoroughly ilem- ocratic that even the Texans gave in their adherence to it, and the other states follow- ing this example, Bustamente was driven forth an exile, and Santa Anna assumed the reins of government. He held them with a tirm Laud, and being instigated, aided, and MEXICAN REPUnLIC. 91 upheld by the anti-republican party, he dis- missed tiie Congress, which thwarted his pro- jects, exiled tliat stern republican, Gomez Fariiis, who had been made vice-president, and filially succeeded in converting the fede- ral republic into a central government, the whole power of which he usurped. He was dictator with extraordinary powers — in s-hort, an autocrat. The states, by a stroke of liis pen, were converted into departments, and their legislatures mto a council of five. Some of the northern states revolted against this monstrous abuse of power ; among these were Zacatecas and Texas. The former was put down by the strong arm, and the latter achieved its independence. We perceive that all other right on the part of Texas than that of revolution, is denied by trans- Allantic writers. They say: " If the people of Mexico preferred a different form of gov- ernment to that established in 1824, they bad the right to effect this change, because it is generally admitted that in a republic the majority must govern." Now, in the first place, it is universally known that this change was effected by the military power, and manifestly against the will of the majority of the people ; and in the next, that the federal constitution, copied almost verbatim et litera- tim from ours, professed to consider and treat the states confederated together by this act as sovereign and independent states, which, like our own, would be set free by a dissolu-, tion of the federal union. But it is useless to discuss this question now. The right of revolution is nowhere denied them. Their appeal to arms was successful, and Texas has transferred her allegiance and her territory to the United States of America, which we think she had an undeniable right to do. But to return to Mexico. Santa Anna's defeat and capture at San Jacinto changed the actors on the stage of public affairs there, but did not vary the scene. Bustamente was restored to the chief magistracy after a brief space of time, and the government continued to suffer all the disorders inci- dental to an empty treasury and a disor- derly soldiery, until Santa Anna was again called from his retirement by the voice of the army, and of his friends and allies, the Catholic clergy. On his return from his un- fortunate campaign in Texas, he was re- garded by his countrymen with distrust. They believed that he liad bargained away Texas for life and liberty, and were more- over mortified by his failure to reduce that rebel state. The revolutinary movement of General Mexia first drew him from his retire- ment. He solicited and obtained the com- mand of the troops sent to quell this insur- rection. The contending forces met near the city of Puebla. The patriots were defeated, and Mexia fell into the hands of bis former friend and comrade in arms, and was shot by his order on the instant. General Thompson appears to have been seduced, like many others, by the gallant bearing and social qualities of General Santa Anna, into an esteem lor his person. He was besides deeply grateful to him for releasing, at his solicitation, many of his unfortunate fellow-citizens who were held in chains in Mexico and Perote — an act, by the way, un- worthy a Christian despot, and unparalleled except in Barbaiy and Borneo. For our- selves, we confess that his whole course has impressed us with the opinion that he is an ambitious, unscrupulous, corrupt, and cruel man, with no redeeming qualities but courage aud activity. If the violation of faith, and the murder of the gallant Colonel Fanning and his brave followers, are susceptible of any pallia- tion, which we do not admit, what can be said in justification of the dreadful massacre of his unfortunate countrymen at Zacatecas ? But the whole tenor of his conduct as a public man is so generally well known, that we leave him to the judguient of an impartial public. The only insurrectionary movement in Mexico since 1822, in which General Santa Anna did not take the lead or a very promi- nent part, was that of Urrea in favor of the federal constitution in 1840, and which was suppressed by the active measures 6f General Valencia, although President Bustamente was at one time a prisoner in the hands of the insurgents. The following year a combined movement of Paredes at Guadalaxara, of Valencia and Lonibardini in the capital, and of Santa Anna at Vera Cruz, in August, 1841, overthrew Bustamente after a sangui- nary conflict in the streets of Mexico, and again changed the form of government. Santa Anna had recovered his popularity with the army by the part he took in repel- ling the attacks of the French upon Vera Cruz. As soon as the blockade was estab- lished he repaired to the port, and was placed in command of the troops. His pres- ence and activity restored confidence to the garrison, and tlie enemy were driven back in their attempts to land. On one occasion, while following the French in their retreat to their boats, Santa Anna had his leg shat- tered by a cannon ball, an event that at once re-established his influence throughunt the empire. The downfall of Bustamente was followed by the elevation of this daring chief- tain. As was customary with him, he pro- claimed his entire submission to the will of the people and of the Congress, merely indi- cating his preference of a central government strong enough to maintaiu the peace of the country ; but upon Congress exhibiting too great a leaning toward free institutions, he dissolved that body and convened a junta of Notables, which framed the " Bases of poll- 92 MEXICAN MINES AND MIXEnAL KESOURCES. tical organization of the Mexican Republic." Strange notions tlioy must have entertained of a republican i^overinent ! The chief basis of this anomalous fabric is the creation of a presi dent for the term of five years, with power to declare war or make peace, to fine those who disobeyed his orders, to visit the tribu- nals of justice, reform abuses therein, seeing that a tiue preference was given to causes which concerned the public weal. The Bases of the new Government, as its provisions were properly called, for it bore no resemblance to a constitution, provided for a House of Representatives and .Senate, to be chosen by a privileged class of electors, an Executive Council and perpetual Court Mar- tial, the members of both these bodies to be appointed by the President. This despotic ruler was to be elected every fifth year by the departments which were represented by assemblies of not more than eleven nor less than seven members. He was re-eligible without restriction. On these bases stood Santa An la, and for a longer period than was u^ual in that turbulent country adminis- tered the government with great firmness, would we could say with justice ! The diffi- culties he had to contend against were nume- rous and formidable. Amoni; them were, first, a numerous army always inclined to mutiny, who, tofrether with a large band of rapacious civil offieers, had to be quieted and paid without a dollar being in the treasury, with- out the existence of any well-digested sys- tem of finance to re])lenish it; next, his own corrupt nature and tiiat of the favorites who eurrounded him ; and lastly, the disaffection of a large body of the people, who disliked, and distrusted, and dreaded him. The dis content broke out into open revolt in 1845. and Santa Anna was hurled from the eleva- tion he liad usurped by, as it appeared, one universal burst of popular indignation. He was abandoned by all his former adherents, hunted down and arrested by the peasantry, and confined, by order of government, in the castle of Perote. After some not very cred- itable passages between the Congress and the falk-n cliief, he was permitted to leave the country with his ill-gotten wealth. He was succeeded by General Herr<>ra, who was placed at the head of the successful movement against him, and who continued to struggle with the difficulties of his station until the army, habituated to seek payment of their arrears, an]aced on the to)\ or on tlie western slo|)e of the great Cordillera. The first of these groups iias been the most productive, and eml)races the districts contiguous to Guanajuato, San Luis Potosi, Charcas, Catorce, Z;ifatecas, Asientos de Ybarra, Fresnillo, and Som- brerete. The second comprises the mines situated west of the city of Durango, as well as those in Sinaboa, for the labors of engineers have brought them so close to each otiier by tJieir works, that they sjiould be united in the same geological division. The third group is the northernmost in Mexico, and is tliat which embraces the mines of Chihuahua and Cosiguiriaclii. It extends from the 27 th to the 2yth degree of north latitude. 94 MEXICAN MINES AND MINERAL RESOURCES. Tlie fourth and fifth clusters are found northeast of Mexico, and are formed by the mines of Real del Morte, or Paeluica, and Zimapan, or El Doctor. Bolanos, in Guada- lajara, and Tasco, in Oajaca, are the central points of the sixth, seventh, and eighth* The reader who will cast his eye over the map of Mexico, will at once perceive that the geographical space covered by this metal- liferous region is small, -when compared with the extent of the whole country. The eight groups into which the mining districts are divided, occupy a space of twelve thou- sand square leagues, or one tenth only of the whole extent of the Mexican republic, as it existed previous to the treaty of 18J8, and before the mineral wealth of California, and probably of New-Mexico, was known to the world. But as that treaty confirmed and ceded to the United States more than one half of the ancient territory of Mexico, we may estimate the mining region as cover- ing fully one fifth of the remainder. Before the discovery and conquest of the West Indies and the American continent, Eu- rope had looked to the East for her chief sup- plies of treasure. America was discovered by Columbus, not, as was so long imagined, be- cause he foresaw the existence of another con- tinent, but because he sought a shorter route to the rich and golden Zipangon, and to the spice regions of eastern Asia. Columbus and V espncius both died believing that they had reached eastern Asia, and thus a geographi- cal mistake led to the greatest discovery that has ever been made. In proof of these as- sertions, we may state that Columbus de- signed delivering at Cuba the missives of the Spanish king to the great Khan of the Mon- gols, and that hi; imagined himself in Mangi, the capital of the southern region of Ca- thay or China! "The island of Hisjianiola," (Ilayti,) he declares to Pope Alexander VI., in a letter found in the archives of the Duke of Varaguas, "is Tarshish, Ophir, and Zii).in- gon. in my second voyage I have discovered fourteen hundred islands, and a shore of three hundred and thirty-three miles, be- longing to the continent of Asia." This West Indian Zipangon produced golden frag- ments, or spangles, weighing eighty ten, and even twenty pounds. f Before the discovery of the silver mines of Tasco, on the western slope of the Mexican Cordilleras, in the year 15'22, America sup- plied only rjold to the Old World; and con- sequently, Isabella of Caslile was obliged, already in 149Y, to modify greatly the rela- tive value of the two precious metals used for currency. This was, doubtless, the origin • Humboldt's Essai Politique, book iv., chap. ii. Paris, 1811. t See Humboldt's essay on the produotion of gold and silver, in the Journal dcs Econonusles for March, April, and May, 1838. of the edict of Medina, which changed the old legal ratio of 1 : 10.7 ; yet Humboldt has shown that, from 1-11'2 to 1500, the quantity of gold drawn from the parts of the Xew World then known did not amount, an- nuallj', to more than about one thousand pounds avoirdupois ; and the Pope, Alexan- der VI., who by his famous bull bestowed one half the earth upon the Spanish kings, only received, in return, from Ferdinand the Catholic, some small fragments of gold from Hayti, to gild a portion of the dome of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore — a gift that was suilaljly acknowledged in a Latin inscription, in which the offering is set forth as the first that had been received by the Catholic sovereigns from India. Although the income of treasure mnst have increased somewhat, yet the working of the American mines did not yield three millions of- dollars yearly, until 1545. The ransom of Atahualpa amounted, according to Gomara, to about 425,000 dollars of our standard, or 52,000 marks of silver; whilst the pillage of the temples at Cuzco, if Iler- rera is to be credited, did not produce more than 25,700 marks, or a little more than a quarter of a million of our currency.* It has been general'y imagined, that the wealth of the New World immediate!}' and largely enriclied the Spanish kings, or their people, and that the sovereigns under whoso auspices the discovery was made {)artioi- pated at once in the treasures that were found in the possession of the Indian rulers. Such, however, was not the case. The his- torian, Ilanke, in his essay on the S]>anish finances, has shown, by new documents and official vouchers, the small tpiantity of the precious metals which the American mines, and the supposed treasures of the Incas, yielded, j- It is probable that the conquer- ors did not make exact returns to the coiirt of their ac<[uisition3, or that the revenue of- ficers appointed at an early period of Ameri- can history were not reuuirkable for the fidelity with which they transmitted the sums that came into their possession as ser- vants of the crown, and thus it hajvpened that neither the king of Spain nor his king- dom was speedily enriched by the New World. Baron Humboldt, in one of his late publications, gives an interesting extract iVom a letter written by a fi-icnd of Ferdinand the Catholic, a few days after his death, which exhibits the finances of that king in a diil'erent light from that in which they have been hitherto viewed. In an epistle to the bishop of Tuy, Peter Marty n says, that this "lord of many realms — this wear- ♦ Poc Humboldt's essay on Precious Metals, ut nn- (c'(, ill note, in the .\merican traiisliition, given in vol- ume .3d of the Hankcr's Mana/.iim, page 600. t Seo Kauku, Tursten uud Volkor, vol. 1, pages 347, 355, MEXICAN MINES AND MINERAL EESOURCES. 95 er of so many laurels — this diffuser of the j Christian faith, and vanqiiisiier of its enc j mie? — died poor, in a rustic hut. While ho lived, no one imagined that after his death it would be discovered that he i)ossesscd scarcely money enough cither to defray the ceremony of his sepulture, or to furnisii his few retainers with suitable mourning!"* The adventurers nt America were, doubt- less, enriched, and duly reported their gains to friends at home ; but Spain itself was not iiujiroved by their acquisitions. The rise in the prices of grain and other products of agriculture or human industry, about the middle of the sixteenth century, and especially from 1570 to 1595, indicates the true beginning of the plentiful flow of the precious metals to the Old World, in consequence of Avhieh their value diminish- ed, and the results of European industry in- creased in price. This is accounted for by the commencement of the beneficial work- ing of the American mines about that period. The real opening of the nunes of Potosi, by the Spanish conquerors, dales from the year 1545; and it was between this epoch and 1595, that the splendid masses of silver from Tasco, Zaeatecas, and Paehuca, in New- Spain, and from Potosi, Porco, and Oruro, in the chain of Peruvian Andes, began to b e distributed more uniformly over Euiope, and to aftect the price of its productions. From the period of the administration of Cortez to the year 1552, when the celebrated mines of Zaeatecas were just opened, the export from Mexico rarely reached annually in value 100,000 pesos de oro, or nearly $1,165,000. But from that date it rose rap- idly, and in the years 1569, 1578, and 1587, it was already, respectively, 931,564, 1,111,- 202, and \,812,()dI pesos de oro.-\ During the last peaceful epoch of the Span- ish domination. Baron Humboldt calculates the annual yield of the mines of Mexico at not more than 23,000,000 of dollar,s, or nearly 1,184,000 pounds avoirdupois of silver, and 3,500 pounds avoirdupois of gold. From 1690 to 1803, §1,330,772,093 were coined in the only mint of Mexico; while, from the • Pet. Mart. Epist., lib. xxix., No. 556, 23a January 1516. t Thp peso de oro is ratpd by Prescott at $11 05, and by Ramirez at $2 !13. See M. Ternaux-Oompans's Original Mfinoirs of the discovery of America (Con- quest of Mexico, page 451.) C'nnipaiis pulilislies in this, for the first time, an official list, .sent between 15-22 and 1587, by tlie viceroys of New Spain, to the mother country. The prxos of gold must be multi- plied by a mean of §11 tiS, in order to give their value in dollars. See Banker's Magazine, vt anlea, pafte 594. in note. See Prescott'g History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. 1, page 320. Ramirez, in his notes on the Spanish translation of Prescott's History of the Conquest, rates the peso de oro at $ '.93. This result is reached by a Ions financial calculation and course of reiisoning. See La.Comiuista de Mejico, vol. 2, at page 89 vf the notes at the end of the volume. discovery of New Spain until its independ- ence, about $2,028,000,000, or two fifilis of all the preciou'^ metals which the whole of tiie New World has supplied during the .«ainc period, were furnished by Mexico alone.* It ajipears, from these data, that the exhaustion f the mines of Mexico is contradicted by the geognostic facts of the country, and, as we shall hereafter show, by the recent issues of Mexican mints. The mint of Zaeatecas alone, during the revolutionary epoch from 1811 to 1833, struck more than 8*56,332,766; and in the eleven last years of this period from four to five millions of dollars were coined by it every year uninterruptedly. The general metallic production of the country, which was of course impeded by the revolutionary state of New Spain between 1809 and 1826, has arisen refreshed from its slumber, so that, according to the last ac- counts, it has ascended to perhaps twenty millions annually in total production, in con- sequence of tlie prolific yield of the workings at Fresnillo, Chihuahua, and Sonora, indepen- dent of the abundant production at Zaca- tecas.f The Mexican mines were eagerly and even madly seized by the English, and even by the people of the United States, as objects of splendid speculation, as soon as the country became settled ; but, in consequence of bad management, or the wild spirit of gambling, which assumed the place of prudent commer- cial enterprise, the holders of stock were either disappointed or sometimes ruined. Sub- sequently, however, the proprietors have learned that prudence and the experience of old Mexican miners were better than the theoretical principles upon which tliey de- signed producing larger revenues than had ever been attained by the original Spani.sh workmen. Their imported modern machin- ery and engines for voiding the shafts and galleries of water, are the chief beneficial im- provements introduced since the revolution ; but the enormous cost of transporting the heavy materials, in a country where there are no navigable rivers extending into the heart of the land, and where the usual mode of transportation is on the backs of mules, by wretched roads over mountains and through ravines, has often absorbed lai'ge portions of the original capital, before the proprietors even began to employ laborers to set up their foreign engines. Many of the first British and American adventurers or speculators have thus been ruined by unskilful enterprises in Mexican mines. Their successors, however, are beginning to reap the beneficial results of • This is Humboldt's estimate in the essay cited in this section. We think it rather too If 1783, an ecclesiastic named Juan Flores gained $3,500,000 on ground full of chloriile of silver and oi color ados !" One of the mo.-t ilourishing establishments, iu 1842, was the ZacatecauoMejicauo mining company of Fresnillo. Its one hundred and twenty shares, which originally cost '?22,800, were still held by Spaniards and Mexicans. These mines were originally wrought by the state of Zacatecas; but in 1836 Santa Anna took possession, by an alleged right of con- quest, and rented them for twelve years to this sucx^essful company. In the first half year of 1841, they produced §1,025,113, at a cost of S7G 1 ,800, or a clear profit of $263,3 1 3. Mcxii'u, under the colonial system, with the immense product of her mines, and notwith- standing the richness of her soil for agricul- tural pui-poses, became almost entirely a sil- ver producing country. The poliey of Spain was, as we have already often stated, to be the workshop of the New World, while Mex- ico and I\-ru were the treasuries of the Old. The consequence of this was natural. Mexico, one of the finest agricultural and grazing lands in the world, but with no temptations to expert her natural ])roduct8, (for she had no markits for them elsewhere,) and no roads, canals, or rivers, to convey her products to sea- ports for shipment, even if she had possessed consumers in Europe, at onci- devoted heiself to her mines, wliicii were to her both wealth and the representatives of wealth. Her agri- culture accordingly assumed the standard of the mere national home consum{)tion, while the pa>toral and horticultural interests fol- lowed the same law, except, perhaps, within late years in California, where a ])rofitable trade was carried on by the missions in hides and tallow. From this restrictive law of ex- portation, we, of course, except vanilla, cochi- Deal, and a few ot'ier minor articles. The sources of the wealth of the principal families of Mexico will consequently be found in her mines ; and an interesting summary of this aristocracy is given by Mr. Ward, in his "Mexico in 1827,"' to prove the fact. The family of llegla, which possessed large estates m various parts of tlie country, purchased the whole of them with the proceeds of the mines of Real del Monte. The wealth of the Fago- agas was derived from the great Bonanza of the Pavellon at Sombrerete. The mines of Balanos founded the Vibancos. Valenciana, Ruhl, Perez Galvez, and Otero, are all indebt- ed for their possessions to the mines of Valen- ciana and ^'illalpando, at Guanajuato. The family of Sanlaneta, formerly Marquises de llayas, took its rise from the mine of that name. Cata and Mellado enriched their ori- ginal proprietor, Don Francesco Matias de Busto, Marqnis of San Clemente. The three successive fortunes of the celebrated Laborde, of whom we shall speak hereafter, when we describe Cuernavaca, were derived from the Canada which bore his name, at Tlalpujahua, and from the mines of Quebradilla and San Acasio, at Zacatecas. The beautiful estates of the Obregones, near Leon, were purchased with the revenues of La Purisima and Con- cepcion, at Catorce ; as was also the estate of Maipasso, acquired by the Gordoas from the products of La Luz. The Zanbranos, dis- coverers of Guarisamey, owned many of the finest properties in Durango ; while Batopillas gave the Bustamentes the opportunity to pur- chase a title and to enjoy an immense unin- cumbered income.* Nevertheless, some of the large fortunes of Mexico were made either by trade or the possession of vast agricultural and Ciittle estates, in sections of the country where there were either no mines, or where minmg was unprofitable. The Agredas were enriched by commerce, while the descendants of Cortez, who received fi royal grant of the valley of Oajaca, together with some Spanish merchants in Jalapa ami Vera Cruz, derived the chief part of their fortunes from landed estates, cultivated carefully during the period when the Indians were under better agricultural subjection than at present. Thus the mmes and the mining districts, by aggregating a large laboring population in a country in which there were, until recently, but few manufactures, and in which the main body of the people engagi^d either in trades or iu tending cattle, became the centres of some of the most active agricultural districts. "The most fertile portions of the table-land are the Baxio, which is immediately contigu- ous to Guanajuato, and con)])rise8 a portion of Valladolid, Guadalajara, (iueretaro, and Gua- najuato, the valley of Tojuca. and the southern part of the state of Valiadolid, which both supply the capital and the mining districts of Word's Mexico in 1827, voJ. ii., p. 151. MEXICAN MINES AND MINERAL RESOURCES. Tlalpujuhua, El Oro, Temascaltepoc, and An- gauijeo; the plains of Paohuca ami Appam, ■wliicli extend on either s-ide to the loot of the mountains upon whicli tiie mines (jf Real del Monte Chicn are situated ; Itzmiquilpan, which owes its existence to Zimapaii; Aguas Calientes, by whicii the great mining town of Zacatecas is supplied; a cuusiderable circle in the vicinity of Sombrerete and Frcsuillo; the valley of Jaral ami the plains about Sau Luis Potosi, which town, again, derives its name from the mines of the Cerro de San Pedro, about four leagues from the gates, the supposed 8uperi,2-25.a.<, 120,375,306 All thi' .Me.\ican inint.s from the end of) 1844 tr. ih« end of 1849, at thp rate of ! §14,0 '0,111)0 per ann., which was the j approximate total coinage in 1844. + J §31,000.000 88,597,827 3f;8,248 1,986,069 364.620 95,004 4,370,700 203,544 Copper, s 5,323,765 50,428 61,217 23,517 107,949 Total. 8331,632 00 240 870 iO 95.\3I5 34 433,128 00 4,661,7(3 00 1,724,328 48 936,.525 50 4,429,353 40 §13,732,861 40 Total. 86^1,000,000 1,700.147,514 7,048.551 23.801,982 18,266.,566 433.128 55.3tiS.94 1 18,554,945 1,561,249 l,l6-.',660 120,483,315 70,000,000 Total.'?, $2,465,275,954 RE^■UME. Silver Coinagft from 1535 to 1844, inclusive Gold '" " " " Copper " 1811 to 1844 " Geuural " 1845 to 1849, both inclusive §126,980,021 $5,566,876 $2,667,828,851 $2.46.5,275.954 126.986,021 5.566,876 70,1100,000 Total Coinsf^o of Me.xico to the present time, or in 314 years $2,667,828,851 Or, avoiding fractions, nearly §8,500,000 yearly. TABLE EXHIBITING THE PLACES AND THE AMOUNT OF TAX COLLECTED AT EACH, ON EVERY MARK OF SILVER, DURING THE TEN YEARS FROM 18.35 TO 1844, DESIGNED TO SHOW THE RELATIVE PRODUCTIVENESS OF THE VARIOUS .SILVER DLSTRICTS THROUGHOUT THE MEXICAN KEPUBLIU. rLATKS VVHK.IU: THF, nii'os roH TAX HAS KEEN COLLKCTF.D. Zacatecas Guaiiajualo San Luis I'otosi.. Pacliuca Guadalajara Mi^xico Durango GuadaUipeyCalvo. Pombreri'to.. . Cbiliuahuu .. . Cosala Josns Maria . . Parral Ziinapan Alaniu:^ Ilernioi-illo... . Rosario Muzatlan Oujaca, Tasco Hrodu.t <.r til. tax froia Ik:!.' to I8M9, botl imlu.-iv.i. annual of Sil- vorproducl indnl- lars. at $8 25 per mark. Totals $937,882 78.5 «1,051.013 37. 1 Deduct decrease Uiff'-rencc ill favnrofiiKTeascd yield of tax,and of production durinjf the bwt period of 5 years * See Report of the Mexican .Minister of Foreign and Domestic Relations, for the year 1846, p. 139 of Z)o''um':nto.s, etc. Some of these articles can, no doubt, be found much nearer home, and can be obtained at but little cost com- paratiielij. I therefore offer, for the benefit of those who feel an interest in this subject, a few agricultural statistics, collected by myself at random, during the late Mexican war, while stationed in the provmces of Tuspan and Chi- coDtepea I nmst here remark, that very little attention was paid to agriculture in any part of Mexico previous to their independence, or while a colony of Spain, from the fact that the mother country cla?sitie(l her colonies, some of which she devoted to agricultural pursuits, while from others she only abstracted the pre- cious metals. The island of Cuba, on the At- lantic side, and Chili, on the Pacific, were en- couraged and directed by the Spanish crown to pursue altogether agriculture. It is a well- known fact that both Chili and Cuba contained mines of copper, silver, aud gold. These mines were nut allowed to be worked ; but the mines of Mexico and Peru were extensively worked. In the latter departments agriculture was for- bidden, so much so, that in Peru wheat was not cultivated, but it was supplied from Chili ; and Mexico was supplied in coffee and sugar from Cuba, although b.th these articles could be supplied by the former in greater quantities and of better quality. She there- fore rendered her colonies mutually dependent on each other — in fact, keeping the natural resources dormant. Peru possessed naturally a better soil and climate for agriculture than Chili ; her natural manures lay in mines in- exhaustible, along her coast and on her hills; yet she was not permitted to use them abun- dantly. Mexico possessed naturally a better soil than Cuba, yet she was not allowed to cul- tivate more than enough to yield sparingly to her inhabitants ; but Cuba was taxed in the agricultural productions to her utmost extent to supply Mexico. The natural productions of the latter were never fully developed, but she was left to herself, and to run wild in a prolific natural growth, without the aid of art ; and while agricultural instruments were plenty both in Chili and Cuba, Mexico was destitute of them, and the native was left his machete only to scratch up his prolific soil. The provinces of Tuspan aud Chicontepec are blessed with all climates. While we find the department of Chicontepec very warm, we have the depMrtment of Tonticomatlan both cold and warm. But, in order to give a better itlea of these provinces, I will here give their boundaries. They are boui ded on the north by the district of Tampico; on the east by the Gulf of Mexico ; on the south by the districts of Papantla (state of Vera Cruz) and Huanchinango, (state of Puebla ;) on the west by th(! district of Hugutla. Its greatest ex- tent from north to south is seventy miles, and from west to east sixty-five miles. It extends sixty-five m.iles along the Gulf coast. Three rivers empty into the Gulf, off which there is a good anchorage ; these are Tanguino, Tus- pan, and Cazonis. On the latter river there is a French settlement, having purchased their lands under the Mexican law encouraging emigration and settlement. Tliey are em- ployed raising "vanilla, sarsaparilla, sugar, cot- ton, rice," procuring Indian rubber from the Palo de Ule, or caoutchouc, which grows in great abundance, gum copal, etc. These are exported to France by way of Vera Cruz. Tuspan, the beautiful villa, is embraced be- tween three flower-clothed hills, and is built on the banks of the river of the s^ame name, the banks of which are covered with plants and flowers of all varieties ; the orchideje and leguminosea vex the air with their delightful fragiance. The soil and climate are both con- genial to vegetation ; the river abounds in fish ; the woods resound with the sweet notes of the feathered songster. The river meanders through a soil not exceeded in richness and productiveness by any in the world ; not ex- celled by any of the West India islands in its tropical productions. The guava grows wild ; so do the lime and lemon. Coffee, cot- ton of two kinds, the tree grape, sugar cane, rice, cocoa, tobacco, vanilla, indigo, pimento, sarsaparilla, are the indigenous plants of this department. The forest, plains, banks of streams, and the river, are prolific in all kinds of woods, flowers, and beautiful birds. The rich, gaudy, and fragrant plumera fatigues the air along the upland banks of the river by its beauty and fragrance; the datura, single and double, with its bell-lUce blossoms, clo}s the senses with its fragrance ; and the waters are green and fragrant with the leaves and blos- soms of the sea-side daffodd, lotus, and other aquatics. In this, nature's fiivored spot, the shades of night are scarcely drawn over before the ear is assailed by the sweet soft notes of a feathered songster, which come floating in almost seraphic strains through the calm soli- tude of the night ; you are lulled to sleep im- perceptibly, and the senses become dormant in a gush of fragrance and music. The morn- ing is ushered in by the loud scream of the cojoleto, tir tufted purple turkey, and the noisy chichilaca and chattering voluble parrot. Every tree-top soon has an occupant of the feathered tribe, making the air melodious with 100 MEXICO PRODUCTS OF. their songs ; each hour brings from the shady [ recesses of the forest a new songster, each ' day and month its own plant, and eacli month a climate which vies in liealthiness and balmi- ness with its predecessor, buch are the de- partments of Tuspan and Chicontepec. It is of the productions of this country I intend to give you the full statit^tics. We will commence with sugar cane. This article grows in great abundance, and far su- perior to any of the Cuba varieties. While the Cuba cane requires to be laid every three years, this will continue to yield in good quantity ten or twelve. It is to be much re- gretted that the mills here are of such miser- able construction; merely mudeof wood, they Bimpl}'^ produce from the cane a material called peloncilta, which is ilone up and sent away to be manufactured into sugar. The quantity of peloncillato the almud, or ninety yards square, IS about seven thousand pounds. I think this character of cane would answer well in Florida or Louisiana, as it grows wild in the moun- tain districts of Uamatlan. The tobacco plant grows wild throughout the provinces of Tuspan and Chicontepec. This article is a government monopoly, and therefore not extensively cultivated by private per-sons ; yet, in its wild state, it is superior to the Cuba varieties. Two crops of tobacco could easily be raised per annum in that part of Mexico, and at much less expense than in any part of the United States. The country and land is well adapted to the cultivation of cotton. It is produced abun- dantly, and of a very superior (juality. There are found here two species of cotton, both of long sta[)le — the one a bush, the other a vine, which is very prolific, bearing bolls nearly the •whole year, or with the excejUion of one or two months. In the careless manner it is cultivated and cleanetl, ninety yards square produce easily 600 pounds of clean cotton ; but I have no doubt, by proper attention, with the aid of machuiery, etc., this amount could be vastly increased. I would recommend to our south- ern cotton planters to obtain varieties of the seed, and try them in their plantations. The staple is long and fine. Three varieties of corn are raised, and two full crops in one year, yielding 70 bushels to the 20 varas, or about 85 yartU square. The varieties are soft wliite, hard yellow, and pro- lific white, besides a small blue corn, of a very prolific kind. Bread from corn is the jirinci- pal food of the people, as no wheat is raised in the provinces. Ninety yards scjuare will yield annually 140 bushels of corn. The black beans of the famous frigole grow here in va--t quantities, and of a quality far superior to any part of Mexico. Every one •who has ever vi>-ited any part of Mexico is ■well acfjuainted with the famous frigole dish brought on the breakfast table by all Mexi- cans. Rice gi-ows in great abundance, and of a finer qualify, larger in grain, and wliifer, than any in the United States Ninety yards square yield 1,20<) pounds of clean hulled rice ; properly cultivated, there is no doubt it would yield much more. I recommend this variety to southern planters. Indigo grows wild in every direction, but its culture is entirely neglected. This article could, no doubt, be profitably cultivated, and the whole of the United States could be sup- plied from the provinces hi Tuspan and Chi- contepec. Fustic, well known in commerce as a dye- wood, grows in the extensive forests of this province in great abundance and vast size. Quantities are yearly shipped to France, and from thence to this country. It could be transported direct to the United States at much less expense, and would, no doubt, be profitable. Pimento grows wild e^verywhere, and is ripe about the mouth of September. Sarsaparilla is indigenous, and grows wild in great abiuidance, and can be obtained all the year round. Every rancbo has its apiary, and honey was in great abundance and cheap. This could, no doubt, be made a profitable business. Tl>eargave Mexicanna,petat, and long-leaved macliette grow here in great abundance, and iiemp is made from them equal to Jute or Sisal. This ])art of Mexico being ucar to us, the articles could be obtained here better and cheaper than at Sisal or the East Inoies. Cocoa grows finely and of much better quality than that fi\)m Tabasco ; but owing to the port of Tuspun not being one of entry, this article has not been extensively gathered for exportation, but is used in preference to all other kinds by the inhabitants. The InMoDtgomcry, 120, 138. MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTU AND WEST. 107 BALKS, BAI,K9. 1S44— 5 389,006 1832—3 194,412 1843—4. . . .346,744 1831—2 173,800 1842—3 325,129 1830-31 182,143 184.1—2 267,850 1829-30 126,512 1840—4 297,288 1828—9 118,853 1839-40 295,193 1827-8 120,593 1838-9. . . .276,018 1826— 7. . . .149,516 In the soutJiern and western states, -where the manufacture has only lately been intro- duced, the increase has been from 75,000 bales in 1848 to 107,500 in 1850. The whole num- ber of mills now reported in these states is 153, working 242,830 spindles. The figures are below the facts, and we may expect iu a few years to see this profitable branch of in- dustry monopolized by them. " The present consumption of cotton in the United States," said Gen. Talmadge,at the last fair of the American Institute in New- York, "is estimated at 500,000 bales per annum, ■which is more than the entire crop in 1824. This does not include a vast quantity which goes up the Mississippi, Ohio, and also out from the Tennessee and Cumberland rivers, for the supply of the mills in Indiana, Ohio, Western Virginia, and Pennsylvania. There are said to be upwards of two hundred andffty COTTON mills south of Mason tt Dixon's line : in these points and sources of consumption, it is believed 150,000 bales are used, making a total not less than 650,000 bales worked up at home. The quantity of cotton goods made in the United States is estimated at 720,000,- 000 of yards, of which about 80,000,000 are exported, leaving 640,000,000 for home con- sumption." We conclude with a few remarks from the address of Dr. Antisell, at the same fair, re- gretting that w*e have been unable to examine the other manufactures of the country with the same mmuteness as cotton, and referring the reader to our published volumes for a vast variety of information upon the subject of cotton and its manufacture in the south, the Union, or abroad : Tlie vastiiess of the cotton trade, and the suddenness of its growth, naturally astonishes us. It is the agricultural wealth of the soutli- em states. It would be well to recollect that it is England's manufacturing wealth. We export nearly five sixths of all we grow ; in exact numbers, in the year 1848 : The total cotton crop was 2,726,596 bales. The exportofl849,as above. .2,227,944 " which, with a small stock on hand, left 518,039 bales for home consumption. England is the chief buyer of the raw cotton, and the chief manufacturer of cotton prints, and this country is at present dependent on that island for the chief supply of cotton piece goods. The British export of cotton goods of all kinds, in the six months ending June, 1849; was 596,37(1,322 yards, of which the greater quantity came to this country. There is, however, some comfort exhibited by the returns of the last twenty years : from these it appears that the imports now of plain calicoes are one half what they were in 18:J0, and in printed calicoes between one half and one third ; so that our cotton manufactures are gradually increasing, and at the present time represent one fifth the value of all manu- factured goods. The exports of cotton manufacture are small, not havmg increased of late years, standing nearly at the same figure as in 1829 ; so that our increased supply has been for home con- sumption, an increasing population demand- ing it. (See Cotton Manufactures.) MANUFACTURES — Inducements for m THE South and West. — The civil arts embrace the three great pursuits of agriculture, manu- factures, and commerce ; and these are so inti- mately connected and interwoven, that in wri- ting an essay upon one, we must necessarily have frequent reference to the others. They are the great civilizers of the nations of the earth, and where they flourish most, there we may expect to find the highest state of moral improvement. As they spread and extend from country to country, they carry with them something of the minds of those who conceived and improved them. When the people of one nation adopt the pursuits of anoth, and claims the atten- To the slaveholding class of the population tion of all who would desire to form a just of the southwest, the intro'uction of nianu- opinion upon the subject of munufactures in j factures is not less interesting than to the non- this district. The free population of the south i slavehoMing class. The former possess al- may be divided into two classes, the slave- most all the wealth of the country. Tiie pre- holder ami tiie nnn slaveholder. I am not servatiiai of this wealth is a subject of the aware that the relative numbers of these two highest consideration to those who possess it. classes have ever been ascertained in any of Wealth may be divided into two classes, »(a/t{- the states, but I am satisfied that the non- ml and artificial. The natural wealth of a slaveholders far outnumber the slavehold ers ; perhaps by three to one. In the more southern portion of this region, the non-slave- holders possess, generally, but very small means, and the land which they possess is al- most universally poor, and so sterile that a scanty subsistence is all that can be derived from its cultivation ; and the more fertile soil, being in the possession of the slaveholder, must ever remain out of the power of those who have none. This state of things is a great drawback, and bears heavily upon and depresses the moral energies of the poorer classes. Man requires encouragement ; the desired end must appear attainable, or he will in time cease to strive for it. 80 it is with these peo- ple ; the acquisition of a respectable position m the scale of wealth appears so difficult that they decline the hopeless pursuit, and manv of them settle down into habits of idleness, and be- come the almost passive subjects of all its con- country consists of the soil, forests, minerals, streams, etc. Artificial wealth is that perma- nent accumulation of the products of human labor and ftkill which retnains after the hnme- diate and daily wants of the producer are sup- plied ; and whatever may be the skill and ca- pacity of a community to produce the means of human comfort, this residuum must be re- garded as the only true test of its prosperity. Labor, skill, and capacity for producing do not constitute wealth in this sense of the term ; they are merely the means of its acquisition. The capacity of producing may be very great, and much labor may be performed, and still an individual or a state m.ay not increase in wealth. Nay, so far from it, examples may be found in our own country of states having become poorer by a steady perseverance in an unwise application of their labor. Such is the case in the Athmtic states south f)f the Poto- mac, as I think will be granted b}- every intel- ligent and candid individual who is acquainted sequences. And I lament to say that I have with the country, and I think it will be ad- observed of late j'ears that an evident date- 1 mitted that these states are poorer than they rioration is taking i^lace in this part of the ' were twenty years ago. Tliere is a small population, the younger portion of it being less educated, less industrious, and in every point of view less respectable than their ancestors. Such a state of things should not exist in the present age, in such a country as ours. It should be sufficient to challenge the attention increase in the number of laborers, and there may have been something gained iu skill ; but the great source of all Avealth in an agricultural country — the soil — has been greatly deteriora- ted and dimiiished,and it may be affirmed with- out the fear of successful contradiction, that no and arouse the energies of the philantiiropist ' country, and more especially an agricultural and the patriot. It is, in an eminent degree, 1 one, can increase iu wealth while the soil is be! the interest of the slaveholder that a way to coming more and more exhausted every year , wealth and respectability should be opened to this part of the population, and that encou- ragement should be given to industry and en- terprise; and what would be more likely to afford this encouragement than the introduc- tion of manufactures? Diversify the labor and pursuits of the country, and while many ■will be induced to enter upon these new pur- suits, and become industrious, enterprising, and useful citizens, a market will be opened for the produce of the small agriculturist, who •will also be stimulated to better his condition ; and not many generations will pass away before this portion of the southern po])ulation will rival their eastern neighbors in enterprise and industry. for it is most clear that sooner or later an ab- solute state of exhaustion must be the result, and no wealth that could be acquired by the sale of those products, the growth of which had caused this state of things, could compen- sate for the loss of the soil. Why are not the sandy pine barrens of these states settled and cultivated by a prosperous and intelligent population ? It is certainly because the toil will not rejiay the laborer with bread. Antl when the once fertile hills and valleys of this region shall have been exhausted by an unwise and improvident system to the same state of sterility as the pine barrens, they likewise will fail to reward the laborer with the means of subsistence, and must be deserted By such a change, the wealth and moral I and return to the same state of desolation ; a power of the southwest would be increased state of desolation the more fearful because it to an almost indefinite extent, the sources of speaks of better days, and forces upon the human comfort would be gi'eatly enlaiged, 1 mind a mournful comparison between the MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH AND "WEST. ^ 109 present and the past, and upon the passer-by, ■with all then- force, the lines of liyron : " Such is tlie a-pect of this shore ; 'Tis Greece, but living Greece no more." Although I do not entertain the slightest apprehension that this, the fairest ami most delightful region of our continent, will ever be reduced to such a state of desolation, yet it may be safely affirmed that a continu- ance in the unwise and improvident system hitherto pursued, must in time produce the Btate of tilings alluded to. It is said that evils sometimes cure them- eelves, and when man pursues a course of folly to the brink of ruin, necessity, sometimes performing the office of reason, warns him of the danger, and compels him to change his Course. And if the people of the southwest do not voluntarily abandon their present sys- tem of applying all their labor to the produc- tion of a few agricultural staples, necessity ■will in time compel them to do that which the dictates of reason and common sense fihould long since have taught This necessi- ty has been operating for many years, but still the people seem resolved to disobey its mandates; for rather than submit to a change, they prefer to abandon the country of their fathers and of their own birth, and seek homes in other lands. This is abundantly proven by the census of the year 1840, whereby it is shown that the increase of the population of the whole United States in the ten preceding years was about thirty-three per cent. ; yet the increase in Virginia was but 2.19 per cent.; the increase of North Carolina 2.15 per cent.; and of South Carolina 2.21 per cent. The ratio of Georgia was sustained, but for the reason that within that time a large area of new territory within her limits was being opened for settlement. That necessity must be strong and urgent which induces thirty one per cent, of the population of a .state, in the short space of ten yeans, to break all the so- cial anil individual ties that bind man to the place of his birth, and seek his fortunes in other lands. It may be questionerl if such an in- stance of so large a portion of the population of any civilized community has ever been known to emigrate in so short a period. I am aware that the great quantity of new lands which were brought into market in the south- west, operated as a great inducement to emi- gration, and under the circumstances of the case, constituted the principal inducement. But if the soil in the old states had been prop- erly husbanded, and kept up to its primitive stivte of productiveness, instead of being re- duced to a state of sterility; had manufac- tures been introduced and established, so as to give employment to the surplus labor that was not requued in agriculture, this large drain could not have taken place. The capi- tal invested in manufactures cannot be readily transferred from one country to iinother. In most of the leading branches the fixtures con- stitute a larg(?pftrt of the outlay, and cannot be removed without great loss ; hence when capital is once invested in manufacturing, it becomes permanently located, and gives per- manency to the population. This view of the subject is sustained by reference to the state of Massachusetts. With a population pro- verbially enterprising, and much more crowd- ed thau that of the southern states ; with a soil originally greatly inferior, and a climate decidedly unfriendly to agricultural pursuits, she still shows an increase of twenty -one per cent, in her population, while in the same time Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, only show an increase of about two per cent. And it must also be remembered that within this same space of ten years, a very large quantit}^ of the finest lands in the northwest were brought into market ; lands consisting of plains ready for the plough, located near the great thoroughfares of navigation, and a cli- mate suitable to the agricultural habits of the New-Englander. With such temptations and inducements to emigrate, it cannot be doubted but that as large a proportion of the popula- tion of Massachusetts would have changed their homes had it not been for the establish- ment of manufactures in that state. Owing to the establishment and encouragement of manufactures, Massachusetts has retained not only the wealth which has been produced by the labor and skill of her population, but she has kept her population at home, contented and prosperous, while Virginia and the Caro- linas have been great losers in both. For when the agriculturist removes, he carries with him almost every thing which he pos- sesses in the form of property, except his land, and that is usually so exhausted that it vsould not be worth transportation, even if it were as portable as bank notes. The loss of wealth and population is not the only evil attending this propeni^ity to emi- grate, — the moral and social condition of those who remain, as well as tt ose who remove, must ever be disturbed, and more or less re- tarded in their advancement This unsettled state of society prevents the establishment and encouragement of any permanent and efficient system of common schools. And here again, by reference to the census of 1810, will be seen how disadvantageously these southern states compare with Massachusetts and other eastern states upon this vital polic}'. In Mas- sachusetts nearly ninety-nine out of every hun- dred persons over twenty years of age can read and write ; in Virginia but about eighty- two out of every hundred ; in North Carolina but about seventy-three out of every hundred ; and in South Caiolina but about eighty-two 110 MANUFACTORES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST. in every liundred adults can read and write * Such facts iv5 these, one would suppose, were sufficient to arouse the attention of the citi- zens of the southern states to an inquiry into the cause of their being so far behind the eastern states in regard to education, and the general diffusion of useful knowledge among the ])oorer classes. When a spirit of emigration prevails in a country, those who are under its influence cease to feel themselves as individuals identi- fied with the community in which they live ; they husband all' their resources for the pur- pose of enabling them to remove and establish new homes ; and they will not enter into any schemes for the improvement of either the moral or physical condition of the country which they have resolved to abandon. This influence extends far beyond the number who actually remove, for very many continue to consider their removal as probable, for many years together, who do not eventually emi- grate ; and thus their moral energies are para- lyzed, and the country is deprived of their usefulness. Any change in the pursuits of the country that would allay this spirit of emigra- tion, would constitute the beginning of a new and better state of things. If manufactures were introduced and en- couraged, and the labor of the country sufli ciently diversified, so as to give employment to every variety of labor and skill, the popu- lation would cease to look for new countries. They would then go to work in earnest to im- prove both the physical and moral condition of their own The soil would be improved ; more permanent and comfortable habitations would be erected ; orchards and gardens would be planted and cultivated; and the country would be redeemed from its present wasted and barren condition. The desire, as well as the means of education would be increased, until there would be no adult freeman found in the laud who could not read the constitu- tion of his country. It is a principle in man's nature to regard with partial consideration the things of iiis own production. He who improves a barren soil to a high state of fer- tility, feels an interest in it that he could not enjoy V>y the possession of a soil naturally rich ; and he who improves and embellishes his do- main by the cultivation of oicliards, gardens, and other objects of taste and ornament, derives a ])leasure from their use and observation which is unknown to the stranger; these things have been assot^iated with the most rherisjied ob jects of his afTcctions, until they have become inseparable; and hence the love of home and of country becomes a sacred principle in the human heart. and (It * I have ciilculated these estimales from tho lublos in the Aiiiericun Almanac for 184.2. I cannot an>wcr ,• * i " n for their accuracy, as bullittle reliance can be phict-a I """ """> seems to lose all self- respect, and on the ceusuB of 1840. i . .i i i . Connected with this subject there is an- other class of the population of the southwest which claims much consideration. And here I may be permitted to remak, that in my humble opinion the institution of slavery in the United States is destined to produce more- extensive results in the improvement and amelioration of the condition of the human family than perhaps any other event that has happened since the Christian era. Africa, sunk into a state of barbarism by reason of the unfriendliness of her climate, could never have been redeemed from her degraded con- dition in any other way than by transporting her children to some country where they could be brought in contact with civilization, and be made to learn its arts. This may ap- pear to be a harsh mode of redemption, but who that is acquainted with the present tnoral condition of these people can doubt but the race has been greatly improved by its transportation hither ? And though not edu- cated in the schools of literature, they are instructed in most of the substantial arts of civilization ; and sufficiently enlightened to understand and appreciate the principles of the Christian religion. There is perhaps no instance of a people in an absolute state of barbarism who have made greater advances towards a state of civilization in the same length of time than have the African race of this country. "^ Without the agency of slave labor, cotton for exportation would never have been grown to any considerable extent in the United States. It may be even doubted whether it would ever have been of sufficient importance to stimulate the inventive genius of Whitney to the construction of the cotton gin ; and the primitive mode of extracting the seed by the Angers might have been handed down to the present generation to enliven the fireside of a winter's evening with a cotton picking frolic. But with the aid of slave labor, the price of tlie raw material has been reduced to about one tenth of its former value in the space of half a century ; which, in conjunc- tion with the improvement of machinery, hjis also reduced the price of cotton cloth in an equal ratio; thus putting it in the power of the poor of every country to procure clothing for at least one tenth part of the former i prices. If effects could be traced to their I true causes, I doubt not but that it would be j discovered that the improved condition of the \ poorer classes in every civilized country was as much indebted to the reduced rates in the price of clothing as to any other one cause whatever. No physical want is so degrading to the human family as the want of clothing; nakedness and rags are the badges of poverty ' ' -radation evi-ry whore ; in this condi- 1 becomes the dependent and passive instru ■ MANUFAOTORES IK THE SOUTH AND 'WEST. Ill ment of liira wbo has courage to use bim. But clothe him iu comfortable and tasteful raiment, and you impart to him a new spirit; he holds up his head, looks his oppressor iu the face, and boldly demands his rights. It is by the agency of slave labor, also, that the United States have become the second j commercial nation of the earth, and by the same agency they are destined ere long to become the first. But before this preeminent I position can be attained, a division of this labor must take place, and a portion of it must be directed to manufacturing purposes. The southwest will then as far outstrip every other country in the manufacture of cotton, as she has hitherto done iu the growth of the raw material. This is a proposition that does not appear as yet to have been considered by the people of the southwest; but has evi- dently not escaped the con-sideration of the people of Great Britain. They foresee that if slave labor should be directed to manufac- turing, that our cotton crop would no longer be sent to their mills ; and if they should still continue to control the crops of other countries, they could not compete with the slave labor of the southwest; for we could undersell thera in every market in the world, not excepting their own home market. Hence the interest which Great Britain and France evinced in relation to the annexation of Texas. It was their policy, and a wise policy on their part, to prevent the people of the United States from extending their territory over the fine cotton region of Texas, and thereby mo- nopolizing much the greater portion of the pro- fitable cotton-growing district of the conti- nent. Hence likewise the pt)licy of England in becoming the champion of liberty in every part of the world; and though covered with the mantle of philanthropy, the disguise is too thin to conceal the true objects of her designs. Cotton being the great and leading staple of the southwest, the manufacture of the raw material by the lalxjr of this district becomes a subject of the first importance. And the first question is, whether the labor and re- sources of this region are reasonably adequate to the end proposed. By reference to the census of 1840, it will be seen that the num- ber of slaves then in the United States was about two million five hundred thousand. This population doubles in about twenty- five years; thus in the year 1805 the slave population will be five millions, and in the year 1890 it will reach ten millions. This population cannot emigrate, but must remain within its pre-^ent limits. Anyone acquainted with the country must be satisfieil that so great a number of laborers cannot be profit- ably employed in agriculture, and long be- fore the number reaches ten millions the country will become so exhausted and occu- pied, that property in slaves must become of little or no value, unless some othf-r than agricultural employment is found f(tr them. To one who is acquainted with the (=outh- / western states, it is known that except in the ' state of Texas, nearly all the good and fer- tile uplands in the cotton region have been reduced to cultivation; and although there is a large quantity of the poorer uplands, and a considerable quantity of bottf>m land that may yet be brought into cultivation, yet from the rapid deterioration of the lands now under cultivation, and the necessity of in- creasing the quantity cultivated in grain to supply the increasing population, it is fair to conclude that the cotton crop east of Texas has nearly reached its maximum ; and that three millions of bales might be assigned as the limit. And allowing one and a half mil- lion of bales (which is probably too much) for Texas, we shall limit tlic cotton crop of the United States to four and a half million of bales. Now, according to the most reliable data that I have been able to procure, it would require not exceeding seven hundred thousand laborers to spin and weave four million five hundred thousand bales cotton into plain cloth. The number thus taken from agricultural labor, compared to the num- ber of slaves estimated for the year 1890, bears so small a proportion to the ten mil- lions that it would scarcely be missed out of the field. The white population would afford abundant material for the supply of those branches of the manufactures that require education and skill. Thus it will be .-^een that in the article of labor the country will afford it in the greatest abundance without at all interfering with other branches of in- dustry ; nay, so far from it, by thus drawing oft" a portion of the labor, the price of slaves will be sustained, and other industrial pursuits will be benefited by sustaining the prices of their products. Thu*, I think it must be admitted on all hands, that the article of labor is now abun- dant in the southwest ; and for the reasons before stated, this abundance must increase more rapidly here than in any other country. And a further reason in favor of this proposi- tion is found in the fact that in every other country a portion of the more prosperous laborers escape from the necessity of labor- ir)<;, and thus keep down the increase ; but every slave is a laborer, and ruust ever re- main so, and so long as this population con- tinues to increase, so long must the number of laborers increase. Another important consideration connected with this subject is the price of labor in the southwest. 1 have frequently heard it said that manufactures couKl not succeed in this country, owing to the high price of h\hui: A female operative in the New-England cotton factories receives from ten to twelve dollars per mouth ; this Ls more than a female slave 112 MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH AND TVEST. generally hires for in the soutliwest. But ■without entering into a comparison of the present nominal price of labor in this and other countries, it is sufticient to say that ■whatever the price may be, none can produce any given article as cheap with hired labor as he who owns it himself. In the latter case the.labor is so much capital in hand, and it is not 80 much a question with the owner ■whether he can produce a yard of cloth, or any other given article, as low as it can be produced in England or in Massachusetts, but ■whether by applying his labor to the produc- tion of the cloth, or other article, he can make it more profitable than be can by using it in agriculture. It matters nothing to him bow low others can produce the article, he can produce it lower still, so long as it is the best use that he can make of his labor, and so long as his labor is worth keeping. It is upon this principle that the southwest is des- tined to monopolize the manufacture of the whole cotton crop of the United States. But I have heard it frequently asserted that the slaves were not sufficiently intelligent to make useful and profitable operatives in cot- ton mills ; this is an assumption, as I believe, made by those who possess but little know- ledge of the negro character. It is a fact •well established that negroes learn black- smithmg, carpentering, boot and shoe-making, and in short all the handicraft trades, with as much facility as white men ; and Mr. Deer- ing, of Georgia, has employed slaves in his cotton factory for many years with decided success. It would no doubt be true that grown ne- groes taken from the field would be found awkward and clumsy in the labor of the cotti)n mill; but slaves put into the factories when young, and raised up to that employ- ment, would make the mo?t efficient and re- liable operatives that could buld soon begin to sup- port themselves. Every year would bring an increase of operatives to the mills, and by adhering to a system like this, a few years ■would insensibly produce a change that ■would astonish mankind, and this, too, ■with- out lessening the agricultural products of the country, or doing violence to any of the established pursuits of the community. By adopting a course like this, the whole scheme could be carried out upon the means and re sources of the southwest, the establishments ■would go into operation free from debt and incumbrance, and all the profits would be- long to the country, free from the demands of foreign capitalists. Two hands employed in the mills could spin and weave the cotton produced by three; this would add about two hundred per cent, to its value, which would be a clear gain to the country. I assume it to be a clear gain, for the reason that I be- lieve in a few years the cotton crop, in its raw state, would bring as much money to the planters and the country at large as it ■would have done providing this system had not been introduced. It would, in time, be the means of affording a home market for all the cotton produced : this would make the market price more pemiauent and satisfiic- tory, for the reason that the price would not depend upon and be influenced by so many contigeucies as at present. Tiie character of the crop, and the amount of stock on hand, could always be e.stimated. This would, to a great extent, prevent the spirit of specula- tion, which has so often prevailed in regard to the article of cotton, and which has ever been attended with most disastrous conse- quences. In a word, we should control the cotton trade of the world, and would have it in our power to establish the prices at rates that would always be remunerating to the producer of both the raw material and the manufactured article. In contemplating the results of these pro- positions, th'-y ajipear more like air-built cas- tles than substantial effects flowing from or produced by adequate causes. But at the risk of being pronounced a dreamer, we will take a glance at some of the rcsul's which may reasonably be expected from the intro- duction of manufactures into the southwest And first of all, the value of the cotton, in case it .should all be manuHicturcd in the country, will be increased at least two hun- dred percent.; and instead of fifty millions of dollars, we .shall produce annually one hundred and fifty millions ; and if the crop should ever reach four and a half millions of bales, and the prices of the raw material and the manufactured articles should range as at present, the annual produce would amount to the enormous sum of three hun- dred millions of dollars per annum. Thus the article of cotton alone, to say nothing of other productions, would, to use a figurative expression, establish the centre of gravity for the commercial world in the southwest. Instead of being drained of her substance by every other people, the current would be reversed, and wealth would flow into her coffers from all the nations of the earth; then, indeed, her planters miglit dwell in castles, upon estates improved and embel- lished by every device of art ; the exhausted and abandoned fields would be reclaimed and redeemed from sterility; her swamps would be drained, and her rivers confined within their banks, with great advantage to the health of the country ; the facilities of travelling and transportation would be im- proved and enlarged to an extent commensu- rate with the utmost demand ; and the south and southwest would become, what by na- ture and the aid of art they are destined to be, the richest and fairest portion of the whole earth. But the benefits of such a change will not be confined to the south- west ; even' other part of the country would participate in her prosperity, and more especially the west and northwest. This mighty region, which will ere long num- ber fifty millions of human beings, must be most intimately connected with the south- west, whether in prosperity or adversity. The southwest is the legitimate market for the bread, provisions, and stock of this re- gion. The northwest could be supplied at cheaper rates with all the articles of manu- factures produced in the southwest, than she could be from either New-England or any foreign market ; for this one reason, if no other, that the transportation would be cheaper, and for the further reason that, by purchasing in the market where she sold her own produce, much would be saved in the w^ay of exchange and commissions. It may be asked, where could a market be found for the enormous quantity of fabrics to he produced from four million five hundred thousand bales of cotton ? By reference to the ratio of the increase of population in the MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH AND -WEST. 117 United States, it will be found tliat our popu- lation doubles in about twenty-four years ; and, assuming that we have twenty millions now, our population will amount to eighty millions in the year 1896, a period that will arrive within the lifetime of many men who are now thirty years of age. This increase of population will be quite equal to the in- a-ease in the growth of cotton ; and we shall continue to have perhaps about the same quantity for exportation to foreign countries that we export at present ; but this quantity being greatly increased in value by being manufactured, our external commerce in this article will be more than doubled, while our internal commerce will be enlaiged almost beyond human conception; for the closest investigation cannot at present discover the many new souices of commerce which will from time to time develop themselves in a country so new and so extensive as the United States, and especially the great west- ern division. } In every point of view (save that it affords ■iio revenue to .the government) the internal commerce of the country is vastly more im- ;portant than the external or foreign com- l merce. The capital, labor, and skill em- j ployed in the transportation belongs to the tcountry, and constitutes a portion of its fwealth ; and the profits derived from the transportation, as well as the commissions and profits of the dealers in this commerce, all go to the support of our own citizens. [By establishing manufactures in the country, a market will be afforded for many articles, ■which from their perishable nature, or owing to their great weight or bulk compared to their value, cannot become the objects of a foreign or distant comjuerce. Many articles of this class would be found profitable to the producer, and highly convenient and useful to the consumer. But at present, for want of a demand, this source of employment, com- fort, and wealth is lost to the country. In this class of products may be mentioned the products of the forest, summer fruits, hay, potatoes, and many other articles pro- duced at a considerable distance from towns and navigable streams. Every manufactur- ing establishment would open a new market, and become the centre of a commercial cir- cle ; and by changing these perishable and heavy articles by the process of consumption and reproduction into a more permanent and valuable form, they would be made suitable to enter into a more distant commerce. And thus employment would be given to labor, and all the means of comfort and of wealth would be produced in districts hitherto lying waste ancl unproductive. In a government like ours in form, extending over so large a country, a country so strongly marked and divided by its physical conformation and diversity of climate, it is of great importance that every encouragement should be given to internal cominerce. By promoting this great interest, the local and provincial prejudices always so liable to grow up between districts having but little intefcourse are prevented. Each portion of the country will be made to feel its dependence upon the other, a commu- nity of interest will be establi-hed, and a general sympathy pervade the whole nation as one family. Thus our political institutions will be greatly strengthened, and many of the causes which have hitherto disturbed the harmony of the country will cease. Our population will become more Americanized. In throwing off our dependence upon other countries for the supply of our physical wants, we shall become more independent in our manners and modes of thinking, and the same great causes, which give us the control of the commerce of the world, will enable us to impress upon other nations our manners and customs. Tlie spirit and piiilosopby of our political institutions will follow our com- merce wherever it prevails ; and more than all, under the guidance of Providence, we shall, through the agency of our supremacy in foreign commerce, do much to establish the Christian religion throughout the earth. Possessing a territory extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific, with Europe and Africa on the east and southeast, and Asia and Australia on the west and southwest, and our coasting trade from east to west, passing all around South America, we occupy a position upon the globe w'hich plainly indi- cates our superior advantages over all other nations of the earth. But these advantages must be cultivated and improved, or they will not be available in giving to our country that proud pre-eminence over .all others that she is capable of attaining. The first step towards the attainment of this object is the encouragement of manufactures, by which means we shall not only render ourselves independent of all other countries for the supply of most of our wants, but we shall soon begin to afford large supplies to other \ nations. In using the term encouragement, I i have no reference to that kind of encourage- ' meut which may be given by the acts of the general government by a protective tariff; that branch of the subject belongs to the statesman, and with him I desire to leave it. But I mean that kind of encouragement which it is in the power of the people to give, simply , by a division of labor. This is the great prin- i ciple which lies at the foundation of the w hole subject. Experience shows that every agri- cultural product that can be successfully pro- duced iu the United States can be increased far beyond the demand; this, in time, reduces the prices so low that it checks the produc- tion, and the demand for labor being also checked, much labor is thrown out of em- ployment ; and it has beeu the case for many lis MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST. years that there has been an over-production of all the leading staples at the same time, leaving in the country very many individuals without adequate and constant employment. This is a great evil ; it is not only a source of individual suffering, but greatly endangers the safety and morals of society. From my own observation, I am satisfied that withm the scope of my acquaintance,' I have perceived more unhappiness arising' from the want of constant and profitable em- ployment, for five years past, than from all other causes put together. If the pursuits of the country were sufficiently diversified, this evil would be removed. It is not in the power of the laborer who is out of employ- ment to introduce new pursuits ; he is desti- tute of the means to enable him to do so. But when it is discovered in any district of country that from over-production the leading pursuits fail to remuuerate tlic labor engaged in them, some other pursuit should be introduced to an extent that would relieve the established .pursuits from over-production. This could be leffected throughout the country by the form- lation of agricultural societies in every county, Iwhose duty it should be to collect all proper ■information connected with the labor and products of the country; and whenever it was ascertained that any pursuit was becoming un- profitable by over-production, or other causes, it should be their further duty to procure in- formation in regard to a substitute, and when a substitute should be selected and adopted, the means should be raised to aid in its in- troduction. In this way a great variety of employments would in time be established, greatly to the benefit and advantage of the whole community. By this means many ' new sources of employment and wealth •would be discovered and developed, and more permanency would be imparted to the standard value of the old-established pur- suits; and revulsions would consequently become less frequent. Such is the nature of the encouragement required for the introduction of manufactures and a division of labor ; it is that kind of en- couragement which is derived from the sym- pathy and countenance of society ; for with- out this encouragement, nothing shoit of great capital and indomitable industry iuul perseve- rance will secure success to any new enter- prise. The community must first be enlight- ened upon the subject ; the public mind must be convinced by facts aud arguments, and (jld prejudices removed, before it can,l>e brought to sympathize with any scheme which pro- poses a change in the established pursuits of the cotnmunity. There is a spirit of conser- vation in business, as well as in morals and politics, which is ever upon the watch, and prompt to condemn every innovation; and woe to him against whose projects these con- servatiflts prophesy 1 They have much pride of opinion, and if they predict a failure, they will labor to sustain their judgment by every means short of violence. Success would im- plicate their judgment and foresight, and con- sequently they have something at rij^k ; they denominate the innovater a castle-builder wanting in judgment, aiid pronounce his schemes visionary and impracticable. By such practices the unfortunate projector is brought into disrepute ; he loses the confi- dence of the community, and without great pecuniary and mor.al resources he nuist fail ; and with his failure the cause in which he en- gages is injured. Let it not be said that prophecy has ceased. There are many prophets in the land, whose predictions a wise man will not disregard ; for they prophesy evil, in J set themselves at work to produce the result. Hence the im- portance of preparing the way for the intro- duction of manufactures by enlightening the public mind by every practicable means. The public prints are not sufficient ; the living minds of the people must be brought to act upon each other by and through the agency of associations ; and without this no sympathy can be diffused among them upon this great subject, and no concert of action can be effected. Before the ' public mind can be prepared for tlie encouragement of manufactures in the southwest, it must be taught a new system of private and political economy. Under the present system the opinion generally prevails '|that nothing but money constitutes wealth; ^nd many seem to suppose that the best test ^f prosperity is indicated by the gross sum jor which the crop is sold, with but little reference to the cost of its production. In all fny ac(|uaintance, I have met with very few planters who estimated the depreciation of their soil as any thing in the cost of producing a crop, notwithstanding they were every few f' ears compelled to purchase land to supply he place of that which they had worn out. Those who act upon this system rarely ever do any thing to improve their land ; are un- willing to appropriate sufficient labor to the production of a sufficient supply of grain and provisions; and never doubt the proposition that if they can buy an article cheaper than they can make it, that it would be great folly to produce it themselves. This proposition appears plausible in theory, and might be true perhaps, if the true cost of protlucing the article could lie correctly calculated ; as well as the inconvenience of procuring a sup- ply from abroad, anil the detriment to busi- ness arising from the want of an abundant and constant supply, with many other con- siderations which are rarely brought into the estimate. But however plausible the theory may appear, it is quite certain that it is de- ceptive aud unsound ; or the calculations of the cost of producing, and purchasing the sup- MANUFACTURES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST. 119 ply, are not coirectljr made. For, except in some peculiar locations, and under peculiar circumstances, experience bas proven that the system is almost universally ruinous in prac- tice. This is a strong illustration of the ne- nessity of a division of labor, even upon a single plantation. For the application of all the labor of the plantation to the production of one staple, is a violation of this principle, which seems to be a law of nature governing all her works. The variety of soil, of climate, of mountain and plain, and in fine the great variety of human capacity and of human wants, all indi- cate the observance of this principle. And when civilized man shall cease to observe it, he must return to his primitive state of bar- barism ; and even then he cannot exist with- out in some degree conforming his pursuits to this principle. Labor is man's destiny upon earth ; none can escape from it in some form or other ; nor have they the moral right to do so. Neither have any part of the human family the natural right to appropriate to themselves more than their share, to the exclusion of others. By a law of man's nature, a certain amount of bodily exercise is made necessary to the development of his faculties, and the enjoy- ment and preservation of health. This exer- cise was not intended to be wasted in un- profitable pursuits ; but was designed to be appropriated to the production of things use- ful to human comfort, aud to the improvement of man's ox)ndition. It is only by such an appropriation that civilized man has emerged from a state of barbarism ; and by such means only can a state of civilization be sustained ; for when that requisite quantum of human exercise which is necessary to sustain health, shall be wasted or thrown away upon un- profitable objects, the advance of civilization must not only be checked, but it must suffer decay, in a ratio commensurate with the waste and misapplication of human exercise. Al- though mau was undoubtedly designed and constituted for a state of civilization, it is nevertheless an artificial state, and must be governed by human laws ; and among other civil rights, it is most clear that the laborer should be protected in the enjoymont of his honest acquisitions. It is also clear that for the purpose of de-' fining and securing civil rights, that the natu ral wealth, consisting of the soil, the forests, minerals, &c., should be appropriated, and become the objects of individual property and control. By keeping these propositions in view, we must perceive that in time, as the population of a country increases, and new generations spring up, a portion of the people must be destitute of either natural or artificial wealth, aud are necessarily dependent on those who possess the wealth of the country for employment aud support. Now, if we sup- ]iose that all the established and known peasants of the countiy are fully supplied with l:ibor, and no more can be admitted without endangering the means of existence to those already employed, then that portion of the population who are so unfortunate as to be out of employment, must starve or emi- grate ; and thus a limit would be fixed to the increase of population. This is not a mere liypothesis, for history affords many instances in point. This result can be prevented as long as new pursuits can be introduced that will reward the laborer with the means of subsistence. If, in such a case, a part of the corn produced was sent to another country to buy clothing, and this clothing could be made by the surplus and unemployed laborers at home, it is quite plain that such a change would afford relief to the extent of the com thus retained in the country. Or, if a coun- try in such a condition procured corn from abroad by the exchange of its manufactures, which were produced to the full extent of the demand, if some other article of manufacture could be produced, which could be exchanged for com, this would likewise afford relief to the extent which such manufacture could be exchanged. In this case it will be perceived that the principle upon which the relief is founded, is the withdrawing of the employ- ment of foreign labor, and increasing the de- mand at home by the introduction of new pursuits. By thus dividing the labor of a community, and diversifying the pursuits, provision may be made for an almost indefi- nite amount of population. And the conclu- sion naturally follows, that the more divided and diversified the pursuits, the more diversi- fied will be the intelligence of a community, for every new pursuit brings with it the science or knowledge connected with it, thus redeem- ing the laboring classes from ignorance, as well as from poverty. This is an important consideration in a government like ours, which is founded upon the intelligence and virtue of the people; these constitute not only the basis, but the superstruction also; these are improvable qualifications ; aud with proper culture and encouragement may be perpetuated through- out all time, aud so long may our free institu- tions abide. But suffer these to fall into de- cay, and the republican government of the United States must cease to exist, except in history, where it will be pointed out as a splendid failure in an effort made by a few l)hilanthropists to redeem man from iguorance and tyranny. The foregoing views have been more par- ticularly apphed to the Atlantic aud Gulf states, which may be denominated the cotton region ; but in their general application, tliey are intended for the whole of the slaveholding district of tlie Union. Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas and Missouri may be denominated 120 MANUFACT0RES IN THE SOUTH AND WEST. the provision and iron region of the southwest, i From the character of their cUmate and soil, tiieir agricultural pursuits are more varied ; tney cannot be said to have any decided and fixed staple, except in some small districts, and consequently as their population increases, they will more naturally diversify their pur- suits. Situated between the south and tlie north, their location is a most happy one for the distribution of their great leading pro- ducts; and when our population shall reach eighty or a hundred millions, as it must before the present generation shall all have passed away, the middle states will become the rich est and most interesting portion of the Union ; the great internal commerce of the Union ■will tiud its centre here, and cities and markets will be established, equalling, and perhaps surpassing, those situated upon the sea coast. Besides the article of provisions, this region ■will be able to produce and manufacture the articles of iron, hemp and tobacco cheaper than they can be any where else produced ; and by reason of advantage of location, these articles can be distributed in every direction as from a common centre, with less cost of transportation to the consumer. Here like- wise will centre the arts and refinements of civilization, which will give the distinctive tone and coloring to the American character. Such predictions may appear rash to many, but before they are coDden:incd as visionary and false, I respectfully invite an attentive examination of the map of the United States, with a careful inquiry into the natural re- sources of each and every state and territory east of the Rocky Mountains. After such an examination, let it be imagined that the valley of the Mississippi, includnig Texas, contains a population of one hundred millions, and that two fifths of this population is situate west of the Mississippi river, and I think it will be admitted that the eastern cities can no longer control the commerce and finances of this mighty region ; and this is a state of things not so remote but that many now living may realize it, for in seventy years from this time, if our population should continue to increase at a ratio equal to the seventy years past, it will reach over one hundred and fifty milhons. Such is the destiny that awaits the southwest, if her population should have the foresight and wisdom to improve the means tliat nature and her peculiar institutions have placed in her power. But if she blindly ad- heres to her old system of applying all her labor to the production of but one, or a few articles, thereby exhausting her natural wealth and receiving nothing that is substan- tial and permanent in its stead, she must lose all the advantages of her position and of her vast resources, and the eastern states must continue to increase their manufactures until they shall monopolize both the raw ma- terial and the fabric. And thus, the absurd system of transporting the raw material to a great distance, at a great expense, to get it manufactured, will be perpetuated. And a bushel of corn grown in tlie west for ten cents, must continue to be sent to the east at the cost of from thirty to forty cents, to feed the operatives ; and after giving employment to the eastern population, and paying a large profit on eastern capital, and to eastern mer- chants, the manufactured article will be re- turned to the west, charged with transporta- tion and other expenses, to be consumed and paid for in part with corn at ten cents per bushel, and other western produce at corre- sponding prices. The whole process is so ab- surd and preposterous when fairly stated, that we can scarcely believe in its present existence, although the whole country is engaged in cai'rying it on every day. There is another consideration connected with the perpetuation of this system. As the lands become more and more exhausted in the older and more northern parts of the \ slaveholding districts, slave labor will become j less and less valuable ; it will therefore press ' south and southwest, and their places will be filled by white laborers, thus insensibly nar- rowing the limits of the slave district, until the whole of this population will be crowded into a comparatively small area in the ex- treme south. This result of all others should be avoided if possible by the slaveholders ; for it would in every way tend to lessen the value of their property, and would sooner or later verify the prediction of the eccentric statesman of Roanoke, that instead of the slaves running away from the master, the master would run away from his slaves. As the country fills up with a more crowd- ed population in the non-slaveholding states, free labor by degrees will press upon the northern limits of the slaveholding states, and gain a footing within its borders. This will be a different race from the southern non- i slaveholder; these will be people who are \ inured to habits of industry and enterprise; they will bring the means to purchase the worn-out fields, and they will go to work to restore them to fertility by their own industry and skill ; they will not use slave labor, and all the land thus purchased .and occuj>ied will be so much taken from the occupation of slaves ; for it may be safely assumed that when the shaves have once progressed south, they will never return to the north .again. This process has already commenc d, and some of the northern counties of Virginia are beginning to attract the attention of their northern neighbors, whose settlement here will no doubt be beneficial to this particular district. But if this emigration should be- come considerable, it must in time greatly affect the value of slave property in the south. Thus I have endeavored to suggest to the MANUFACTURES INFLUENCE OF ON GROWTH OF CITIES. 121 public mind such arguments as have occurred to me upon tliis important subject. I have endeavored to sliow, that the agricultural system hitherto pursuetl in the south and southwest has proved ruinous to the country by exhausting the soil, and thereby rendering it every year less and le?s capable of produ- cing the appliances of human want and hu- man comfort ; and that it has a tendency to divitie the population into two classes, widely differing from each other in many important respects ; that to these and other causes must be assigned the reason of the small increase of tiie population of the older southern states for the ten years preceding the year 1840, and the great want of education among the poorer classes. On the otiier hand, I have endeavored to show some of the effects which may be expected from the introduction of manufactures into the southwest ; among which I have supposed that the moral con- dition of the people would be improved, and that by diversifying the employments of the country, the means of human comfort would be greatly increased, and that all classes of the population would share in these benefits ; that the value of the exports would be greatly enlarged by the process of manufacturing, and that, instead of a constant drain from the country of the products of all its labor and soil, that wealth would flow into it from every part of the world. I have called the atten- tion of the south and southwest to the rapid increase of labor in this region, and the ne- cessity of finding profitable employment for it; and have taken the liberty of suggesting a plan of introducing manufactures by de- grees, as well for the purpose of preventing a shock to the established pursuits of the coun- try, as to avoid the creation of a state of in- debtedness. These, with various other topics, I have desired to impress upon the mind of the people of the southwest. Many of these topics are no doubt familiar to many, nor could they be otherwise to those who reside in the country, but we sometimes become familiarized with evils until we cease to ob- serve them, and in such cases a friendly sug- gestion may be useful. My principal object in this essay has been to arrest the attention of the people of the southwest, and to invite them to the consideration of a subject inti- mately connected with their prosperity. My conclusions may not in every instance be cor- rect, and although they would seem to be fair deductions from the facts stated, yet the un- foreseen events and changes which time alone can reveal, may produce results very different from those which I have supposed. Be this as it may, the amelioration of the condition of the human family is among the great du- ties of man, and to promote this object we are called to act upon the lights before us ; we are not permitted to penetrate the future, and to predict with certainty the result of any liuman policy. Nevertheless, it is oar duty to march onward, guided by the lights of reason and experience, trusting the events to an overruling Providence. If this humble eflbrt should in any way be the means of directing the attention of the people of the southwest to the subject of manufacturing, and of inducing them to ex- amine the several topics which I have en- deavored to present for their consideration, I trust that individuals possessing more capa- city, as well as more time and means for pro- curing correct information, will take the matter in hand, and afford to the country the benefit of their talents and observation. It will be in the power of such individuals to confer a lasting benefit upon the country, and place their names among those of its bene- factors. MANUFACTURES —- IxFLUENCE of on THE Gkowth ok Cities. — Cannelton, In- diana. — We are indebted to Hamilton Smith, Esq., the distinguished manufacturer of the West, and the man who is doing more at this moment for advancing the manufacturing and general prosperity of this great region than perhaps any other in the nation, for a copy of his elaborate pamphlet, prepared by request, upon the mineral, coal, and manufacturing facilities of Cannelton, Indiana. We have examined it with much interest, as many of the particulars included have from time to time been presented by the author through our Review, and as there are many more which are deserving of the widest circulation and study. The attention of capitalists in par- ticular should be directed to this quarter, which promises them the mo.st prolific re- turns. Extensive cotton factories are in con- struction, and the coal mines are in control of a company who solicit capital. The great mill of which a wood-cut representation is given in the pamphlet is intended for 10,800 spindles and 372 looms; it is 287 feet long and 65 feetwide ; towers 106 feet high. The attic (220 feet by 40 feet) is lighted by win- dows in the gable-ends. Corner-stone laid May 21, 1849. "This town was laid out in 1835, and set- tled by colliers under the supervision of Rhodes and McLane. In 1836 the American Cannel Coal Company was formed, which owes its origin to the late General Seth Hunt, of New Hampshire ; a man whose intelligence was only equalled by the energy of his cha- racter, and who, in connection with Messrs, Hobart, Williams and Russell, then wealthy capitalists of Boston, purchased a large tract of land, consisting of about 7,000 acres, and made several entries to the coal strata. The capital stock of this company is §500,000. From 400,000 to 500,000 bushels of coal are mined here per annum. The site of this town is on a bend of the Ohio, and embraces over 121 MANUFACTURES INFLUENCE OF ON GROWTH OF CITIES. 1,000 acres between the river and the coal i hills. The landing is very fine. The prin- cipal improvements and growth of Cannelton have taken place witliiu the last twelve months. Its population is now somewhere between 1,200 ami 1,500 persons. " A large first class hotel, containing over 70 sleeping-rooms, is now being constructed, j and will be ready for occupation by the last of j May. Besides the saw and grist-mill of J. C. Porter tt Co , referred to on the map, the i cotton-mill company have already in opera- tion a fine sttam planing-mill, and, connected with the same power, several circular saws, turning-lathes, etc. The establishment of Mr. Z. W. Merrithew, for the manufacture ofi sliaved shingles, is also worthy of notice. A short distance above Castlebury Creek, and , upon the bank of the river, Messrs. Ross, Tal- bott & Co. are erecting a large saw and flour- ' ing-mill. Just below the mouth of Dozier Creek Mr. Thomas M. Smitli is about building another saw-mill. A building has already been erected by Messrs. Smith and Badger for a foundry, but is not yet in operation. The tin, copper and sheet iron establishment of J. S. Thayer & Brother is well known to the community. Recently our friend Beacon has commenced the manufacture of brick, and in a short time will be ready to fill all orders in this respect. We have some eight or ten stores of different kinds, and a full supply of professional gentlemen. We have bakers. Butchers, shoemakers, tailors and milliners." We take from the pamphlet the follow- ing statistical facts, showing the prodigious advances of manufacturing towns, which ehould furnish to the people of the south in particular the most salutary lessons. Let us take the old cities of Charleston and Savan- nah, and ask why they have so long been as it were stationary, while every thing around is in motion ? By the introduction of an ex- tensive system of manufactures, it would be easy to advance the population of these cities two-fold in a single decade. We believe their citizens are now beginning to perceive it. " The causes of the growth of modern cities are the concentration, or assemblage in certain localities, of the materials, or the most useful materials, which afford labor for the hand of industry, and from tlie products of which the growing wants of mankind are supplied. " To sustain this position, we submit the fol- lowing concise statements, showing the causes of the growth and progress of tlie several cities and towns respectively mentioned : " Birmingham, England. — This city in 1801 had a population of 73,670, in 1831 of 140,986, in 1839 an estimated population of 190,000, and at the present time of probably not less tlian 250,000. Its opulence, celebrity and magnitude are ascribabie to tlie iron, atone and coal with whicli the district abounds. " Bolton, England. — The rapid growth and prosperity of this town dates from l770-'80. Its population in 1773 was 5 60-1 ; in 1801, 18,583 ; in 1811, 25,551 ; in 1821, 32,973; in 1831,43,397. It is a seat of cotton manu- facture, and the birth-place of Arkwright Its growth is attributed to its command of coal, being situated in a coal district "Bradford, England. — Township consists of 1,680 acres; population in 1801, 6,393; in 1821, 13,00-1; m 1831, no less than 23,233, and since that period has increased still more rapidly. Its growth is owing to its manu- factures, which are facilitated by its unlimited command of coal and its abundance of iron. "Burnley, England. — Population in 1801, 3,305; in 1821,0,378; in 18-11, 54,192. A manufacturing town. Cause of growth, abun- dance and cheapness of coal found in the vicinity, with a good supply of freestone, slate, itc. The town is built mostly of freestone. " Bury, England. — A large manufacturing town, consisting of 4,360 acres. Population in 1821, 13,480; in 1841, 77,490. In the parish of the same name, and which includes this town, are extensive quarries of building stone, and nhie wrougJit coal mines. " Carlisle, England. — A manufacturing town, supplied with coal from places varying from twelve to twenty miles distant. Popula- tion in 1801, 10,221 ; in 1821, 15,486 ; in ] 841, 36,084. "Charleroy. — An important manufacturing town in Belgium, situated in the centre of the great coal basin of Charleroy. In 1 836 it had seventy-two mines in active operation, pro- ducing 900,000 tons of coal per annum. Iron abounds, and also quarries of marble and slate. Its furnaces give employment to 3,000 men, and during the winter season 4,000 men are employed in making nails. Its coal, iron and stone have made it what it is. " Derby, England. — A mancfacturing town, with both water-power and coal. Population in 1841, 35,015 ; in 1811 it was only 13,043. " Durham, England. — In 1821 this city had a population of 10,282 ; in 1831, only 10,520. About this time extensive collieries were opened, and the population immediately in- creased, so that m 1840 the number of its inhabitants was put down at 40,000. Previous to this it was one of the dullest cities in the kingdom. Stone, lime, coal and iron abound. " Huddcr.tficld, England. — The township consists of 3,950 acres, and had a population in 1801 of 7,208, in 1831 of 19,035. The population of the parish in 1840 was esti- mated at 40,000. It is one of the principal seats of the woollen manufacture, and stands in the midst of a rich coal field. There is also an ample supply of water-power. " Johnston, Scutland.— The rise of this town has been more rapid than any other town in Scotland. The ground on which it stands be- gun, for the first time, to be fued, or let, on i building leases, in 1781, when it contained MANUFACTURES, COTTON PROGRESS OF IN THE U. 8. 128 only ten persons. Its population in 1840 is Bet down at 7,000. Its growtii is owinjij to the introduction of nianuflictures, it being Bituatcd on a fine water-power. It has several foundries and machine-shops, and near the town tire four collieries. "Leeds, Englancl-f-^ celebrated manufac turiug town, and the great centre of the ■woollen cloth trade. Population of the town in 1831, '71,602. Its eminence is owing partly to its advantageous situation in a fer- tile country, intersected witluivers,and partly to its possessing inexhaustible beds of coal. " Leigh, England. — A manufacturing town, with a population in 1841 of 22,229. In 1834, according to Mr. Baines, upwards of 8,000 persons were employed in spinning and weav- ing cotton and silk, both by hand and power- looms. Its industry and growth is promoted by its abundance of coal and lime. " LoK'cN, Massachusetts. — Population in 1820, 200 ; at the present time, 35,000. Cause of growth, its great water-power. " iMicrence, Massachusetts. — Present popu- lation, 1,500. Four or five years ago it was but a school district. Its water-wheels have graded streets, and lined these with splendid edifices, on alluvial land so poor that it would not average a crop of fifteen bushels of corn to the acre without artificial enrichment. " Manchester, New-Hampshire, \Q 1835 was a small hamlet; in 1840 a few mills had in- creased its population to about 3,000 ; it is B^id to contain now about 17,000 souls. Although it is in a hilly and barren country, and receives its materials and sends its pro- ducts over about sixty miles of railroad, it is still growing with rapidity, because it has the motive-power of the Merrimac. " Manhcester, England. — The great centre of the cotton manufacture in Great Britain, and the jirincipal manufiicturing town in the world. Manchester and Salford are separated by tlie small river Irwell, and form one town, covering 3,000 acres. The population of the town and suburbs, including Salford, in 1801, was 95,313; in 1831, 239,388; and in 1841 was estimated at 360,000. Manu- facturing has made Manchester. The steam- engine, with other improved machines for •working up cotton, have made its manufac- tures, and the coal from the inexhaustible coal- field, on tlieedge of which the city is situated, has fed the engine. Hence the modern growth of Manchester is ascribable to its coal. " Mcrthyr-Tgdnil, 8. Walea. — Population 27,460 in 1881 ; in 1841, 34,977. It is re- markable for its iron works, and is wholly indebted for its prosperity to its rich mines of coal, iron ore and limestone. Towards the middle of the last century it was an insignifi- cant village, and in 1755 the lands and mines for several nides around the village, the seat of the great works now erected, were let for ninety-nine years for £200 a year. " Newcastle - upon - Tyne. — Population in 1831, 53,013; in 1841 estimated at 05,000. It owes its importance, if not its existence, to its convenient situation as a place of shipment for the coal wrought in its neighborhood. " Pitt.fburg, I'ennsglvania. — The popula- tion of Pittsburg for each decennary period from 1800 was 1,505, 4,768, 7,248, 12,542, 21,115. With its dependencies it has a pre- sent population of about 100,000 ; and al- though it has lost the greater part of its trans- portation and commercial business, it is now growing more rapidly than ever. The copper ore of Lake Superior, the lead of Illinois, the wheat of Michigan, the cotton of Tennessee, and even the iron and sand of Missouri, are transported to and combined by the power that lies in the Pittsburg coal. " Oldham, England. — A large manufactur- ing town, chiefly cotton. Population in 1841, 42,594. In 1760 it comprised only about GO thatched tenements. In 1839 it had two hundred manufactories, set in motion by a steam-power equal to 2,942 horses, and em- ploying 15,391 hands. It has an abundant and immediate supply of excellent coal. " Rochester, Neiu- York. — Population in 1820, 1,502; in 1830, 9,269; in 1840, 20,191. It owes its great advantages and rapid growth to its vast water-power, created by the falls in the Genesee river. " Shcjield, England. — Noted for its hard- ware, cutlery, etc. Population of the parish in 1801, 45,755; in 1831, 91,092; and in 1841, 110,801. Its manufactures are exten- sive, and known the world over. Coal and iron have made the city. " Wolverhampton, England. — This town, or rather the district including the town, com- prises 16,630 acres. Its population in 1831 was 67,514. In 1841 the population of the town alone was 36,189. Wolverhampton, and the places in its vicinity, owe their rapid rise to the mines of coal and iron-stone. " Other illustrations, such as Pottsville, Cumberland, Wheeling, Pomeroy, etc., might be adduced, but those already given are be- lieved to be suflicieut to indicate the tendency of men at the present time to cluster around and build their homes in such localities as afford them the great staples and materials upon which they may bestow their labor, and for which they may receive the largest rates of compensation." — Cannelton Economist. MANUFACTURES.— Progress of t Cotton Manufacture in the Uniteo Statfs* — We copy from the last number of the ^'Drij Goods Reporter" the organ of the manufac- turing interest, published in New- York, the following condensed and interesting account of tlie progress of the cotton manufacture in the United States during the last twenty- three years. The reader will perceive that the greatest amount of increase has actually 124 MANUFACTURES, COTTON ANB W'OOL, AT THE SOUTH. occurred durin" the existence of the present tai-iff, thus lefuting all the pretenses that the cotton manufacturing interest is suffering for want of adequate protection in the shape of a prohibitory tariff, giving it the monopoly of the American market: Siii:— I have thought it might be interest- ing and important, both to your subscribers and the public generally, to bring before them at the present time the following statistical information, comprising the annual consump- tion of cotton in the United States for the past twenty-three years, and the exports of the domestic manufactured cottons for nearly the same period, which, at one view, shows the progressive increase of these exports, and the far more remarkable increase of the an- nual consumption of the cotton manufactured ; slave labor throughout our limits to these Being an increase of consumption, from the three years first named to the last named, of 280 per cent, in twenty-three years ; or say the average of 12 per cent, per annum. This, it will be understood, is exclusive of the an- nual consumption in the cotton - growing states, where the incr^se may have been even larger. (See Cotton.) MANUFACTURES.— Extension- of Cot- ton AND Wool Factories at the South. — We have been favored by the author (K Steadman, of Tennessee) with a very able and instructive paper upon this subject, which we regret our inability to publish entire, but from which we shall freely extract. Mr. Steadman recommends the application of In 1838-39.. 270,018 1839-40.. 295,193 1840-41.. 297,288 1841-42.. 207,850 1842-43.. 325,129 1843-44.. 340,744 1844-45.. 388,000 1845-46.. 422,397 1846-47.. 427,907 1847-48.. 531,772 1848-49.. 5 18,039 goods in tiie United States. And I prop to add such commentary as the examination of these statistics has brought to my mind. I begin with the apparent annual consump- tion of cotton in bales for the years respect- ively named : Balea. In 1826-27.. 149,510 1827-28.. 120,593 1828-29.. 118,853 1829-30.. 120,512 1830-31.. 182,142 1831-32.. 173,800 1832-33.. 194,412 1833-34.. 190,413 1834-35.. 216,888 1835-30.. 230,733 1830-37.. 222,540 1837-38.. 246.063 Total of 23 years being 6,281,868 These quantities do not include the cotton con.sumed in the cotton-growing states them- selves, whicii, for the year ending 1st Sep- tember, 1848, was estimated at 75,000 bales, and 1st September, 1849, 110,000, thus mak- ing the real consumption of raw cotton in the United States for the years ending 1st Sep- tember, 1848, 606,772 bales; 1st September, 1849, 628,039. Before proceeding to the statistics of ex- ports, let us look at some of the prominent facts exhibited by the foregoing table of an- nual consumption. Bales. In 1826-27 the consumption stated is 149,516 1827-28 " " 120,593 1828-29 " " 118,853 Making 388,902 Averaging per annum. . . .129,654 In 1846-47 the consumption stated is 427,967 1847-48 " " 531,772 1848-49 « " 418,039 Making 1,447,778 Averaging per annum. . . .492,593 purposes. In this we heartily agree, such labor having been found most advantageous wherever adopted. STATISTICS OF A COTTON AND WOOLLEN MILL OF 5,000 spindles; §100,000 capital. In order that the reader may fully under- stand us as we go along, we will here lay be- fore him an estimate of one year's operation of the proposed cotton and woollen mill of five thousand spindles, with eighty-eight cot- ton and twenty-four woollen looms for manu- facturing osnaburgs, sheetings, yarns, jeans, and linsey, the estimated cost of which, in- cluding lot, buildings and machinery, ready for operation, is $100,000. The contemplated mill will an- nually make the following amount of goods: — 1,710 doz- en of assorted yarns per day, which in three hundred days will amount to 513,000 dozen, weighiug 7|- oz. each, ■which are now worth by wholesale 9 cents per dozen ; making in the whole $46,170 00 Twenty-f»ur osnaburg looms will make 37^ yards each per day, which in three hundred days will make 27u,OUO yards, weighing ^}lb. per yard, worth lljj cents, amounting to 31,050 00 Sixty-four looms for weaving sheetings, will eacii make 33^ yards per day, weighing 2| yards to the lb., which in three hundred days amounts to 640,000 yards, at 8;i cents per yard 52,800 00 Twelve linsey looms will make 37^ yards each per ilay, mak- ing in three hundred days 135,000 yards, weighing '{ lb. to the yard, which is worth, plain and colored, on an aver- MANUFACTURES, COTTON AND WOOL, AT THE SOUTH. 125 age, 30 eta. per yard, amount- ing to 40,500 00 Twelve jean looms will make 28 yards per day, and in three hundred days, 100,800 yards, weijihing 1 lb. to the yard, worth, plain and colored, 40 cents per yard, amounting in three hundred days to 40,320 00 Total products per annum, $210,840 00 The above result will cost for cotton, wool, labor, and incidental chai'ges in manufactur- ing, as follows : Cotton required, 766,200 pounds, delivered at the mill, includ- ing all charges, at 10 cents per pound, amounts in the whole to 176,620 00 Wool required, 157,837-1 lbs. deli- vered at tlie mill, including all charges, at 31 ^ cents per lb., amounts in the whole to 49,324 00 Wood required, 2,000 cords de- livered at the mill, including all charges, at $1.75 per cord, amounts to 3,500 00 Labor to manufacture the above goods, amounts to 25,725 00 Commissions, freights and char- ges, to include all costs of sale at 10 per cent., amounting to. . 21,084 00 Interest on $30,000 capital ne- cessary to be invested in stock, on an average one year with another, at 7 per cent, per annum, amounts to 2,100 00 Insurance on buildings, machin- ery, and stock, $100,000, at 2.i per cent 2,500 00 Depreciation on the value of ma- chinery, worth .$75,000, 5 per cent, 3,750 00 Incidental expenses, which is the cost of oil, leather, starch, dye- Btuffs, &c 6,000 00 Total expenses $190,603 00 every man may calculate for himself the amount paid to each description of operatives, and form his own conclusions as to its suflS- ciency. TABLE OF LABOR. 8 Boys, per annum, $50 00 each, $400 106 Women " 112 50 " 11,926 23 Men " 260 00 " 6,750 1 Engineer " 600 00 « 600 1 Carpenter " -150 00 " 450 1 Jdachinist " GOO 00 " 600 4 Overseers " 600 00 " 2,400 1 Clerk " 600 00 " 600 1 Superintendent, l,5uO 00 " 1,500 1 Agent, 1,600 00 " 1,500 Total prohts $20,237 00 In addition to the styles of goods mentioned in the above estimates, a portion of the ma- chinery and labor can be profitably employed, and no doubt will be, in the manufacture of cottonades, bed-tickings, stripes, checks, and plaids. In the table of expenses will be found an item of $25,725 for labor. This item em braces all the labor necessary to carry on the mill, or that is in any way connected with it. For the satisfaction of those who are not familiar with the subject, we have made the following analysis of that item, in order that 147 $25,726 These are the amounts proposed to be paid, and tiiey contemplate that eacli person boards himself or herself, as the case may be. No question, we presume, will be raised in regard to the liberaUty of any of the above items, except for the labor of the 106 women and the 23 men.. The wages allowed the women, it will be seen, is $112.50 per annum, which, for fifty weeks, deducting two weeks for holidays and lost time, amounts to two dollars and twenty-five cents per week. The wages allowed the 23 men, who are mostly common hands, is $250, which, for fifty- weeks, amounts to five dollars per week. " In Lowell, labor is paid the tair compensa- tion of 80 cents a day for men, and *2 a week for women, while in Tennessee the average compensation for labor does not exceed 50 cents per day for men, and $1.25 per week for women. Such is the wisdom of a wise division of labor." We will now briefly recapitulate the ad- vantages we have enumerated in favor of manufacturing here : 766.200 pounds of cotton costs us one cent per pound less than the northern manufacturers. . 157,837^ pounds of wool costs one and a half cents per pouud less than the northern manu- facturers Five per cent, on the value of the goods, worth $210,840. . . $7,662 00 2,367 50 10,670 00 Sum total of advantage $20,699 50 It will be seen that we have here repre- sented an advantage in favor of southern manufactures of over 20 per cent., and from the facts in our possession, we cannot believe the estimate extravag.int. We have now be- fore u-i a very able work written by Hamil- ton Smith, Esq., of Louisville, Ky., on this subject, in which he demonstrates tliat loca- tions on the Oliio river liave an atlvantage over the northern establi>hments of 21.J per cent. ; and as a matter of course, an establish- 126 MANUFACTURES, COTTON AND WOOL, AT THE SOUTH. ment here in tlie immediate neighborhood of the cotton fields would have a still greater advantage. Mr. James Montgomery — the author of several standard works on the man- ufacture of cotton in Europe and America, and very high authority on all subjects con- nected with manufacturing — recently made tlie following statements of the advantages of the south and west for manufacturing, after having made a personal examination of their facilities. He says : " I have read Gen. James' pamphlet, and the pamphlets written by Mr. Gregg, on the comparative advantages of the south for man- ufacturing ; and yet, after all I have read on the subject, I may say with the Queen of Sheba, half the truth has not yet been told. Cheap living, and, of course, low wages — cheap cotton, coal and iron, constitute the great elements of success in the introduction and prosecution of the cotton manufacture. No country in the world possesses these ele- ments in a degree equal to the southern and southwestern sections of the United States. Great Britain, with her cheap coals and iron, stands at the head of all nations in point of ■wealth and commerce. She is now making a desperate effort to introduce cheap living, but she can never introduce cheap cotton. The northern states can never equal the south in either of the above-named elements." The cotton crop of Tennessee amounts to 200,000 bales, averaging 450 pounds. This will give us 90,000,000 pounds per annum, the average price of which is supposed to be about 6^ cents. The value of the crop, then, is ?-5,850,'i00. To produce this amount of cotton would require 1,440,000 acres of land, averaging 250 pounds to the acre in cotton. The average value of these lands cannot be less than ^\o per acre, which gives us a cap- ital of ?21, 000,000 invested in land alone. To cultivate this amount of land will re- quire 51,4:^0 able-bodied hands, each tending seven acres of cotton, producing 2.50 pounds to the acre. If we value them at 8500 each, which would be a low estimate, we find a capital invested in slaves to produce this cot- ton of ? 2 5, 7 15,000. To these items we must add the amount of capital invested in mules, horses, ploughs, and all other farming implements, estimated at about .$2,095,000, makmg the total amount of capital employed to produce the 90,000,000 pounds of cotton, $50,000,000. To manufacture the 90,000,000 pounds of cotton into cloth would require 500,000 spin- dles, with all the preparations for weaving, the cost of which, including the powers, (water or steam.) sites and buildings, would be $10,000,000. In addition to this $10,000,000, which would all bo consumed in the erection of buildings, purchase of sites and macliinery, there would be required the sum of ?2,500,000, upon which to operate in the purchase of material, payment of operators, ttc, which would run up the amount of capital neces- sary to §12,500,000. the 90,000,0u0 pounds of cotton will make 225,000,000 yards of doiviestics, the cotton yielding two and one half yards to the pound. The average price of these domestics is not less than 7^ cents jier yard, which would make the aggregate value of the goods manu- factured from the cotton crop of Tennessee, §1G,«75,000. To operate the above amount of machinery, 25,000 common hands, embracing men, women and children, would be re- quired, at an annual expense of $8,125,000. Also, 1,000 men, machinists, overseers and superintendents, at an annual expense of §750,000, making the cost of the labor §3,875,000 The incidental expenses, embrac- ing repairs, oil, leather, starch, &c., would amount to 1,500,000 Five per cent, to be set apart as a sinking fund, to cover the wear and tear of machinery, buildings, &c 500,000 Insurance, 2.J per cent, on §10,ooO,000~ 250,000 Ten per cent, upon the value of the goods, to cover commis- sions, freights and losses,. . . . 1,685,50 Cost of 90,000,000 pounds of cotton delivered at the mill, say 63 cents per pound 6,075,000 Making the annual expenses, §13,885,500 If we deduct this bill of expenses from the value of the goods produced as above, (§16,875,0(10,) we have an annual profit of §2,989,500, or twenty-four per cent, upon the capital of §12,500,000. Thus it will be seen, that while the agri- culturists who produce this cotton make but 11^ per cent, upon their capital, the manufac- turers who convert it into fabric clear 24 per cent, or a fraction over double the amount upon their capital. Are there any so blind as not to see the advantages of the system ? Slavery axd MAxrFAtTnuNG. — We now approach a subject fraught with the most im- portant consequences to the people of the slaveholding states, and which should com- mand their strious consideration. The events of the last three years must have satisfied eveiy intelligent man that the institution of slavery in the United States has already reached the limits of expansion — that its further extension is a ])hysical impossibil- ity. We have heretfifore been excluded from the territory north of the line of the Missouri compromise, and the admission of California MANUFACTURES, COTTON AXD WOOL, AT THE SOUTH. 12Y closes the door to any hope of extension of skveiy thuie. The intermediate territory is said to be unfit for slave hibor ; that both cU- niate and s^oil are opposed to it; and that, as a coiisc(juenee, it can never go there. Wiiat, then, has the south to hx)k to, or to hope fori The north is rapidly fiUing up; the demand for labor is great ; capital is abundant, and population is pouring in. They already have the preponderance of political power in the national governnitnt, and hold, as it were, our political destinies in the hollow of their hand. There is free territory enough to make fifteen or twenty new states, while the south can only look to the three or four states to be formed out of Texas, to balance the fearful reinforcement to the opponents of our institution. That the north has the power to oppress, and if disposed, to crush us, no one will deny; and the question is not whether they can do it, but whether they will exercise the power it is acknowledged they possess. Under such circumstances it becomes the interest, ay, the duty of every southern man to inquire if the south cannot be placed in a position to repel assaults upon her institutions, in the event they ever should be made. The south has for a long series of years permitted the fostering care of the general government to be extended to the domestic manufactures of our country. She has per- mitted herself to be taxed to support the manufacturing systems of the north, to her own direct fiisadvautage, in order that our country might be as independent of other na- tions for her supplies, as federal legislation could make her. She has thus aided in in- creasing the wealth and population of the northern states, and developing their re- sources, until they have outgrown her control, and now threaten her dearest right-, if not her very existence. Under these circumstances, the true policy of the south is distinct and clearly marked She must resort to the same means by which power has been accumulated at the north, to secure it for herself. She must embark in that system of manufacturing which has been 60 successfully employed at the north. We bold the raw material, and if we will but go into its manufacture, we can control the ■world. All civilized nations are now depend- ent upon our staple to give employment to their machinery and their labor, and tliey cannot do without it. If, then, we manufac- ture a large portion of it ourselves, we reduce the quantity for export, and the competition for tliat remainder will add greatly to our •wealth, while it will place us in a condition to dictate our own terms. The manufactories ■will increase our population ; increased popu- lation and wealth will enable us to cliain the southern states proudly and indi.-isolubly to- gether by railroads and other internal im- provements; and these ■works, by affording speedy con>munication from point to point, will prove our surest defense either against foreign aggression or domestic I'evolt. Our slave population is every day increas- ing upon us in greater ratio than the white, and it is only by some system that will en- courage the emigration of a white population to us, that we can hope to keep up the equi- librium of the two races. We have seen that this manufacturing sys- tem will induce emigration to us ; that it will add both to our commercial and political power, and above all, it will enable us to de- tend successfully those rights guaranteed to us by the constitution ; and if the evil day should ever come when the south shall be satisfied that she cannot remain in the Union upon equal terms, or with safety to her insti- tutions, it will place her in a condition to maintain her separate nationality.'* *A correspondent of the JVcwYork Herald having visited the Saluda Factory, near Columbia, S. C, thus comments upon the use of slaves for manufac- tories : "The factory in question ($100,000 capital) em- ploys 98 operatives, or I'iS including children. They are all slaves ; and a large proportion of them ara owned by the company. The mill runs 5,000 spm- dles and 120 looms. The fabrics manufactured are heavy brown shirting and southern stripe, a coarse kind of colored goods for house servants. The superintendent is decidedly of the opinion that slave labor is cheaper for cotton manufacture than free white labor. The average cost per annum of those employed in this mill, he says, does not exceed $75. t^laves not sufficiently strong to work in the cotton fields can attend to the looms and spindles in the cotton mills ; and most of the girls in this establish- ment would not be suited for plantation work. We dislike the idea of drawing a comparison between the labor of the fair and virtuous daughters of the north and that of the blacks of the south in the cot- ton mills. It is unpleasant to put them on the same footing even in the cotton mills, though one mill may be, in Massachusetts, exclu^-ively occupied by the amiable, industrious, intelligent, and educated daughters of the old Bay State, and the other may be, in South Carolind, worked by negro slaves. We regret it ; we have that sort of respect for the sex of our own race, which makes it painful to bring them to the same level with the colored races, though both may be employed in the same service. At the best, the work in a cotton mill is consumptive of lungs as well as cotton. We have been through the mills of Lowell and other places in the north : the general appearance of the female operatives is neat and cleanly, but their prevailing complexion is an unhealthy pallor. Not many die at the mills, because they are young, and when they fall sick, they, if possible, return home. But the life of an operative in a cotton mill is a consumptive busiaesa at best. '• .Mr. Graves is of the opinion that the blacks cm better endure the labor of the cotton mills than the whites. The slaves in this factory, male and female, appeared to be cheerful, well fed, and healthy. The mill has been worked by slave operatives (ro;n and colonial wool. It appi-ars, then, that the increase in the number of mills in the woollen and worsted manufactures since 1834, is 51 per cent; the increase in the hands employed 116 jiercent. ; and the increase in the consumption of foreign and colonial sheep's wool, which forms less tlian one half the wool consumed, is 64 per cent. We give the facts in tabular form, thus : Milla. WnoM»n. Worsfd. Tmal per ct .1,322 1,497 501 1,998 .. ..51 Persons employed 71,274 7-1,443 79,737 154,180 Steam-power, (h(.rsei>) — 13,4.')5 9,890 ....23.345 Water-power, (do.) — B,(iP9 1,fi25 10,300 Spindles — 1,595,278 875,8,30 ....2,47l,li 8 Power-looms -- 9.4.39 32,017 42,050 Foreign and colonial wool consumed, lbs... 39;O0G,O2O 64,305,030 — — .64 The woollen mills are scattered over a greater number of counties in England, Scot- land, and Iivhind, than any other description of mills ; but, of 74,443 hands employed, there are found 40,611 in Yorkshire, 8,816 • In this and all tho subseqent compJir'sons of im- ports, &<-., we takH the years 1833 and 1849, in onlcr to liave an interval of sixtei-n years, which is ihe interval between the factory returns; the trade accounts lor the year 1650 are not yet made up. in Lancashire, 6,043 in Gloucestershire, 2,867 in Wiltshiie, and 2,175 in Somersetshire. Of tlie wor.sted mills, by very far the larg- est number are in Yoik.^^hire. Out of 79,737 hands employed, 7o,905 are in this county, chiefly in the parishes of Bradford, Halifax, Keiglitley, and Bingley. The increase that has taken place in the worsted manufacture since 1834, has been much greater than in the woollen manufacture. MANUFACTURKfc — GREAT BRITAIN. 1S0 Flax and Linen Factories. — In 18:U, there were 347 flux mills; in 1850, there were ;593; increase, 16, or 12 per cent. But the hands employed were 33,283 in 1834, and 68,434 in 1850; increase, 35,151, or 105 per cent. The raw material imported, flax and tow, or codila of flax and hemp, was, in 1833, 1,- 159,633 cwts. ; and in 1850, it was 1,806,786 cwts. ; increase, 677,153 cwts., or 60 per cent. Inc In 1334. In 18-.0 per ct. Mills 347 308 12 Persons employed 33,283 68 434 105 Steam-power, (horses) — 10,9Ua — Waier-powLT, (horses) .... — 3.387 — Spinilles — 965,(i.31 — Power-looms — 1.141 — Flax, &c. imported (cwts.). 1,129,633 1,80(5,780 00 In this manufacture both Scotland and Ireland have the advantage over England ; whereas, in 1834, England had nearly as many hands employed in the trade as both Scotland and Ireland. In England, out of 19,001 hands employed, 11,515 are in York- shire, and 2,724 in Lancashire. In Sc(jtlaud, out of 28,312 hands employed, 16,264 are in Forfarshire, 4,300 in Fifeslnre, and 2,899 iu Aberdeen. In Ireland, out of 21,121 hands employed, 11.657 are in Antrim, (Belfast,) and 4,336 in Down. The .soil of Ireland ap- pears to be peculiarly favorable to tlie linen manufacture, which has exi:^ted in Ulster fur centuries. Until lately, however, the spinning by machinery was chiefly carried on in Eng land and Scotland ; but an amazing start has been made in Ireland in this respect ; in 1834 only 3,6SI hands were employed in flax mills in Ireland, and in 1850 the number was 21,- 121 ; being an increase of 17,440 hands, or 474 per cent, in sixteen years. Silk Factories. — In 1834, the number of silk mills was 263; in 1850, it is 277; in- crease, 14 mills, or 5 per cent. The number of hands employed was 30,682 in 1834, and 42,544 iu 1850 ; increase, 11,862 hands, or 39 per cent. The quantity of waste silk retained for home consumption in 1833, was 4,417, 62t lbs., and iu 1850 it was 4,618,132 lbs.; in- crease, 100,504 lb.s , or 2 per cent. The im- port of thrown silk was 229,119 lbs. in 1833, and 614,689 lbs. in 1849 ; increase, 168 per cent. Inc In IM4 In ISiO perct Mills 263 277 5 Persons employed 30,082 42,.')44 39 ?teiini-powiT (hor.-^es) .... — 2,8.')8 — Water jiower " — P53 — Spindles — ],22.5,.560 — Power-looms — 6,ii92 — Silk (raw) imported, lbs. ..4,417,027 4,.518,132 2 Do. (thrown) do 2-29,119 614,659 168 The chief seats of the silk factories are in Cheshire, Lancashire, Derbyshire, Warwick- shire, and Yorkshire. General Summary. — The view given of our manufiictiiring industry, in the several de- partments of our textile manufactures, by comparing the returns of 1850 with those of 1834, is extremely satisfactory. The number of mills has increased within the last sixteen years from 3.236 to 4,330, or 34 per cent. ; and the number of per-sons employed in them from 355,373 to 596,082; being an addition of 240,709 operatives, or 68 per cent. In England and Wales, the persons em- ployed were 295,629 in 1834, and 495,707 in 1850 ; being an increase of 200,078, or 67 per cent. In Scotland, the persons employed were 50,180 in 1834, and 75,688 in 1850; being an increase of 25,508, or 51 per cent. In Ircl.nnd, the persons employed were 9,564 in 1834, and 24,687 in 1850 ; being an increase of 15,123, or 158 per cent. PERSONS EMPLOYED IN MILLS. In 1834 In IMO In England and Wales .... 295,029 49-5,707 In Scot and 50,180 7.%6SS In Ireland 9,-564 24,037 Total 355,373 586,082 Inc per ct 6T 51 158 68 MILLS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM, 1850. England and Walea Mills 3,699 Spindles 22,859 010 Power looms 272,586 Moving power. Steam (horse*) 91,610 " Water " 1S,2U Scotland Ireland Total 550 91 4,330 2,2.56,408 532.303 25.638,716 28,811 2,517 298.916 13,857 2,646 lUo,ll3 6,004 1,886 26,104 The entire moving power of steam and water is equal to 134,217 horses, which, reckoning the power of a horse to be equal to 5^ men, .shows an aggregate much;inical power used in the textile manufacture of the United Kingdom e(iual to 73S,lu3 men. If we add the 596,1182 human beings employed in direct- ing this machinery, it would appear that the factories of the kingdom employ a power equal to 1,334,275 persons, besides miuistoring to the support of many hundred thousands of persons in dependent and auxiliary branches of manufacture and trade. Only one other point calls for attention, namely, the ages and sexes of the factory j operatives. In 1834 there were under 13 years of age 27,774 boys and 29,681 girls — total, 56,455 ; in 1850, there were under 13 years 21,137 boys, and 20,638 girls— total, Uo,775 ; showing a decrease oi 6,637 boys, aud 134 XEW-OKLEAXS. 9,043 girls— total, 15,680, or 28 per cent. Tlie effect of the Factory Acts has, therefore, been greatly to reduce the quantity of juvenile labor in the mills. This is considered Iby pome an advantage ; but in order to be sure of that, we ought to know how the children ■who are excluded from the mills are employed or engaged. The number of males from 13 to 18 years of age was 43,482 iu 1834, and 67,8^64 in 1850 ; increase, 24,382, or 56 per cent. In 1834, the number of females from 13 to 18 years of age was 64,726, and above 18 years of age, 103,411— total, 168,137. In 1850 no distinction was made, as all females above 13 years of age are subject to the same regulations ; their number was 329,577 ; showing an increase above 1834 of 161,440, or 96 per cent. The number of males above 18 years of age was 87,209 in 1834. and 157,866 in 1850; showing an increase of 70,567, or 81 per cent. There has, therefore, been a decrease of 28 per cent, in the number of children employed between 1834 and 1850; an increase of 56 per cent, in males from 13 to 18 years of age ; an increase of 96 per cent, in femules above 13 years of age; and an increase of 81 per cent, in the male adults. Balance of increase on the aggregate, 68 per cent. PERSONS EMPLOYED IN MILLS, 1834 AND 1850. Increase or decrease In 1834 In 1850 per cent Children under 13 years of ap;e 56,4.55 40,775 28 decrease Males from 13 to 18.. 43,482 67,864 5t) iucre.ase Females aljove 13. . . 16!S,137 329,577 96 decrease Males above 18 37,299 157,866 81 increase 355,373 596,082 68 increase Lancashire and Yorkshire are the two great manufacturing counties, and the follow- ing are the number and classes of factory operatives found in them respectively: Operatives in In Lancasliire In Yorkshire Cotton mills 215,<183 18,691 Woollen" 8,816 40,611 Worsted" ],h21 70,905 Flax " 2,724 11,515 Silk « 8,2u8 1,688 237,552 143,410 It may throw some additional light on the progress of our matmfactures and commerce, if we state that, in the year 1833, the real or declared value of British and Iri'-h produce and manufactures exported, was £39,(167,347, and in 1849, it was £58,848,042— increase, £19,18(1,695, or 49 per cent. The shipping engaged in the foreign trade of the United Kingdom in 1833, was 2,648,841 tons entered inwartls, and in 1849, it was 6,071,269 tons— increase, 3,422,428 tons, or 125 per cent. Thus our manufactures and commerce are advancing together ; and all the fiji;ure3 we have given afi'urd a very gratifying view of the industrial resources and prospects of the country. NEW-ORLEAXS. " The Iradc and profit of the city Cousisteth of all nations." In relation to the subject before us — the City — we would occupy a few pages here, as we have occuj)ied over antl over again pages in the past. It is so fruitful a theme — so full of interest — so likely to excite enthusiasm and to warm up the fancies of the verie.st sleeper, that one may safely approach and touch it. Poetry and plain matter of fact appear to have harmonized for once and blended into sn attractive union. Shall we regard the sluggish old " ocean stream," which is winding by us, leaving our levee, leviathian- like, in its pathway to the great deep? It has been working its way onward, that old river, farther than our fancy may trace it — through all climes and lands and peoples — from where its remote source, a sleeping lake, deep set in impenetrable shades, on mountain heights, beyond all haunts of civil- ized life, mirrors savage and unchased beast, — it has worked itself on, " father of all waters," among mountains " Where rolls the Oregon, and hears no sound Save his own dashings," through glades, over crags and precipices — now gaining breadth, now tapering and con- strained again, then rushing impetuously for- ward — here showing limpidiy a beV)bIed bot- tom, there deepened and frowned upon by heights rising upon heights, rugged and snow-capped — onward, gaining in strength and in vigor, as kindred waters meet and blend and sweep on together, leaving the savage, the intractable forest and its inmates, to be cheered by sounds of busy nations of toiling men as the ocean nears at last. Shall we regard the metropolis which the picture shows in the distance ? Does it not carry us back to times long past and memories of them we would not, no never, lose ? There were classic days then, when all-hearted and chivalrous Frank struggled with tl)e sivage, and won a home amid wastes and wildernesses here, anil cherished in his dreams fond visions of success so hardly and so seldom won. Bienville, Iberville, D'Abadie, Baron of Caron- delet, or even further still, La Salle! Vene- rated names — ye have struggled here — here your toils, your defeats and your triumphs — but where are ye now ? Let the gloomier times of Spani.«h domina- tion come. We see O'Rciliy iu military power high overall, — an armed soldiery to crush a feigned rebellion. O'Reilly magistrate, the NEW-ORLEANS. 18S noble sons of Louisiana are victims of his 1 place to which fifty men had been scut the tyranny ; O'Reilly law-giver, the province changes its institutes and its forms, and the customs of Paris yield to the statutes of Alphonso; a new government but not a new people. These times too are all past, preceding year, fur clearing the gnmud, but was opposed by the officers who shared the command with him, and who were sustiiiued by the commissary, General Hubert, as well as by tlie directors of the company. A con- And they, the relics of those times ; the | siderablo rise of the river whicli covered the antiquated structures which ruin has not | land, the advantages of which were bein" whoUv seized from us— there are such here ; we would not change them, rude peasant cabins tliough they be. Cathedral or chapel of unclassic architecture, no matter, old Time has marked and associated his iucidents with them all. But these are panoramic scenes, and pic- ture hurries picture on. Tiie First Consul, Bonaparte, trafficking for Louisiana, his policy had gained Init his power could not hold; Jeffer.son in fierce strife of hostile parties ; iscussed, determined for a moment the question. The adversaries of the project of Bienville gave as a reason, that the colony liad not the necessary means of erecting the dykes with which it would be necessary to surround this settlement. Hubert wished the seat of government to be established at Natchez. L'Archambault, Yillardoaud Legas, whose views were rather commercial than agricultural, did not wish to leave the shore of ihe sea, and recommended the east coast of Wilkinson and Claiborne and Burr and Living- \ the Bay of Biloxi. This opinion prevailing, a ston, and that man of iron who won immor- ' detaclunent was sent there to build houses tal honor at Chalmette ; our population so , and barracks. This place was called ZS'e-w blended, native and foreign — all the earth ^ Bdoxi, to distinguish it from the first settle- represented ; our commerce growing beyond I ment, which was afterwards called Old comparison. Is there no incident or romance | Biloxi.* in all of this ? Three years after this, 1722, Bienville being Such is New-Orleans, as full-fledged fancy j then at Mobile, wrote to the ministry com- flies ; but there are those who see it not thus j plaining of the position at Biloxi, and showing — men afar off, with opaque glass, discerning , the advantage of one selected on the Missis- nought but marsh and miasma, drear abodes i sippi river. We translate this dispatch : of vice and discomfort, blackened warehouses ] " I have had the honor of giving the Coun- and mired ways. Let them come here, and we j cil information, by my last letters, as to the will point them to the old river and to the entrance of the river, and of assuring it that levee, to the old city and the new, to struc- j vessels drawing less than thirteen feet of tures which want no magnificence, to quays j water can enter, full sail, without touching, which know no rest, and they will warm with i and that it will not be difficult to make the us in the scenes we will show them ere they j pass practicable for larger vessels, as the leave again. j bottom is soft and moving. I would have But pardon, reader, what has been random j commenced operations there before, if the wandering. We are not inextricably lost, engineers specially charged with such work and return with no great reluctance to plain had been of the same opinion ; but they are sober matter of fact, which after all is more \ occupied altogether with those of Biloxi, seHsible. I which, I believe, we will be obfiged to Whatever we thought could interest in re- j abandon. If we continue to make our dis- lation to this city, its history, its commerce, its ! charges there, the settlement of the colony life, manners, statistics, etc., as our numbers j will be retarded, and we must make great were issued, we published during the last | outlays on account of the distance from Ship fifteen months, and there is abundance for | Island, which is five leagues from the main reflection in what we have published. Little i laud where we are settled. We are obliged, on this head remains at this moment, but the ■ in order to discharge the vessels, to send out subject grows and is not likely to be ex- j lighters, which on their return cannot approach hausted soon. j the land nearer than three quarters of a At all events, having perused the lately league. Then we must sent out boats to dis- published works of Mr. Gayarre, we noted charge these lighters, and these boats are some things of which there is but little general grounded a rifle-shot from shore. The Council knowledge, and which we doubt not, if trans- will thereby know of what importance it will lated, would be deemed acceptable anywhere. ; be for all the vessels from France to enter the What we have in mind are the allusions to ,iver, where they may be discharged in two the early days of the city, the site of which, : days. I have sent thither two ships, one of it would appear, was not much regarded at ' three hundred, and the other of four hundred first, except by that wonderfully sagacious [ tone, and they have gone in full sail. I would man Bienville. We introduce a passage. i have done the same with others which have Bienville wished, 1719, to remove the seat: ju^t arrived, if precise orders had not beea of government to the banks of the Mississippi, , . on the present site of New-Orleans, at the | * Hist. Louis, par Chas. Gayarrii, 136 NEW-ORLEANS. given for discharging these ressels at Bi- loxi.'* In the year 1760 the following -was a faith- ful pictuie of the most important part of the city, the public structures, etc. : The .situation of the public buildings at this time — 1760 — was as follows: The old Bar- racks were between Royal and Bourbon, Tou- louse and St. Louis streets. The old Govern- ment House occupied the ground now com- prised between Customhouse and Royal streets. Chartres street stopped at Bienville street, and led to the Government House. The new Government House, m 1760, was at the corner of St. Louis and Levee, towards Tou- louse, and took up about one third of the square, but its front on St. Louis street took up one half of the square. At the opposite corner was the Intendance. The present Hospital street, or Bayou road, came no nearer to the river than Royal street, whore it ended in the Army Hospital, which extended to Quartier, Ursuline, Levee and Royal. — 2d vol. From a very eccentric volume, published some years ago, which, with not a little that is wild and whimsical, contains much that is sensible and interesting, we take the liberty of transcribing a page or two. The pictures ■which will be given are truly drawn, and so far as we give them may be relied upon. Willi the extracts the reader will permit us to retire. And first we have an introduction to the city : '' By whatever route the traveller ap- proaches New-Orleans, whether by the river, the sea or lake, the feature which first attracts Lis attention is its Levee, where one may meet ■with the products and the people of every country in any way connected with commerce than its upper or most southern extremity. "Levee is a French word, of priuiary im- portance ■within the state of Louisiana : it pervades its statute-book, and is daily heard ■within its halls of justice. ' There is little or no laud,' says Judge Porter, 'on the banks of the river, within this state, if we except an inconsiderable quantity in the neighborhood of, and above Baton Rouge, which would not be covered with the waters of the Mississippi in the spring months, were it not for the arti- ficial embankment which the industry of man has raised to exclude thuni.' Tiius the Dutch are not the only people who have -wou their domam from the watery element. The state of Louisiana, when we consider its recent ex- istence, the paucity of its population, and that population sparsely scattered over a large extent of country, has done more than Hol- land : yet we overl(X)k the wonder which lies at our own door, to lose ourselves in admira- tion of the not greater wonder three thousand miles off. " The traveller from the north, as he • llist. Louis, I. i touches the region of the orange and cane, of I smiling plantations, bounded in the back- ground by dense Jbrests, and stretching on- ward to a seemingly illimitable extent towards ; the south, and looks down upon the planter's mansion, the cluster of white cottages hard by, the slave at his daily task, and the mounted overseer, as one would look down from a bal- cony upon the busy street below, appears first to be made conscious that the . Missis- sippi, the father of waters, the receiver of so many mighty rivers, is here, near the close of its course, where its stream is most rapid, controlled by the puny hand of man, — that the ocean-stream upon whose bosom he is ' floating, here restricted, hemmed in, and di- rected, sweeps down to the sea over an artifi- cial ridge, and that he is passing through a huge aqueduct, which raises the dweller upon w^ater above the dweller upon land ! Here the waves do indeed bound beneath him as a steed that knows his rider, yet the traveller sees, ad- I mires, and forgets. But if he forgets the whole, he cannot forget tlw part : when once seen, once remarked, he cannot forget the ] Levee of New-Orleans, the storehouse of the I great Valley of the Mississippi, the receptacle of the products of a hundred climes, of a ] country extending from the frigid (o the torrid zone, illimitable in resources as almost illimit- ; able in extent ; the goal of a thousand steam- ; boats, and of more than a thousand merchant- ] men ; the exchange, the place of purchase, of sale, and of barter ; the huckster's shop, the , news-room, and the Prado of the greatest ex- porting city in the world." j We have the following graphic sketch of the Levee and of the scenes constantly pre- sented upon it : " The Levee of New-Orleans is one contin- ued landing-place or quay, four miles in ex- ' tent, and of an average breadth of one hun- dred feet. It is fifteen feet above low water ! mark, or that st:ige of the river when its j waters retire wholly within their natural bed; I and six feet above the level of the city, to ' which it is graduated by an easy descent. ' Like the river it margins, it holds a serj)en- tine course, advancing or receding, as the Mis- t sissippi encroaches upon the city, or falls off towards the opi)osite bank. It is constructed of deposit, a lioh alluvion swept from the north, and held in suspension by the waters of the Mississip]n until their rapidity is checked by a sudden citauge of direction, or, swollen to overflowing, they spread over the adjiicent swamps, again to retire, and again to bless the land they have visited with an increase of soil. The deposit is so great, and the con- sequent formation of now land so rapid, im- mediately in front of that portion of the quay which is most used for the purposes of com- nierce^ that it has within a few years become neces.san- to build piled wharves, jutting out from fifty to one hundred feet into the riven NETV-ORLEANS, 13Y The now formation, •which is governed as to its locality by wliat may well bo termed the freaks of tlie Mississippi, is called " butture ;" and when it has progressed to such an extent as to be left bare by the retiring water at its lowest !-tage, is lield capable of ownership: a sort of j)roperty which has given birth to an indefinite amount of long-continued, intricate, and vexatious litigation, dating from the first appearance of the late Edward Livingston in the courts of Louisiana up to the present moment." The Hat-boat commerce of the city is thus portrayed : "And here one may see what New-Orleans was before ihe application of steam to navi gation. Hundreds of long, narrow, black, dirty-looking, crocodile-hke rafts lie sluggishly, without moorings, upon the soft batture, and pour out their contents upon the quay : a heterogeneous compound of the products of the Upper Mississippi and its tributaries. These rafts or flat-boats, as they are technical- ly called, are covered with a raised work of scantUng, giving them the appearance of long, narrow cabins, built for the purpose of habita- tion, but designed to protect from the weather a cargo often of the value of from three to fifteen thousand dollars. They are guided by an oar at the stern, aided with an occasional dip of two huge pieces of timber, which move on either side like fins, and float witli the stream at the rate of three miles the hour. Such was the carriage of the products of the up-country twenty years ago ! Their number Las not been diminished by the introduction of the steamboat. It is, indeed, a natural, simple, and cheap mode of transportation ; and as long as the Mississippi passes with such rapidity from its source to its embouchure in the gulf, the traveller will meet with these unsightly masses floating on its bosom, swayed to and fro by its currents, counter-currents, and eddies, often shifting end for end, like some species of shell-fish, and not unfrequently, like the crab, preferring the oblique to the forward movenunt. Yet hundreds are at times sunk by sudden squalls, and of the many freighted in the up-country, perhaps not more than two thirds ever reach New-Orleans. The insur- ance offices look upon them as very unsafe bottoms. "Of the many which lie before me, grounded upon the batture, some are filled with fat cat- tle, whose lowing discourses eloquently of the distant pastures of the north. The states of Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas and Louisiana, and the republic of Texas, annually seud more than twenty thousand bead of horned cattle to this market. Ar- kansas, Missouri and Texas raise numerous herds, which run wild over their extensive prairies, and are tamed and caught with salt. Kentucky, with greater progress in the arts of husbandry, pastiirea and stalls its beef, which consequently bears off" the palm for size, condiiitin and general excellence. Others are freighted with horses, mules, and sheep; corn ill sacks or in bulk, and upon tlie cob — a method of transportation which has its ad- vantages, what is lost in stowage being gained in protection from must and rot. "Here is a boat stowed with apples, in- ferior enough in quality, cider cheese, pota- toes, butler, chickens, lard, hay — coarse, the rank growth of a virgin soil — all offered for sale, in the mass or by the lot. Pork, alive, in bulk, in barrels, fresh, salted, smoked, of all sizes and conditions ; the corn-fed fatness of Ohio, and the leau acorn-growth of Illinois. Were Judaism to prevail, where would be the greatness of Ciiiciuuati ? Flour from Virginia and Ohio, old and new, sweet and sour; the leading breadstuff", yet the mc.st fickle in price : cotton from Arkansas and Mississi|>pi, lumber from Tennessee, whiskey from Missouri, to- bacco from Kentucky, twice foundered, twice drenched, to be here dried, cured anew, dis- guised and re-packed, close the list. " But the men who make these things of wood their dwellings; who launch them upon the Ohio, the Illinois, the Upper Mississippi, the Missouri, the Arkansas, and the Cumber- land, with all their tributaries, and guide them to this their final resting-place, should not be forgotten. They are a distinct class of beings, livers on the water, known and designated as 'boatmen of the Mississippi,' an expression which embraces all that is strong, hardy, rough, and uncouth, with much that is savage, wild, and lawless. They cannot be supposed to have been born in habitations constructed for so temporary a purpose, yet the conge- niality of their dispositions with their situation and employment mightjustify one in suspecting that their mothers, like Antonia Perez, often visited the scenes of their husband's labors." The steamboat landing: " ' That part of the c^uay which is pecu- liarly characteristic of New-Orleans,' I mean the steamboat landing. Here all is action: the very water is covered with life Huge vessels float upon its bosom, which acknow- ledge none of the powers of air, and wait no tide. One is weighed down to the guards with cotton — a freight of three thousand bales — one hundred and eighty thousand dol- lars! Twenty more lie side and side, laden with the same precious, gambling, national, ruinous commodity. The twenty-tirst has just arrived, and is puflSng, blowing, and wheeling in the stream, seeking a mooring. She is covered all over ; a mountain of cot- ton! Does its consumption keep pace with its growth ? What will be the effect of bring- ing into cultivation all the productive land of Mississippi, Arkansas, Alabama, Louisiana, and Texas? Terra ingens ct interminata! The southerner may well tremble for the future : a market glutted without the possi- 138 NEW-ORLEAXS. bility of a recovery from the surfeit. Tlie ' head to salute the petting sun. Tlmt custom planter can never grow silk; that requires a speaks; the mos' ignorant sailor umkaytands poor, dense, wliite population; and he can it; and, as he sei^s the siiade cover the hull, never grow wine, for liis soil will produce and creep upward till the colors of his country none hut an inferior grape, which will not are alone batlied in light, while all beneath is cover the cost of slave labor. dark, his better feelings gush forth in worship " Huge ]>iles, bale upon bale, story above without form, story, cover the Levee. A gang of negroes is : "I have chosen this hour to visit that por- still adding to a heap of ten thousand, un- tion of the quay -which is appropriated to guarded, unprotected; the winds fan it, the j foreign and coastwise shipping, because it is rains beat upon it, the sun bleaches it, the ! at this hour that the wharf partially changes bagging and the rope rot and fall off; a con- 1 its character, and assumes the appearance of eignee at Liverpool, who is accustomed to ' a prado. The dull, dusty, dirty routine of handle the commodity so preciously, would business is the same throughout its whole ex- run stark mad with imagining one half of tent. The interminable chant of the negro, what is here to be seen. with its full, sonorous chorus, is here supplied " Pork without end. as if Ohio had emptied by the hearty ' Heav-yeoup I' of the sailor; its lap at the door of New-Orleans. Flour by and the cotton-bale, tobacco-hogshead, and the thousand barrels; rolled out upon the ' whiskey-barrel yield to bales of foreign and quay, heaped up, pounced u[)on by the in- ' domestic manufactures, pipes of wine, and Bpector, who pierces each through and through crates of ware. with a long hollow tube, well calculated to j " The shipping stretches away from the bring away his perquisites. A large area is point at which I stand as far as the eye can covered with these two products of the up- j reach, two miles in extent, three tiers deep, couutry, and still appears seemingly undi- ] with their heads to the current, curving with minished, althongh the seller, the buyer, and the river — a beautiful crescent. The bosom the drayman are busy in the midst of it, of an American heaves with honest pride as " Here is a boat freighted with lead from he looks upon the city, and this its chiefest Galena : another brings furs and peltry from ' ornament — the work of only thirty years ! the head waters of the Missouri — three thou- ' The last of surdight has disappeared ; the sand miles to the northwest! When I con- ! merchant, weary with the day's activity, template the vast region of country which is ; thoughtful, stooping, his eyes bent upon the now just opening to cultivation, and of which ; ground, hurries homeward, calculating his New-Orleans is the natural mart, I iind it im- ' profits. " Y-augh ! y-augh ! y-angh !" a gang possible to set limits to the city's future in- , of negroes, ever merry — there is not a surer crease ; how can I resist the conclusion that test of happiness than uniform hilarity. Next at some, and not very distant day, northern come some half dozen sailors, in tarred hats, products will be here collected in such quan- ' clean check shirts, white trousers and slippers, titles as will reduce its present great staple of | They have just arrived, have just received the export to an inferior rank in mercantile im portance ?" The ship Levee at twilight : " The sun is just dipping into the west, and the broad bosom of the Mississippi is bright •with its departing rays, which dance upon its little money due them, and are just starting into the city with a sober gait, and an honest, open face, to see life, and get rid of their sea.- legs. " There is no twilight at the SOth degree north latitude. That sweetest of the sister- eurface, as upon a mirror quivering in the , hours — that hovering between light and dark- breeze. The busy hum of life is hushing to'ness, in summer so mild, in winter so brilliant, repose, the whole scene grows mellow, and at all seasons of the year so trauqudlizin man, with all of nature, puts on a softer aspect with the closing in of night. A light south "wind comes gently from the gulf, scented with the sea. All that man has done, and all that man is, is before me. The merchantman and the steamship tell the whole story of art, of science, and of luxury; of discovery and in- vention ; of the interchange between nations, imparting knowledge, harmonizing manners, creating refinement ; of the exchange of the products of distant climes, supplying nature. to those whose feelings have been set on edge by the past day's homely labors, is here unknown ; and already the stars begin to twinkle forth, one by one, bright and unob- scured by vapor. New - Orleans, though lapped in swamp, possesses a pure atmos- phere." The habitation of the dead, — for this is life, — to die : " New-Orleans has five cemeteries ; of these the Catholic and two Protestant are unicjue in and feeding artificial wants ; of all that has ' plan and method of interment. Each is in- been since 1492. The Cathedral bells are closed with a brick wall of arched cavities or chiming to vespers; the flags of every nation — ! ovens, as they arc here called, made jtist large our own. the English, the French, the Spanish, ! enough to admit a single coffin, and raised, the Dane, the Russian, the Swede, the Hoi- j tier upon tier, to a height of about twelve lander, the Free Cities — are run to the mast- 1 feet, with a thickness of ten. KEW-ORLEANS CUSTOM-HOUSE REVENUES, AC. 139 " The whole inclosure is divided into plats, with gravel paths intersecting each other at right angles, and is densely covered with tombs, built wholly above ground, and from one to three stories in height. This method of sepulture is adopted from necessity, and burial under ground is never attempted, ex- cepting in the 'Potters' Field,' where the stranger without friends, and the poor with out money, find an uncertain rest, the water witli which the soil is always saturated, often forcing ti e coffin and its contents out of its narrow and shallow cell, to rot with no other covering than the arch of heaven. " The cemetery in which I now stand locks as if modelled after a growing city. The tombs have an air of freshness about them which betrays their newness — nothiug seems of yesterday ; the peculiarity of their structure, their close juxtaposition filling the plats like blocks of buildings, the well-gravelled paths between, the wall about tlie whole, with its nu- merous receptacles for the dead rising story above story, check the fancy, and almost per- suade the visitor to believe he stands in the midst of a panorama of what the great mart which feeds it is to be. Even the little slabs of black and white marble, affixed like door- ,jlates to the mouths of the tombs, carved with the names of their occupants, giving dates of birth and death, help out the illusion— they were all so young, one can hardly believe them to be of the dead ! Yet that fact tells a world of sorrow, and discourses more elo- quently than could the most gifted tongue, of the true character of that city, which here fiads its final resting-place — its comparative new- ness, its advantages of trade, the great influx of aspiring youth, the periodical visit of the destroyer ; the periodical passing away of thousands in the bloom of life, while more than thousands rush in to fill their places, again to pass away — again to be more than supplied by new adventurers : thus running a continual round; a race after death, while New-Orleans, unchecked, strides onward to- wards the goal of its destiny. Is man, with all his intellect, a play-thing in the hands of fate ? Mephistopheles would laugh till his sides cracked amid the tombs of the cemeteries of New-Orleans." NEW-ORLEANS. — Custom-House Revenues, &c. EXPENDITURES ON THE NEW-ORLEANS CUSTOM- HOUSE EDIFICE. In 1807-8-9 819,200 GO In 1820 80,081 33 In 1840 5,500 00 $104,181 33 MINT AT NEW-ORLEANS. Buildings, machinery, contingent expenses, and machinist, (fee. .$507,463 55 Officers and clerks 118,860 51 Laborers 152,306 72 $778,630 78 MARINE HOSPITAL AT m'dONOUGH. Expenditures thereon $88,121 07 I append to these topics of local interest a statemeut of the mileage allowed to mern- bers of Congress, at different periods, and in the aggregate . First Congress, ending 3d March, 1790 $325,202 97 Fifteenth Congress, ending od March, 1819 • 626,242 50 Twenty-ninth Congress, ending 3d March, 1847 1,309,437 00 Aggregate mileage of members of Con- gress, from the First to the Twenty-ninth Sessions, both inclusive, $19,100,445 48. LAND OFFICE, NEW-ORLEANS. Rnte per cent of exp. on amt, of receipta. ExceB3 of exp. over receipts Receipta. Expenditures. Net Receipta 1821 $4H,200 00 $733 4G .$47,466 54 1.5'2 1822 100,132 03 1.904 67 98,227 30 1.90 „ "IT „„ laoi . 432 25 1.783 93 412.94 $l,3ol G8 18-24 l.noooo ... 1,000 00 182.5 500 00 83131 166.26 1826 746 37 1,514 92 203.07 1827 134,45100 4,31() 93 130,134 07 3.21 1828 2.93179 — — 1829 400 00 1.0(^00 2.i2.00 1830.... 9,10137 1,823 09 7.278 28 20.03 1831 13,910 00 2,519 73 11,390 27 18.11 1832 1,552 75 1,070 58 470 17 00.30 331 31 768 55 2,931 79 608 00 140 NEW-ORLEAXS — CUSTOM-HOUSE REVEXUES, iC. EECEIPTS AND EXPESDIXCEES OF PUBLIC LANDS, FROM MARCH 4, 1T89, TO JUNE 30, 1845. ReceipU. Keceipls during said period $127,144,320 67 Expenditures ' Pertaining to Oenerat Land Office §1.877,574 24 '• to l«iirveys 3.y41,l'Jl 28 On account of private land claims 4-22,9:t-2 64 For sundry purposes pertaining to lands l,'J7:t,72i) 40 For survpyors general, repayments and patents 1,174, 1 :t3 58 Wi-C'jllineoiis • 51.000 34 ReliituiK to treaties for Indian lands 44,599,902 15 Under tiie Convention with France, of the SOth April, 1803, &c., for Louisiana. . 15,000.000 00 For interest on stock thereupon issued 8,.i'J9,353 43 Under treaty with Spain, of iuth February, 1819, for the Floridas 5,000,001) 00 For interest of stock thereupon issued 1,4^9,7(58 66 Amount of 3 and 5 per cents., estimated upon the proceeds of public lands within iheir border.^, and paid to tlie stales for aiding them in internal im- provements, in consideration of the U. S. not having paid ta.9, and in a series of years the ag- gregate of all the cemeteries was 22.63. But to show the different influence of our climate upon the various classes of the population, the following table was constructed at great labor, (being all the data it was possible to procure :) Cemeteries. enSed. Catholic cemetery 1841 — '4, Protestant do 1841— '9, Potter's Field do 1841— '6, Cypress Grove do 1841— '8, St. Vmcentde Paul do 1842— '6, St. Patrick's do 1841— '7, Jews' do 1847— '9, Tot. No. deaths. 442 Ratio av. age at death, 26 y. 3 m. 1 d. No. above No. above Gen. eighty, one hun. av. 51 10 22.63 1,445 24 9 1 16 1 8,566 23 10 4 33 9 906 23 1,152 20 5 14 16 2 1,287 19 1 70 14 1 "Of all countries on record, the rural parts of England and Massachusetts ai'e, probably, most favored with respect to infantile life ; and yet, in Massachusetts forty per cent., and in England forty-seven per cent, die while they are going through the process of development, and before they enter upon self-sustaining life, in their sixteenth year. In New-Orleans we have not the data to institute an exact com- parison at these ages, but very near it ; and we find that here only 36.98 per cent, die under twenty. In this city data of all kinds arc very defective ; we have, nevertheless, been able to construct a chart to show the real value of life here at successive ages, and at different peri- ods of the year. It is too lengthy for this re- port We may, however, state that it shows the extremely mild character of the climate at all periods of life under twenty and above fifty, and during all months of the year, and that the chief fatality occurs from twenty to forty, (the ages of the emigrating population,) and the period the latter part of summer. Notwithstanding all this, the following state- ment shows, that we have a larger proporl ion- ate population at the productive age, tliat is, from twenty to fifty, than the most favored parts of the world. Thus, in the United States, there are 3,708 ; in Louisiana, 3,753 ; in Eugland, 4,028 ; in New-Orleans, 4,924.* MORTALITY OF NEW-ORLEANS, 1849. AGGREGATE OK ALL THE AGES KNOWN OF THE MORTALITY OF 1849. White. Colored. Male. Female. Mule. Female. Total. 1 mo., 300 179 74 65 018 1 yr 248 225 84 57 614 5yr8. 367 336 98 102 903 • Dr. Barton i< wrong in atlacliing .nny inijxirliincc to this, as a few momuutt:' relluctlou will salisiy him. White. Male. Female. lOyrs., 154 117 20yrs., 255 139 Soyrs., 1,352 435 40yis., 1,125 330 50yrs., 561 159 60yrs., 222 84 70yrs., 102 37 SOyrs 38 81 90yrs.,. . . . 100 yrs., lOSyrs.,... IlOyrs., 130 yrs...... Unknown,.. 14 4 Colored. Male. Female. Total. 36 35 342 58 78 61 59 48 34 19 15 13 78 126 87 54 28 19 13 11 2 1 1 1 813 338 325 206 530 1,991 1,603 833 382 192 101 48 29 1 1 1 1,862 Total, 9,862 PLACE OK BIRTH. Foreign, 3,569 United States, 505 Louisiana, 29 New-Orleans 774 Unknown (including negroes), 4,985 UNKNOWN. As to age, 1,682 " disease 645 " country, 4,985 " residence, either as to length, or what part of the city, etc., so few as to be useless. BURIALS AT THE CEMETERIES. Protestant 371 Catholic 986 Cypress Grove 182 Odd Fellows', 6 St. Vincent de Paul, 2,438 St. Patrick's, 1,145 Potter's Field 1,451 Charity Hospital, 2,304 Lafayette 981 NEW-ORLEANS IMPORTS FROM THE INTERIOR. 143 NEW-ORLEA.NS. — Imports from the I.nterioe, for Ten Years,* from the Ist Sep- tember TO THE 3 1st August, in each yeak. 11850-1. 1849-50.' 1848-9. 1 1P47-8 1846-7. (1845-6.1844-5. 1843-4. 1842-3. ;i841-2. ARTtrLBS. Apples bl)l3. Bacon .asst. casks, &c. Bacon. . bbls. & boxes Bacon Hams. ..hhds. Bacon in bulk lbs. Bairjrintr pieces. Bale Rope coils. Beans bbls. Butter kegs. Butter bbls. Beeswax bbls. Beef.... bbls. &. tierces. Beef, dried lbs. Buffalo Robes., packs. 'La. & Mi bales. Lake " N. Al. & Ten. « Arkansas.. . . " O f^ I .Moiiif,'omery, &c. " o Mobile « Q Florida " (.Texas " Corn Meal bbls. Corn in ears " Corn, shelled ... sacks Chee.** boxes Candles " Cider bbls. Coal, western '• Dried Peaches " Dried .Apples " Fla.xseed tierces. Flour bbls. Furs .lihds^ bxs.,bbls. Feathers bags. Hemp bales. Hides Hay bales. Iron, Pig tons. Lard hhds. Lard tcs. & bbls. Lard. kejis. Lime, western. . . .bbls Lead pigs Lead, bar kegs Lead, white " Molasses bbls Oats bbls. &sks Onions bbls. Oil, linseed " Oil, castor " Oil, lard " Piekles. . . .kegs & bbls. Potatoes " Pork tcs. & bbls Pork boxes Pork hhds. Pork in bulk Ib.s. Porter and Ale.... bbls Packing Varu reels. Skins, Deer packs Shot kegs. Susar hhds. Sugar bbls. Soap boxes. Shingles Staves Tallow bbls. Tobacco, loaf. hhds Tobacco, chew.... kegs, Tobacco bales. Twine bundles Whiskey b'ls. Window Glass. . boxes. Wheat.. bbls. & sacks 548(18 37244 54987, 4S(5(i2 38336 320 6l 9274' 28941 321.56' 44478 193.35 19831' 23oi)i'()| 209045 21701)0, 72:104 5S.321 729411 107224; 86104 93322 42361 9307 131.57 549t)7 510.58 57972 2720 1772 2144 230' 367 481 48066 6.5271 70590 15300 48219 203011 1.55 358 23 6181.56 474411 811205 14399 109n2 15781 1 2368-21 249683 217078] 62793 44890 46733 18051 17501 9839 24473 23647 25325 11091 10601 50f;5 9252 6088 113.56 3ti62 5187 12097! 42526 42719 2957111 1298932 1114897 17063121 78894 62809 54287 80748 55306 28302 245 903 1189 700000 600000 315000 2685 934 469 4168 2065 24951 204 217 11881 1 1941106 591986 10131771 1289 444 2001 3645 5900 3939 25116 34702 198.56 140338 43542 30.570 48281 56258 54241; 152 20 413 215 790' 115570 228019 214362 151931 302361! 2754.-^5 37738 32060 10410 325.505 415400 508.557 629 631 949 1930 5979 7795 184483 189813 155807 479741 325795 266559 14279 13024 6898 178 1098 1409 4145 2091 2628 17157 14712 8842 893 243 639 162922 166003 146116 286084 5431)94 550t;43 198C 15695 18279 1231 13068 lf499 39518, 451191 396121 2(;775| 36932 25213 2ij.515i 43969, 678031 26443 12892. 19563i 1656e| 13505 18539 145181 12092 381140 425163, 492700 7682 60982; 9(ll"i01 .': 62(11 245361 51384i 872; 1109 53968J 49000 55 883144 4538421 13734 4356 227561 211.502 222( 64294 35279 34876 74325 20485 45213 1156, 6981 50260' 56100 14' .5(1678 16585, 44172, 14941 1200 62231! 98200, 11131; '6531.5 14276 10857; 16379 63561 4208 16966 5884 10007 2345 4249, 47.543 881.591 3905 509.583 6197.56 35,-^573' 17063121 1083465 238651(1 il(;(il20 52S62, 57429 16750, 8496 344 1 477 320000 356500 385j 3009 1173 5761 4393 962 7069581617675 4111 328 25941 3498 21584 476621 619341 701 459 216031 30366]! 149201 60231- 98342 95231 1151 143 117077 275076 5994 7 606966 650129 10513895 384 4190 1119 2044 125755 18675 94S4 5(H)00 9000<)0( 6UU 64030 41 220 3156 157741 164-28 88797 787 9203 159460j 467217; 7960 23271 1199 5401 505 161861 356480 14201 1586243 110273680 13.564430 1291 11686 o7392 1U461' 135 262800 137 930 823 837985 637 4607 30980 112913 71270 1083 45 107639 334969 838' 785394 1431 7853 91710 132363 804 4131 1375 4435 14391 17395 9930 700(101 lC38j 2211; 1301 4377' 125.592 5679, 6520 80000 349-' 3333 136 5258 128112 5580 60(t0( 58833' 7185 3637 1439 2573 648 142888 302170 9452 8450700 13.63 2193 1784 3992 82011 436! 147(1(10 6OOOOOO; 3800000, 2t)00000 4S621 60304 2021 153 2118 117753 48S7 57508' 5622; 52335 2315 33 2067 125029 575 238911' 435' 55882 6390 118 2264 135333 4260 149181 269386 6979 1135 2379 2606 1316 107058 369001 9988 (740752 231 1180 4364 3103 93109 3633 1300O 200000015679000 6(i5Nl 8 55588 3930 1001 1283 1265.53 380.5 72896 3040 1105 734 117104 2>-'31 83581 350000 111324 (i76n(l 70061 30319 39(i; 14641 32(5741 58200; 1915' 6^f^244 19.533 19»-246 231031 I2I23I 12830i 251.59, 7917, ]. 39686 39(l964i 390911 5170 385 281000 474 1758 2181 5333121 699| 5403; 46274; 1178631 37296i 207j 167 60078' 245414 62331 732125 788 888| 1050861 1442()2; 7499' 13.56 3385 2413 218 53779 216960 19i'70l 1203821 10(121(^1 836f'4 7619, l8Kil 500 1911 49363 55610 5445 (■.277(;9 I3^;34! I(i!l334 218351 1358R1 145.3798 89721 80932 8878 18530 894 985 17.549 514001 5135 824045 14280 191410 30511 475961 129161 18170 37()0 16.5354 3(50(ir.2 12.51^3 3913 1419 22778H 1112 889 4273 50250' 539 4568 38062 7C)490 3513 100 212j 119717! 373341 37(J7| 639269 851 30| 648521 130432 04431 2-60I 2757; 2047 11.54 56.587 412928! 10687 3381 15328 54151 25.5058 4275.52 1 3502I 1201, 10261 255568' 718j 958 13480 521175' 363 1484 14873 4.5957 28059 211 1433 104540 3078711 11591 571949; 701 50l 061831 120430 4614 13.56 4976 1818 445 48060| 204643! 9220 288109 60307 63307 10993 11791 284 343 17455 60812 3122 583.328 8967 118629 16734 4565 2831 5101 6023 240675 338709 2710 3593 1130 140582 863 1115 863 439688 1837 1737 1211 26169 20166 322 74 18207 366694 830 472556 1084 592 69104 63281 3338 305 3666 140 26201 244442 6741 88001 23711 946 4079600 7792000 681475o'4051800 861 110 27291 4105 604 1164 1939 4714 93288 51816 1050 1465 1496 1588 514 2099 3219 3416 65036 50920 60761 73991 26271 1932 l44fM1f!' 3fil.5(;i' 14:(:00' 114000 250000(1' 136267^' 1 16.54001 425000 R33i'49 40378R 782Si T1493| 5309 3799 1951 97651 3071 64:npl 73231 82435 76951 477l| 20991 869471 2(06 860 1 4' 0995 5071 92509 67555 4902 3618 3008 3298 1903 1175 83597 63345 2342 2761 is-xf: 348S6 * For the Commerce of 1851-2, see Appendix. 144 NEW-ORLEANS — EXPORTS. NEW-ORLEAXS. — Exports of Flour, Pork, Bacon, Lard, Beef, "Whisket, Coex, foe Two Years, from 1st September to SIst Algcst. , '■ lSoO-51. , ports Finur, Pork, B:icon, I.arJ, Beef, Wliiskey, Corn, barrels barrels Ulids kegs barrels bble sacks New- York 72,584 55.849 9,856 209,825 3,055 1,381 160,728 Boston 88,925 77.806 6,503 224,833 13,435 2,242 32,461 Philadelphia 418 5,538 2,703 41,045 421 268 9,477 Baltimore 13,421 1,843 32 585 955 1,542 Charleston 6,175 1,003 2,872 2,769 119 11,514 23,978 Othcrcoastwise ports. 150,960 22,890 19,972 40,046 3,785 60,383 150,125 Cuba 206 970 1,613 122,208 71 94,193 Other foreign ports ..264,150 15,200 919 06,u85 20,674 62 64,420 Total 583,418 192,737 46,241 738,950 42,415 07,392 535,382 In the above, the exports to Mobile, itc, via the Pontchartrain Railroad and New Canal, we included. 2. — Exports of Flour, Pork, Bacok, Lard, Beef, Whiskey, and Corn, for Three Years, from 1st September to 3 1st AuGUsr. , 1849-50. s ^■^.f jjj;* PORTS ', ■■',"• Flour, Pork, Baron, Lard. Beef, Wlnskey, Corn, .T^ i barrels barrels lihds kegs barrels bbia eacka New-York 8,025 202,708 28,031 372,451 8,404 1,104 9,377 Boston 65,694 157,380 8,142 306,689 17,003 698 41,558 Philadelphia 500 17,186 5,256 80,087 171 Baltimore 202 34,036 4,895 72,290 3,391 1,279 Charleston 2,034 4,059 4,246 2,098 229 8,057 1,501 Other coastwise ports. 107,264 20,395 10,423 24,975 6,151 33,289 65,023 Cuba 366 1.200 1,359 109,524 10 Other foreign ports ... 27,065 33,213 2,577 586,735 21,654 306 338,648 Total 211,750 470,237 64,929 1,554,849 55,842 44,904 456,057 In the above, the exports to Mobile, "33 3.491 Other coastwise ports... 1 230 511 3.132 1.437 291 337 135 228 115 Western Stales 500 23i.O 1,500 2,500 Ti,tal 997,458 838,5911,167,303 1,201,897 724,508 54,501 57.955 52,896 00,304 50,37 NEW-TORK A^^) NETV-ORLEAXS EECEIPT3 OP BREADSTUFFS. 145 pQTTQfJ p fl T Trn. WHITHER EXPORTED 1850-51 IM9-B0 1848-49 1847-4S Creat Britain 582,373 397J89 645,018 fi54,0H3 Frauce 13(1,302 117,413 154,047 140,%8 North of Europe 47,786 25,1'JC Gl,t)()2 50,056 So. of Kurope and Chmn. 84,120 84,950 100,765 104,751 Coastwise 152,817 i213,843 205,811 252,039 Total 997,458 838,591 1,167,303 1,201,897 -TOBACCO, HHDS.- l>'4fi-47 IS'.')0-61 184y-50 184«-4'.t l«4"-48 184ri-47 385,368 13,223 16,820 14.017 19.867 9,695 95,719 4,182 2,0.')6 10,640 4,954 3.497 26,297 9,393 12.725 7,039 10.475 8,018 57,623 13,8.J9 11,975 10,347 12,1.79 17,849 159,501 13,844 14,379 10,8-53 12,969 11.317 724,508 54,501 57,955 52,896 60,364 50,376 4. — Exports of Si'gar and Molasses, from New-Orleans, for Two Years, (up the river excepted,) from 1st of September to 31st of August. WHITHER E.XPOP.TED Sugar, hhds. New- York 13,595 Philadelphia 10,264 Charleston, S. C 3,517 Savannah 1,702 Prov. and Bristol, R. I — Boston 733 Ballimore 3,670 Norfolk, Richmond, and Peters- ) . rj-o burg, Va \ ' Alexandria, D. C 552 Mobile 3,840 Apalachicola and Pensacola 1,071 Other ports 1,131 Total 44,147 -1850-51.- -1849-50.- Sugar, Molasses, Molasses, Su£ar, hfids. Su^ar, barrels. hlids. barrels. barrels. I.hds. barrels.' 655 509 22,646 42.523 2,229 2,078 42,776 867 — 7,735 18,344 3,074 14.636 660 9 7,031 5,014 683 10,. ^31 89 — 2,981 1,981 300 62 4,279 — — — — — 247 37 27 — 2,172 3,929 961 — 2,792 237 — 2,802 8,101 2,225 — 13,432 2,266 254 3,469 8,644 118 636 2,313 631 10,398 4,578 3,677 6,600 882 649 — 52,876 1,526 1,830 460 873 1,602 30 6,134 600 8,850 5, 70 3,237 67,024 92,720 13,M2 4,742 112,674 5. — Monthly arrivals of Ships, Barks, Brigs, Schooners, and Steamboats for Three Years, from 1st of September to 31st of August. -1850-51.- months. i j3 a n a » September.... 31 22 12 October 49 17 18 November 77 34 40 December 61^ 39 43 January 08^ 48 29 February 42 34 38 March 88 32 34 April 54 21 27 May 50 29 31 June 43 21 16 July 34 13 17 August 18 10 10 Total 615 320 315 54 17 136 175 32 15 131 152 66 13 2.30 259 64 12 219 40S 67 15 227 330 71 13 198 311 90 17 261 326 79 17 198 272 53 24 187 243 50 18 148 1.59 47 '17 128 152 31 12 81 125 704 190 2,144 1848-49. 2,918 September.... 27 9 11 32 October 45 23 24 33 November 96 47 44 37 Becember 87 67 60 45 January 71 62 47 50 February iDl 62 39 39 March 70 61 53 54 April 132 56 34 53 May 74 32 19 43 June 40 22 25 31 July 12 19 10 21 August 2 12 9 18 Total 757 462 375 456 VOL. IL 7 86 164 13 138 215 14 238 288 10 2.59 381 11 241 325 10 251 313 15 2.53 321 11 286 2.57 15 •183 191 8 126 153 12 74 135 10 51 130 136 2,186 2,873 -1846-47.- « « ea m M H m September.... 37 12 19 42 7 117 141 October 78 30 31 80 7 226 177 November 67 35 63 63 9 237 281 December 72 45 62 43 8 230 .337 January 78 64 91 99 6 338 346 February 42 34 63 85 5 229 298 March 83 53 72 105 1 314 317 April 86 41 45 86 6 264 293 May 77 51 87 166 11 392 284 June 51 38 54 101 19 263 251 July 53 30 52 07 16 218 174 August 45 18 24 52 14 123 123 Total 769 451 663 989 109 2,981 3,022 NEW- YORK AND NEW-ORLEANS.— Receipts of Breadsttffs. — The following is a most interesting table, in showing how New- York is increasing her annual receipts of western produce, and how she already com- pares with New-Orleans : Receipts at New-Orleans by rirer, in 1848. 1849, a*i 1850, to September 31—3 years. Flour 2,312,121 Pork 1,5.30,817 Beef. 200,901 Wheat 852,407 Com 9,758,750 Other grains. . 5,350,151 Bacon 135,622,515 Butter 6,215,970 Cheese 8,955,880 Lwd 292,110,060 10 Receipts at the Hudson Rirer by canals, in IS**", 1S4'1, anrf 18AD. to close ot navigation — 3 years, bbis 8,636,207 bbls 211,018 bbls 264,072 bufh 8,798,759 bush 11,178,228 bush 11,210,239 lbs 26.364,156 lbs 61,69.%'i64 lbs 97,596,032 lb8 27,137,173 146 KEW-OKLEANS RECEIPTS FROM THE INTERIOR. NE W-ORLE ANS.— Eeceipts, FROM THE ISTEKIOE. Articles Apples, barrels Bacon, assorted casks, «tc. . Bacun, bhls. aud boxes Bacon, hams, bbls Bacon, in bulk, lbs Bagging, pieces Bale rope, coils Beans, barrels Butter, kegs Butter, barrels Beeswax, bbls Beef, bbls and tierces Beef, dried, lbs Buffalo robes, packs 'La. and Mi., bales. . . , Lake N. Ala.andTenn Arkansas , Montgomery, &c Mobile Florida , ^ Texas , Corn meal, barrels Corn, in ears. Corn, shelled, sacks Cheese, boxes Candles, boxes Cider, barrels -i Coal, -western Dried peaches Dried apples Flax seed, tierces Flour, barrels Furs, blids., bxs., and bdls. Feathers, bags Hemp, bales Hides Hay, bales Iron, pig, tons Lard, lihiJs Lard, tcs. and bbls Lard, kegs Lime, western, barrels.. . . Lead, pigs Lead, bar, kegs Lead, white Molasses, barrels Oats, bbls. and sacks Onions, bbls Oil, linseed Oil, castor, bbls Oil, lard Pickles, kegs, aud bbls . . . Potatoes, bbls Pork, tcs. and bbls Pork, boxes Pork, hhds , Pork, in Inilk, lbs Porter and ale, barrels. . Packing yarn, reels Skins, deer, packs 1850-51, 1850-51 54,808 48,602 9,274 44,478 235,000 72,304 107,224 4,236 Shot, kegs 2,044 Sugar, hogsheads 125,755 Sugar, barrels 18,675 Soap, boxes 9,484 Shingles 50,000 Staves 9,000,000 Tallow, baiTcls 6,164 T.tbacco, leaf, hogsheads 64,030 Tobacco, chewing, kegs 4,115 Tobacco, bales 220 Twine, bundles 3,156 Whiskey, barrels 157,741 54,967 1 Window glass, boxes 16,428 2,720 1 Wheat, bbls. aud sacks 88,797 230 i 48 066 ' KKCEIPTS BT THE NEW CANAt, NEW-ORLEANS. 15,300 Statement of Produce received in the New 155 Basin, for the year ending Aug. 31, 1851. 618,156 Cotton bales 40,329 14,399 Lumber, yellow pine and cypress, 236,821 feet 33,107,000 62,793 Wood— oak, ash, and pine, cords... 27,828 18,051 Bricks 24,000,000 24,473 Sand, barrels 197,600 11,091 9,252 8,662 42,526 1,298,932 78,894 80,748 245 "700,000 2,685 4,168 204 941,106 1,289 115,570 151,931 37,738 325,505 629 1,930 184,483 479,741 14,297 478 4,14.5 17,157 893 . 102,922 . 286,084 1,980 1,231 .10,513,895 384 4,190 1,119 Shells, barrels 52,200 Charcoal, barrels 110,600 Tar, barrels 2,23^ Shingles 2,392,000 Laths 3,160,000 Staves 632,000 7,800 3,094 10,250 15,799 549 3,955 70 95» Et 35 632 •758 22 205 95 30 970 772 51 6 1,480 24,900 Sash and doors, pairs Spirits turpentine, barrels Rosin, barrels Salt, sacks Cotton gins Hides Corn nitlls Domestics, bales 3,645 I Sheep skins, bales. 25,116 I Hay, bales I. . . 140,338 Buckets, dozens 48,281 Tobacco, leaf, boxes 152 I Merchandise, boxes Moss, bales Cotton seed, bags Wool, bags Sugar, hogsheads ■ Molasses, barrels Fish, barrels Camphene, barrels Knees l^ickcts • • • • • • • Clap-boards.'.'.".'.*.".'.'.'..' .' 43,900 Gunny bags, bales 135 Hoop poles 40,000 Horned cattle. Pork, barrels Beeswax, boxes.. . . Paper, bundles Castor oil, cans. . . . Lime, barrels Hemp, bales Lime, casks Cement, barrels. . ., Plaster, hogsheads. 200 95 1 61 81 1,002 20 129 150 12 NEW-ORLEANS RECEIPTS AXD EXPORTS OF COTTON. U1 VALUE OF TRODUCE OF TUE IXTERIOK. A Table shon-ing the receipts of the principal articles from the interior, durinfj the i/car ending 31«< August, 1851,* with their esti- mated average and total value. ARTICLES. Apples bbls. Bacon . . PssM., luls.& cks. Bacon, assorted . . . boxes. Bacun Hams.. lids. & tcs. Bacon in bulk pds. Bagjring pieces. Bale Kope coils. Beans bbls. Butter.. kegs and firkins. Butter bbls. Beeswax " Beef « Beef tierces. Beef, dried pounds. Buffalo Robes pks. Cotton bales. Corn Meal bbls. Corn in ear " Amount. Average. 54,808 $3 00 48,002 CO 0(1 9,t.74 30 00 44,478 235,1)00 7-2,304 107,224 4,236 54,9(37 2,720 230 36,164 11,902 15,:f00 1.55 995,036 3,662 42,526 60 00 7 12 50 7 50 5 00 5 00 25 00 4.") 00 10 00 15 00 70 00 Value. $174,424 2,910,120 278,220 2.60«680 16,4.50 903 800 804,180 21,180 274,835 68,1 '00 10,350 36 ,640 178,8(10 1,071 10,850 49 00 48,756,764 Corn, shelled sacks. 1,298,9.32 Cheese boxes. 78,894 Candles " 80,748 Cider bbls. 245 Coal, western " 700,000 D'd App's & Peach's " 6,8.53 Feathers bags. 3,645 Flaxseed tierces. 204 Flour bbls. 941,106 Furs. . .bds., bds., & bxs. 1,'2S9 Hemp bales. 25.116 Hides 140,.3.38 Hay bales. 48,281 Iron, pig tons. 152 Lard bbls. & tcs. 115,570 Lard kegs. 151,931 Leather bundles. 8,490 Lime, western bbls. 37,738 Lead pigs. 325,505 Lead, bar.. ..kegs & bxs. 629 Lead, white kegs. 1,930 Molasses, (est'dcp)..gls.l0,500,000 Oats.! bbls.ifcsks. 479,741 Onions bbls. 14,279 Oil. liasced " 178 Oil, ca.'S TABLE OF MORTALITT. Upon the Fupposition that the average value of cotton and tuljacco for the twenty- seven years above stated may be fairly esti- mated at 810 per bale for the former, and $70 per hogshead for the latter, it would give a total value for these two articles alone of $^778,306,370. CO e "3 73 ^ If 2» Sfi »« ^ E S. « a 2 2 '' u o •o a — n ^ r! a J .a ons. city up to Burgundy street. of the city, between the canals Caror he central parts of the city, ditched, dr undation from Sauve Crevasse, extendi 1 nd Improvements in tlie City and Neif a M >. ■a a s 9 is 1 — Canal Carondelet cleaned out. 6— Crevasse. 7 — First pavements commenced. n_Wonden sidewalks and curbing removed, and replaced with st 7-20 — Large inclosures of the batture.t 4— Gormley's Canal and Basin dug about 1824-28. 4-32 — Extensive paving done. 5_28— Melpomene Canal adapted from a natural drain, clcanc ened. 1 — A'iolent storm inundated back part of the city, to Daiiphin stri 2-3.') — The Bank Canal of the Second Municipality dug to the lak 2-34 — Extensive paving. 5_3C)_Forest growth cut down in rear of city, First Municipality. 6— Draining machine on Bayou St. John, drained the section in Municipality. 7, October— Violent storm inundated the rear of the city. D: 1 S J3 ysical Alterations li . III gSg continued their operati 4 — Violent storm inundated the 5-50— That section of the re.ar Bank, in the rear of t forest growth removed. 9, May and June— Extensive in up as Carondelet street "S 1 £ 01 2 V =^ a o !la 7 1 7 ire o -i< cc o> C5 ri — r-.(M.-!Noie< CO n n CO m n •w-S 3! £;ii'~ X Qooo^^oucCQca) ccxaroo^ 2 00 00 oo "rt ^ 1.. ^^^^ ^^^ _, v^^N,-^./ V I J o I- «3 OD rH 1-1 O 1H 7 ci 5 -. -^ CJ C» N 0< CJ Oi o O lO ei 1-1 CI ■* J! t^ to Ol O ^r Oi 00 d u o n eo -^ ai ui n •v to ■ra i s CO - " CO C< C^ CI r-l M 0< t. $ o rf § 2 •< s. '"-*„-^^ — .. — / ^' V — to bo U) 00 '. "^ j; .S,« .S,,^ .Sd t e E 6 years, 1811-15. 1816-20. ears, omitt 1. 18-21-2 1826-30. ears, omitt 2. 1831-3 ears, omitt 7. 1836-4 < c E-i b) rHr-( "■S ^s. ^s '"<2;2 g ^ iH tX-h .^rl ."S >, • * • Sz; a a o e g.a a'S o ft §2 o a- ^ fc S ^•^ s * U tr. " a o" a "S o 00 u a to S.9 ^■=.2 > <£ C3 £ Ij •£.C ctJS * C. 4, •- *" c S a . BS > a •o c a «5 OS g.s.S5S, p Ji ~ tco " 7= te = e OS.-: 3 ^ gja =- § £ feP^ t a « s r! V. •= 3 o g.o S a .■S PS g c "g 5 2:2:^ g § "^ "^ -S -S B S li a " r; .£ i; -^ « 'p:-c NEW-ORLEANS COMMERCE. 149 NEW-ORLEANS.— Health.— There are causes iiillueiicinj^ our meteorological coudi- 1 tion, whicli, in a proper estimate of our clim- ate, we canuot overlook. I allude to the great modifying power of large inland bodies of\ water upon it. I am indebted to my friend, Professor Forshey, for the interesting comput- ' ation. The whole area of the state of Louis- iana is 48,972 sq. m. Of this— Marsh alluvion, west of delta, (or Vermilion River) 2,880 " Mississippi delta, south of Red River (Lyc-ll"s limit of delta).. 12,51-i " Mississippi delta, north of Red River (within Forshey's delta). 3,420 " Red river alluvion above Avoy- elles 1,650 " Ouachita alluvion, above Bccuf River 900 sq. m. Making an aggregate, including flat lakes, of 21,370 " All this is not constantly under water, but it is so more or less, and constantly subject to it. This does not include the alluvious of the smaller streams, and some, he admits, may have been reclaimed by levees. He further states, that of the whole ^Uuvion, there is uncultivable more than half, say 12,000 square miles, including shallow lakes. You see, then, that about one eighth of the state is constantly under water, and that more than two fifths of it are subject to inun- dation. NEW-ORLEANS.— Commerce, 1850-51. MONTHLY ARRIVALS OF FLAT-BOATS. MONTHS. September 12 5 3 OclobiT 2 3 8 November 3 4 7 December 27 3 22 January 72 3 28 February 19 4 9 March 35 6 111 April 10 7 44 May 11 11 40 June 21 3 16 July 2 6 2 August 4 3 8 Total 218 58 298 2 11 9 13 2 28 12 27 15 9 29 5 32 3 17 10 o 13 4 33 80 3 ^^ 119 10 70 1 2 179 27 7 132 10 1 109 7 65 14 40 17 47 104 10 941 COMPARATIVE PRICES OF FLOUR AT NEW-ORLEAXS ON THE FIRST OF EACH MONTH, FOE FIVE YEARS. September $4 62^ a 5 12ii 4 50 October , 4 UO a 5 12^15 00 November 4 25 a 5 25 j 4 75 December 4.50 a 5 12^5 00 January 4 25 a 5 00 ! 5 00 February 4 25 a 5 00 j 5 12i March 4 00 a 4 75 5 25 April 4 00 a 4 87^1 5 62^ May 4 121 a 5 00 ! 5 37i June 3 75 a 4 75 | 6 75 July 3 25 a 4 75 5 50 August 4 00 a 5 25:400 l8.(8-49. 5 75 I 4 00 a 5 62i| 5 00 a 5 50 5 4 75 a .S 50 4 62i a 5 62i 4 25 a 5 75 i 4 I2i a 4 ^ a 4 121 a 3 87i a 4 50 a 3 87i a 6 00 a 6 00 G 75 6 75 7 37i 7 25 6 75 4 75 I 5 25 j 5 12i 5 00 4 75 5 00 5 25 5 00 1 5 00 5 25 S 00 7 50 1 4 75 4 00 5 25 5 121 5 50 4 75 5 00 5 25 4 25 4 25 4 25 4 00 G 00 I 5 00 5 021 ! 6 01) 6 00 5 25 5 75 5 8"! 5 25 4 75 5 00 4 021 184G47. 3 50 a 4 00 a h 00 a 4 871 a 4 371 a C 00 a 5 50 a 6 00 a 5 75 a 6 75 a 6 00 a 4 00 a 4 00 4 62 5 50 5 37 5 251 6 50 C 25 6 25 6 50 7 50 7 00 5 50 COMPARATIVE PRICES OF MESS AND PRIME PORK. Mess, 1850-51. Prime, 1850-51. Mess, 1840 50. September §10 25 a 10.50(850 a 9001925 a 950 Octobiv 10 25 a 10 37^' 8 75 a 9 00 I 9 75 a 10 00 November 1125 a 12 00^8 25 a 8 75 ! 9 37i a 9 50 December II 37^ a U 75 ! 8 12i a 8 50 | 9 37i a 9.50 January 1175 a i2 00 9 Oil a — 110 50 a 11 00 February 12 50 a 13 00 10 50 a 11 00 9 25 a 9.50 March 12 50 a 13 00 11 00 a 11 50 9 50 a 10 00 j^pril 13 00 a 13 50 10 75 a 11 25 , 9 37J a 9 G'JJ Mav 14 00 a 14 75 11 75 3 12 251950 a 975 June 44 50 a 14 75 J2 00 a 12 60 9 75 a 10 00 July 14 00 a 14 3711-00 a 12 50 | — a 12 00 August 15 00 a 15 25 i 12 50 a 13 00 111 60 a 11 75 8 25 8 371 8 'J5 a 8 50 a 8 00 a 7 371 a 7 371 a 7 37 a 7 75 a 8 25 a 9 50 8 371 8 50 8 50 8 75 7 62i 7 50 7 50 8 00 8 50 a 9 75 150 XE-W-ORLEAXS — COMMERCE. COMPARATIVE TRICES OF CORN, IN SACKS. 1M849, September. October November., December . . .lanuiiry. iaw-51. .Cents. 53 a Febriiury ro March April.. May... June.. . July... August I84'j r*. 3.5 a 42 a 50 a 46 a f.5 _ CS 45 58 50 58 50 54 76 nl 64 57 75 60 75 52 a 4S a 52 a 42 a 35 a 34 a 30 a 20 a 30 a 50 o 50 a 50 a 84-'«8. 50 ^8,285,637 14 SILVER DEPOSITS Silver extracted from Califor- nia Gold 857,571 61 Other silver bul. 764,513 64 Total silver dep't $822,085 25 827,228,912 Total Foreign 63,988,013 « Coastwise 27,228,912 Grand total 881,216,925 FOREIGN PRODUCE. American Vessels to Foreign Countries. Third quarter, 1850 $55,192 Fourth quarter, 1850 158,316 First quarter, 1851 91,313 Second quarter, 1851 83,445 Total value of gold and silver deposits $9,107,722 39 GOLD COINAGE, 1850-51. Pii-ees. Value. Double Eagles, 333,500-86,670,000 Eagles 149,600 1,495,000 Half Eagles.... 33,000 165,000 Quarter Eagles.204,000 510,000 Gold Dollars . . 1 54,000 1 54,UOO -88,994,000 8388,265 Foreign Vessels to Foreign Countries. Tliird quarter, 18,50 814,616 Fourth ([uartcr, 1S50 18,255 FirBt quarter, 1851 13,140 Second quarter, 1851 11,674 57,686 Grand total 8445,950 SILVER COINAGE. Pieces. Value. Dollars 3,000 83,000 Half Dollars.... 1,71 2,000 856.000 Quarter Dollars. 276,000 69,0()0 Dime.'^ 580,000 Half Dimes 1,030,000 Three Cent Pes. 600,000 63,000 51,500 18,000 4,151,000 81,050,500 Total coinage.. .5,025,000 810,044,500 IMPORTS OF SPECIE AT NEW-ORLEANS FOR FOUR YEARS FROM IsT SElTEMItER TO 31 ST AUGUST. 1850-51 $7,937,119 1849-50 3,792,662 1848-49 2,501,250 1847-48 1,845,808 1846-47 6,680,050 NEW-ORLEANS COMMERCE. 151 DIEKCT IMPORTS OF COFFEE, SUGAR, AND SALT AT NEW-ORLEANS. 1860 51, 1849-SO. 1848-43. Coffee, Havana, bags 10,307 20,627 1(5,341 Coffee, Rio, baus 274,1590 2iJ5,(ll3 29'J,l-2'.) Sugar, Havana, boxes 29,'2!)3 18,843 14,775 Salt, Liverpool, sacks 420,838 468,932 508,r)l7 Salt, Turk'8 laid, &C., bush. 419,686 683,183 249,001 FOREIGN COMMERCE OF NEW-ORLEANS. TONJAGK CLEARED. July to Septetnbcr, 1850. No. of vessels. Totin»ge, American for foreign ports. .109 44,549 63 Foreign 52 19,866 96 Coastwise 199 57,442 30 306 121,858 94 October to December, 1850. American for foreign ports. .114 53,946 18 Foreign 66 20,937 40 Coastwise 275 76,789 20 455 151,672 78 January to March, 1851. American for foreign Dorts. .188 85,747 51 Foreign '. 119 53,761 56 Coastwise 424 121,362 03 731 260,871 15 April to June, 1851. American for foreign ports. .234 108,715 82 Foreign 88 34,383 15 Coastwise 329 97,579 68 651 240,678 72 RECAPITULATION. Totalthird quarter, 1850... 360 121,858 94 " fourth " " ...455 151,672 78 « first " 1851. ..731 260,871 15 « second " " ...651 240,678 72 2,197 775,081 69 Total to June, 1851 775,081 69 The year previous 773,783 19 Difference 1,298 50 TONNAGE ENTERED. July to September, 1850. No. of vessels. Tonnage. American from foreign ports. 61 16,176 94 Foreign 42 14,347 29 Coastwise 205 63,083 40 308 93,607 62 October to December, 1850. American from foreign ports. 158 61,487 57 Foreign 106 40,827 33 Coastwise 303 124,5S5 02 567 226,899 92 January to March, 1851. American from foreign ports. 178 64,104 41 Foreign 97 45,207 51 Coastwise 365 125,032 82 640 234,344 79 April to June, 1851. American from foreign ports. 146 53,368 22 Foreign 88 36,617 58 Coastwise 305 123,189 65 539 213,175 50 RECAPITULATION. Total third quarter, 1850 308 93,007 68 " fourth " « ...567 226,899 92 « first « 1851..,. 640 234,344 79 " second " " ...539 213,175 50 2,054 768,028 04 Tot^to June, 1851 768,028 04 The year previous 763,634 58 Difference 4,393 41 The arrivals at New-Orleans, for the last five years, have stood : Schoo- Steara Steam Ships. Barks. Brigs, ners. Ships Total, noats. 1846-7 764 451 663 989 109 2,981 3,022 1847-8 955 509 462 795 206 2,927 2,977 1848-9 .757 462 375 45li 13G 2,186 2.873 1849-50 654 363 362 666 147 2,192 2,784 1850-51 615 320 315 704 190 2,144 2,918 A gradual decline will be observed in al- most every description of vessels. Tiie flat- boat arrivals during 1850-51 were 1,261; also a decline, as will be seen by om^ previous volumes. Comparative Arrivals, Exports, and Stocks of Cotton and Tobacco at New- Orleans, for ten years, from \st September each year to date. COTTON— BALES. TOBACCO— HHDS. Years. Arrivals Exports. Stocks. Arrivals, Exports. Stocks. 1850-51 99.5,036 997,458 15,390 64,030 54,501 23>t71 lS49-,50 837,723 838,,591 16,612 60.304 57,955 14,842 1848-49 1,142,382 1,167,303 15,480 52,335 52,898 13,'«)3 1847-48 1,213,805 1,201,897 37,401 55,882 60,364 14,851 1846-47 740,669 724.,508 23,493 55,588 50,376 22,336 1845-46 1,053,633 1,0.54,8,)7 6,332 72,896 62,045 17,924 1844-45 979,2.38 984.616 7,550 71,493 68,679 7,673 1843-44 910,854 895„'575 12.934 82.435 81,249 4.859 1843-43 1,089,648 1,088,870 4,700 92,.5n9 €9,891 4,873 1841-42 740,155 749,267 4,428 67,555 C8,03ti 2,255 152 N^W-ORLEANS — FOREIGN COMMERCE AND BANKING CAPITAL, Comparative prices of Middling to Fair Cotton at New-Orleans, on the first of each month,. during a period of Five Years, together with the Total Receipts at New-Orleans, and tJie Total Crops of the United States. ., 9i a IH 5i IBSO-Sl. Ceuts. Ssptember. 9 a 11 October 13J a 13| 9J a 12 5i a 7 November 13i a 14i 9} a 11 5 a6, December 13|- a 14 10^ a llj 5^ a G^ Jauuary' 12J a \i\ lOi a lU 6i a 6^ February 12i a 13J lli a r4 C| a 71 March 10^ a 13 10| a 12i 6^ a 7i April lOi a 12J 10^ a 12 6^ a 7^ May 9i a Hi 11| a 13 Oi a 7^ Juno 8J all lU a 13i 7 a 8J July 8 a lOi 11} a 13i 7 a 8} August 7 a 91 12^ a 131 » a — B-49. 1S47-48. 1846-47. nt». Cents, ^^ Cems. a — lOJ a 12 7ia 9 10 a 11 8f a 10 81 9 a 101 61 a a n. 61 a 7 6A a 5 a 51 a 51 a 6| a 9 a l«i 10 a IH m a 13 91a 11 7| lOJ a 11| 61 lOJ a Hi 7i 91 aUJ- 7i 9i a lOJ 71 101 a 12 Bales. Bales. Bales. Bates, Bates, Receipts at New-Orleans. 1,053,633 797,387 1,100,636 1.188,733 707,324 Crop of Uuitcd States. . . . 2,350,537 2^96,706 2,700,000 2,350,000 1,800,000 CoTTtparative Prices of Sugar on the Levee, on the first of each month, for Five Years. Cents. September 41 a October... 4i a November 5 a December 3 a January 31 a February 3i a March 31 a April 3i a May 3 a June > 3 J a July 3J a August 41 a 3 a 6f 4 a 6| 3 a 6 3 a 6 2i a 5 21 a 5 Cents 2i a 41 21 a 4* 3 a 41 21 a 41 21 a 41 2J a 5 21 21 a 5 2J a 51 21 a 7-48. 1646-47, iits, CenU. a 7f 41 a 7i a 71 61 a 9 a 51 a 5 a 5 51 51 a 7 41 a 7, 5 a7e 5 a 7^ 5i 21 a 5 2} a 51 21 a 5 5J a 7i 21 a 5 2J a 51 3| a 5J 2J a 5 4 a 6 .. 4i a 6} 3 a 51 2i ^ 4} 21 a 4J. IJ a 4J 5 a 7J- 11 a 41 5" a 75 2J a 4i. Comparative Prices of Molasses on the Levee, on the first of each month, for Five Years. September 20 a 32 10 a 20 15 a 20 28 a 32 15- a October 20 a 32 10 a 20 17 a 21 28 a 32 20 a November 25 a 251 24 a 241 231 a 24 221a 23 26 a December 23i a 24 20.1 a 20} 191a 20 19i a 191 23 January 18 a 24 17 a 191. February 23 a 271 15 a 20i. March 22 a 30 12 a 21i. April 25 a 33 10 a 21. May 25 a 32 10 a 23. j,j„e' 25 a 30 21 a 27. juty .....22 a 30 25 a 33. August..: 20 a 28 20 a 33. NEW-ORLEAXS. — Importance of In- creasing HER Foreign Commerce — Her Banking Cai-ital. — Mr. President, I now pass to another subject of great interest to New- Orleans, and- one intimately connected with the progress and completion of railroads in the valley of the Mississippi. One of the chief drawbacks to New-Orleans is the absence of an import trade ; and why are we without im- ports ( Why is it, that a city exporting eighty or ninety millions of dollars annually, is so in- significant in that important branch of com- merce ? Because of the remoteness and un- certainty of our market — our being without a speedy, rapid, and cheap communication with the interior country that seeks New-Orleans as a market for its agricultural pEoductloas. It is 191. 211. 19 19 17 a 171 241 a 17 a 19 27 a 15 a 21 29 a 15 a 21 25 a ,26 a ..121 a 18 12 a 10 ..12 a 181 15 a 20 20 a 8 a 18 15 a 20 26 a 10 a 20 15 a 20 ,28 a 22' 25 26i 234 in our power to make New-Orleans a large im- porting city, by carrying out the objects of this. Convention, and facilitating accesss between- New-Orleans and every portion of the valley of the Mississippi, which is tiibutary to our trade ; and without r^ilroads this communica- tion cannot be established to compete success- fully with the active enterprise of our northern rivals. Under present and past circumstances, this city could not pretend to carry on import- ing extensively, when in:ports from those countries we trade with, were such here, were either cut off by distance from the country that would become customers for tliese imports- by delays or uncertain navigation ; or, whea these facilities were at command, the gooda imported had either become unsaleable or ua- NEW-ORLEANS FOREIGN COMMERCE AND BANKING CAPITAL. 153 fashionable, leaving the importer the alterna- tive of waiting for tiie return of another sea- son, at the expense of interest and multiplied expenses, which, under any circumstances, takes away all cliance of profit. But, build the proposed railroads, place it within our power to travel to Nashville in twenty hours, Memphis in twenty hours, and all the impor- tant points of the eastern valley of the Ohio and Mississijipi in a like quick time, and our own western borders and Texas in a few hours, then New-Orleans will be a city of imports, the produce of this rich agricultural empire will flow into her lap, not as a mere place of transit, but to be exchanged for the productions of other countries; then will New-Orleans be- gin the fulfilment of her destiny, and become renowned and famous among the cities of the world. I propose to illustrate the advantages of an importing trade over one of mere export. We all know that the agencies employed in re- ceiving, selling, and shipping fifty thousand bales of cotton are very small, and yet fifty thousand bales of cotton, at present cost, would produce § 1 ,.500,000. Suppose the proceeds of this cotton were brought back in the manufac- tures of Birmingham, Manchester, Lyons, or any European city, liow many agencies would be required to distribute it through all the channels between the importer and the con- sumer ? Judging from the subdivisions of such employments in northern cities, the number would be very great ; but these people not only want storehouses and shops, but want houses to live in ; and with the demand for stores, shops, and bouses, would spring up a demand for builders, artisans, and laborers, and agents of every description ; our vacant lots would soon be covered by improvements, our vacant houses tenanted by an active and in- dustrious population, that would become per- manent and progressive. These are the ele- ments of a solid prosperity, and what New- Orleans most needs. A mere city of transit commerce can never be a great city. You maj' talk of receipts of cotton, sugar, and to- bacco — they have done all for you they ever will do. You must now rely on something else ; and this reliance is mainly dependent on increased local pursuits and increased inte- rior communication, such as New- York and every northern city has established. I fear 1 tax your patience, but our present circumstances demand from every citizen an attention to facts ; and your time cannot be better employed than in listening to those I am detaihng. It is a constant subject of com- plaint tiiat New-Orleans has an insuiBcient banking capital — that moneycommands a high price. The error on this subject is very pre- valent at home and abroad. Boston, which is constantly rung in our ears as an example of wealth and enterprise, divided from her com- merce and manufactures, has about eighteen millions of banking capital,whil8t New-Orleans has about seventeen millions of fixed capital, or about ten millions of active capital. The cities of New- York and Brooklyn have a bank- ing capital of twenty-eight millions, Philadel- phia under ten millions, and Baltimore under seven millions. New-York and Brooklyn have nearly six times the population of New-Orleans, and less than three times an excess in banking capital, rhiladelphiahas a population nearly four times greater than New-Orleans, and her banking capital is not so great. Baltimore, that has a population near fifty per cent, greater than New-Orleans, has three millions less banking capital than New-Orleans. Cin- cinnati has not more than one eighth, and St. Louis not more than one twentieth of the banking capital of New-Orleans ; and yet these cities have advanced with astonishing progress, and have almost doubled their pop- ulations, whilst New-Orleans is comparatively stationary. The deposits of the banking institutions of New-Orleans bear a proportion to those of other cities, equally favorable with that of their capitals ; and I assume that fixed capi- tals and deposits in any city are an index of its aggregate capital and means. W ith these facts, I proceed to make another statement, warranted by my knowledge of the facts : that the average price of money in New-Orleans since 1842 has been 33 per cent, cheaper than the average price in Boston; 25 per cent, cheaper than the average price in New- York, Philadelphia, or Baltimore ; and 50 per cent, cheaper than in Cincinnati and St. Louis. When I speak of the average price or the dear- ness or cheapness of money, I mean the cur- rent price demanded and paid on good and undoubted security; and I am particular on these points of comparison, as intending to show that the circulation of capital depends on the manner of its employment, and that small capitals, actively circulated where em- ployments are multiplied and various, achieve a great deal more than large capitals, located in a city with her whole dependence founded on a mere export commerce. The operation of unwise laws affecting capital will, in all countries, restrain and embarrass its free circu- lation ; and when the laws are not such as to endanger the safe employment of capital, it will certainly disappear. We have more capital in the southern states for our wants, than any portion of the confed- eracy. The absence among us of the pros- perity so manifest in the northern and middle states, does not arise from any want of capital, but proceeds from the utter neglect of the south to her true and substantial interests, and the discouragements that stand in the way of investments. The unfortunate circumstances of the public credit of Mississippi and Arkan- sas, and the overthrow of confitlence, public and private, when public obligations are dia- 154 NEW-YORK COMMERCIAL GROWTH AXD GREATNESS OF. regarded, visit on the whole southwest penal- j prove an element of increased security to the ties that are fatal to the spirit of enterprise, south, one which will hasten the recovery of and, above all, to tliat conHdence which nour- 1 her lost power. ishes and protects it. The demoralizing influ- ! Attention to these interests will achieve far ence of blighted public faith weakens the at- more for the south than the discussion of the tachment of the people to the government, and platforms of political (piackery, invented to ad- capital and property will never trust its pro- vance the pretensii ns of their projectors, tection to a government without this moral I again repeat that the cry of deficiency in support. Capital will never flow into a state capital is unfounded ; we have it in abundance that neglects the fulfilment of her public en- for all our purposes, if it can be concentrated gagements ; but all the savings of capital, and circulated as it is in "Wall street. There derived from industry and economy, in such a has been no period in the last five years, not- state, will leave it — take wings and fly away withstanding its being marked with great to places of greater security. At this time, | revolutions in trade, that money was not ob- and within the last year, the chief buyers of , tainable in New-Orleans, on good security — I stocks, for investment in New-York, were '< mean available and convertible security, such southern people — yes, Mr. President, people , as is recognized and current in Amsterdam, from Mississippi and Alabama ; and yet, if London, and New- York ; I do not mean se- capital is so scarce and money so dear as is | curity with the incumbrance of notarial pledges, daily announced, why does it happen that this country is furnishing capital to buy northern stocks ? furnishing capital to enable our active and enterprising rivals to extend their high- ways and power ? furnishing the aid that transfers to them supremacy, and weakens and impoverishes us ? If you are true southerners, tacit mortgages, appraisement laws, fees to lawyers for collecting, and vexatious delays in realizing them. The money-lender is always the most timid of men ; he has what you want, and is always willing to supply your wants, provided he is sure of escaping trouble and vexation, and the security you oft'er is and I believe you all are, go to work and good ; but when you ask him to employ at- change all this by ordaining such laws as will I torneys to investigate any titles, and expose inspire confidence at home and abroad ; go to , himself to any uncertainty, his compliance is work and imitate your victorious rivals, build , at an end. It is unreasonable to suppose a roads, and create stock at home, give the guar- 1 money-lender would be attracted by the securi- antee of honesty and security, and my word ties and forms of law known in Louisiana; for it, you will not only entice back the capi- that he would hazard the profit on his loans tal that is leaving you, but invite it from by the fees paid to the agents of the law, and abroad. i their punctual recovery by the delays of an Whilst regarding our pursuits and laws as I appraisement law that extends the payment unfavorable to that circulation of capital known j twelve months, when the property does not in other sections of the Union, there is another brins two thirds of its cash value It is the cause that is dealing out its influences. Lat- terly, there has sprung up, in consequence of doubt and uncerlaiuty produced by such a con dition of laws, that curtail the cnculation of the slavery agitation, an uneasy feeling. The capital, .and make it dear to the agricultuaal wicked and insane meddling of the enemies of classes of the country. — Speech of James Robb. our institutions, of our peace and tranquillity, | and the perpetual discussion of the question, 1 NEW-YORK. — Commerci.vl Growth and north and south, contributes largely to unsettle ' Greatness ok New- York. — Position of confidence, and to work on the fears of the Cities — Origin of New-York — Early His- timid. I am not among the number to believe this evil is not to be overcome. The south, united in policy and interest, united by the ties of closer inter-communication, united by an extended and combined system of railroads, united by the development of her vast re- sources, and the building up of a manufactur- ing interest, will soon be in circumstances of power and prominence that will put at naught all the distractions that have threatened her peace, and endangered the security of the Union. TORY, Advances, Improvements, Poi'vlation, Resources, Commerce, Prospects, etc. — The growth of large cities depends upon the devel- opment of the mechanic arts, and the facilities they possess for communication with tracts of country around them. The larger tlie extent of agricultural country, which by means of avenues of communication, natural or arti- ficial, can be brought into contact with a city, the more rapid will be its growth, and tne greater the magnitude to which o]ierating causes may carry it. While the mechiinic arts The building of railroads, the erection of} and the business of exchange are unknown, it manufactories, and the demand for the skill results from the regular and irresistible opera- and labor that they every where create, will tionof a natural law, that largo cities cannot ex- attract emigration to the south, will augment ist. Tiie condition of society would furnish nei- our white population, who will become more ther the elements of their growth, nor of their permanent and settled in their pursuits; and preservation. The l)ulk of the population be- this tendency to localizing population will . ing agricultural — inasmuch as that food is the NEW- YORK COMMERCIAL GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF. 155 first necessary — is scattered over the face of I the earth, regulated by the attractions of soil and climate. The supply of wants beyond j those of food, must come from cities, either | manufactured or imported there ; and such , cities will rise in localities fixed by the natu- : ral avenues of the country. It frequently hap- pens that the fortunes of a city change through the discontinuance of the operation of causes from which its existence was derived — as in I the case of a particular manufacture which | will no longer find a market. But with the | decline of that trade, another may spring up j to sustain the existence of the city ; as, for in- j stance, a large manufacturing town in the in- j terior of a country may lose its market for the | article which gave it importauce, but may I have acquired commercial habits during its ' prosperity, and continue a depot for inland j trade when its manufactures are no longer profitable. The city of New-York had its origin en- tirely in commercial interests. The discoverer, Henry Hudson, is said to have sold the title to the Dutch West India Company, in 1609, and they located the first permanent establish- j ment, which was forcibly broken up in 1618 j by the English South Virginia Company, who 1 claimed the title under the discoveries of the Cabots. The Dutch having been reinstated i in 1620, by order of James I., the growing | importance of the place induced their govern- ment to erect it into a province in 1629, under the name of New-Netherlands. It retained thisform until the government of Charles II. took forcible possession in 166-1. He trans- ferred it by letters patent to the Duke of York — afterwards, as James II., driven from the English throne for his despotic follies. From him it received the title of " New York." In 1673, when the Dutch ruled the ocean, en- tered the Thames, and burnt the British ship- ping — at the moment Charles and his court were playing at romps at the house of the Duchess of Portsmouth — New- York passed into their hands. It was restored to the Brit- ish by treaty in IQli. Through all these changes the colony preserved its commercial character. The causes of its origin had little analogy with those of other settlements. New- England, Pennsylvania, and the southern states, had more the character of religious asylums for the oppressed than New-York, which was lo- cated purely by commercial adventurers with a view to trade, and this distinctive character it has retained to the present day. The first charter of the city was granted by James II. April 22, 1686. The mayor,, recorder, sheriff, town clerk, and clerk of the market, were appointed by the king, directly or indirectly ; aldermen and assistants were chosen annually by the inhabitants of each ward. The corpo- ration, styled "The Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the city of New-York," were authorized to make improvements, but not to interfere with vested riffhts, but by consent oj the ow7iers. In I7u8, Queen Anne confirmed the charter, and gave power to establish fer- ries. In 1732, George II. confirmed the char- ter, with modificatious. The city was made free, and the power of the corporation in- creased, particularly in respect to the right of making improvements without the limitation or assent of private owners, required by the grant of James, Since then, the changes in the city charter, by acts of legislation and by state constitution, have been mostly modifica- tions of the charter of George IL The charter, as it now stands, is a singular illustration of the changes which have been wrought in the government of the United States, by their transition from a state of colonial subjection to national independence, and by the general progress of opinion throughout the country. It is a fabric of arbitrary powers resting upon a popular basis. Almost all the grants of English kings have been retained, but in con- firming and extending the authority of the municipal government, its organization has been subject to the popular principle of repre- sentation, and the citizens have, directly or in- directly, a voice in the election of officers. The most arbitrary and oppressive existing power is that of taxing property beyond Us value, for purposes of improvement. Did this not rest on forms of popular sanction, insun-ec- tion and revolution would be the immediate result. Another is the power of p>lice justices to arrest and imprison an individual at their own discretion, without the form of trial by jury, for six months. That this extraordinary power exists, is the best proof that it has never been abused. The pohce of New-York has been rather remarkable for success in detecting, than for vigilance in preventing, crimes. There are few instances of a crime of any magnitude I having been perpetrated, in which the actors have eluded punishment. Still, the city has i had the reputation of having the worst police j of any northern city. Of late it has been or- j ganized on a new footing, which has been [ found four times as expensive, if not more efficient, than the old. Population of New- York. — The population of the city has progressed with remarkable rapidity. The aggregate numbers of the city I and state, from remote periods, compare as I follows : State. City. 1696 80,000 .. 4,302 1731 50,000 .. 4,622 1756 100,000 .. 10,381 1773 163,000 .. 21,870 1786 301,100.. 24,614 1790 340,121 .. 83,131 1800 586,756 .. 60,489 1810 959,049 .. 96,372 1820 1,372,812 .. 123,706 1825 1,616,458 .. 166,086 156 NEW-YORK — COMMERCIAL GROWTH AXD GREATNESS OF. Siate. City. 1830 1,918,608 . . 202,589 1835 2,174,517 . . 270,089 1840 2,428,921 .. 312,710 1845 2,604,495 .. 370,102 1847* 2,674,703 .. 394,457 Prior to the first regular enumeration of 1790, the figures depend upon uncertain data, but thus given as from the best authorities. We have remarked that the origin and growth of New-Yorli have depended, in an eminent degree, upon commerce ; accordingly, the ratio of increase of the population has al- ways fluctuated with the course of events in regard to general commerce. Whenever tlie general trade of the country, from whatever cause, increased in magnitude, the resources of the city of New-York, which early began to assume the character of a general market for tiie whole country, was brought into full operation. An increased demand for men and money arose, which was supplied rapidly from other quarters. The first great increase in the city population, was fi-om 1790 to 1800 — ac- cording to the ratio of which, the population would have doubled in twelve years. That decade was one of unexampled commercial prosperity. The old world, involved in wars, was making constant demands upon the indus- try of the new; and the produce of the in- terior and of the neighboring states was press- ing to the Atlantic, whence the shipping of New- York carried it abroad, and returned with goods for distribution. The amount of business transacted in New- York wonderfully increased, and its attendant profits drew thi- ther capital and men to participate in them. The decade 1800 to 1810 presented a change in affairs. More than half of that period was fraught with reverses. Captures, condemna- tions, embargoes, and acta of nonintercourse, diminished the capital of the place, as well as the profits. They discouraged enterprise, and the general depression of business relaxed the stimulus that had drawn numbers to the city in the previous decade. In the succeeding ten years, actual war destroyed the commerce that before languished. From 1812 to 1815 foreign trade w.as extinct, and no principle of income was in operation. From 1815 to 1820, trade again revived ; but the rate of increase from I8l0tol820 was far below that of any other decade, while the increase in the popula tion of the whole state was more rapid than * Estimated according to the ratio of increase in the preceding five yours. ever ; a fact which, in an extraordinary de- gree, evinces the importance of commerce to the prosperity of New- York. From 1820 to 1825, commerce was prosperous, and the pop- ulation of the city swelled in proportion. This is to be remarked, however, that com- merce did not recover the degree of pros- perity it had enjoyed from 1790 to 1800, for the obvious reason, that European wars had ceased, and industry and navigation had re- vived, to deprive America of the sort of mo- nopoly she had previously enjoyed. In the year 1825, a new element of prosperity was brought into operation, in the construction of the Erie canal, which opened to the command of the city not only the agricultural products of the fertile valley of the Genesee, but also of the whole coast of the northern lakes. The prosperity growing out of this accession of wealth, added to the general speculative dis- position apparent throughout the world, con- spired to make New- York the focus of finan- cial and commercial operations ; and from 1830 to 1835, the largest actual increase in numbers took place, which ever occurred in the space of five years. From 1835 to 1837, the speculative fever continued to rage, and the population of the city to increase. From 1837 to 1840, the revulsion took place, and with it a desire to leave the city for western enterprise returned. Farms which had been turned into building lots for paper cities, were again put under the plough. During the speculative mania real estate rose in price, and the island was laid out in town lots to its utmost limits. Large quantities of goods were manufactured on credit for southern and west- ern consumption ; importations were immense on credit, sales as large, likewise on time. All these operations gave employment to, and cre- ated a demand for, work-people, whom the high wages drew into the city. Business and capital also flowed thither, and the numbers of the people, as well as the sale of real and personal estate, rapidly augmented. When the revulsion took place, the reverse of this picture was presented : building stopped, real estate fell in value, large operations failed, people were thrown out of employ, and many left the city to seek, through the exercise of industry in the western countrj% tlic fortunes they had ho])ed to realize in city speculation. The income from 1835*to 1840 was much Jess than in the previous term of ten years ; and for the decade ending with 1845, the increase was something less than that ending with 1885. The growth of the city by wards, since 1835, has been as follows : NEW-YORK COMMERCIAL GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF. 157 CENSUS OF THE CITY OF NEW-YOEK. Wards ISJS IKIO 1835 1S40 18t 9,9-29 11,331 10,380 10,029 2d 9,315 8,'->03 7,549 0,394 3d 10,201 9,598 10,8«4 lliflSl 4th 1-2,'210 12.705 15,349 15,770 5th 15,093. 17,7-22 18,495 19,149 Rth 20,0C,1 13,570 16,827 17,198 7th 14,192 15,873 21,481 22,982 8th 24,285 20,729 28,570 29,073 9lh 10,9".() 22.810 20,018 24,795 lOth 23,932 10,338 20,920 29,026 llth 7,344 14,915 26,845 17,0.52 12th 7,938 11,808 24,4.37 11,652 13th* 12,.598 17,130 18,517 I4lh» 14,228 17,306 20,2.'?5 15tht 13,202 15,7.54 lOtht 22,273 17th§ 18,619 Total 166,080 202,589 270,089 312,712 180,365 190,737 371,120 Males Femiiles Total 6,549 5,081 12,230 3,947 3,015 6,962 6,449 5.451 11,900 12,138 8,082 21,000 9,501 10.801 20,362 9,716 44.907 19,345 14,2:19 16,607 38.846 14,295 16 612 30,9o7 10,010 10,983 20,993 13,339 13,9-20 27,259 6,879 6,499 13,378 10,750 11,061 22,411 10,005 11, "38 21,103 8,142 11,310 19,423 18,723 20,014 48.337 12,556 14,591 27,147 Tliere is now an Eighteen th'^^ard, constituted in 184(5, from the others. The great increase in the population is in the uptown wards ; and it has beeu promoted, or in fact made possible, only by increased facilities of loco- motion. Manhattan Island presents somewhat the form of a boot — whereof the toe is the Bat- tery, and the heel Corlear's Hook, on the East river. Broadway runs from the Battery longi- tudmally, dividing the island in nearly equal halves. On the East river side are the Bowery and East Broadway, forming two main arteries through which the population circulates to the upper Avard.s. The Harlem railroad, com- mencing at the Park, one mile from the Bat- tery, runs up Centre street, through Bowery, continuing on the Fourth avenue eight miles to the Harlem river, and forms a great artery for the city travel. About the year 1830, when the city had about half the population that it now contains, the difficulty of living at a dis- tance up town, when nearly all the business is transacted in the triangle formed by a line drawn from East to the North river, at three fourths of a mile from its apex to the Battery, was very great. Tliat difficulty operated much against the growth of the citj% and favored the growth of Jersey City and Brooklyn, across the ferries. About that time the Harlem railroad was projected, and the omnibuses introduced. Thus, a number of gentlemen doing business down town, employed a coach, at 12^ cents each, to take them home to dinner. From that beginning the omnibus business has grown until this year the number licensed is 361, and the license money paid, -?o,910. The capital em- ployed is, for vehicles, $200,000 ; horses, §180,000; harness, (fee, .$100,000; building, &c., 8250,000. Total capital, $730,000. These omnibuses form eighteen lines, that run from all parts of the city to the Battery, bringing down thousands to their business, and thence diverging to all parts of the city, in a fanhke form, running to Twenty-seventh street, which is 3^ miles from the Battery. They, as also the Harlem railroad, take passengers this dis- tance for 6 J cents each. These constitute the means of the increase of the city. They make the up town lots available for the dwell- ings of those doing business down town, and have therefore greatly raised the value of real estate in the upper parts of the city. The streets are laid out irregularly below Fourteenth street. Commencing with Four- teenth, they run two miles in straight lines from East to North river, and at equal dis- tances from each other, being numbered up to 15.5th street, which is 9| miles from the Battery. Longitudinally, run ten avenues from Fourteenth street to 155th, being num- bered from 1 to 10 from East to North river. One of the greatest elements in the growth of New- York, has been the development of the coal trade of Pennsylvania, which affords an ample supply of cheap fuel to meet the growing demand. Where wood is in common use as fuel, a great augmentation in price in- evitably follows an increase in the number of the consumers, to say nothing of the demands of steamboats and factories. Forests are limited in their power of production. A large and increasing population will consume more rapidly than nature can produce; and the de- mands of an augmenting population upon new lands for agricultural purposes are constantly narrowing the limits within which the powers of nature are in operation. Old countries have, therefore, of necessity, penetrated tiie bosom of the earth for those supplies which could no longer be found upon its surface. The impor- tance of coal mines to manufacturing industry * These two Wards were constituted in 1826— the Thirteenth from the Tenth, and the Fouiteenth from the Sixth and Kighth. + Set off from the Ninth Ward in March, 1832. % Taken from the Twelfth Ward in 1836. § Taken from the Eleventh in 1837. 158 NEW-YORK COMMERCIAL GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF. is quite as great, as there is no country of full population wliere furnaces, if dependent upon the productiiins of the forest, would not yield to such an extension of agriculture as would be necessary to supply its inhabitants with the means of subsistence. About the year 1S25, when the Erie canal ■was about to give such an impulse to the busi- ness of New- York, the mining of the great Pennsylvania coal basin commenced a supply of fuel, which has become one of the most re- markable features in our national industry. Tlie great coal valley of Pennsylvanuia is 60 miles long and 5 miles wide — covering oOO square miles, or 192,000 acres. The several mines discovered and probed amount in thick- Sohiiylkill Catiiil 1830 89,984 1835 339.508 )84U 452,251 184-2 491,602 1847 130,142 [ ness to '70 feet — which, according to the usual estimate of coal, gives 119,000 tons per acre. , If half of this region should be worked, it ! would supply an annual demand of 11,000,000 tons for 1,000 years. This is the ample depot of fuel for the ser- 1 vice of Atlantic cities, opened in 1825, when I the export was 34,593 tons. There have been since constructed five great avenues to bring that coal to maiket, viz. : the Lehigh canal, the Schuylkill, the Delaware and Hudson, the Morris canal, and the Reading railroad. These five works costs, in round numbers,82S,00O,000, and the quantity of coal brought down has been as follows : Rentiinff LeIiigU Lackawanna All others Total tons Ruilruad 41,750 43,000 174,734 131,250 90,000 5ii0,758 22r),288 148,4-0 39,365 805,444 49.290 272,129 205,253 89,727 1,108,001 1,250,507 635,015 352,144 228,980 2,702,857 Before the construction of the Reading rail- road, the Schuylkill canal had a monopoly, and the price in New- York was held as high some- times as 814 per ton — a price which greatly retarded the bringing of it into general use. When the railroad was completed, it speedily took the business, and now delivers one half the supply. By this competition the price was reduced, and at retail in New-York vai'ies from f 5 50 to 8G per ton. It is now $6. At this rate the value of the product this year is $16,217,142. A large proportion of this fuel is consumed in the city of New- York. It is manifest how great an influence the develop- ment of this trade has had upon the prosperity of the city. As we have stated elsewhere, the popula- tion of New-York is exceedingly diversified, and has perhaps less of national character than most other cities. Indeed, its floating population is largely supplied from immigra- tion. The number of immigants that have arrived in New- York for four years, ending July 3 1 , is as follows : 1843-4 51,307 184-4-5 70,330 1845-6 91,280 1846-7 152,166 The wliole number of arrivals for twelve years was 855,360. 'J'he large immigration of the last year was mostly owing to the distress and famine abroad. Of the arrivals in 1846, 54,226 were from British ports; andiu J 817, 88,733 came from the same quarter. 'J'hc constant influx of strangers produces a mixed population, inasmuch as that a large portion of each arrival remains in the city. Thu.s, ac- cording to the census of 1845, the uatiouality of the inhubitauts was as follows : Born in New- York State 194,916 " New-England States 16,079 " Other United States 25,572 " Mexico and South America. . 608 " Great Britain 96,581 " France 3,710 " Germany 24,41 6 " Other places 3,277 This gives a total of 365,059 — which shows a discrepancy of 6,043 from the return in the above table. This arose from the lixct that the returns of the 15th ward, as first made, were not received by the commissioner, and re-enumeration was made of that ward, with- out describing the nationality. This population, numbering in roimd num- bers 400,000, now densely covers one third of Manhattan Island ; and at the same rate of in- crease that has been carried on in the last 30 years, the year 1880 will find the v^hole island densely settled to Harlem river, with a j)opu- lation of 1,200,000 souls. The increase of New- York and Brooklyn, compared, has been as follows : NEW-TORK. Population 1820 123,706 1830 202.587 1840 312,710 1845 371,102 BROOKLYN. Topnlation 1820 7,175 1830 15,o96 1840 36,233 1845 59,506 63.8 per cent 44.7 " 17.3 114.6 per cent. 135.3 64.3 NEW-YORK — COMMERCIAL GROWTH AKD GREATNESS OF. 15» This gi-eat increase of Brooklyn, -which has raised it nearly to half what Nuw-York was, in 1820, has grown out of the fact that, to be near business, and to escape the high tax- 1 ation of New- York on personal property, many persons do business in the city, and re- side across the ferry. AssKssEU Valui: of PRorERTY. — The value of ])roperty in New -York has fluctuated greatly in tliose years of speculation and re- vulsiuiv to the influence of which, on the pros- pect of population, we have alluded. AGGREG.\TE VALUE OF ASSESSED PROPERTY IN NEW-YORK. 1816 $82,074,250 1817 78,805,735 1818 80,254,091 1819 79,113,001 1820 69,530,753 1821 68,285,070 1822 71,289,144 1823 83,431,170 1824 87,480,026 1826 101,160,046 1826 107,447,781 1827 112,211,926 1828 11 1,130,240 1829 112,526,016 1830 125,288,518 1831 139,280,214 1832 140,302,618 1833 166,495,187 1834 186,548,511 1835 218,723,703 1836 309,500,920 1837 263,837,350 1838 264,152,941 1839 266,789,130 1840 252,843,163 1841 251,777,702 1842 237,806,901 1843 228,001,889 1 844 235,960,047 1845 239,995.517 1846 244,952,404 1847 247,1 52,303 This gives the taxable value for thirty-two years, from the close of the war, through all the vicissitudes of the revolution in 1820-21, when the late United States Bank came near its suspension, the recovery of business and the impulse given to it by the opening of the Erie Canal, until trade ran into the wildest specu- lation, carrying values to their highest point, in 1836. From that year, as speculation sub- sided, valuations fell year by year, until 1843, when they reached their lowest point, at a fall of 881,499,031, equal to the whole value at the close of the war. Since 1843, the values have again been in advance. This recovery has been, however, altogether on the side of real estate, the valuation of personal estate having continued to decline. The mode of valuation, however, and the high rate of taxes imposed, have conspired to make the assess- ment a very uncertain criterion of the real in- creaseil personal property. Fi>r the last few years a law has been in force requiring the valuation to be made in each year between the second Tuesday in May and tlie fifteenth of August ; and giving to the inhabitants who may at that season of the year be residing out of the city, the option of being assessed for personal property either in the city, or in the places of their sunmier residence. For several years past the rate of taxation has been so high in the city, that these citizens, who are both numerous and wealthy, find it for their interest to pay their personal tax in the country, by which they make a saving, commonly, of more than one half. Tf they reside out of the state during the period be- tween the second Tuesday in May and the fifteenth of August, the chance is, that they pay no personal tax any wheie. The following table shows the relative in- crease of real and personal property with the annual taxation of the city, which includes the county : ASSESSED PROPERTY OF NEW-YORK CITY, WITH THE ANNUAL TAX LEVIED, Foreign Goods. Tear Real Perfonal Total Tajes 1835.. 143,732,42.5 75,7.18.017 218,723,703 850,000 1836.. 233,742,303 74.99i;278 309.5UO.920 1,085,130 18;)7.. 196,540,109 67,297,241 263.837,350 1,175,109 1838.. 194,543,359 69,609,-582 264,152,941 1,151,130 1839.. 196,778,434 70,010,796 260,789,130 1,352,832 1840.. 187,121,464 65,721,699 252,843,163 1,376.280 1841.. 186,347,246 65,430,456 251,777,71.2 1,394.136 1842.. 176,512,342 01,294,559 237,806,901 1,498,630 )843..1G4,9.')5,314 63,046,575 228,001,889 1,753,487 1844..17l,93fi,.591 64,023,456 23.5.9(i0,047 1,988,818 1845.. 177,207,990 62,787,527 239,992,517 2,096,194 1846.. 183,480,934 61,471,470 244,95.',404 2,520,146 1847.. 187,314,386 69,837,917 247,151,d03 2,542,361 Thus we see that real estate has increased since 1843, which was the point of lowest de- pression, §22,359,072, and in the same time personal property has declined ^3,200,000, while the amount of taxes has increased $788,875, thus throwing an enormous burden upon real estate. The aggregate taxation amounts to 102.8 cents per §200 of valuation. This includes the state tax of one mill per §100 imposed by the law of 1842, to make good any deficit that might arise in the means of paying the state debt. In consequence of the diminished debt and the enhanced canal tolls, one half this tax has been remitted, and the re- mainder will be so. A new law has also been passed to make persons doing business in New- York pay taxes on the capital employed here — a law that will have a tendency to restrain the growth of Brooklyn. The business of the city has so improved during the past year, and with it the profits of 160 NEW-YORK COMMERCIAL GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF. trade have been so enhanced, as much to lighten taxation. The following is a table of the foreign commerce since 1821 : FOREIGN COMMERCE OF NEW-YOEK. Calendar FnreiRn Foreign 3'ear Xr rivals Tons Impoitj Exports 1821 912 171,953 §20,020,012 $12,124,645 1822 1,172 22(5,790 33,OI2,4o3 15,504,694 1823 1,217 220,789 30,601,455 21,089,698 1824 1,364 252,769 37,785,147 22.309.362 1825 1,436 280,179 50,024,973 34.032,279 1826 1,.389 274,997 34,728,604 19,437,'229 1827 1.414 292.872 41,441.832 24,614.035 1828 1,277 275.677 39,117,016 25,135,487 1829 1,310 281,512 34,972,493 17,609,600 1830 1,489 314,715 38,656,064 17,666,624 1831 1,634 3.37,009 57,291,727 26.142,719 1832 1.808 401,718 50.995,924 22,792,599 1833 1,926 4.30,918 56,.527,976 24,723.903 1834 1,932 444,904 72,224,.390 22,196,061 1835 2,044 464,464 89.304,108 29,035,755! 1836 2,285 556.7.30 118,886,194 27,455,223 i 1837 2,071 539,372 68,374,5.58 23,.534,610 1 1838 1,790 468,890 77,214,729 22,182.248 1839 2,1.59 505,335 97,o7S,687 36,602,223 1840 1,953 527,591 56,845,924 30,186,470' 1841 2,118 549,025 75,268,015 30,731,519 i ' CalendetO FV>reign ForeiRe .ve.-ir AiriTsIs Tons Imports Exports 1842 1.962 555.315 52,415,5.55 23,090,199 1843 1,832 491,494 50.036,667 2.'!.440,326 1844 2,208 593.373 75,749.220 34,028.440 1845 2.043 613.349 72,108.111 3j.p91,662 1846 2.293 612,040 70,269,811 36 423.762 1S47, 11 months. 93,862,440 49,7c6,441 The imports of the speculative year, 1836, the same in which the assessed value of real estate was the highest, were larger than ever before. The year 1 839 again presented a high figure, but the trade was of a speculative character, and ended in great revulsions. The business of 1847, in the aggregate, is, how- ever, larger than ever before, the exports iiaving swollen to a very important figure, reaching 50 per cent, of the imports. Tlii.shas arisen from the great export of farm produce, which has been supplied in swelling volumes from that great source of commercial wealth, the Erie canal. The progress of the receipts of produce from the canals for the last ten years has been as follows : VALUE OF PRODUCE LEFT AT TIDE WATER FROM THE NEW-YORK CANALS. "^ Produce of tlie Kiirest 1&37 4,460,137 1838 4,875,730 1839 5,256,391 1840 4,518,293 1841 0,645,578 1842 3,741,059 1843 5,9.56,474 1844 7,716,032 1845 7,759,596 1846 8,589,291 Animals 3,621,295 4,439,.552 4,217,825 5,167,91)6 5,582,133 4.827,615 0,357,344 7,788,922 9,002,196 Vegetable Other Food products 10,074,075 383,386 10,847,566 355.527 7,650,62.5 236.849 10,888,917 237,140 10,766,403 646,407 10,340,427 494.847 11,237,625 616.660 12,6.34,616 696,.527 17,579.581 630,404 Manafac- Merclian- 10,633,820 22,286,905 742,093 1,878,456 1.574,715 1,621,762 1,312,231 2,1.59,832 1,949,541 2.561,159 3,489,670 6,432,259 4,805,799 118,188 89,428 134,818 33,280 55,782 55.432 50.224 86,153 88,497 270,872 Sundries 1,286,817 855.992 1,044,920 1,055,806 1,369,192 1,342,092 1,667,922 2,328,526 3,559,658 3,770,476 no Total 21,862,354 20,' '38,510 20,103,199 23,213,573 23,225,322 22,751,013 28.453.408 34,6411,446 4.3.4.-)2,30l 51,104,256 In these tea years it is observable that the I previously. The accounts for 1847 are not yet materials of commerce, derived from a work made up ; but the amount will far exceed that not in operation in 18-J5,have doubled, adiling of 1846. The following shows the quantities $51,105,256 to the value of articles which of four articles that sought tide water in sought New- York for a market twenty years j several years : Flour, bbls 2,073,708 827,346 186,016 543,990 Wheat, bushels. Corn, u Barley u lbs. . Butter, Lard, u l( Wool, u 1844 2.222 204 iJ262,'249 17,801 818,472 2,517,250 1,020,033 3.5,803 1,137,917 965,200 "•^ 570 300 5 21.709.705 ^.,j,o,JUU^ 3.097,067 24,215,700 24,330,260 26,674,300 27,360,779 6,210,400 7,072,300 9,417,500 IRir, 3,008,441 2,950,036 1,010, 149 1.427,953 2,034,000 21,194,030 7,347,906 35,007,393 8,553,820 1R47 3,093.270 3,801,931 5,986.776 1.243,372 3..")02,030 22,6.'J3,861 5,237,460 40.059,005 11,221.384 These large supplies of vegetable food go to swell the external commerce of the city, and are capable of meeting almost any demand which the exigencies of Europe may require, •while they furnish the means of paying for the large importation from abroad ; they also create the credits in New- York, through which the producers are enabled to pay for increased supplies of goods, both domestic and imported, received through the Erie canal. The ship- jiing interest of New- York has progrc^iscd ia the manner indicated in the following table: IR.16 IMO l»4n 1R46 192.030 203,536 236,970 259,342 934 370 279 1,375 Registered tonnage .• 123,052 Whaling, " 6,255 Steam, " Total registered tonnage 1 29,307 192,964 203,536 230,340 260,896 Coasting " 148.302 192,996 166.805 214,.3C0 264,782 4' Bteam " 13,113 19,081 34,754 35,317 45,182 « under 20 tons « 7,974 8,999 9,441 9,745 1,429 Codfishcry " " 135 171 280 302 303 Totaltona 298,831 404,814 414,817 496,905 572,522 NEW-YORK — COMMERCIAL GROWin AXD GREATNESS OF. 161 According to the laws of the United States, no vessel can be en^^'iiged in tlie foreign trade without being registered ; and no vessel can be employed in the coasting trade -without being enrolled or licensed. The registered tonnage, therefore, gives the amount engaged in foreign conmierce, showing, comparatively, its progress, and the enrolled, the same in re- gard to the coasting trade. The shipping of New- York is mostly employed in direct trade, while the carrying trade, so called, is mostly conducted by eastern vessels. The business of navigation is in some degree distinct from that of commerce, inasmuch as the former may be carried on by a country that has no pro- ductions, while the latter depends upon sur- plus productions. Of this latter character is New- York commerce, and it thrives most in those years in which the national exports are largest. Not until 1846 had New-York any steam tonnage engaged in the foreign trade. The new line of Bremen steamers is the first enterprise of the kind, and the business of 35,000,000 Germans is by it brought in closer counectioa with New- York. The steam ton- nage engaged in the coasting trade has more than tripled since 1833. The tonnage en- gaged in the foreign and coasting trade ap- pears to have progressed in each branch in nearly an equal degree. In the progress of population, trade and value of property belonging to the city, it has necessarily resulted that the active moneyed capital has progressed also. To take the in- creased capital employed in all as a guide in estimating the amount of existing wealth, would be incorrect; for the reason that although nsurance capital amounts to $31,000,000, it consists, for the most part, in bonds and mortgage upon real estate, and is, therefore, only a representation of the property alreadv considered under the assessed values. In New- York almost every species of fixed prop- erty, by means of liypothecation in one form or another, becomes circulating capital, which is constantly changing its form and yielding at every conversion a profit to its employers. In regard to calculation connected with the acti- vity of commercial transactions, the amount of bank capital becomes a more direct guide. In 1826 there were fourteen banks in operation in the city, with an aggregate capital of t;i3,600,00b, exclusive of the branch of the United States Bank, which was authorized to era))loy .S2,.500,000. At this time there are in New- York twenty-five banks, with an aggre- gate capital of 624,311,700, and the capital of twenty-three of these institutions is assessed as follows: Owned in New- York city ?13,S'72,183 state 2,052,453 *' other states 4,025,871 VOL. II. Owned by the state 271.704 " foreigners 2,634,445 Total 822,850,659 The capital employed in banking^it any one time is not, however, a precise indication of the activity of business, as thus — in No- vember, lbi43, the same capital was the basis of .?65,;n4,129, which had loaned .?80,278,629 in November, 1847, showing that the activity of business as indicated in the table of imports and exports, was one third greater this year than in 1843. The city of New- York has a large debt con-' traded for the construction of the Croton aque- duct, by which the city is now supplied witli water. The Croton river is a stream of whole- some water running into the North river, and is tapped at a point called Croton lake, cov- ering 400 acres, and containing 500,000,000 gallons, by the aqueduct, at a distance of 33 miles from Harlem river. That whole distance is connected by an uninterrupted conduit of stone and brick masonry. The valley of the Harlem river is 1,400 feet across, and the aqueduct is brought over in iron pipes, laid upon a bridge constructed of arches, 114 feet above high watermark, at Yorkville, or 79th street, on 7th Avenue, five miles from City Hall. The pipes discharge into a reservoir 1,826 feet long and 836 feet wide, having an area of 35 acres and a capacity of 150,000,000 gallons. From the receiving reservoir a double line of iron pipes, three feet in diameter, con- vey the water two miles, to the distributing reservoir, on 42d street. It is 420 feet square, contains 4 acres, and has an elevation of 44 feet above the streets, and a capacity of 20.000,000 gallons. From this reservoir are led the serv- ing pipes which supply the city% and are about 170 miles in length, or 1 mile to 2,240 inhabi- tants. This will supply 35,000,000 gallons of water per day, or 24 gallons to each person when the population shall have reached 1,500,000. This stupendous work cost in the neighborhood of ^14,000,000, and was under- taken by a direct vote of the people on the qtiestion — " water " or " no water." The water is supplied to dwellings at a general rate of .$10 per head, beside 000 free hydrants and 1,500 fire hydrants. The income of the water is spe- cially pledged as a sinking fund for the redemp- tion of the debt. The tiumb. r of water takers in 1844 was 7,l7l private dwellings, paying 872,123, and 2,421 public buildings and" fac- tories, paying $59,660, making together 9,582 water takers, paying 8131,784. In 1846-7, the number of takers had increased to 15,000, and the revenues to 8194,501. The -putilic de6t created chiefly for this object is as fol- lows: 11 162 NEW-YORK — COMMERCIAL GROWTH AND GREATNESS OF. riBLlC DEBT, CITY OF NEW- YORK, 1S47. 5 per cent, city stock of 1820 and 1829, due in 1850. 5 '' Are loan stock, due in 1S51 5 " public building stock, duo in 1850 5 " tiro indfuiuily stock, due in 1868 Wat«r debt as follows : per cent, water loau stock, due in 1852. " •' » 1857. « «« » 1858. » « « 1860. " « " 1870. « " " 1880. 7 5 5 5 5 5 and 6 per cent. Croton water stock, due in 1890 . 6 per cent, temporary water loan, before 1S49.. . . Annud Interest $250,000 00 13,500 500,uii0 00 2.5,000 51.5,000 00 25,750 375,088 00 18,754 81,640,088 00 82,004 690.297 00 62,314 989,488 00 69.264 3,1100,(00 00 150,000 2,500,0011 00 125,000 3,0(10,0110 00 150,000 1.. 375,677 CO 08,773 385,00(1 00 15,100 757,910 00 45,474 $12,898,182 (0 707,929 Deduct proceeds of water stock in banks, to the credit of the water fund 110,166 33 $12,788,015 67 Nominal amount of debt §14,428,103 67 Less stocks and bonds in sinking fund, from sales of real estate and revenues specially pledged for the redemption of the city debt, and cash in bank, to credit of the fund S 2,679,724 28 Actual amount of city debt on the 30th April, 1847 $11,748,379 39 An ample sinking fund is in active opera- tion to redeem this debt completely in a paiod of forty years. The expenditure of the city, as indicated in the above table of annual tax imposed, is, for 1847, |!2,542,361 ; out of this $147,000 was for state tax. The leading general heads of city expenditures are — com- mon schools, §201,000 ; police, $400,000 ; alms house, §343,000 ; interest city debt, §767,000 ; lamps and gas, §129,137 ; cleaning streets, $135,000; water pipes, §54,403 ; salaries city officers, §233,000, and the balance for sundry expenditures. The city of New-York has paid much the largest portion of the state tax, as thus : in 1842, when the mill-tiix was imposed, it aiuounled for the state to §619,093 ; of this New- York city paid §237,8o7, or two fifths of the whole. The census of 1840 gives the state population at 2,428,921, and the city at 312,932 — or one eighth only of the population. The property owned by the city of New- York consists of two descriptions, viz : property embracing town lots, common lands, quit-rents, and various real estates, valued at §2,038,082, and yield §64,240 per annum ; city real estate, in use for city purposes — City Hall, parks, grounds, schools, markets, (fee, valued at §22,408,397, and producing §403,355 per annum, as follows : Value F^ Income Available property...? 2,038,682 $ 04,241 Not saleable 21,468,398 403,350 Total §25,107,080 §407,597 Although New- York, through force of geo- graphical and external circumstances, has grown thus rapidly, there have been many causes in operation to retard its progresa- These have grown mostly out of vicious legis. lation, general and local. In recurring to what we have pointed out in the fluctuation of the city's prosperity with the flourishing or decay- ing state of the external trade, it becomes evi- dent the welfare of the city depends, in an eminent degree, upon the entire freedom with which capital, in the shape of goods, produce or money, can flow securely in and out to profit by the current state of events. Now-York holds a relation to the whole trade of the Union different from that of any other city — and also far superior in regard to it, tlian that held by any commercial city in Europe, in re- gard to the interior country. All the other cities of the United States are centres of local business. Mobile concentrates that of Ala- bama ; Charleston of South Carolina ; Georgia and Baltimore of the tract wateied by the tri- butary streams. Philadelphia looks mostly to her own state, having, however, sti'etched forth an arm through her canals to western tracts. Boston is the common centre for New- England business, and well lias she improved her local advantages by means of railroads — of which 700 miles open every remote section of the New-Tjigland states, and converge within every trade and travel upon Boston; she has also greatly enlarged her connection with the west, by overcoming natural difticiJ- ties by means of the Western railroad. New- York, however, by its canal, makes tributary the Avhole northern and western states, and her shipping commands the coasting trade to New-Orleans. NEW-YORK COMMERCE. 16S NEW-YORK— CosfMERCB, 1849-52. BXPOETS FROM NEW-YORK TO FOREIGN PORTS FOR TUE FISCAL YEAR ENDING JUNE SO, 1852. Domestic MONTHS. Produce. July $3,188,027 August 3^59,594: September 2,593,986 October 2,70-2,382 November 2,451,511 December 2,612,436 January 2,419,296 February 3,352,943 March 4,313,245 April 4,244,044 May 4,249,924 June 3 566,369 Foreign Dutiable. $284,: 334 316. 358 397, 3.51 358, 322 357 353 545 482 397 ,549 047 ,292 ,597 ,428 244 272 ,230 262 ,973 594 Foreign Free. $2,311 22,974 134,271 106,626 62,368 21,918 26,693 93,932 100,557 67,719 106,818 125,500 Specie. B6,0(»4,170 2,673,444 3,490,142 1,779,707 5,033,996 5,668.235 2,868,958 3,551,543 611,994 200,266 1,834,893 3,556,355 Total. 80,478,905 6,290,561 6,534,446 4,947,007 7,945,472 8,5.54,017 6,673,191 7.320,690 5,383,026 4,86.5,291 6,737,608 7,730,818 Total .$38,853,757 $4,461,885 $871,687 37,273,703 $81,461,032 Those items for several years compare as follows: 1848. 1849. 1850. 1851. 1852. Domestic Produce $33,638,844 $33,226,419 $33,227,676 $47,496,978 $38,853,757 Foreign, dutiable 2,693,597 3,614,915 5,433,761 6,107,498 5,333,572 Specie 12,028,794 4,629,873 5,885,103 26,622,731 37,273,703 Total of Exports. $38,361,235 $41,471,207 $44,546,540 $80,227,207 $81,461,032 Imports 91,668,883 89,464,540 112,968,593 126,270,705 98,801,134 This presents a gradual increase in the exports of tbe port, and to a greater extent than the imports. It also shows the influence of CaUfornia in developing the trade. That new region has absorbed a large amount of produce and domestic manufactures that would not sell readily in Europe. The in- 1849. Specie $2,807,637 Free Goods 8,028,581 Dry Goods 36,417,112 Other Dutiable 42,166,210 dustiy of California has given a product ia exchange which sells readily at all times; and the United States domestic productions have been raised by the addition of gold which Europe will take when she does not want foreign produce. The importations at the port have been as follows : 1850. $10,502,115 7.890,878 4<5,342,271 48,233,329 1851. $10,390,501 8.321.042 68,065,611 49,493,551 1852. $2,528,391 11,926,912 48,900,935 35,444,896 TotiO. $89,464,540 The following table gives the quantity of goods entered for consumption, and the quantity entered for warehousing, being the gross imports ; also the aggregate withdrawn IMPORTS ENTERED AT NEW-YORK FROM FOREIGN PORTS FOR THE FISCAL YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1852, COMPARED WITH THE PREVIOUS YEAR. 112,968,593 126,270,705 98,801,134 from warehouse, and that entered for con- sumption, being the quantity put on the market : Entered for ConsuinpXion Free Goods. $ Specie, Total, Withdrawn ITotal thrown fiom on the Warehousp. Market. July August.... September. October.. . , November. December.. January . . . February . . March April May June 12,374,701 ll.'279,004: 8,384,172] 5 790,795 4,399,085 5,073,102, 8.5S4,311 7,024.952 9,302.024 8,410,448' 6.090,990' 7,620,181 1,022,725 1.358,089 804.91G 1,204,994 938,050 1,050,18"> 1,2S1,594 1,0(13,383 910,519 732,422 4.53,109 640,722 1,027,4811 638,334 360,1.53 1,5.58,720 41.5,838 575,001 1,041,456 1,110,949 1.843,938 1,496,449 789,046 1,062,947 81,143 186,503 115,550 23,105 218,473 25,376 104,730 110,293 525,421 327,401) 380,584 429,747 Total Do. 1850-51. 14,506,050 13,461,930 9.730,791 8,.577.674 5.971,4.52 6,724,32-1 11,012.097 9,249.577 12,587.902 10.966.719 7,719,73.1 9.759,597 1,107,044 1.252,245; 1,609,304! 1,602,436 l,.n7,100i 1,117,4.56! 1,. 584.652, 1,788,997' 1.605.849; 12.55,429 1,380,371 911,479 14 050,969 13,356,085 10,.535,179 8,975,116 0,410,496 6.791,595 11.31.5,155 10,035,191 13,277,232 11,489.726 8,040.997 10,030,354 94,34.5,831 11,406,714 11,326,912 2..528,391 120,267,848 16,712.902 125,514,09( 07,5-59,104 14.802,824 8,321,042 10,.39(>,501!141,073,.531 12 2ol.313 13-',472,02, 1G4 NORTH CAROLINA COLONIAL HISTORT. Last year, under the large imports, there 1 together a difference of nearly ^S.OOO.OOOr •was an excess of goods wardioused. This The dry goods, as compared with others, seeia year there is an excess withdrawn, making j to have been as follows . Entered 'Warehouse. 1851. 1852. Dry Goods.. All other . . 80,940,219 7,86'2,605 $8,471,478 2,995,236 1851. $5,700,816 0,500,497 Withdrawn. 1852. $7,474,659 9,238,323 Total §14,802,824 $11,460,714 $12,201,313 $16,712,962 The diminution in warehouse stock seems] operations are annually becoming more im- to have been almost altogether of merchan-1 portant, being already 10 per cent, of the disc other than dry goods. The warehouse 1 goods passed luto consumption. RELATIVE VALUE OF THE REAL AND FERSON/U. ESTATE IN THE CITY ASD COUNTY OK NEW-TOEK, AS ASSESSES IN 1851 AND 1852. ASSESS.ME.NTS OF 1«51. A6SE3SME.STS OF IIW-I. Wards. Real Estate. \ Personal Estate. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. xm. XIV. XV. XTI. XVII. XVIH. XIX. XX. $29,782.; 15.477 14.409 8,238, 10.242, 7,857. 11.121. 11.98.5. 11,4:)7, 6.022 6,560, 3.274, 4,56 1: 7,877, 18.347 14,870 12,479 2.5 255 "6^614 SSS' 00 ,31!0 00 .650 00 ,620 00 ,9.50 00 ,250 00 .726 00 ,200 00 ,!;;50 00 200 00 ,4.50 00 ,400 00 ,800 00 ,801 26 .594 00 000 00 i,3:i5 00 ,.6il0 00 :;i57 00 Personal Estate.' ' !&■>; §39,361,364 42 2 063 663 19 8,821,745 54 1,3.52,045 00 2,783 604 00 1,127,850 00' 2.990.440 00 2,030.039 01) 1,918,.593 38 1,239,4.J0 00 026,321 52 511,600 00 639,705 73 2,519,893 19 15.275,270 00 1,020,9.50 00 2,970,520 00 5,400,187 00 3(4,800 CO §39,828, 15,999,' 16,650,: 8,407, 10,738. 8.101: 11,7..7: 12,939. 11.795, ,851. ,897. 3.888! 4,699. 8,133, 19,245 11:375 13, (SO. 33, 9,878: 7,916 183 00 ,725 00 i300 00 ,420 (iO ,4J0 OOi ,850 00' ,490 00 ,900 00 ,800 00 ,300 00 ,200 00 ,896 00 ,900 00 ,500 00 ,250 00 ,139 20' ,850 Ooi .010 00 i;380 OOJ 1,200 00! §40,671,, 2,947 '9,769 1,571, 2,490. 1,303, 2,746, 1,706. 1,727, J, 106, 539, 518. 552. 2,335. 15,8:o. 1.608: 2,4:i(: 8,194, 255. 210: 5"3 76! 672 50 J 472 86 i .567 OOl 5.">0 OOj ,250 OO] 575 00 573 00! 643 38 ,250 00 ,83f 46 ,100 00 505 73 927 00' ,945 84 ,225 00 ,900 00; 8110 00 ,400 00 1,750 00 §69,143,947 421 17.540.963 19 23.231.395 54 9.591 1. 065 00 13,026,6 1 4 00 8,985 100 00 14,112.160 00 14 022.139 00! 13,355.843 38 7.891,650 00 7,186,771 52 3,786,000 00 5.201,.505 73 10, 97,694 45 33,C'^i,864 00 15,890,950 00 15,449,845 00 30,745,787 CO 6,928,957 OOJ With 16th Wd.j §71,499,086 76 18.947,397 50 26.425,772 86 9,978,987 00 13,228,950 00 9,418.100 00 14.504,065 00 14,646 533 00 ; 13.523.443 38 7,957,550 00 7,4.37,031 46 4,406,996 Oa 5.252,405 73 10,4ti9,427 00 ;f 35,072,195 84 12,983,:f64 20 15,623,7.50 00 42,o:)0,810 00 10,133,380 00 8,126,950 00 Total.. §227.015,8.55 20 ,$193,095,001 97; $252,186 753 20j 498,520,042 531, §320,110,868 53, $:?51,7l0,795 73 Total valuation in County §351,706,795 73 Total Talurtion in Lamp District 3.37,,529,246 73 Total valuation south of centre of Torty second street 338,086,019 73 NORTH CAROLINA.— Colonial, Revo- lutionary AND Subsequent History — Phys- ical Condition — Productive Industry' and Resources — Population — Cuief Towns — Education — Religious Sects — Courts — Ca- nals AND RaILROAD,S, ttc. acres of land between the Yadkin river and the Dan ; tlie third by a large body of Highlanders, chietly from Argyleshire, for whom luiid had been purchased by their lead- er, Neal McNeal, near the present Fayette- viile. All these colonies were successfully established; and their numerous descendants inhabit the state at this day. Johnstone dying, (1752,) Arthur Dobbs was invested (1754) with the governorship. He applied himself at once to forming alliances with tlie Indians, lest they mit;ht join with the French m committing liostihties upon the province. Notwillistanding every effort, un- friendly tribes, especially after Braddock's de- feat, (1755,) harassed the western frontiers. Among tliese tribes tlie Ciierokees were fore- most in commilliiig de])redations. liiey, as well as the upper Creeks, by whom they had been joined, were finally forcdd to sue for peace. As regarded the conduct of the war, the assembly concurred with tlie governor, but they differed widely on otiier questions re- specting the government. An attempt on his part to have the representation in the assem- bly reduceii, or remodelled, and his refu'^al to assent to an act exiending tlie jurisdiction of the courts of law and tiiu terms of the judges" ofBees, produceil general discontent in the as- sembly. The dissatisfaction increased. To allay it, Wm. Tryon, a military officer, was sent out in the cajjacity of lieutenant gover- nor. On the diMith of Dobbs (1705) he was raised to the governorship. Tryon found the colony restless and uiicpiiet. On Earl Greu- ville's reservation, the inhabitants, wlio liad been hardly treated by his lordship's agents, and by petty government officers, already riot- ous, were ripe for open rebellion. But tlie new incumbent ruled witii a steady hand. Early in his adnruii-tratirth Carolina, in spite of Martin's opposition, was represent- ed in Die first Coutinental Congress, (Sept., 1774,) and its ilelegates joined in adopting the "Declaration of Colonial Rights." A provin- cial Congress, composed chiefly of members of the as-sembly, and the assembly itself, ap- proved of the proceedings of the late Congress, and appointed delegates to the next. An as- sociation for the defense of colonial rights was formed, and the citizens of Mecklenburg coun- ty even went so far (May 21, 1775) as for- mally to declare their independence of the British conneclion, and renounced all allegi- anc(f to the crown. Alarmed at the progress of the association, the governor retired (July) on board a ship of war in Cape F'ear river. The revolution in North Carolina was now complete. A new state Convention w-as form- ed, (Aug. 20.) and the raising of three regi- ments of troops autliorized. Tliey were soon increased to five, and all were taken by Con- gress into colonial pay. The tory influence, however, was strong, especially among the Regulators. A body of 150(1 men, under Mc- Donald and McLeod, wlio liad been commis- sioned by Martin, attempted to reach the coast where (len. Clinton, with a squadron, was wailing for assistance from Britain, pre- paratory to making a descent upon the coun- try. Hastening towards Wilmington, the to- ries attempted to force a j)assage over Moore's- Creek Biidge, but were repulsed, with the loss of McLeoii, by a body of njilitia, under Caswell. In their retreat, they ran into the XORTH CAROLINA REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY. 16§ power of Col. Moore, wlio was advancing in pursuit, and eight iiundred and fifty of tliern, McDonald included, were made prisoners. Four more regiments were now (April 1) ordered to be raised by the North Carolina Congress. Clinton, though reinforced, de- spairihLC of local assistance, sailed away, ac companied by Martin, to the attack of Charles- ton. In tlie following April, the North Carolina Couventiou, taking the lead, author- ized tlu'ir delegates in Cont^ress to join with other colonies in declaring independence. On the 4th of July following, that independence was solemnly declared. Meanwhile the Che- rokees, in league with the British, ravagetl the western frontiers. Promptly met by a strong force from the Carolinas and Virginia, they were subdued, and forced to surrender to their conquerors a large tract of country, including the yet iufiint settlements on the Tennessee. The territory apportioned to North Carolina was erected into the district of Washington, the province being now (since Dec. 18, 1776) a state, having a regular constitution, and pre- sided over by Kicliard Caswell, McDonald's conqueror, as governor. Settlers were en- couraged to locate in the district, lands being granted at the rate of £2 10s. the hundred acres. Though North Carolina furnished her quota of regular troops for the continental army, and assisted in bear-ng the expenses of the war, it did not become for some years a theatre of military operations. From 1779, the southern states were the chief scene of the revolution- ary conflict. North Carolina manfully bore her part of the burden. In May, 1780, Charles- ton surrendered to the British under Gen. Clinton. Within a month all South Carolina was in possession of the victors. The loyal- ists of North Carolina flew at once to arms. Of two parties assembled to aid the enemy, one succeeded in reaching the Britisii out- posts, but the other was dispersed by the whig militia, under Gen. Rutherford. After tlie defeat of Gates at Camden, (Aug. 6,) there was left no organized force in either of the Carolinas. Coruwallis prepared to make an irruption into tiie northern state. His troops moved forward in three divisions ; tiie main body, under himself, advanced by Charlotte and Salisbury ; another party, under Tarleton, along the Catawba ; a third, under Ferguson, took a more westerly course along the foot of tlie mountains. Attacked by a body of mount- ed backwoodsmen, the latter was completely routed (Oct. 9) at King's Mountains. Hearing of this disaster, Cornwallis marched back to Winnsboro', in South Carolina. As he retired. Gates advauced to Charlotte with a force, small and ill provided for, which he had organ- ised partly from new North Carolina recruits, and partly from the survivors of the f ital field of Camden. At Charlotte, Gen. Greene jomed the army, (Dec. 2,) and assumed the command. The mutual animosity of the wliigs and tories now exhibited itself in savage ferocity. Corn- wallis moved northwanl, (Jan. 1,) to interpose between Greene and Morgan, who was ope- rating against the l>ritish on the left side of Broad river. Tarleton was sent against him with one thousand light troops. Morgan awaited his ai)i)roach at Cowjieus, Avhere Tarleton was defeateii, with a loss of eight hundred killed and captured. Tarleton hasti- ly joined Cornwallis, who advanced to inter- cept Morgan, before he should form a junction with Greene ; but he was unsuccessCul. The passage of the Catawba being forced by Corn- wallis, Greene, retreating, pushed an for the Yadkin. He crossed in safi-ty, and hastened on towards Guilford Court-House, and thence into Virginia. Meanwhile that state had been invaded by the traitor Arnold, while Wilming- ton, North Carolina, had been occupied by a body of the enemy from Charleston. At the approach of Cornwallis, the sf.ate authorities fled from Hillsboru' to Nevv'bern ; but that town was soon taken by a detachment of the enemy from Wilmington North Carolina was, to all a]ipearauce, subdued. The tories began to embody in force. To protect them, Cornwallis crossed the Haw, and encamped on the Alimance creek. Greene, reinforced, followed. The armies met near Guilford Court- House(Mar. 15,) where Greene was defeated; but at so great a cost was the victory gained, that Cornwallis was obliged to fall Ijack on Fay- etteville, (then Cross Creek,) and soon after still farther towards Wilmington. Adopting a bold policy, Greene marched hastily on into South Carolina, hoping either to draw Corn- wallis from North Carolina, or to subdue Raw- don, who held South Carolina in subjection, if unsupported by the northern forces. On dis- covering the plau of Greene, Cornwallis, imi- tating his policy, advanced into Virginia, and joined the British force operating there, Greene's career in South Carolina was bril- liant. Within seven months the British were confined to the district between tlie Cooper and the Ashley rivers. Henceforth North Carolina was no longer invaded. Troops were constantly raised by the state, however, till the close of the war. The tories gave further trouble, but they were put down with some severity by Gen. Rutherford. Soon after the capture of Cornwallis, (October 17,) Wil- mington wag evacuated (Jan. 1782) by the British, while their troojis were confined in South Carolina l)y the advance of Greene to Charleston Neck and the adjacent islands. Towards the end of the year |:)eace was de- clared. Thus ended British domination at the south. Subsequent History. — The history of North Carolina, since the Revolution, exhibits few changes and few events of more than ordinary importance. The materials on hand for pre- paring a sketch of this portion of its history 170 NORTH CAROLINA GEOGRAPHY AND TOPOGRAPHY. are meagre. A work on the subject, however, is announced as iu course of preparation, by Francis L. Hawks, D.D., in wliicli, no doubt, the hisfor}' will be elaborately treated in all its principal aspects. — North Carolina acceded to the present Fedenil Constitution, Nov. 27, 1789, by a vote of 193 yeas to 75 nays. Since then, the people of no state have adhered more firmly to the Union. The state consti- tution was framed, as already noticed, in Dec, 177G. It was revised and partially modified in 1835. The governor is chosen by qualified voters for the House of Commons for the term of two years, and he can hold office only four years in six. He must be 35 years old, be worth §5,000, and have been a resident for five years. The General Assembly is com- Eosed of a Senate of fifty members, and a Louse of Commons of 120 members. Mem- bers of the Senate are elected once in two years by the people, and must possess each 300 acres of land iu the county for which they are chosen. Members of the House of Com- mons are also chosen by the people once in two years, and must hold each 100 acres of land in the county which they represent. The General Assembly meets once in two years at Raleigh, on the second Monday of Novem- ber. By this body are appointed the Council of State, the Judges, and the Attorney-Gen- eral ; the former holding their offices during good behavior, the last for four years. Every white male citizen, being twenty-one years ot age, or over, and a resident of the county one year, who has paid taxes, is entitled to vote for members of the Hou.se of Commons ; to vote for Senators, he must, in addition, pos- eess fifty acres of land.* Physical Coxdition. — North Carolina pre- sents a broad front to the ocean, but gradually contracts to the westward, till it ends in a narrow strip of land lying between Georgia and Tennessee. Its greatest length is 49ti miles; its breadth varies in the eastern part from 120 to 180 miles; in the western, from 100 to 2u miles. The western boundary line, as determined by the act of cession of the western territory to the Union, (1790,) runs from the \'irginia line along the to[) of Stone Mountain to the river Wataga ; tlience, in a direct course, to the top of Yellow Mountain ; thence along that mountain, and the moun- tains Iron, Bald, Great Iron, and Unaka, to the southern boundary. The southern boun- dary line is quite irregular : begun in 1735, it ■was not established in its entire course until * The constitution has in it somethinf; of ihu reli- gious element ; lor it proviiles expressly thai " no person who shall (lnny the beiuu; of a God, or the truth of the Christian religion, or the divine aiilhority of tlio Old and New Testament, or who shall hold religious prineiplos incotnpalible with the froedom or safely of the state," gtiall hold any civil olfice. On the other hand, it is also provided that no clerjryman, while in the exercise of his duties, shall bo a member of either branch of the assembly, ur of the council. 1815. The line on the north has been already mentioned. The whole area included is 50,000 square miles. NORTH CAROLINA.— GEOGRArnY, To- pography. AND HVDROGRAPUY OF NoUTH CA- ROLINA — Soil, Peodccts, Resources, Statis- tics, Population, Trade, Internal Improve- ments, Education, Religion, Geology, &c. — The entire coast of North Carolina is bordered by low, narrow beaches of sand, which are broken through at intervals, forming a com- munication between the ocean and the lakes, or lagoons, situate between the sandbanks and the main land. South of Cape Lookout these breaks are numerous, and the lagoons nar- rower ; north of that cape the converse is the fact Beyond the banks lie extensive shoals, all which, taken together, render the coast of this state more dangerous to navigators than any other on the Atlantic. Within the lagoons sand-bars are constantly forming, and as con- stanty changing their position. Furious gales, too, prevail; so that it is difficult even for a skilful pilot to conduct a vessel through the inlets, and over the lagoons, without the oc- currence of some accident. Ocracoke Inlet is now the only navigable pass north of Cape Lookout: it is full of shifting sand-bars, and, at low tide, even in the main channel, con- tains only six feet water. Roanoke Inlet, op- posite the island of that name, is now ol> structed ; but measures for reopening it have been put into operation. To the northward, between the main land and tlie narrow beach, stretching down from Cape Henry, lies Curri- tuck Sound, fifty miles long, by from two to ten in breadth. West of this, running some distance inland, is the Sound of Albemarle, sixty miles in length from east to west, and from five to fifteen broad. Its waters are fresh, and not subject to rise and fall fn>m the influence of the tides, though they are affected by particular winds. These two sounds com- municate with the sound of Pamlico, which lies south of Currituck, and is eighty-six miles long by from ten to twenty in breadth. Its depth in general is twenty feet, but shoals .'ibouiid. It ()]iens on the sea by means of Ocracoke Inlet, and is somewhat affected by the tides. Cape Hatteras forms the headland of the dangerous beach which separates Pam- lico from the ocean, a beach so barren and desolate as to be inhabited only by fishermen and pilots. For a distance of from sixty to eighty miles from the sea-coast the country is perfectly level, traversed by sluggish and muddy streams, and abounding in swamps and marshes. The soil is sandy and barren, ex- cept along the banks of the streams, where it is often fertile. The natural growtli of this region is the pitcli-])ine, which attains a fuller development here than in the states further north, and yields vast quantities of tar, pitch, NORTH CAROLINA GEOGRAPHV AND TOPOGRAPHY. 171 turpentine and lumber. The swamps, so nu- 1 merous in this section, are estimated to occu- py about 3,000,000 acres of the 30,720,000 contained in the state. Of this huid a consid- erable quantity may be drained or reclaimed by embankments, by which means it would become fitted for the production not only of rice, but also Indian corn, (maize,) cotton and tobacco. The Great Disirial Swamp, partly in this state and partly in Virginia, is thirty miles long and ten broad, extending over a surface of 150,000 acres. It is covered in eome places with a dense forest of cedars, pines, and cypresses ; in other places it is oc- cupied by tall grasses and reeds, almost im- pervious. In the centre is Lake Drummond, twenty miles in circuit. The soil is covered knee deep with water : it is firm in some parts, but in most it consists of a soft yielding bog, into which a pole may be thrust for Bome distance. The swamp furnishes yearly a large supply of scantlings, which are borne out on log causeways to small receiving ves- sels that come up tor tlieir loads by means of canals. Similar in its character, and nearly as large, is Alligator, or Little Dismal Swamp, between the sounds of Albemarle and Pam- lico ; parts of which have been drained, and make valuable rice fields and wheat lands. There are other swamps further south (Cat- fish, Green, etc.) usually overgrown, like those spoken of, with cedar and cypress, intermin- gled with the maple, the poplar, the white oak, and having an impenetrable undergrowth of reeds, vines, briers, &c. As we advance into the interior of the country, its aspect becomes more and more changed. "At a distance of sixty or seventy miles from the coast," says Williamson, " the land begins to rise into small hills, stones ap- pear on the surface, and the streams ripple in their course. As we advance a little further westward, we find all the variety of hills and dales that may consist with a fertile country fit for cultivation." For about forty miles behind the flat country there extends, as far as the lower falls of the river, a belt of laud, of a surface moderately uneven, with a sandy soil, of which pitch-pine is the prevailing na- tural production. West of the falls the sur- face is undulated, the streams flow more swiftly, and the land is more fertile, produ- cing wheat, rye, barley, oats, flax, <&c. Pro- ceeding still further west, beyond the Yadkin and the Catawba, we reach an elevated re- gion, forming part of the great table-land of the United States, and lying from 1,000 to 1,200 feet above the level of the sea. Above it tower the peaks of the Blue Ridge, the chief of which have distinct local appella- tions. Black Mountain, according to late mea- surements, has an elevation of 6,426 feet, being higher than any summit in the United States east of the Rocky Mountixius, and 242 feet higher than the highest 'peaks of the cele- brated White Mountains in New-Hampshire. Roan Mountain has an elevation of 6,038 feet, its sunnnit forming a broad level meadow to which tiie horses of the vicinity are sent for pasturage. Grandfather Mountain is 5,556 feet high ; Table Mountain attains the height of 3,420 feet. Mount Ararat, or the Pilot Mountain, in Surrey county, situated in a comparatively level region, exhibits a striking symmetry of structure. Its form is veiy nearly that of a cylinder. It is ascended by a path in some places nearly perpendicular ; and the view from its summit is delightfully pleasing. Between these mountain ranges in the west- ern part of the state the soil is productive. North Carolina is well watered by consider- able rivers ; but these streams, in comparison with their size and number, afford few facili- ties for navigation. They are generally shal- low near their mouths, or are broken by falls in the upper part of their course, or are choked up by bars, or are lost in shallow la- goons difficult of access. The principal river, whose course lies wholly within the state, ia the Cape Fear. It is, moreover, the only large stream which flows directly into the ocean. Its principal tributaries are the Haw and the Deep, which join at Haywood, in Chatham county. It falls over the primary ledge into the low country at Averasboro. At Fayetteville it can be navigated by large boats. Above Wilmington it forms two branches, which reunite below that town, flow- ing on in a broad sluggish stream, obstructed by sand-bars, and difficult to navigate. By the aid of jetties, which diminish the breadth of the river, and by the stopping up of some of the smaller outlets, a greater velocity has been given to the current of the main channel, and the depth of the main channel, as far as Wilmington, made to reach from twelve to thirteen feet. Cape Fear has two entrances from the sea, separated by Smith's Island. The main entrance (the southwest) has from ten to fourteen and a half feet of water on the bar. The Chowan and the Roanoke flow into Albemarle Sound. The former is navi- gable to Murfreesboro ; the latter for thirty miles, by small craft which ply on the souni Both are navigable to a greater distance by boats : the Roanoke as far as Weldon. The Tar and the Neuse empty into the Sound of Pamlico. On the Tar, vessels drawing eight feet may go as high as Washington ; boats as high as Tarboro. The Neuse is navigable by large boats as far as Kingston. The ocean entrances of both these rivers are channels, in which there is only ten feet water at high tide. The Waccamaw, the Lumber, the Yad- kin, and the Catawba pass into South Caro lina, where all but the first receive new ap- pellations. From the west of the Blue Ridge flow New River, the Wataga, French Broad, 172 NORTH CAROLINA — PRODUCTIVE INDl'STRY AND RESOURCES. Little Tennessee and Hiwassee, the waters of all which mingle at length with those of the Ohio. Professor Olmsted, in his report on the Geolojry of North Carolina, has given a ful and reliiible account of its minerals. The low country consists of deposits of sand and clay, similar and belonging to the same age (the tertiary) as those of Eastern Virginia and Maryland. The.se beds contain few minerals, but abound in deposits of shell, marl, fossili- ferous limestone, copperas, and bog iron ore. A ledge of micaceous rocks, seen in the ra- vines and beds of rivers, forms the line which divides the low land from the upper country. A. belt of mica slate, chlorite slate, gneiss and granite, lies west of this line. Among the minerals of this section are: hematitic iron ores, (Nash and Johnston counties,) plumbago, (Wake,) and occasionally soapstone and ser- pentine. This strip is succeeded by a belt of sandstone, running southwesterly from Gran- ' ville across the state. Freestones and grind- stones are. abundant in some parts of the formation, which also contains argillaceous iron ore, and some coal measures, (Orange, Chatham.) Next to this is situate the great slate formation, about twenty miles in breadth, and running from northeast to southwest quite across the state. Within this district are found numerous beds of porphyry, soapstone, serpentine, greenstone, and hone or whetstone slate. The honestone is of a decidedl3' supe- rior quality, being preferred by workmen to the V)est hones from Turkey. After the slate formation tliere comes next another belt of primary rocks, reaching nearly to the Blue Ridge. Tliis comprises the gold region of North Carolina. Iron ore is fuund also in' Rockingham, Stokes, Surrey and Lincoln. It is for the most part the magnetic oxide, and ' Las been extensively wrought. There were in tills section of the states in 1830, three fur- naces and thirty forges in operation. Productive Industry and Resources. — Though it seems from the face of the map that tliis state is well watered by numerous streams, yet these rivers are, for reasons above stated, of little use in a commercial point of view. The agriculturist finds a diffi- culty in tran«!porting his produce, which seriously interferes Avith his prosperity. The greater part of the produce from tiie high grounds in the eastern part of the state, (and some from the nurthcrn and middle,) is sent into Virginia; that from the western part, into South Carolina and 'J'ennessec. This, too, is often done by means of tedious and cumbersome conveyances. The exports of the state at the period immediately preceding the revolution were at least double what they are at present. In 1849, they amounted to 8270,076, against imports to the value of $113,146. The industry of Nortii Carolina is almost wboUy agricultural There is not a I state in the Union more fortunate in its vari- ' ety of staple productions. All kinds of grain j that grow in the north are successfully culti- vated here. The sti iking diversity of climate and soil between the low lands of the east, , the high lands of the west, and the moderate- ly diversified interior, has its correspondence in a similar diversity of agricultural ])roduc- tions. Tiie low lands yield cotton, rice and indigo. The ricn is of the best quality. The cotton crop is not lai-ge, not exceeding 30,000 bales yearly. Grapes, plums, blackberries, etc., grow spontaneously in this region ; and the leaves of the canes in the bottoms, contin- uing green all winter, afford grateful fooil to herds of cattle. Fui ther west, in the interior and in the valleys of the highlands, the soil is well adapted to wheat, tobacco, hemp. Indian corn, and the grains and fruits which flourish at the northward. Tiie mountainous districts afford excellent pasture for large herds of cat tie and horses. In the elevated parts of the state the natu- ral timber-growth is oak, walnut, cheriy, and lime. The white-oak trees found here are well suited for making staves, being taller and more free from knots than those which belong further north. Thick and extensive forests of juniper and cypress are found in the eastern portion of the state, constituting a supply of timber for making shingles which is almost inexhaustible. The pine forests, which cover almost all the district, contribute greatly to the wealth and general prosperity of the state. They not only furnish quanti- ties of lumber for exportation, but from them is obtained nearly all the resinous matter used in this country, particularly in ship-building, and .also for other impiirtant purposes. These resinous products are turpentine, scrapings, spirits of turpentine, rosin, tar, and pitch. Turpentine is the mere sap of the pine tree. It is obtained by making an incision in the bark, from which the turpentine flows, drop- ping into a box beneath. Incisions are made usually about the middle of March, and the dropping ceases about the end of October. The boxes are emptied five or six times a year. A barrel of turpentine is the jiroduce of about forty trees. Tlie same trees will yield about one third that amount of scrap- ings, which is that part of the sap which be- comes hard before reaching the box. Spirits of turpentine is made by ilistilling this sap the residuum after distillation is rosin. About 600,000 barrels of turpentine are now made within the state, the greater part of which is distilled within its limits. its jiroduction gives direct employment to four or live thou- sand laborers ; and ten or fifteen thousand more, it is computed, are supported by the proceeds of its first sale. No other article, it is said, produced by the same number of laborers.jcontributes so much to the connnerce and prosperity of the state. Tar is made NORTU CAROLINA PRODUCTIVE INDUSTRY AND RESOURCES. 173 from billets of pine, burned in pits, under al heavy covering of turf or earth. The billets are consumeil slowly witliout flaiiie ; ami the tar, as it exudes, is conveyed by a trench into a cavity made in the ground as a reservoir. The tar of Carolina is of much inferior quality to that of the north of Europe, chiefly on ac- count of the slovenly manner in wiiich tlie former is usually prejiared. The kiln is most frequently built on light, sandy larui, in which arc cut both the trench ami the reser- voir. In consequence, the product of tlie burning alwjiys contains a large percentage of sand, a pint of which will condemn agallon of tar. More stringent inspection laws liave been enacted of late years, from the taithful execution of which a great improvement in Carolina tar must result. Pitch is obtained from tar by boiling it down to dryness. This state, both on account of its natural productions and its numerous water-courses, is adininibly adapted to manufactures. Yet maimfactories chiefly exist in the shape of household industry. During the last few years, however, several cotton and wool man- ufactories have been erected, which are now in active operation. Gold is an important product of North Carolina. The region where it is mainly found has been already desig- nated. This district is, for the most part, barren, and its inhabitants generally poor and ignorant. The principal mines are Anson's, Read's, and Parker's. The first named is situ- ated in Anson county. Its yield was once good; but, disputes arising as to the title of part of the laud, operations have been much retarded. Read's mine is in Cabarrass, and ■was the first wrought. Masses of metal, ■weighing 400, .500, or COO penny-weights, are occasionally dug up. One piece was found by a negro, weighing, in its crude state, twen- ty-eight pounds avon-dupois. Marvellous sto- ries used to be told of this lump ; as, that " it had been seen by gold hunters at night, re- flecting so brilliant a light when they drew near to it with torches, as to terrify them, and deter them from further examination." Par- ker's mine is situated on a small stream four miles south of the Yaiikin. Tiie metal ii found chiefly in flakes and grains. A mass, however, weighing four pounds and eleven ounces, has been discovered. In the mining districts, gold contained in goose quills forms a currency. Its value is fixed by weight. The larger part of tlie produce of the mines is bought up by dealers, at from ninety to nine- ty-one cents a penny-weight. By these it is carried for the most part out of the state. They sell some to jewellers ; some is deposited in banks ; and a large quantity is received at the mint of the United States. Statistics of the productive industry and resources of North Carolina cannot easily be procured. The latest we have at command are given in the official retiu^us for 1840. From these "we take the subjoined summary : In 1840, the value of home made or family manufactures was 81,413,242 ; there v^'ere three woollen manufactories and one fulling mill, producing articles to the value of $3,900, with a eaiiital of S^g^sOO; twenty-five cotton mil nu factories, with 47,934 spindles, employ- ing 1,219 persons, producing articles to the value of S438,90(), with a capital of §1)95,300 ; there were eight furnaces, producing 908 tons of cast iron, and forty-three forges, etc., pro- ducing 963 tons of bar iron, employing 468 persons, and a capital of $94,961 ; two smelt- ing-houses, employing 30 persons, and pro- ducing 10,000 pounds of lead; ten smelting houses employing 389 persons, and producing gold to the value of $255,618, with a capital of $9,832 ; two paper-mills, producing articles to the value of $8,785, with a capital of $5,000 ; hats and caps were manufactured to the value of $38,167, and straw-bonnets to the value of $1,700, employing 142 persons, aud a capital of $13,141 ; 353 tanneries, em- ploying 045 persons, with a capital of $271,- 979 ; 238 other leather manufactories, as sad- dleries, etc., producing articles to the value of $185,387, with a capital of $76,163; sixteen potteries, employing 21 persous, producing articles to the value of $6,260, with a capital of $1,531; 89 persons manulactured machin- ery to the value of $43,285 ; 43 persons man- ufactured hardware and cutlery to the value of $1,200; 698 persons manufactured car- riages and wagons to the value of $301,601, with a capital of $173,318; 323 flouring- mills produced 87,641 barrels of flour, -with other mills employing 1,830 persons, produ cing articles to the value of $1,552,096, em- ploying a capital of $1,670,228 ; vessels were built to the value of $02,800 ; 223 persons manufactured furniture to the value of $35,- 002, -with a capit.al of $57,980 ; 40 persons manufactured 1,085 small arms; 15 persons manufactured granite and marble to the value of $1,083; 270 persons produced bricks and hme to the value of $58,336 ; 367 persons manufactured 1,612,825 lbs. of soap, 148,546 lbs. of tallow-caudles, 835 lbs. of spermaceti and w-ax candles, with a capital of $4,754; 2,802 distilleries produced 1,051,979 gallons, and with breweries, which produced 17,431 gallons, employed 1,422 persons, and a cap- ital of $180,200 ; 38 brick or stone, and 1,822 wooden houses, employed 1,707 persons, at a cost of $410,264; twenty-six printing offices, four binderies, twenty-six weekly and one semi-weekly newspaper, and two periodicals, employed 103 persons, and a capital of $55,- 400. Tiie whole amount of capital employed in manufactures was $3,838,900. As regards live stock and agricultural pro- ducts, 'the same authority has the following: In 1840, there were in the state 166,608 horses and mules; 617,371 neat cattle ; 538,- 279 sheep; 1,649,716 swine; poultry to the 1T4 NORTU CAROLIXA rRODUCTIVE IXDUSTRT AXD RESOURCES. value of §544,1 25. Tliere were produced 1,960,885 bushels of wheat ; 3,574 bushels of barley; 3,193,941 bushels of oats; 213,971 bushels of rye ; 15,391 bushels of buckwheat ; 23,893,703 bushels of Indian corn; 625,044 lbs. of wool; 1,063 lbs. of hops; 118,923 lbs. of wax; 2,609,239 bushels of potatoes; 101,- 869 tons of hav; 9,879 tons of hemp and flax; 16.772,3.59 lbs. of tobacco; 2,820,388 lbs. of rice; 61,926,190 lbs. of cotton; 3,014 lbs. of silk cocoons; 7,103 lbs. of sugar ; the products of the dairy were valued at $674,- 349 ; of the orchard, at .^386,006 ; of lumber, at §500,766. There were made 28,752 gal- lons of wine.* • A citizen of North Carolina, who evidently writes intelligently, communicates the foUowinR pertinent notice of the commerce and rcpources of tiie state, to the McrckanCs Mn/razine, for September, 18-19, (Vol. xxi. pp 'S55, 3.56 :) " There is no state in the Union whose statistics are so meagre ; none in which the difficulty of pro- curing information necessary to the proper exhibi- tion of the commerce and resources are greater. With a coast bound with sand-bars, the navigation of rivers obstructed by nature, a large extent of terri- tory with diversified interests, with natural obstruc- tions to the concentration of our commerce, with no emporium to concentre talent, and to give unity of desicn to enterprise, our commerce, like the rains falling on the lofty summits of our mountains, runs off in every direction to swell each neighboring rivu- let, without the possibility of ever uniting again to form a great, grand, and noble current of its own. A large portion of western and southwcsforn North Carolina finds a market in Columbia and Charles- ton, South Carolina ; the northern, and a portion of the eastern and middle in Richmond, Petersburg, and Norfolk, Virginia, and the iiruduotions of these sections go to swell the tabular oxhibition of the aforesaid states, and are unknown as the products of our own state. " Our legislatures and members of Congress have hitherto manifested but little interest in the exhibi- tion of our commerce and resources. With the ex- ception of a single effort made a great many years ago, we have no gen(!ral survey of the state. The exploration of our mineral wealth has been left to chance and individual enterprise, with the limited knowledge we have of the mine.i confined to their immediate localities, and for the most part, to those who are practically engaged in them. No southern State can compare witli ours in mineral wealth and resources for manufacturing. Our forests will sup- ply any possible demand for limber and fuel; we Have coal in the greatest abundance, enough to sup- ply the entire demand of our entire country ; and which, for a tenth of the cost incurred by the state of Maryland, might be rendered available to the entire coast of the Atlantic shore. "Information on our commerce will have to be procured, not only from our little ports, but from those points in South Carolina and Virginia which draw thither so large a share of our products. If you should not gel an article sooner, perhaps I may furnish you one, or a series of them, in the early part of the year 1851. I postpone until that time, with the hope of collecting information from, or through the next Legislature of our state ; from the members of the next Congress, through the various reports of that body ; from the next census ; and from such private sources as I may bo able to com- mand. An article biLsed on the lights now before me would bo conjectural and uncertain in" a high degree. The last census is a libel on our state. If you have the prospect of an article from any other source, do not rely on me. The undertaking, proj)- erly execulod, is di£Scult, laborious, and expensive. PopcL.\TioN. — The causes which retarded the increase of tlie population of North Caro- lina, in the early part of its existence as a Colony, have been adduced in the historical portion of this article. The first impulse in the way of increase was imparted about the middle of the last century, when the Scotch Presbyterians from tlie north of Ireland, and the Scotch Highlanders from Argyleshire, migrated into the country, and when the Mo- ravians made settlements at Salem, Bethany, and Bethabara, between the upper Yadkin and the Dan. In 1670, as we have seen, the whole number of taxable inhabitants waa about 1,400; in 1717, about 2,000; of these, at both periods, about one third were negi'O and Indian slaves. At the time the state ceased to be a royal government, the popula- tion is supposed to have been little more than 150,000, of whom one fifth were slaves. Edenton, Newbern, and Wilmington were the only towns worthy of being so called in the province; and of these three, Newbern, the most populous, did not contain more than sis hundred inhabitants. POPULATION AT DIFFERENT PERIODS. Date. Whites. Slaves, Free Col'd- Colored. TotaJ. 1790 988.'2(U 10n,57'2 4,975 105,547 393.751 1800 337,764 1.33,i;90 7,043 140,339 478.103 1810 370,410 168,824 10.26G 179,090 5.5.5 500 1820 419,'JOO 205,017 14,012 219,629 638.829 1830 472.843 24.5,C01 19,543 265,144 737,987 1840 484,870 245,817 21,731 267,548 753,419 1850 552,477 288,412 27,271 315,683 868,160 " Every thing indicates that a better day is com- ing; our navigation, and other means of internal transportation have the prospect of improvement and extension ; our agricultural, mining, and manufac- turing interests have received of late quite a new impetus. "^'omo few years since I made a tour of the southern states ; and I can with the utmost confi- dence say that none of them excelled North Carolina in natural fertility of soil. This I know will sound strange to those abroad, who have heard only of our pine-forests, and cypress and juniper swamps. The swamp country, which is equal to the prairies of the west, covering a large portion of the eastern section of the state, can be reclaimed; much has already been reclaimed. The uplands and mountain sec- tions are like those of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Unfortunately our thoroughfares have given charac- ter to the soil of the state. They generally run through the piny sections, because there they could be constructed at less cost, of better material, and traverse the state at a shorter distance. It the Great Central Railroad is constructed, for which the prospect is quite fair, with the coiirdinate branches, it will be to North Carolina what ' Clinton's Ditch' has been to New-Vork. More than half of our state is dependent on the old four-horse wagon system for transiKirtation over a distance of from fifty to three or four hundred miles to llnd a market. Obstructiona exist in all our rivers, at the beginning of the granite country, its you ascend from the sea-board. If you commence at Weldon, on the Roanoke, in Halifax county, running to Smithfield, in .Tohnslon county, to I'ayetteville, and from thence to Wndesboro', in .Vnsun county, you will get ])retty nearly the line of obstruction. Many of our streams, after passing the rapids and falls which occur chiefly at the i)lace designated, become navigable for a considerable dis- tance. The line designated will give the country dependent on wagons." NORTH CAROLINA — CHIEF TOWNS 1 EDUCATION. lY* Of this population there were employed | in agriculture, 217,096; in commerce, 1,7;54; in manufactures and trade, l-4,3'22 ; in navi- \ gating the ocean, 327 ; in sailing on canals, rivers, &c., 370 ; and 1,086 in the learned pro- fessio!is. Tlie amount of populatioti has been greatly diminished during the last fifty years, ' by the drain of emigration, first to Kentucky and Tennessee, and lately to the states of the , southwest. Chief Towns. — The state is divided into sixty-eight counties, of which Lincoln (popu- 1 lation 25,160) is the most populous. There! are no large towns, and no good seaports in j this state. Raleigh, named after the renown- ed Sir Walter, in honor of his attempts to colonize what is now North Carolina, has i been, since 1792, the capital of the state. It is situated within a few miles of the Neuse, 123 miles from Newbern, in a healthy, ele- vated situation. In 1840, it contained a pop- ulation of 2,240. The former state-house, in which was a marble statue of Washington, in j Roman military costume, by Canova, was de- stroyed in 1831, by fire. The new edifice is su- perbly built of granite, is 166 feet long by 90 feet wide, and is surrounded by massive gran- ite columns. Near the state-house stands the institution, just erected, for the instruction of the deaf and dumb. In the northeastern part of the state, Edenton, ou the Chowan, (popu- lation 1,500,) Elizabeth, on the Pasquotank, Plymouth, (population 800,) and Halifax, ou the Roanoke, are the chief villages. Wasli- ington and Tarboro, on the Tai', contain each about 1,000 inhabitants. Newbern, founded by Germans in 1709, is situated on the Neuse, at the coufluence of the Trent, 80 miles from Pamlico Sound, and until a few years since, was the largest town in the state, containing, in 1840, 3,690 inhabitants. It was once the capital of the state, and is possessed of con- siderable trade. The approach from sea is by Ocracoke Inlet. Beaufort, on Newport river, a few miles from the sea, has a popu- lation (1840) of 1,100; and its harbor is the best in the state. Steamboats go up from Beaufort, by inland channels, into Albemarle Sound. On Cape Fear river are situated the thriving towns of Wilmington and Fayette- ville. The former, distant about 30 miles from the sea, is the most important commer- cial town in North Carolina. Its population, in 1840, was 4,744. Vessels of 300 tons can enter the river and ascend to the town, but the entrance is dangerous. An active coast- ing trade is carried on from the port, and it has direct foreign commerce with the West Indies and England. In 1840, the shipping was 18,232 tons. The railroad between Wil- mington and Weldon, on the Roanoke, has given a new impulse to the trade of both places. Fayetteville is a flourishing town, at the head of boat navigation. In 1840, its population was 4,286. It contams three churches, a court-house, two banks, and a United States arsenal of construction. It had, in 1840, 52 stores, with a capital of >^372,400; and a capital of $384,000 invested in manu- factures. In the west, the chief towns are Salom, Salisbury, and Charlotte, The popu- lation of Salisbury is about 2,000. Near it are the " Natural Walls of Rowan," or trap dykes, for a long time supposed to be artificial constructions, the origin and purpose of which gave rise to various absurd conjectures.* Charlotte, of late years much increased in population on account of its nearness to the gold wa.shings, contains over 2,000 inhabitants, and a mint erected by the federal government for coining gold. There are mineral springs in the state: the Rockingham, in the ci unty of that name ; the Catawba, in Lincoln, con- taining magnesia and sulphate of lime ; and the Warm, in Buncombe, the temperature of which is from 96° to 100°. Education. — Before the revolution, litera- ture was hardly known, much less a subject of cultivation. There were in the province,, at the end of the royal government, only two schools in operation, one at Newbern, and one at Edenton. The trustees had been only of late incorporated, by whom, in Newbern, a wooden building had been erected, in which the meetings of the lower house of the Legis- lature were occasioually held. The constitu- ti(m of 1776 directed "that a school, or schools, shall be established by the Legisla- ture for the convenient instruction of youth, with such salaries to the masters, paid by the public, as may enable them to instruct at low prices ; and all useful learning shall be duly encouraged and promoted in one or more uni- versities." Till within late years, however, no system of free schools was introduced throughout the state. Liberal provision was made for the purpose in 1825, by the creation of a school fund. This fund amounted, in 1836, to $242,046, besides the income of stock held by the state in several railroads, the proceeds of the sale of swamp lands, and the tract acquired from the Cherokees in the southwest of the state. In order to ap- ply these proceeds to their intended object, a Board of Literature was directed, in 1837, to devise a plan of common schools, suited to the exigencies and resom'ces of the state, and to report the same at the next session of the General Assembly. What and how important further steps were taken in the matter, we have not at hand the means of ascertaining. The University of North Carolina, established in 1791, is situated at Chapel Hill, Orange county, 27 miles west northwest of Raleigh. It has six professors, ai;d over 100 students. Davidson College, founded in 1837, is in Mecklenburg county. In 1840, there were * See Williamson's Hist, of North Cnrolina, vol, ii. pp. 174-178, note, who considers them artificial. 1V6 KOUin CAROLINA RELIGIOUS SECTS, BAKKS, ETC. in the state 141 academies, •with 4,398 stu- dents: 63*2 coiirtnnn and primary schools, •with 14,037 scholars. At the same period there -were living in the state 56,609 white persons, over 20 years old, who could neither read nor write. RKi.ii;iors Sects. — At the breaking out of the revii'aitii'n, religion was at a low ebb in the province. The law provided expressly for the maintenance of one clergyman of the Established Church in each parish ; yet there •were at that time not more than six in the entire province. There were about the same number of Presbyterian ministers. The Quakers had some strength in the northeast- em part of the province ; and the iloravians ha * about 500 in all in the churches of their six settlements. Other Christians had no regular establishments; though tho counties were vi>ited by itinerant preachers of the Methodist and tiie Baptist persuasions. At present these two denominations have the most numerous church-membership in the state, each reckoning more than 20,060 com- municants. The Presbyterians, who are most numerous in the western part of the state, had, in 1840, 11,000 communicants. At the same time, the Episcopalians had a bishop and about 20 ministers; the Lutherans, 18 ministers, 38 churches, and 1,886 members. Besides these, there are in the state some Moravians, Quakers, and Roman Catholics. C.\NALs .\yv RAiLRo.\r)S. — Not much has yet been done in North Carolina towards in- creasing facilities for transportation. The countrv is well adapted to canalization. The Dismal Swamp Canal lies partly, and the Northwest Canal, a branch of that work, wholly, within the limits of the state. Much of the northeastern trade takes the latter channel. Harlow Canal, a short work, ex- tends from the Neuse to the harbor of Beau- furt. Three Virginia railroads, which have their southern termini in the north of North Carolina, divert mucii of the trade of the northern counties to the markets of Virginia. The state has two railroads within its own limits. Tile one extends from Raleigh to Ga?ton, in Halifax county, on the Roanoke, a distance of 87 miles. Its cost wasSl,60n,000. The other runs from Wilmington to Weldon, a few miles from Gaston, a distance of 162 miles. It cost ?1,800,000. A line of steamers from Wilmington to Charleston, (S. C) 150 miles, is connected with this route, which thus forms one link in the great chain of commu- nication, extending from Maine to Georgia. Other railro ds are projected, chiefly for the central and western portions of the state. B.\NKS. — There were in North Carolina, in 1846, 18 banks, with a capital of ^8 2-25,000, and a circulation of ?2,954,578. Of these, the deposits amounted to ?i639,507 ; specie, $1,261,061 ; real estate, §117,000; other aa- .sets, $1,114,102; loans and discounts. •?4,688;- 514; due to other banks and other liabilities, 877,631. BA>"KS IN NORTU C.VROLI.VA, MABCH, 1851- r* ^Locition. Nnme of Jlank Fre.MilKnl Cnaliier Capital Asliville Bank of Cape Fear J. F. E. Hardy $150,001) Charlotte liankof State N. C John Irwin Williaiu A. l.ucus I'Jo.OUO Elizabeth City " 'Williaui B. Shepard... — John 0. Ehringhaus 100,000 Fayetteville " Charles l>. Mall''U. Ichabod Wet more" 150,000 " Bank of Cape Fear Charles T Ilaigh John W. Wright 3 O.Oi " Bank of Faveltcnlle John I). Starr William G. Brnadfoot.. 3ri0,000 Milton Bank of .State N. C Samuel 'VVatkins William K. Hill 1^5,000 Morcantown '• Robert C Pearson Isaac T. Avery 10ii,000 Newbern " George S. Altmore John M. Koborts 150.000 " Merchants' Bank Charles Slover William W. Clark t'SSloOO Raleigh Bank of Slate N C George AV. Mordecai t harles Pewey 3i'0 000 " Bank of Cape Fear \V illiam H. Jones 150,000 Salem " Israel G.Lnsh 150.000 Salisbury " M.Chambers Dolphin A. IJavis 175,000 Tarboro Bank of State N.C James Weddell IVlor P. Lawrence l.'')0,000 ■\VashinKton Bank of Cape Fear John Myers Hen;nniin Hunyon IT.'i.OOO Wilmington " Thomas M. Wright Ilonry K. Savage -100.01)0 " Bank of St.-iteN. C Edward V. IlaU William K. Anderson... :itM),(H)0 " Commercial Bank Oscar G. Parsley Timolhy Savage 200,000 Total, 19 Banks— Circulation, $3,500,000— Specie, $1)600,000— Capital, $3,050,000 [Bankers' Magazine. Courts— The Supreme Court holds three ' sessions each \ ear, two at Raleigh, and one at Morgantown, for the western part of the state. It continues to sit till all the business on tlu! docket is concluded, or continued to another term. It determines all cases in law and equity, brouf^hlbefore it by appeal, or by tJie I'larties. It has original and exclusive juris- diction in repealing letters-patent, Tho Su- preme Court for the year 1851 is composed of Tliomas Ruffin, Chief Justice, with a sidary of 5;2,500; Frederic Na-h and Richard M. Pearson, Associate Justices, ^2,5ip ; B. F. Moore, Attorney-General ; James Iredell, Re- porter, ?3()0; Edward 15. Freeman, clerk at Raleigh ; James R. Dodge, clerk at Jlorgan- town. The Superior Courts of Law, and the Courts of Equity, are held twice a yeai" in NORTH CAROLINA — RESOURCES AND PROSPECTS. Ill every county of the stnte. There are seven circuits, of about ten counties each, which the judges ride alternately, but never visiting the same circuit twice in succession. These judges have com[)lote equity jurisdiction. The salary of each is $1,950, The judges now on the bench are, Thomas Settle, of Rocking- ham ; John M. Dick, Greensboro ; D. F. Cald- well and John \V. Ellis, Salisbury ; John L. Bailey, Ilillsboro; M. E. Manlv, Newbern; W. H. Battle, Chapel Hill ; W. H. N". Smith, Murfreesboro ; John S. Hawks, Washington; B. F. Moore, Halifax county; John F. Poin- dexter, Fayetteville ; Thomas S. Ash, Orange County; Danifd Cole, Concord ; B. S. Gaither, Ashville. B. F. Moore, of Halifax county, is Attorney-General. Okkioers of Governmet. — The govern- ment for the present year consists of David S. Ileid, Governor, (term of oflice from January 1, 1851, to January 1, 1853,) a furnished house, and ^2,000 salary ; William Hill, of Raleigh, Secretary of State, $800 and fees ; Charles L. Hinton, of Wake county. Trea- surer, sl,500 salary; Stephen Birdsall, of Raleigh, Clerk of the Treasury Department, $500 salary ; WiUiam F. Collins, of Chatham county, Comptroller, ^1,000 salary; Andrew Joyuer, of Halifax county, Speaker of the Senate ; Robert B. Gilliam, of Granville co., Speaker of the House of Commons. Cowicil of State. — The council is composed of seven members, each of whom receives §3 a day while in service, and §3 for every thirty miles of travel. The members are Lewis Bond, of Bertie county ; Joshua Tay- loe , of Beaufort; N. T. Green, of Warren; Charles L. Paine, of Davidson county ; John Winslow, of Cumberland county ; Thomas A. Allison, of Iredell county ; and Adolphus L. Erwin, of McDowell county. Finances. Receipts from N"ov. 1, 1846, to October 31, 1847 $251,717 65 Expenditure for the same period. 175,402 61 Excess of Receipts. $76,315 04 State Debt. — This is contingent, and arises from endorsements, by the state, of bonds of railroad companies to the amount of §1,100,- 000. From this is to be deducted %\ 3,000 for bonds not used, and §110,000 for bonds paid ; which reduces the amount for which the state is liable to §977,000. Resources and PROsrECTS of North Carolina, and hee Mineral Formations. — From the speech of the Hon. T. L. Cling- man, delivered in the Congress of the United States, which he has kindly furnished us, we make some interesting extracts in regard to the industry, ing up to Wilmington, amount, upon a vessel of one hundred tons burthen, to about forty dollars, which is a tax of forty cents upon each ton of coal she may carry. If this tax is laid upon the coals of Deep River, they will arrive at New- York taxed with a duty that will disenable them to compete with the coals of Pennsylvania. A tax of forty cents a ton upon a million of tons would amount to four hundred thousand dollars, and is a greater profit tlian any mining company has ever made, or can make. The boast that the Slack W^ater Improvement of Cape Fear and Deep rivers affords a cheaper transit to the ocean than any other improve- ment in this country, of the same length and capacity, would be entirely fallacious with the burthen of pilotage on coal, as forty cents added to the anticipated toll of eight cents, would make the tolls greater than on the Chesapeake and Chio Canal, or on any one of the Penn- sylvania canals. Whether the vast mineral treasures of the valley of Deep River shall be developed, depends upon the view which the people of North Carolina shall take of this momentous subject. When I consider what Maryland nnd Pennsylvania have done to foster and cherish their great mineral inter- ests, and the magnificent results which have followed the exercise of that parental care, I cannot for a moment doubt as to the course which North Carolina will pursue regarding her great interests. That you may have an adequate impression of the value in which the mining interests of Maryland and Pennsyl- vania are held in these commonwealths, I will briefly state what each has done for their advancement. " The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal was con- structed at an expense of seventeen millions of dollars. Individual exertions proving un- available, the states of Maryland and Virginia lent their aid by subscribing money and guaranteeing the bonds of canal directors. All these combined exertions proving insuf- ficient, the state of Maryland waived its pri- ority of lien, for the payment of its advances, and foreign capitalists came to the rescue, and by their aid that great work was completed, and with the sole object to open a path to the ocean for tlie coal of the Cumberland mountains. In Pennsylvania, since the year 1821, more than six hundred miles of canal, and four hundred and fifty miles of railroad, have been constructed, by state and individ- ual enterprise, almost entirely for the benefit of the coal trade, and at an expense of more than thirty- eight millions of dollars. The results have shown the wisdom of those gi- gantic expenditures. That as great results will follow from the development of the coal mines of Deep River, no well-regulated mind NtfelH CAROLrNA RESOTJRCES AND PROSPECTS, 181 ■can doubt. It is a law of philosophy, that fiimilar causes will produce similar effects, and I am yet to be informed that this law does not hold good to the south as well as to the north of Mason «fe Dixon's line. If, in Pennsylvania, cities have sprung up, under the influence of the coal trade, witli a sudden- ness tliat reminds one of the fable in the Arabian Nights' Entertainments, where pal- aces were built in a single night by the magic influence of the lamp of Aladdin, why may we not expect to see the borders of Deep River, within a very few years, inhabited by a dense population, and adorned with flourish- ing villiiges and cities, and Wilmington, with her increased commerce, approximate to the wealth and splendor of Phihidelphia ? That similar results will follow from the develop- ment of the mineral riches of Deep River, is as certain as the law of cause and effect. That they will follow more rapidly than they have done in Pennsylvania, is equally certain.* Pennsylvania, at the commencement of her mineral operations, had to contend with pre- judices as to the use other anthracite— preju- dices which experience lias conquered, and you will not have to overcome. "In eight years from the opening of the Pennsylvania mines, she had sent to market less than two hundred and fifty thousand tons. A greater amount can be sent from Deep Piver in two years from the opening of her navigation. It was twenty-two years before Pennsylvania had sent to market in any one year a million of tons. Deep River can send that amount within five years. If capital and enterprise will do for North Carolina what they have done for Pennsylvania, then will the future progress of North Carolina be more rapid than has been the past progress of Pennsylvania. In Pennsylvania the soil and climate are against her; in North Carolina they are in her favor. "The navigation of Cape Fear and Deep * The wonderful rapidity with which Tillages and cities have sprung into exlslence iii the mining dis- tricts of Pennsylvania, may be instanced in the cases of Carhondale, Houesdale and Pottsville, among hundreds of others. lu 18.'8, there was but one building; on the site of Carboudale, and that a log tenement, lu 1S45, it contained a thriving an 1 in- dustrious population of 3,.5U0, occupying good build- ings. Honesdale was covered by the primitive for- est in Ir'-'S ; in 1S45, it contained a population of from 2,500 to 3,()uO persons. And all this prosperity arose from the mining of less than three and a half millions of tons of ccal. The same amount minfd on Deep River would produce necessarily the same re.»uits. In l^'ib, commenced the first mining operations of Schuylkill county. In If 41, the contral town of Potts- ville, originating at a later date than we have quoted, «ontaino(l the following establishments for the edu- cation of the children of the miuers and new-settled residents: Six private schools, numbering 479 pu- pils ; eight public schools, numbering 47-2 pupils ; eight .«>uiiday schools, numbering 1,137 pupils; teach- ers, 16G ; total, 2./54, with a library of 1,659 volumes. Pottsville now contains a population of nearly fifteen xboiuoad. rivers is never interrupted with ice. The canals of Pennsylvania are frozen up four months in the year. During that period, the bituminous coals of Deep River can go north, or seek the mere profitable markets of Char- leston, Savannah, Texas, Mexico, and the West India Islands. Another advantage in favor of North CaroUna, is the natural fertil- ity of her soil, while tlie coal regions of Penn- sylvania are sterde and unproductive in agri- cultural products. Deep River and the ad- jacent country, with the aid of the fertilizing manures, lime, plaster, and guano, which will form tlie return cargoes of coal vessels from the north, will become in a few years the Nile OF THE SOUTH. Its pfoducts will quadruple, and will find a home market on the spot which produces them. " The iron ore of Deep River forms an im- portant item in this estimate. Iron of as good quality, and in as gr^at abundance as io any country, is found in North Carolina. On Deep River it is in immediate contiguity with the coal. On the land of Peter G. Evans, Esq., the coal is overlaid by a stratum of iron ore, three feet in thickness, which yields fifty per cent, of iron. The coal which underlies it is six feet thick, and of that kind best adapted for the manufacture of iron. The iron, whea manufactured, can be transported to New- York at a less cost than it can be sent to the same market from the celebrated works at Danville or Northumberland, on the Susque- hanna. It can be also manufactured at less expense, as those establishments pay a higher price for their coal than it can be procured at on Deep River. At Danville and Northum- berland, the coal costs ^2 50 a ton. On Deep River it can be had for the price of mining it, as those who own the iron own the coal. But the iron need not be sent abroad for a market There is a better market at home. The time will undoubtedly come, when the manufac- tures of iron on Deep Pi.iver will supply the wants of a large extent of country beyond the limits of North Corolina. " The water-power on Deep River is scarcely equalled in any part of our country. In cheap- ness, it is unrivalled. Dams, which, in most situatifjns, are expensive structures, are here already built without charge to the owners of the adjacent lands. Eighteen of these are already constructed by the navigation com- pany of Deep River. Such are the prospects of the valley of Deep River. And in view of them, can the most skeptical doubt of the magnijicent future of that favored region ? or that the progress of population and im- provement will advance with a more rapid pace than it has ever done in Pennsylvania? Should foreign capitiilists hereafter be induced to associate with your people in developing the treasures of Deep River, its coal, iron, and other minerals, the present holders of the laod will part with their interests upon the 1S2 KORXn CAROLINA RESOUECES AKD PROSPECTS. full knowledge of their value ; and the capital \ that may find its way thither, from other regions, will form part of that fund which is to coutribute to the support of your state gov- ernment; and the laborers, mechanics, and tradesmen Avho may accompany or follow it, will mingle with your people, become identi- fied with your interests, and add to the wealth, population, and strength of your native state." NORTH CAROLINA. — Its Resources, Manlfactuees, eto. — Alexander McRae, Esq., President of the North Carolina Railroad Com- pany, was kind enough to furnish the follow- ing paper, prepared with some pains at our particular request. General McRae complains cf his having been baflled in obtaining infor- mation from most of the sources to which he had written, and that "he gives these de- tached items, since there is no possibility of making up a full and correct table." In the state of North Carolina there are at present in operation (1841) 25 Cotton factories,* ninning 48,000 spin- dles, f and 438 looms, employing 1,323 hands, and using about 5,600,- 000 pounds of cotton. The capital invested in these factories is about $1,200,000. 8 Furnaces for cast iron. 43 Bloomeries. _ ] 2 Paper mills, producing in value $8,'7'75. 123 Flouring mills, producing 87,641 bbls. of flour. 2,033 Grist mills, and 1,060 saw mills. 46 Oil mills, 353 Tanneries, producing 151,082 sides of leather, and employing a capital of 1271,797. In the fisheries on Albemarle Sound, the capital employed is estimated at $300,000. There are employed in these fisheries 5,000 hands, who put up about 90.000 barrels of herrings, besides a considerable quantity of shad and rock fish. These fisheries give employment to 200 Tessels, and use 100,000 bushels of salt PE0DUCT8 OF NORTH CAEOLINA. 17,163 pounds of sugar. 3,014 ' silk cocoona 102,369 tons of hay. 9,880 " hemp and flax. There are 2,802 distilleries, producing 1,051,979 gallons. Mines.— The state is rich in mines of gold, silver, copper, iron and coal; but it is not possible at present to obtain any thing like correct statistics of their number or value. In the May number of Commercial Review, 1847, we gave the commerce of Wilmington. It contains 10 steam saw mills, 4 planing mills, 17 turpentine distilleries, with 45 stills. Dismal Swamp Canal. — There passed through the Dismal Swamp Canal, from North Carolina to Norfolk, Va., from the 1st October, 1846, to the 31st July, 1847, (ten months,) Building shingles 20,753,350 Two feet shingles 732,390 Three feet shingles 874,310 47,386 30,505 688 4,366 1,299 1,960,855 bushels of wheat. 3,574 li barley. 8,193,941 " oats. 213,971 rye. 15,391 " buckwheat. 23,893,763 " Indiau corn 2,609,239 potatoes. 2,820,388 pounds of rice. 16>772,3.59 tobacco. 61,926,190 « cotton. • And three others in progress of construction. t This item is no doulit below the mark. Total 22,360,050 Hogshead staves 4,881,640 Barrel staves 284,620 Pipe staves 90,090 Total 5,256,350 Cubic feet of plank and scantling 139,1 OO Cubic feet of timber 43,685 Bales of cotton 3,722 Barrels of fish " naval stores " spirits turpentine .... Cwts. of bacon Kegs of lard Bushels of corn 1,261,099 wheat 26,225 peas 21,956 The Newhernian gives the following in re- lation to turpentine I The Turpentine Business. — We find the impression to be, that about 800,000 barrels of turpentine are now annually made in this state. The estimated value to the makers is about $1,700,000 annually, and may be >!2,- 000,000. About four or five thousand labor- ers are engaged in making it, and perliaps three times as many more human bcmgs are supported mainly from the proceeds of its first sale. It is supposed that there are now in operation about 150 stills, which, at ao average cost of $1,500, with fixtures, shows that there is an expenditure of $225,000 to begin with in the distilling of turpentine. NORTH CAROLINA.— She possesses so many advantages of soil aiKl climate, and ex- hibits so great variety in her natural capacities, that I have decj)ly regretted that she was so little appreciated and so badly understood. But the present is a most inauspicious period NORTH CAROLINA — RESOURCES AND PROSPECTS. 180 to undertake the subject with any hope of doin<^ justice to its chiinis. Our infoiiiuition must be Jeiivuil from census returns, and from the observations of intelligent persons, scat- tered throui^diDut lier limits. As to the former, that of 1 810, if it had been taken with accu- racy, is now too old to be of nuich value — especially as, since that time, we have erected many cotton factories throughout the state, of which we have no accurate information, and have maile many discoveries in gold mines, and embarked much capital in that branch of business, in re^'ard to which the last census could give no idea. I had determined therefore to wait until the information could be prepared from authentic sources, and something like justice done to the state. I may add, in this connection, that the state is advancing and her prospects are brighter than at any former period. Several works of internal improve- ment of great importance are now in a course of prosecution, which when completed will exert a most important influence. Of these, the Cliarlotte and South Carolina Railroad, beginning at Columbia and terminating at this place, is idvancing rapidly toward completion, and will bring to the rich valleys of the Yad- kin and Catawba tlie means of immediate in- tercourse with the city of Charleston. This work will subserve the interests of all that region lying at the base of the Alleghany Mountains and extending eastward to the Yadkin river. I have taken the liberty to inclose to you a report, made some two years since, and written by myself The work had its beginning in that feeble effort, and is now placed beyond the chances of failure. The General Assembly of our state at its last session incorporated a company for the construction of a work two liundred and ten miles in length, from this village to Golds- boro', on the Wilmington and Weldou road. This great work spans the finest and most im- provable portion of North Carolina — will ac- commoilate a population of three hundred thousand, and bring into immediate connection with the markets of our own state, Virginia, and South Carolina, a country unsurpassed in its natural fertility, in variety of j)roduction, in mineral I'esources and capacities for manufac- tories. To insure its success, the state has appropriated two millicins of dollars toward the enterprise, being two thirds of the entire capital. At the same session they incorpo- rated a company for the construction of a plank road, beginning at Fayetteville, on the Cape Fear river, and extending to Salisbury, on the Yadkin, in the western portion of tiie 6tate. The entire stock of tiiis work is now taken, and its construction is in progress. This road will be one hundred and twenty miles in length, ami will be the first work of this de- scription undertaken in the south. Of its completion there is no question. After years of disappoiatmeut and inacti- vity, I trust that the state of North Carolina will yet rise superior to the obstacles which grew out of her inhospitable coast and her inconvenient geography, and march side by side with her sisters in the course of improve- nu'iit. She has sons within her borders who will not fail in their labors to bring her up to the enjoyment of the highest advantages af- forded by the improvements of our times. In this state of things I liave thought itadvisable to delay the ])ublication of the article you desire. It is ])robable that I may send you something on some branch of her interest, which may be adapted to the character of your valuable periodical. I have written in great haste, and with the disadvantages of bad materials. — Respectfully, &c., James W. Osborne. "We make the following extracts from the report referred to by Mr Osborne : Natueal Advantages. — " The counties of Anson, Union, Mecklenburg, Lincoln, Iredell, Rowan, Qabarras, Stanly, and Davidson, have for many years been engaged in the culture of cotton, while the counties of Burke, Caldwell, Catawba, Wilkes, Stokes, and Surry, most of them affording the most productive lands on the upper waters of the Yadkin and Catawba, are finely adapted to the production of Indian corn, wheat, and other grains. To these are added great and undeveloped mineral resources, embracing ores of iron, copper, and gold, scattered over its whole length, and furnishing a new field for capital and enterprise. But if nature has provided it with a rich soil, she seems to have almost exhausted her energies in the amplitude of its facilities for purposes of manufacture. The innumerable streams which flow from the mountain region which lies on the north and northwest — mcluding the two large rivers which receive them — furnish the water power to the hand of the artisan, in a state almost fitted for immediate application. Yet we can- not hide hxim ourselves the painful conviction that, with all these natural advantages, the in- terests of our country are rapidly declining, her enterprising citizens have left us in thou- sands — while those who remain are unsettled, dissatisfied, and preparing to join their prede- cessors in other spheres, where their energies may have freer scope and their labors be better rewarded." IlEsouncEs and Prospects of North Caro- lina. — "An allusion has already been made to the natural advantages of western North Carolina for a system of manufactures. Public attention has been to some extent devoted to this subject, and within a few years several factories of cotton have been erected, and all of them are in successful operation. Within the region of country to be benefited by this road, there are seven factories, employing a capital of three hundred thousand dollars, 184 XORTII CAROLINA RESOURCES AND PROSPECTS. and consuming not less than fire tliousand bags of cottdu. By giving employment to tlie poor of the country and furnishing markets for almost every species of agricultural pro- duction, they have a most beneficial effect on the prosperity of the communities in which they are situated. This business was origin- ally designed for the home market. But it has been ascertained by the experience of a few years that reliance cannot be placed on that market, and accordingly, most of those engaged in it are directing their attention to the northern cities, where it is found that tlie fabric of this region compares most successfully with (hat of tlie north. These arrangements divest the pursuit of all unctrtainty and hazard, and give the assurance that there may be no limit to the quantity manufactured, as there is no boundary to the market to be sup- plied. But it cannot be expected that a branch of business so important to the welfare of the country can be adopted to any extent proportionate to our abilities and wants, unless we have immediate access to the seaboard. With this desideratum, western North Caro- lina must become the most important manu- facturing region south of the Potomac. Tlie great branches of manufacture — cotton, wool, and iron — entering into the common consump- tion and founded on the necessary wants of the whole nation, arc ihe great sources of em- ployment and of wealth to the mechanical in dustry ol America. The planting stales of the south and southwest, being wholly con- sumers and not producers of these necessaries, are the great markets in which they are sold by themanufiicturing states of the north. The vast valley of the Mississippi, gathering t<> itself year by year the agricultural capita! of the south, will continue to afford a tieniand for the coarser fabrics of cotton, wool, and iron, commensurate with its population and the fertility of its soil. The coastwise navigation from the city of Charleston to the cities of the gulf now affords a speedy anil safe communi- cation with that vast region, and railroad com- munications now in progress must soon place that city in still more advantageous connection with its whole extent. It must be supplied with its iujplenients of husbandry and coarse cotton and woollen goods for the clothing of its slaves. If we be but true to ourselves, this trade will be a source of boundless profit to ourselves. The counties of Luicoln, Catawba, Iredell, Wilkes, Ashe, Surry, and Stokc-s, abound in iron ore of the purest qualititis, and in Iarg'>st quantities. In all of tliem, by rude and simple processes, its manufacture has been an object of |)ursuit. In the counties of Lincoln and (jatawha it has resulted in large fortunes to individuals, much to tlie convenience and benefit of tlie whole community. But the manufacture of iron has been necessarily limited in its quantity and j)recarious in its progress, as it has never beeo designed for any thing beyond the circumscribed circle of the market, in the vicinity of the establish- ments. Open up a cheap and rapid commu- nication with the city of Charleston, and mil- lions of dollars may be employed where there are now a few thousand. It will be converted at home into the utensils and implements of husbandry, and be transported in this form to the markets of the world. With the increased supply, it must be cheaper to the purchaser at home, and, at the same time, by the larger quantity sold and the speedier returns of sales, there must be increased gain to the miuiufac- turer. '• But there is another pui-suit for which the northern counties of Burke, Caldwell, Wilkes, Ashe, Surry, and Iredell are naturally adapt- ed, to which the attention has never been directed, and, so far as your committee know, a single experiment has not been made. It is the growth and manufacture of wool for ex- portation. Every portion of the United States, with a similar climate, unless it be similarly cut oft' from intercourse with the world, lias given attention to this subject. It is the obvious pursuit of all mountain regions and, both in foreign nations and at home, every such country has her class of shephertls, who subsist by this innocent and primitive employ- ment. Thousands of acres of land, well adapt- ed for pasturage, are unappropriated in the mountain regions of North Carolina, and re- quire but little capital and energy to apply them to the use for which they were mainly intended. But, like all cumbrous articles, wool does not bear our costly modes of trans- portation." NoKTii Carolina Gold Mines. — The editor of the Ashborough (N. C.) Herald has re- cently been making a tour in the gold ri-gion of that state. He thus speaks of the I'arker mines in Stanly county, wliich were discovered forty or fifty years ago, and have been worked with various success ever sinct; : "The gold is principally found in the small streams that flow tlirough the mineral region, or in the low lands adjacent to Hum, in a stratum tliree or four feet below the surface. The hills are no doubt rich, but as yet their pro ucts have been small, no regular veins having been discovered. Tiie stratum alluded to is dug up and washed in the usual way, by which process gold is found in a granular state. Lumps of considerable size are some- times found. In 1824, on the lands of Mr. Howell Parker, a lump of four pounds ten ounces, steelyard weiglit, was found. In 1838, two lumps were found, one weighing three pounds, the other one pound two ounces. Many large pieces, the weight of which we could not .ascertain, have been found in dif- ferent localities. The gold found in these is very pure, being worth \)1\ cents per penny- weight. It is greatly to be regretted that they are not -worked on a more extensive NAVIGATION SHIP-BUILDING IN THE UNITED STATES, 185 scale, and with means proportioned to the profits which they yield.'' "Gold Hill," in kowan county, the editor describes as "the prince of mines in North Carolina." Discovered by Archibald Honey- cutt, Esq., al)()ut seven years ago, it has since been the field of extensive and profitable operations. At this place there are three steam engines in operation, which, with the machinery thereby propelled, originally cost not less than §30,000. These en^^ines are severally rated at forty, thirty, and fifteen horse power, and grind from fifty to one hun- di'ed and twenty-five bushels of ore per day, and consume from sixty to eighty cords of wood per month. The three companies at this place have one hundred and sixty laborers in their employ, whose wages range from $5 to $40 per month. Experienced English miners, who work under ground, receive $40 per month ; slaves who attend them, §13. NASHVILLE, TENNESSEE.— There is not perhaps in the West a more interesting view than that commanded from the summit of the Capitol Hill, in the city of Nashville. Covering the base of the hill, and crowding to the extreraest margin of the business-laden Cumberland, is the city itself, its streets alive with the bustle of an active commerce, and its suburbs literally growing under the eye of the spectator. Surrounding the city with a border of beautiful cultivation, lie extensive and valuable farms, intersected by the nu- merous turnpikes, which, centering in the city, radiate to opposite neighborhoods ; and girdling in all with a quiet security, rise a range of low and pleasant hills, covered with picturesque woods and graceful dwellings. But it is not so much the beauty of the pros- pect which attracts the traveller's attention. If he has learned any thing of the countiy through which he has passed, and in the heart of which he stands, he knows that he stands in the midst of an untold abundance — mineral wealth forcing itself through the soil, and tliat soil ready to meet any demand which agricultural industry may make for produce. Nashville is situated on the left bank of the Cumberl.and, on an elevated bluff of lime- stone. Few towns in the west present a more imposing appearance as the traveller approaches it from every side. The eye is delighted with the number of eminences within the city, some of which are partly covered with the native cedar, clothed m liv- ing green, which gives it a cheerful appear- ance even amid the dreariness of winter. Around the city are a number of beautiful eminences, commanding an extensive, rich and varied view of the surrounding country, from ten to fifteen miles in every direction ; from Capitol Hill, within the city, the eye ranges oyer a large space, covered with rich farms and neat country seats, cultivated fields wav- ing with that beautiful specimen of the vege- table world, Indian corn, and that valuable staple, cotton. These, if they do not indicate great opulence, at least bespeak that their occupants are in the enjoyment of compe- tence, which generally produces a greater amount of true happiness than overgrown wealth. The contemplation of such a scene recalls the lines of Moore : "If there's peace to be found in the world, The heart that is humble may look for it here." "We have among us many who are rich, but no millionaires who wallow in luxuries, and who look down with aristocratic pride upon those of humbler fortune, and who would, if they could, introduce those distinc- tions in society that would separate them from the " vulgar herd." There are but few whose actual fortunes would amount to the tenth of a million ; they may have more in possession, but that possession is often accom- panied by a slight drawback — sometimes called " suspicion of debt." No town in the great valley of the west enjoys in a greater degree the blessings of health. Situated about 36 deg. 30 min.,_it possesses a temperate climate, and from its local position, it is free from fevers which characterize many of the towns of the west, particularly such as are situated upon water courses, and the lands about them subject to inundations. It is true that a small portion of Nashville, at the upper and lower ends, are, in times of high floods, inundated; but tliese inundations continue but a few days, and sometimes at intervals of several years, and produce no injurious effect upon the health of the town. Although the summei-'s heat is occasionally oppressive, the winters are mild and moderate. We have not the severe cold of the northern and eastern states, nor the relaxing heat of the south. Some idea may be formed of the healtiifulness of the city from the following statement of deaths during the year 1845, which we take from the returns of the sexton of the ceme- tery, on the books of the coipoiation, by which it will be seen that the whole number of deaths was 244, in a population of 12,394. NAVIGATION.— Ship-Buildixg in the United States, but more particularly in THE West. — In a recent number of the Econo- mint we alluded to the change then about to take place, and which has since occurred, in the navigation laws of Great Britain, and in the operation of the navigation laws of the United States. We also referred to the im- petus which that prospective change had given to the ship-building interest of the former country, causing an advance of at least six per cent, in the price of first class ships, with 186 NAVIGATION SHIP-BUILDING IN THE UNITED STATES. a prospect of a still further rise. Capitalists | were securiny: wliatever ships could be })ur- chased at their prices, and preparations were evidently making for an effort to profit by the repeal of long existing restrictions. The ] trade and navigation returns of the United 1 Kingdom for ten months, ending November 6th, afford additional evidence of the activity prevailing in that branch of industry, and in other works requiring timber. For tlie [ month ending November 5th, the quantity of ! imported timber, duty paid, was 210,044 loads, against 169,711 loads in the same month of 1848 ; showing an increase of 40,333 loads in one month. There exists no doubt of the expectation of British ship-builders and shippers to compete successfully with the ship-builders and ship- pers of the United States — albeit the effort may prove a splendid failure. The attempt will be made, and it remains for the latter to decide upon the results. Considering the many obstacles with which the shipping interest of our country has here- tofore had to contend, and the steady increase in tonnage and in the effectiveness of our marine, which, notwithstanding, has taken place, we hazard nothing in expressing the opinion that, whatever may be the advantages derivable from the repeal of the navigation laws, the United States will reap her full share. The tonnage of this country and Great Britain, including steam, compared in 1848, is as follows: British, 3,397,921 ; United States, 3,581,931. During the past year, according to the Dry Goods Reporter, our mercantile ma- rine has yieliled up to the California trade a navy of 700 vessels with a tonnage of 240,000 tons. Tliese vessels are nearly all in the Pacific, and are likely to remain there for some time. Hence it is thought that we are not in the most desirable condition to take advantage of the reciprocity system. To remetly this disadvantage, a resort must be had to ship-building. Even without the California trade, and from the natural increase of business wiiich would arise from the repeal of the navigation laws, and the usual aug- mentation of trade, we believe tliat a large increase in our shipping would be reijuired. A'lmitting, then, that more vessels will be needed in the commerce of the two countries, the next question to determine is the place of their construction. If British subjects re- quire more ships, and American built vessels can be sold in British ports and registered as ships belonging to that country, as is provided by the existing laws, then, in case we cannot compete in the carrying trade, which no doubt we can, we may, perhaps, find a market there for those ve-^sels which may be constructed at home. If we can build all kinds of vessels superior in every respect to those built in Sunderland, Yarmouth, and other ship-build ing cities of England, and afford them at a cheaper rate, wliat is there to prevent the American ship-building interest from ulti- mately superseding that interest as carried on in other parts of the world, and especially in England ? It is admitted, even on the part of English ship-masters and carpenters, that American vessels are superior, both in their model and effectiveness, to those of the same class of British construction ; and we know that, in cost of material, we have a decided ad- vantage. Every foot of timber used in a British built vessel is imported, and subject, with slight exception, to tariff charges. To these charges add transportation — and the money cost of timber, hemp, fAVAI, VICTOEIES, Guns Killwl and mounted, wounded. Essex 46 — Constitution. . . . ..54... ...14 Wai^p ...18... ...10 United States. . ...54... ...12 Constitution. . . . ...54... ...34 Hornet ...20... ... 5 Enterprise . . — . . . . ...14 ' Lawrence ..20... ...83 Kiagara ...20.... ...27 Caledonia ... 8.... 3 Ariel ... 4... .... 4 1812—1815.* Captnrod Guns vi'ssels. mounted Alert 20. .. Guerriere 49. . . Frolic 22... Killed and wounded. ... 2 ...76 ...75 Scorpion 2 . Soiners 2 Trippe 1 , Tigress 1 . ^ Porcupine 1 . Peacock 20 . Wasp 20 . Wasp 20 , f Saratoga 26 I Eagle 20 . -{ Ticonderoga 17 12. I Preble 7 2. 1^10 Galleys 16 6. Constitution 64 15. Hornet 20 12. Macedonian 44 104 Java 49 161 Peacock 22 40 Boxer 18 — f Detroit 19 1 " I Queen Charlotte... 17 | J Lady Provost 13 1 Hunter 10 Little Belt 3 [Chippewa. 1 160 J . 2. ,26. . 3. .57. .33 Empervier 18. Reindeer 19 . Avon 19. f Confiance 39. Linnet ..16. Chub 11. Finch 11. 13 Galleys 18. Levant and Cyane 56, Penguin 20. 23 67 43 -1 UNITED STATES VESSELS, l799.f Frigates. Guns. Cost. United States 44 $299,330 Conj^titution 44 302,718 President 44 220,910 Constellation 36 314,212 Congress 36 ... 197,246 Chesapeake 36 220,677 New- York 36 159,639 Philadelphia 32 179,349 Essex. 32 139,362 John Adams 32 113,505 Adams 32 76,622 Boston 32 119,590 General Greene 24 105,492 Washington 24 69,024 Insurgent 36 96,640 Ships. Guns. Cost. Ganges 24 §80,6-10 Portmiouth 24 59,561 Merrimack 24 46,170 Connecticut 24 57,260 Baltimore 20 56,277 • Seybert. For later statistics, sec future volumes, t Seybert's StatisticB of United States. Guns. Delaware 20. . Maryland 20. . Patapsco 20.. Herald 18.. Trumbull 20.. Warren 20. . Montezuma 20. . 260 120 Cost. 69,568 70,249 73,164 47,780 58,494 34,702 55,782 Brigs: Norfolk, 18 guns; Richard, 18; Augusta, 14; Pickering, 16; Siren, 16; Argus, 16; Hornet, 16. — Schooners: Enter- prise, 14; Experiment, 14; Vixen, 14; Nautilus, 14. — Gai.levs, South Carolina, Char- leston, l^eaufort, St. Mary's, Savannah, Pro- tector, Mars, Governor Davie, Governor Wil- liams. UNITED STATES NAVT, 1812. Gun8. Constitution 44 United States 44 President 44 Chesapeake 36 Constellation 36 Congress 36 Essex 82 New- York ) ,, ( 36 Boston ["°seaworthy| g^ NAVIGATION MERCHANT FLEETS AND NAVIES. 191 Guns. Adams 82 John Adams 20 Wasp 16 Horuet 10 Siren 16 Argus 16 Oucida 16 Vixen 12 Nautilus 12 Enterprise 12 Yipcr 12 Bomb Vessels : Etna, Vesuvius, Venojeance, and Spitfire. 170 Gun-boats. UNITED STATES NAVT, 1815. 24 ships 916 guns 16 brige 230 " 29 schooners 94 " 6 sloops 23 " 3 ketches 17 galleys 34 " 51 barges 84 " 124 gun-boats 179 " 5 lighters 6 " 2 floating batteries 64 " Total guns 1,636 During the war, the Americans lost the fol- lowing vessels : Nautilus, 1 6 guns, taken by Shannon frigate. Wasp, taken by Poictiers, 74-gun-ship. Vixen, 16 guns, taken by Southampton, 38 guns. Chesapeake, 49 guns, taken by Shannon, 53 guns. Argus, 20 guns, taken by Pelican, 22 guns. Essex, 46 guns, taken by Phcebe, 53, and Cherub, 28 guns. President, 53 guns, by Majestic, and frigates Endymion, Pomone, and Tenedos. Rattlesnake, 14 guns, taken by Leander, 50 guns. Frolic, IS guns, taken by Orpheus frigate. Viper, taken by Narcissus frigate. Brig Siren, taken by Plantagenet, 74 guns. Adams, 32 guns, destroyed to save from enemy. Boston, 32 ] destroyed by order of Se- New-York, 36 ( cretary of Navy, when Argus, 13 j the British were about Columbia, 44 J entering Washington. AMEEICAN NAVY YARDS. "The navy yards of the United States,* like those of Britain, are 7 in number, viz., Ports- mouth, in New-Hampshire ; Charlestown, near Boston, Massachusetts ; Brooklyn, New- York; Philadelphia; Washington; Gosport in Virginia ; Peusacola, Florida.* None of these, however, are so extensive, so well furni.shed and stored with the muniments of war, so efficiently kept up, or so conveniently sitiiatcd on the sea-coast, as are our Ports- mouth, Plymouth, Pembroke, and Sheerness yards. The Americans have also commanders of naval yards located at Baltimore and Charleston, two leading ports, but there are no regular government establishments or con- veniences for building and repairs in those harbors. " Portsmouth. — This dock-yard is situate at Navy Island, on the east side of the river Piscataqua, three miles from the ocean. There is every convenience for the construction of vessels of the largest class. The harbor of Portsmouth is a fine one, with forty feet of water in the channel at low tide, and is well protected by its islands and headlands from storms. The tide, which here rises ten feet, flows with so rapid a current as to keep the harbor free from ice. " Boston. — The navy yard of this port is situated at the southeast part of Charlestown, about a mile to the north of the city of Bos- ton. There is a dry dock built of hewn granite. The yard covers sixty acres of land, on which are erected a marine hospital, a spacious warehouse, an arsen.il, powder- magazine, and a house for the superintendent, all of brick ; there are also two immense wooden sheds, under which the largest ves- sels of war are built. " Brooklyn. — The naval yard, situated on Wallabout Bay, covers forty acres of ground, inclosed by a brick wall on the land side, and contains two large ship-houses, seven extensive timber sheds, built of brick, and several workshops, offices for the oflicers, and exten- sive store-houses ; a dry dock is in the course of formation. The yard is but a short distance from the city of New- York ; the width of the ferry is about 700 yards. The naval hospital occupies a commanding eminence half a mile east of the yard, and is a large building sur- rounded by thirty-three acres of cultivated ground, inclosed by a brick wall. ''Philadelphia. — This naval yard requires no observation. We may, however, remark, that there is in that city a handsome naval asylum or marine hospital, capable of lodging 400 persons, erected at a cost of upwards of .$300,000 " Washington. — The navy yard is situated on the Anacosta or eastern branch of the Potomac, 295 miles from the ocean by the course of the river and bay. It is about three We extract from Simmonds' Colonial Magazine. • Also add Charleston, S. C, and Memphis, Tonn., where works, £lc., exist. 192 NAVIGATION — MERCHANT FLEETS AND NAVIES. fourths of a mile southeast of the capital, and contains twenty-seven acres. It has houses for the officers, shops and warehouses, two large ship houses, a neat armory, aud every kind of naval stores. Several ships of war, some of which w^ere of the largest class, have been built at this yard. The river has water of sufhcient depth for frigates to ascend to the navy yard without being lightened. "Norfolk. — The extensive naval yard at this port is situated at Gosport, opposite to Norfolk, on the south side of the river Eliza- beth, thirty-two miles from the ocean. This yard possesses a large and extensive dry dock, constructed of hewn granite, capaVjle of receiving a line of-battle ship, aud which cost nearly §1,000,000. The harbor is safe aud capacious, having eighteen feet of water. " PEX.SACOLA. — The United States navy yard here is an important oue, distant eight miles from the city, and five from the entrance of tlie harbor, and covers nearly eighty acres of ground, inclosed by a high brick wall. It contains houses for the officers, and a naval store and other buildings adapted to the con- venience of the establishment." N.\MIXG AMERICAN NAVAL VESSELS. "There is a matter connected with the naming of American vessels, which may be incidentally adverted to, for the information of professional men : it is this : — A joint reso- lution of Congress, of 3d March, 1819, re- quires vessels of the first class to be called after the states of the Union ; those of the second class after rircrs; and those of the third class after the principal cUies and toio/is : but no two vessels in the navy can bear the same name." 3.— THE FRENCH NAVT. France had, as early as 1G81, 60,000 sea- men, aud in 1791, 100,000, commanding 82 ships of the line and 73 frigates. FRENCH NAVY, 1839. Ships of the line, first rates 5 " second rates 1 tliird " : 1 fourth " 9—22 Frigates, first class 12 " eecond class 12 third " 13—87 Steamers, from 4 to 6 guns 25 — 25 NAVAL FORCE OF FRANCE, 1845. "i^m I" Commission Bnilding In Ordinary Total fr*^ No Guns No Guns No Ouns Ships Ships of the Line 17 1,598 25 2,442 4 340 46 Frigates 23 1,184 16 810 6 310 45 Corvettes 17 444 3 90 6 124 2(; Brigs 34 464 2 40 21 270 57 Schooners, cutters, and small vessels 37 122 . 2 12 8 20 47 Transports, (tc 33 132 10 40 14 56 59 Steam frigates 5 78 2 12 — — 7 Steam corvettes 8 62 9 54 — — 17 Smaller steamers 41 209 8 15 — — 44 Total 215 4,293 72 3,516 59 1,120 340 Total guns when all armed, 8,928 ; men 1 to be always ready for sea, and 20 in con- and boys in service in 1845, 27,554. Cannon j struction ; 50 frigates, of which 40 to be ready and powder for service, manufactured at for sea, and 10 on stocks ; 60 sloops, 60 brigs, government foundries, itc. The Minister of i and 40 lighter vessels, besides transports. The Marine proposed to increase the navy to the steamnavy to be composed of 100 vessels in all. following maximum: 40 ships of the line ; 20 ' 4. — NAVAL FORCE OF RUSSIA. Nicholas has kept a constant eye upon his naval affairs, and has, within fifteen or twenty years, created two large fleets in the Baltic and on the Black Sea. Vessels Guns No of pins in vessels Ships of the Line in Baltic 30 2,400 Estimated SO guns each Frigates in Baltic 20 840 " 42 " Sloops, brigs, and gun boats in Baltic 40 320 " 8 " Steamers in Baltic 26 104 " 4 " Ships of the Line in Black Sea 17 1,360 " — Frigates " 10 510 6 of 60, and 5 of 42 guns Sloops and brigs " 12 168 estimated 14 guns each Smaller vessels " 18 158 — Steamers " 6 36 " 6 " Tile Baltic Fleet has a complement 35,000 men The Black Sea " 24,000 " Total 59,000 " Exclusive of the naval force in the Caspian Sea. NAVIGATION MERCHANT PLEETS AND NAVIES. 188 RECAPITULATION. — ( 1 848.) Relative naval power of each nation. Vessels. Great Britain fSSS France 215 Russia 179 Turkey 62 Unitctl States 4*7 Egypt 35 Holland 48 Sweden :):330 Denmark §iK) Austria* 74 Brazil 31 Sardinia 11 Spain 21 Two Sicilies* 17 Portugal 59 Mexico. 23 lixsion I! l7 vessels 20,606 tons 81 vessels 17,519 tons 91 vessels 12,444 tons 43. ships 800 men 2,176 " « 32 « 3,008 H. — UNITED STATES COMMEXCIAL MARINE, 1845. UXITED STATES. American Foreign 1842 1,510,111 732,77& 1843 1,143.523 634,754 1844 1,977,438 916.992 1845 2.035,486 910,563 1846 2,221,028 968,178 1847 2,101,358 1,120,346 1848 2.393,482 1,405,191 1849 2,658,321 1,770,516 1850 2.573,016 1,779,623 1851 3,054,349 1,939,091 Estimated number commercial vessels. 19.720 " tonnage 2 416,999 " meu 118,l)U0 Of these— Kei'istpred and in foreign trade. .I,n9.'),l"2 tons Enrolled coastwise 1,1911,808 " Licensed, under 20 tons 32,:!2-2 " EaroUed iu cod fishery G!),8-25 " " mackerel fishery 21,413 " « -whale " i;D6 " " cod, (under 20 tons). 7,lt)3 " Of the registered tonnage, 745 vessels are in the whale fisliery, 237,000 tons and 18,625 men ; steamboat tonnage. United States, 316,019 ; tonnage of lakes, 82,933 ; 474 vessels, 75 being steam. III. FRENCH COMMERCIAL MARINE, 1844. Number of vessels, (mean of two authorities). 13.782 Tonnage 839,608 Of which, vessels employed in whale fishery. 29 Tonnage Il,9il3 Crews 806 GREAT BEITATN. British 1842 1,680,838 1843 2,919.528 1844 3,087,437 1845 3,689,853 1846 3,622,808 1847 4,238,056 1848 4,020,418 1849 4,390,375 18.50 4,070,544 1851 4,388,248 Foreign 974,769 1,0(15,894 1,143.896 1,353,735 1,407,963 1,552,095 1,519.046 1,680,894 2,03.5.1.52 2,599,988 The above table disclose.s the fact that in our commercial navy we are but six years behind Great Britain. NAVIGATION.— Vessels kuilt in U. S. Statement, showing the number and cla^is of vessels built in the United States since the year 1815. 181.') 13G 1816 76 1817 34 1818 53! In 1840, the cod-fishery employed 458 ves- \l}^;]\\\ l\ sals, of 54,583 tons; 9,897 men. In coast jigoi;;;;; 43 fishery, also, 5,849 boat.«, 40,610 tons, 25,000 fishermen; private steamers in 1844, 225. RECAriTULATION, 1848. No of ve'fl Nations in the order oftlieir in conim & coiiimereiut importance fisheriea Great liritnin 23,898 United Slates 19,t)t;(5 France 13,782 Sweden and Norway.... 5,-l.'>0 Holland I,r)28 Knssia Not known Two Sicilies 9.174 Austria 0,199 TnrUcy 2,220 Sardinia 3,502 Denmark 3,036 VortHRal 798 Spain 2,700 Brazil Unknown Me.vico Unknown BHITISn AND AMERICAN TONNAGE, 1842-51. Tlie following table sliows the amount of tonnage which entered the ports of Great Bri- tain and the United States for ten years: t To £uns to cli lOU.Uili) Tonn tons comin 3,007,.''.81 588 2,416,999 97 839,608 1,063 471,772 2-J4 211,670 683 2:J9,0ni) 2,406 213,198 158 208,'i')l 321 ]S--VI(I0 1,401 107,361) 265 153,408 7(19 80,.525 — 80,000 — Unknown — Unknown — 18-.'2 18-23 1824 18-25 1826 18-27 18 -.'8 1829.... 1830 1831.... 183i.... 1833.... 1834. . . . 183.5.... 1830.... 18.37.... 1838.... 18301... 1840.... 1841.... 1812.... 1843.... 1844.... 84.5.... 1846 ... 1847.... 1848.... 1849.... 1850.... 1851.... 132 144 98 . 93 . 67 . 06 . e3 . 97 .114 .110 . 58 . 73 . 124 .100 . 151 .254 .198 .247 .211 a •" ir.O « H = e ■&• 224 680 274 — 1,314 1.54 024 Sff 122 781 424 — 1,403 131.068 04 80 .559 394 1,073 80,393 37 8.5 428 332 — 898 82,421 20 82 473 242 — a50 79.817 66 60 301 1.52 5:w 47,784 i>l 89 ?48 127 — 507 .55 850 01 131 260 168 623 75,346 93 127 ?00 105 15 622 75.007 57 1.50 377 160 "7 781 90.936 00 197 538 168 35 994 114 997 25 186 482 227 45 1,012 120.439 35 133 404 241 38 934 104,342 07 108 474 196 33 884 98,375 58 08 485 145 43 785 77,098 65 56 403 110 37 637 58,094 24 95 410 94 34 711 8:1,967 68 143 508 122 I'lO 1,1165 1M,":J9 16 109 62,5 185 65 1.118 161.620 36 94 497 180 08 957 118.:i3o 37 50 302 100 30 .507 47 238 52 Cu 444 164 124 890 113 027 49 507 108 135 249 122.987 22 79 .501 1.53 90 898 113 1:15 42 89 439 122 125 858 1-^0.988 34 109 378 224 64 872 118,3 9 23 101 31t) 1.57 78 702 118,893 71 91 373 404 137 1,021 179.083 64 34 138 173 79 482 03.017 77 47 204 279 103 766 li:i,537 29 87 322 34! 163 1,038 146.018 02 164 .576 3=.5 225 8,4-J4 188.2' 3 93 168 689 392 198 1,.598 243,732 67 174 701 547 175 1,-51 3 18,' 75 54 148 623 370 268 1 ,547 251 ,:!77 47 117 547 2<)0 1.59 1,300 :i71,718 .54 C5 532 326 233 1,307 298/^02 60 NAVIGATION — MERCHANT FLEETS AND NAVIES. 196 TOWAGE OF THE STATES. Staiement, showing the amount of Tonnage 0W7ied by each state, engaged hi foreign and domestic commerce, for the fiscal gears 1850 and 1851. 1851. 536,114 44 25,427 54 3,032 31 694,402 93 38,050 42 110,179 85 1,841,013 62 88,895 90 284,373 64 11,880 83 204,444 54 69,769 42 40,722 17 44,187 46 24,185 24 7,042 08 21,327 08 1,404 09 253,284 93 34,005 46 23,103 45 12,937 60 3,587 67 58,352 24 41,774 86 4,913 16 58,476 02 2,946 10 22,903 45 1,068 43 1850. Maine 501,424 78 New-Hampshire... 23,096 38 Vermont 4,530 35 Mai»?acliusetta 685,442 76 Rhode Mand 40,499 81 Connecticut 113,086 78 New- York 944,349 20 New-Jersey. 80,300 46 Pennsylvania 258,939 48 Delaware 16,719 57 Maryland 193,087 40 Virginia 74,266 05 Nortli Carolina.. .. 74 218 49 South Carolina.. .. 30,072 13 Georgia 21,690 14 Florida 11,272 76 Alabama 24,157 60 Mississippi 1,827 Louisiana 250,089 Missouri 28,907 Illinoi.s 21,242 Kentucky 14,820 19 Tennessee 3,770 05 Ohio 27,146 .54 Michigan 38,144 49 Texas 3,897 42 California ] 7,591 77 "Wisconsin Dis. of Columbia. 17.010 61 Oregon 1,063 48 62 80 67 17 Total 3,535,454 23 3,771,439 43 Steam Tonnage of the U. S. in 1850 and 1851- 1850. 1851. Steam registered tonnage... tons. 44,942 25 62,390 18 Steam enrolled and licensed 481,004 65 521,210 87 525,940 90 583,607 06 Increase 67,760 10 Comparison of Tonnage for 1850 and 1851. 1850. 1851. Registered ton- nage 1,585,711 22 1,726,307 23 Enrolled and li- censed 1,949,743 01 2,046,132 20 Total tonnage.. 3, 536,454 23 3,772,439 43 COJIMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES ^TONNAGE, ETC., OF THE COUNTRY. Statement, exhibiting the Tonnage of the United States for a series of gears ; also, shoiving the comparative increase since the year 1815; and the proportion engaged in the foreign, rvhaling, and coasting trade. Tears. tonnage. 1815 854,294 76 1838 822 951 86 1839 834,244 54 1840 899,764 74 1841 845,803 42 l'!42 975,358 74 1843 1,009.305 01 1814 1,068,764 91 Enrolled and Total icen-^ed tonnage, tonnage. 513,833 04 1,368,127 78 1,173,047 89 1995 039 80 1,262,234 27 2,(i96.478 81 1,280,999 35 2.180,764 16 1,184,940 90 2,130,744 37 1,117,(31 90 2,(190.391) 69 1,149,297 62 2,158,601 93 1,211,330 11 2,2^0,695 07 1,321,829 57 2,417,002 06 1845 1,095,172 44 1846 1. 131.286 49 1,431798 32 2,.562,'( 84 81 1847 1,241,312 92 1,597,732 80 2.839.045 77 1848 1,360.886 85 1,793, 155 00 3,154.041 85 1849 1,438,941 53 1,895,073 71 3,334,015 29 11-50 1,585,711 22 1,949,743 01 3,.'-.35,4,i4 23 1851 1,720,307 23 2,030,132 20 3,772,439 43 Proportion of the Enrolled and Licensed Tonnage employed in the Registered tonnage Years m whale fishery. 1815 — 1838 119,629 89 1839 131,845 25 1840 136,726 64 1841 157,405 17 1842 151,612 74 1843 152,374 89 1844 108,293 63 1845 190,095 65 1840 180,980 10 1847 193,858 72 1848 192,170 90 1849 180,186 29 1850 146,916 71 1851 184,644 52 Coasting Mackerel Whalo trade. Cod fishery. fishery. fishery. 435,066 87 26,370 33 — 1,229 92 1,041,105 18 80,004 60 56,649 16 5.229 55 1,153,551 80 72,258 68 35,983 87 439 69 1,176,694 46 76,035 65 28,269 19 1,107,067 88 66,551 84 11,321 13 — 1,045,753 39 54,804 02 16,096 83 377 31 1,076,155 59 61,224 25 11,775 70 142 33 1,109,614 44 85,224 77 16,170 66 320 14 1.190,898 27 69,825 66 21,413 16 206 92 1,289,870 89 72,516 17 36,463 16 439 68 1,452,023 35 70,177 52 81,451 13 1,020,988 10 82,651 82 43,558 78 432 75 1,730,410 84 42,970 19 73,853 78 1,755,796 32 85,646 30 58,111 94 — 1,896,401 40 87,475 89 69,539 01 — 196 NEGRO MAKIA. NEGRO-MANIA * — The Negro and OTHER Races ok Mkn. — This is too useful a work to be lightly passeil over with the short notice we gave it in our Docemlier number. A most valuable compilation it is ou the sub- ject of the races ; a worli of which it would be difficult to show all the merits in a review, for almost every line and word of it deserves to be paused upon. It is itself a review of, and selection from, sundry distinguished authors, who have boldly dared to face the storm of fanaticism, and in spite of tlie almost universal prejudice of the world, to roll back its tide of eiTor, ;ind with the god-like power of intellect to pronounce the almighty fiat. "Thus far, and no farther !" Some names unknown to science are introduced, to prove by arguments of com- mon sense the necessity of those relations which science shows to be inevitable. The author of this compilation makes no pretense to originality, but his work is not therefore the less m ritorious, and y)erhaps it is even the more useful, as he has in many of bis authorities given such names as only the grossest ignorance can refuse to bow to. A collection of judicious selections, judiciously commented upon, forms in itself a volume of infinite value ; and while we disclaim the ability of laying before the public, in a short review, all its merits, we are anxious, as far as we can, to draw popular attt^ntion to it. The aim of our author is to pupularize his subject, to make attainable to the every-day reader the results of learned investigation, and to let every tnan tind wit iiiu his reach a coiu[)endium of such authorities as he oftei* could not afford to purchase, or may not have leisure to study in full. Most warmly do we wish him success in his e.xperiment, and most heartily recommend his work to all. It is time that the subject should be investigated in all its bearings. Among the authors cited by Mr. Campbell, we find advocates both for the unity and the diversity of man's origin. I'richard, cfec, have ^ -been boldly quoted, while Morton, Lawrence, I Kno.Y, Smith, Browne, (ilidilon, &c., are called ' iijjon, and most triumpliantly, to prove the fallacy of their conchHions. Many strong names whicli the author might iiave sum- moned on his own side of tlie question, ho has (partly perhaps from superabundant material) left aside. From among ourselves, Nott — no mean authority — .should perhaps not have been entirely forgotten; but such oblivion may well be pardoned in ct)n-ideration of what he has given us, and he has fioin a very prop'jr motive drawn his resources K-s from southern meU than from Englirihmen and northerners, among whom certaitdy no one • Neobo-Mania : being an examination of tlio fnlRcly-ussiimcd ciiiialily ot the various nices of uhmi. By .lohii Campbell. Pliilatlelphia : CaraijbeU &. Power. Octavo, pp. 549. j can look for any weakness or bias towards our southern institutions, in the decision of a I question which is of such vital importance to j UK. It is singular, however, that the great { Agassiz should not liave been named by him. i Tlie opinions of Mr. Agassiz upon this subject I are well known, and it shows the richness of I material — the overwhelming mass of proof, that such a supporter could be dispensed with. 1 Our author enters onlv incidentally upon the question of the origin of the races, and rather turns the force of his argument to prove their inequality. The races exist, and exist with different powers, different instincts, and different capacities. These differences are inalienable and unchangeable. Such are, in few words, the propositions of his argument, and every authority quoted (even that of Prichard, the principal upholder of the unity theory) tends to couJirm this position. 'When- ever and however men have appeared upon this earth, (we. in common with our author, consider the diversity of origin proved beyond dispute,) here they now are — unlike in all things — with the marks of race stamped inef- faceably upon them, in body and in mind ; in form, color, instinct and reason — differing in all, and having differed, as is most indisputably proved by historical monuments, for 4,000 years, and by every philosophical deduction must continue so to ditfer. Man's handiwork will scarce bring about a revolution in despite, as Carlyle would say, " of the immortal gods." Should he try to force it, forgetting the neces- sary conditions of bis existence, " which Nature and the Eternal Powers have by no nuxnner of mea'js forgotten, but do, at all moments, keep in mind, these, they will at the right moment, with due impressiveness, perhaps in rather a terrible manner, bring again to our mind also." The highest capacity of man, and its noblest use, is the discovery and execution of the Almighty behests, — thus enabling him to second instead of opposing the beautiful order of God's developed thought in creation. If the negro be an inferior man, the struggle against God's will, which aims at putting him uj)on the same footing as the superior, is only not an imjiious work, in so far as it is a blind and a foolish one. Folly, unfortunately, often leads to consequences fatal as vice, and there is nothing more mischievous than active ig- norance. In the fanaticism which now ac- tually desolates some of the most favored and l)eauliful parts of our globe, threatening others even at the risk of dragging to earth the highreiU'ed momunents of num's civili- zation, we find vicious malevolence ami igno- rance combining their power to raise some higher law than any which God has sanc- tioned ; and because the black man cannot reach the level of the white, they would even drag down and degrade the white to his capa- cities. NEGRO MANIA. 191 Can it be that in an a^c when science walk? ' abroad, astunishing tlie world by a progress hitherto iinoqualled in her annals— when no longer, with snail-like advance, she labors the ascent to knowledge, but rather leaps forward to her magnificent conclusions — when she eirdles the world with steam, and flashes her lightning thought, even with lightning speed, througli the expanse of a continent — when we see her vutJiries, (in the eloquent language of Professor Lieber,) " like priests of nature, re- vealing her gveat mj^stcries and showing thought, — one thought, — the thought of God, pervading the universe and its phases" — oh ! can it be that this is to be swept aside, or rather crushed down to the level of a Haytieu civilization ? Can it be that the great otie thought, that tlwught of God, so beautifuUj' pictured out even in the lowest, as in the highest of his works, is to be tinkered at and defaced, patched and plastered, by a set of madmen, whose one idea seems to be built upon some whining, Wilberforcian, Clarkson- ized wail of "black brethren" and " negro im- provement?" Verily, nature " suffereth long and is kind," or, ere this, had her curse fallen upon us. We struggle against her, we fiercely resist her teachings, and fancy that these poor heads of ours — to say nothing of black Sambo's and Cuffee's — can regulate matters by a higher law than hers. But the time cometh when our probation can last no longer. TJien, and in " I'ather a terrible manner," it. is to be feared, we will receive our lessen ! Is it not even now, alas, beginning? What is this cry over Europe, echoing even to our own shores ? What means this darkly-shadowed caricature of good — this horrible disfigurement of Chris- tian charity — which, but that it stalks in ter- rible reality before us, would seem like the mockery of some fearful dream ? The angel form which we have gazed upon and wor- shipped as Christian charity and brotherly love, now suddenly starts forth, grinning upon us in hideous deformity of vice, and gibbering out its horrible obscenities of " socialism" and " communism," drags along upon its track the shouting mob, who, in their ravings for "negro abolition" and " universal equality," trample under foot at once God's law and man's law — virtue and decency. The demon is un- chained. This wide-spread and wider-spread- ing evil figures forth, not badly, the beast of the Apocalypse, unto "whom was given a mouth speaking great things and blasphe- mies ;" " and he opened his mouth in blas- phemy against God to blaspheme his name," " and power was given him over all kindreds, and tongue.s, and nations." The strength of his hideous power is now interesting itself largely in the negro canse ; and because the innovators find the impossi- bility of putting into execution their crude theories among their white brethren, and more nearly equalized populution, they, in their agony for action, look about for some- thing tangible, something less iin]iossible, and fancy that it is found in the aV)olition of negro slavery. Alas ! for tlie mistaken folly of those who, in thus acting, act sincerely. Their well-meaning and otMcioiis ignorance is pushed on by tin- ])ow('rful levorof fanaticism to ends from which tliey would shrink in affright could they see tliem in full development ; but which, in half-way execution, tliey rejoice over, as the poor idiot gazes in delighted wonder and warms his fingers by the blaze which is de- molishing his dwelling, fancying the while tliat he has done a wise thing in the api^lica- tion of the spark which has lighted to their destruction his own and his neighbors' homes. Alas for their f(jlly ! But woe ! woe ! a woe of darkness and of death ! a woe of hell and perdition to those who, better knowing, goad folly on to such an extreme I This is indeed the sin not to be forgiven ; the sin against the - Holy Ghost and against the Spirit of God. The beautiful order of Creation, breathed down from Almighty intelligence, is to be mouliled and wrought by fanatic intelligence! until dragged down at last to negro intelli- ligence ! ! Tlie Almighty has thought well to place certiSn of his creatures in certain fixed posi- tions in this world of ours, for what cause he has not seen fit to make quite clear to our limited capacities ; and why an ass is not a man, or a man an ass, will probably for ever remain a mystery to our limited intellects. One thing, however, he has in his mercy made clear enough, viz., that by no manner of edu- cation ; no stocks, braces, nor regimental drill- ings; no problems, theories, nor definitions; neither by steam nor by telegiaph — neither by mesmerism nor by chloroform, can our un- fortunate brother ass, whether mentally or corporeally, be induced to consider himself as a gentleman, and act accordingly. Hf, at least, is not capable of attaining the ivliite civilization of this our lyth century. We hope that our philanthropic friends will allow us this. We would fain have sonje sure ground to stand upon, but do not feel quite certain that they may not come with some new fangled theory of communism to knock this platform also from under our feet. Be- lieving, however, that (until the spirit of im- provement rises a step or two higher) they will allow us our position, we would beg them to instruct us upon what principle of justice this unfortunate brother ass — this iiirsute rel- ative — should be .so be-devilled and trampled upon. Why should he not lie amidst feathers and velvet, as well as the best in the land And why, above all, must he help work to make such feathers and velvet comfortable lodgings for his so-called betters? God given intellect ami power to attain, count for nothing in this modern system of arguing. The ass has as good a right to the 198 NEGRO MANIA. possession of intellect as the man; and if I existence. Only the hirsute can flourish then ; God has not ijivfii it to him, we must remedy | ranging at Avill tlivougli beauteous regions, cast the injustice hv some patent " free-aud-equal" ; back again to wikiuess and the desert. There system. Tiie process is easy enough. It the j nature's bounty may furnisli grass to the hir- aas cannot f^t^uid on two leg.<, knock the man sute, but, truly, no bread to the piped. Black down to all fours, (notiiing is simpler,) and ! Quashee cannot understand this ; God has not vive la fratemUe .' Wliy did not tlie Al- 1 given him tlie intellect for it; and if we teach mighty save us all this trouble, and make the I him to bray out for liberty, i. e., for idleness, ass a man, or the man an ass, from the begin- j verily it is as easy for him to bray out to that nir)i; ? Truly, 'lis a problem liard to solve, | tune, as to any other. But the white man — and poor donkey, with his lamentable braying, j of what is he dreaming, when he li.'ftens even comes as near an explanation as all our for a moment to such cant ? To him God has philosophizipg can do. God made the world I given intellect (would he V;ut use it I) to see — God gave tliee there thy place, my hirsute i the truth. Brother, (for if acting conscien- brother ; and according to all eartldy prob- 1 tiously, and no devil's firebrand sent by. Satan abilities and possibilities, it is tliy destiny [ to our undoing, even as a brother, although therein to roniain, bray as thou wdt. From | differing, we hail thee,) brother, thou speakest, the same great power have our sable friends, \ perchance, in ignorance. Hast thou e\er live3\ Messr.«. Sambo, Cutfee & Co., received their i alongside of Ciuashee ? noticed liis habits, his 1 position also; with which position, allow us [ mind, his character, his tastes, his virtues and ' io remark, the worthy ancestors of Messrs. j his vices ? Clothed him in health, and nursed j Sambo, Cuffee low either, this poor Quashee, when tolerably I ' ■'^ '? 'l^""' . guided,) idle Quashee, I say, you must get the Like ii beast wif devil sent awai/ from your elbow, my poor dark friend ! In this world there will be no existence for you otherwise." To the im- mortals, perchance, this tempest in a tea-pot, this little hubbub on our little globe, niav look lower pains ! Slated with a siiualid s.ivag or dime? / the heir of all the ages, in the The civilized man must retain his position, trifling enough, they seeing very certainly that , or perish, at the end of some score of centuries all things | We beg pardon of Mr. Campbell, however, ■will go right again. Quashce will either have whom we liave, like a garrulous host, kept for gone back to ins quiet corner in this world's a long time, hat in hand, ready to make his civilization, or, perchance, liave vacated it I bow to the reader, while we, instead of re- fer ever in favor of some higher claimant. It ' membeiiiig our duty of introducing him, have matters little in all likelihood to the supreme been proving away upon his text. Mr. Camp- spect;itors of this world's game, what con- 1 bfll is, he tells us, a niember_ttf. the Social fusion of clierking and elieckinating may be j Improvement Society of ~l'hilad£l|jhra ; at going on in our little ant hill. The thought of ] divers meetings of "which "^bcTety, '^'various Goil must conquer finally, and the f^core or so of j and talented speakers,'' (we use Mr. C.'a centuries more or less would be but a moment words.) white and black, joined in the discus- in its development. Buttou.s, my brothers, and ! sion of this question: ''Can the colored races our children these twenty centuries, what are I of men be made mentally, politically and they? White and black, were it not well to j socially equal with the white?'' This is a think on thi-j a little? Truly to us, my jiiped ! rather startling outset; and judging from the brethren of all (■omj)lexion.'<, this abolitioiii.st i re.-ults usually emanating lium such parti- Satan is preparing (it so be we chain him not j colored associations, our first impulse was to iu time) a son-y chase through this world's | withdraw from Mi*. Campbell's extended hand. KEGKO MANIA^ 199 <3ulping down tlie doubt, however, we boldly enlist uiidc-r tin; motto lie adopts — " Prove all things ; hold last that which is good ;" aiul we are rewarded by iimiiug that he honestly and manfully meets the question. Here, then, we liave a collectiuii of extracts, seh'Cted by a Dortliein man, who has entered freely into the discussion of the subject with minds of all hues, " Black spirits and ■white, blue spirits and gray;" enthusiast and fanatic ; whose important scien- tific authorities are all, without exception, Eng- lishmen or northern United States men. Sure- ly no bias should be here expected in favor of southern United States institutions, and yet a stronger defense of them it would be difficult to tiud. In answer to the question, " Can the colored races of luen be made meutally, politically, and socially equal witii the white?" our au- thor first states the indisputable fact, that /neveri from the most remote antiquity until J now, has there appeared a race of negroes, \ that iSj, 'f men with woolly heads, flat noses, thick aud protruding lips, whicJi has ever emerged from a state of savagism or barbar- ism to even a demi-civilization." " Look to the West In. lies, to Brazil, to Austi'alia, to the Gold Coast, to Zauguebar, to Congo, to Seue- '->gambia, to Ashaatee, nay, to the civilization Jinder his imperial highness Faustiu the First, Empei-or of Hayti, and a-nswer me, ye Garri- sons, and Phillipses, and Burleys, and Folsoms, and Smiths, what has this race done in five thousaiul years '{" To those wImj advance the argument that the negro has never had an opportunity for development, becau.se the white man has always oppressed him, our author says : " They foi-get that the latter portion of this propositiwi refutes the fwmer. If the white man has always oppressed the 3iegro, it goes to establish the fact claimed by me, that tlie white man is meutally superior, becau-e if the white man has l)een always powerful enough to debar the negro from im Droving his intellect, it establishes the com- plete fiiroe of my views; ' tliat no amount of educationpr trai,niyg.can ever ma"I?e"llie negfo equal in iuteile-ct with the white.' Knowledge is power ; and it is evident to all, that und';r no circumstances has the negro race ever been able to compete with the white." " We see around us iu every tiirectiou evidences of the fact, that the negro is naturally iulVrior to the white ; but it is unfair to institute compari- soES where this race is held in bondage by the white. We will give them all tiie advan- tages of a fair examinatioji. We will travel to that quiU'ter of the globe wliich seems to be the native land of this race, and to winch they appear to be indigenous. We will go where the white man has never oppressed them," ami what do we find ? "Monuntental luins of Dahomey, foity ages do not look down upon you ! Strewn columns of A.shan- tee, where shall we find you ? Echo answers, 'Where!'' Decaying towers of Zanguebar, .shall any traveller ever discover your name- less and undiscovered and undiscoverable foundations 5 Sculptured temples of Guinea, what hieroloifist shall be able to decipher your extinguished hieroglyphics?" " If only one great negro name could be pi'oduced to redeem a whole race, then I will retriict all I have ever said of negro inferiority ; but this one only name, this rara avis, this white blackbird, this phoenix, is not forthcoming. ' You cannot make a silk purse out of a sow's lug,' is an old and, homely adage, but not the less true ; so can you not make any thing from a negro but negroism, which means bar- barism and inferiority."' " Have the woolly- headed races of men ever produced one, even only one man, famous either as lawgiver, statesman, poet, priest, painter, historian, ora- tor, architect, musician, soldier, sailor, engi- neer, navigator, astronomer, linguist, mathe- matician, anatomist, chemist, physician, natur- alist, or philosoplier i'' Not one in the whole expanse of the world's history fur 4,000 years ; and yet there are men who dare to babble of circumstance, disadvantage, oppression, and universal equality. What might the negro iiave done, 1f — and if — and if ? What might the jackass have done, if — and if — and if? The proof is as fair in the one case as iu the other — the same iu kind, differing only in de- gree. As God made them, so they have been, so they iire, and so they will be ; the white man, tlie negro and the jackass, each to his kind, and each to his nature ; true to the fin- ger of destiny, (which is tlie finger of God,) and undeviatiugly pursuing the track which that finger as undeviatiugly points out. Where rebel reason in its little pride of might would try to change that track, there does the restless vehemence of disorganized natiu'e prove its own avenger. The negro, become master, extinguishes that civilization which his nature abhors, to revel in savagism to which his instincts limit him. Philanthropy ( >r'raf her" pb i liT-Tlohk ey i sni , has never yet ex- perimented how the ass would act under similar circumstances ; but we are fully au- thorized from logical induction, to conclude that green grass and the wilderness would be tlie order of the day under his r('{/ime, and humauity, both black and white, would be fairly kicked out of existence. To the white man, then, the philosopher, poet, orator, his- torian ; to hind, " The heir of all the ages,ia the foremost files of time," it matters little whether donkeyism or negro- ism predominate ; either to hiia would be ex- tinction. To return to the question of inferiority of the negro, we liaye then, iu all houest reason- 200 TSESRO MANIA. iDg, the full right to rlednce it from constant | unvaryinfl. and unstruii^gling inferiority of po eitioi) ; unci the observations of naturalists al go to lontirni tliis position by iiis anatoinica inferiority. Mr. Campbell quotes largely to tliis ertVct, and gires us extracts even from Df. Prichard, acknowledging that by a com- parison with the highest of the simiis, the chimpanzee and the orang, there is apparent in certain parts of the skeleton " an a|>pf()ach towards the forms of these latter species."* Lawrence, after eimmerating the various points of anatomical ditference, continues : "In all the particulars just eimmerated, the Hegro structure approxima.tes unequivocally to that of the monkey. It not only differs from the Caucasian model, but is distinguished from it in two respects : the intellectual cha- racters are reduced, the animal features en- larged and exaggerated." Knos, of the dark races generally, remarks : " The whole shape of the skeleton differs from ours ; and so also, I find, do the forms of almost every muscle of the body." Of the Hottentots, he says : " Their skeleton presents of course peculiari- ties; such as the extreme narrowness of the nasal bones, which run into one in early age, not unfrequently as we find in apes. I3ut it is the exterior which is the most striking; and this, no doubt, is wonderful. Ko one can be- lieve them to be of the same race with our- selves, yet unquestionably they belong to the genus man." The now exploded assumption that the an- cient Egyptians were negroes, is met by Mr. Camjibell with such a mass of authorities, that we must refer the reader who is curious on the subject to his book. One can but smile io reading them, at the idea that such an error could ever have obtained credence enough to make it worth combating. " Now that we distinguish the several human races by the bones of the head, (remarks Lawrence,) it is easy to prove that whatever may have been the hue of their (the Egyptians') skin, they belonged to the same race with our- selves;" "that they formed no exception to that cruel law, (a cruel law which God has made ! and shall we better it ?) which seems to have doomed to eternal inferiority all the tribes of our species which are unfortunate enough to have a depressed and compi-essed cranium." The great Cuvier had already long before pronounced, that "neither the Gallas, nor the Bosjesmen, nor any race of negroes produced that celebrated people;" and Morton f (a name at which we bow our • Our quotations, let it be understood, are hence- forward invnriiibly taken at BecouJ-liaiid troni Mr. Campbell. It is our objccl to show what he has done, and to qive his book, as far a.s in our power, ttie circulatioh which it so well de.ser?es. ■f It is but juslice to Uiis dislin;;uished raau to re- mark, that we havo ourselves heard Agossiz (himself thejrreateat of livin;; naturalists) nay, that he was an authority iafurior to ncne iu ethnology. heads in sorrow, that so early sbotild hare been closed a life whose labors science can ill spare) gives a stream of tlecisive evidence on the subject. A translation of a deed on p^ipyrus of the reign of Ptolemy, Alexander First, giving a description of the persons, par- ties to a sale of laud at Thebes, describes one of tliem as of a dark coiuplesion, the remain- ing five as sallow. The Egyptians them- selves, on their monuments, have represented the men red, the women yellow ; :iud both with features entirely distinct from the negro, who appears among them with all tlie char- acteristic features of his race, and always in a condition of boixlage or inferiority. " Ne- groes (observes Morton) were numerous in Egypt, bi>t their position in ai>cient times was the same that it now is, that of servants and slaves." "The hair of the Egyptians resembled in texture that of the fairest Europeans of the present day." Equally fotile, and ^ecjually rejected by science, is the assuniption that clmitite^^r habit of life can account for the dififerencea of race. " The physical or organic character's which distinguish the several races of men are as old (says Morton) as the oldest records of our species." We frequently find one race inhabiting an extent of country whidi serves at once to prove the irrationality of the con- clusion, that climate can have had any influ- ence in stumping upon it its characteristic differences. " The flat face of the Chinese (observes Lawrence) not only extends through- out that vast empire, which covers nearly forty degrees of latitude and seventy of longitude; but also over the neighboring regioi>s of cen- tral and northern Asia, the tx)rth of Europe and of America, over a very large portion of the globe, inehuling every possible variety of heat and cold, elevation and lowness, moisture and dryness, wood, mar>h, and plain. That Europetiu Creoles in the West IiKlies, in Ame- rica and in the East, have preserved theijr native features iu all instances where no in- termixture of blood has occurred, is proved by the uninterrupted experience of the Span- iiirils, Portuguese and English, who have had foreign colonies in climates most tliffering from their own, longer than tmy other nation. The modern Gipseys anf every man. They | of creation's plan, if this be really the ^Jre- may be styled human beings, though of an in- i ordained law of our existence, shall we better herently degraded species. To attempt to relieve them from their natural inferiority is idle in itself, and may be mischievous in its results. Calculated as it is to arouse evil pas- sions, it ma}- one day provoke a necessity not to be contemplated without horror. It may lead to a war between the species, which must result in the extirpation of the negro. True matters by strugghng against it ? One only door seems opened by nature to prevent such a catastrophe, and that is, through the beneficent .system of serfdom, or otherwise slavery. The word is of little import : the thing is the same. The negro, docile iu subjection, attached like the household dog to his master — only in pro- portion to his intellect in a far higher giade of philanthropy — not that sickly sentiment which [ being — is satisfied and happy in the half neglects the interests of the white laborer to civilized condition, which, with us, his imita- cant about the black — but a true and honest | tiveness enables him to attain. Liberated — regard for the best interests of mankind, will ; in other words, unprotected, and starving for maintain the negro undisturbed in the relation , want of protection, the dog, as the negro, re- whicl) God has marked out for him" What : turns to the untaught habits and instincts of that relation is, can, we think, be pretty fairly ' nature. Thievish and wolfish, the dog, poor deduced from such testimony as we have here I fellow, is easily disposed of, and a gun or a rope seen advanced. The alternatives are serfdom ! settles the difHculty, as far as he is concerned, or savagedora ; a state of equality being, we | The negro is, it seems, according to Mr. Knox, think, honestly proved impossible. The an- j occasionally disposed of by the same summaiy tagonisni of races is working itself out in every I process. In more civilized communities, where instance where two races are put in collision I law protects him, he will still, if the black pop- by the quicker or slower extinction of the iu- j ulation be comparatively small, dwindle and ferior and feebler race. The only exceptions j disappear before the antagonism of race, as to this rule, which the world has ever seen, are we see now in the process of extinplification in where the beneficent system of serfdom (;. e. our northern states. But where the propor- slavery) has come to the rescue and protection i tioa is in an opposite ratio, the negro, whose iu- 204 NEGRO MANIA. dividual is, as a man, protected by the law, become:? Hwn, in the aggregate, too powerful for the law. Tiien cornea the cla-^h of race, hideou^lv developed in all its horrible propor- tions. The bruti--li propensities of the negro now unchecked, there remains no road for their full exercise, (unless the white man vol- untarily retreats before him,) but in the slaughter of his white master, and through that slaughter he strities (unless he himself be exterminated) to the full exercise of his native barbaiity and savagism. And this, then, is the consummation so devoutly to be wished ! Congo civilization! Hottentot civilizatioa ! ! Haytien civilization! ! ! Jamaica is fast treading on the tracks of Hayti. Britisli philantlnopy lias already suc- ceeded in making the rich lands of that fair isle so utterly valueless, that the white man must soon abandon his right to live in it. And the vast and beautiful territory composing the southern and southwestern states of America; this territory, whose giant youth is governing the world by its vast produce, wliich holds the reins of Europe, and spins round it, even with the fine web of its cotton fibre, a net- work, the destruction of which is the destruction of civili- zation — is this country, too, to be abandoned to the desert and the waste, to negroism and barbarity, that abolitionism may chant its lo pceans over our ashes? Abolition is not the abolition of slavery. Equality is no thought nor creation of God. Slavery, under one name or another, will exist as long as man exists ; and abolition is a dream whose execution is an impossibility. In- tellect is the only divine right. Intellect seeks freedom from its own proper impulses, and attains it by its own proper power. The negro cannot be schooled, nor argued, nor driven into a love of freedom. Piis intellect cannot grasp it, nor can he love an abstraction, whic'h it is beyond his intellect to understand. The apostle of freedom can to the negro be nothing more tiian the apostle of temporary license and permanent savagism. " Heaven's laws are not repealable by earth, however earth may try." We have in our article entirely forgotten the odious plea fur amalgamation — a thouglit from which nature shrinks; but as all points are to be met, we arc glad to find it in Mr. Campbell's book most ably discussed by more than one learned author. Knox, over and over again, stronglypronounces against the possible perma- nent existence of a hybrid race, and as sucii lie unhesitatingly classes all mulattoes. " Na- ture's laws are stronger than bayonets." " Nr) mixed race will she support." P. A. Browne, whom we have already noticed as so trium- phantly inei'ting Prichard on the question of the woolly head, comes here to our assistance in a manner e(pially decisive, confuting him from iiis own words, and proving iiis utter in- capacity for the argument he undertakes. Let ' us remark, en jmasanf, of Prichard, that he has been hitherto strangely overrated. His ponderous tomes are calculated, from theirim- pnsing ap]ioarance, and tlieir real merit a^ a ' collection of facts, to make a great impression upon that large proportion of readers who read ! without close observation, and adopt without dispute the conclusions of their author; but we are glad to believe that a more just appre- ciation is now being formed of his labors. We have seen a notice, among other similar arti- cles, of a review of his works, in the form of ' a treatise, by Dr. Caldwell (Cincinnati : James,) by which the false positions of Dr. Prichard are ! said to be ably exposed, and the unphilooophi- cal tendency of his work thoroughly combated. We have not room for the argument of Mr.- Browne, but he satisfactorily proves, what manv of us know from our own unlearned ob- servation, that no mulatto race is self-j)erpetu- ; ating. They are subject to the law of hybrids, and can onl}' continue to exist so long as they continue to receive supplies from the original races whence they sprang. Tliese ceasing to flow in, with equipoised proportions, the pre- dominating race gains the ascendant. Could we suppose, therefore, the possibility of a general amalgamation of the races, the certain result would be, that as the dark races by far outnumber the white, the white must, by the j course of nature, become in time extinct. But ' such " is not the ultimate issue; no, not that." God has implanted in the white races, for their I own preservation and for the perfecting of their iiigh destiny, that strong antagonistic feeling of race, which holds them aloof in their purity. The white and the dark races can never amalgamate. " Nature's laws are stronger than bayonets" — stronger than the full tide of abolition and colonization soci(;ties, with all their old women and negro men, Lu- crelia Mutts and Fred. Douglasses to boot Wilberforce was a good man, no doubt; a well-meaning, sentimentally good man ; but all the vice, and all the crimes of all the hardened and ruffianly criminals whom the gallows has disposed of for the last century, could not, if j allowed the full .scope of their career, have ! accomplisht'd one tenth of the ill, one shadow i of the evil which this same sentimental yood- ne-'S has occasionetl. The first piddles in little ' murders ; tbe last sweeps away nations. Good- i ness, which in its wellineaning ignorance as- I sumes an antagonistic jiosilion to nature's laws, j becomes infinitely mi.sdiievous. Those laws, ' embodying, as they do, the thought of God, ' nuist finally ])revail; but, alas for the genera- tions u])on whose destinies such antMgonistic influences act ! For them at least the beau- tiful thought of God, the all-conquering order of nature, becomes a fearful scourge. Placed I in antagonism with it, they caimot destroy it; it must destroy (hem. The thought of God prevails, and generations are swept away. I Depart, ye quack-rithkn mcompetent ! NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. 205 " Every one knows (says Blackwood) how easy it is to get up a shout upon any vague pretext of Immauity, and liow frequently the creduhty of the people of England has been imposed on by specious and designing hypo- crites. With this set of men Africa has been for many years a pet subject of complaint. They have made the wrongs of the negro a short and profitable cut to fame and fortune, and their spurious philanthropy has never failed to engage the suj^port of a large num- ber of weak, but well-meaning individuals,who are totally ignorant of the real objects which lie at the bottom of the agitations." " An abo- lition meeting (remarks Mr. Campbell) is held at some town in Ohio, New- York, or Pennsyl- vania ; speeches are made, negro wrongs are dwelt upon, Burns is quoted, ' A man's a man for a' that,' and Terence also, ' Homo sum et nihil a me alleimm puto' ' My black brother,' and 'AH men are born free and equal.' The meeting terminates ; an impression is made, and frequently even upon strong minds. There are no libraries within reach ; the different authors' works are too expensive, and the abolition poison runs through the mental sys- tem, as hydrophobia through the physical, un til the patient becoraesa rabid, raving fanatic." The author goes on to say that his volume is intended to popularize the subject, and thus to counteract this evil. Most heartily do we wish him success. Full time it is that some- thing were doing, sinking as we are, to use the words of Carlyle, " in deep froth oceans of ' benevolence,' ' fraternity,' 'emancipation-prin- ciple,' and ' Christian philanthropy,' and other most amiable-looking, but most baseless, and, in the end, baleful and all-bewildering jargon." " Never till now did the sun look down on such a jumble of human nonsense?." " We have a long way t > travel back, and terrible flounder- ings to make, and in fact an immense load of nonsense to dislodge from our poor heads, and manifokl cobwebs to rend from our poor eyes, before we get into the road again, and can begin to act as serious men that have work to do in this universe, and no longer as windy sentimentalists, that merely have speeches to deliver, and speeches to write." "Our own white or sallow Ireland, sluttishly starving from age to age on its act of parliament freedom, was hitherto the flower of mi-jmanagement among nations ; but what will this be to a negro Ire- land, with pumpkins themselves fallen short like potatoes '( Imagination cannot fathom such an object ; the belly of Chaos never held the like. The human mind in its wide wan- dering-i has not dreamt yet of such a ' freedom ' as thatwill be." " Terrible must be the struggle to return from our delusions, floating rapidly on which, not the West Indies alone, but Europe generally, is nearing the Niagara Falls." We agree with Mr. Campbell that a full an d open discussion on the subject of the races, is the likeliest mode of warding off the terrible evil which hangs over us. We are hardly sanguine enough to believe with him " that there is a rapid change going on in the public mind of our northern .states favorable to negro slavery ;" but we do believe that nothing would go farther towards expediting such a change than the bold expression of such fair and hon- orable views as he has not hesitated to ad- vance. " Let our citizens (he says) understand the real merits of the question af issue, and there is no fear but a healthy tone will be given to public opinion, and that maudlin, silly hu- manitarianism will give way to true ideas and plain, practical common sense." " It is only ne- cessai'y to demand discussion — open, fair, and free discussion — to prove to our working citi- zens the extreme wickedness of freeing the negro under any pretext at all." Fain would we believe this, and from our hearts we thank Mr. Campbell for his manly effort in the true cause of civilization and humanity. It is indeed a noble cau-e, and high the meed of praise to those who contribute to unmask the hideous form which now, under the assumed name of phi- lanthropy, covering, like the veiled prophet of Khorassan, its fearful loathsomeness with the garb and appurtenances of divinity, claims the worship of the world. "Not the long-promised light, the brow whose beaming Was to come forth all-conquering, all-redeeming, But features horribler than hell e'er tratied On its own brood." ' There, ye wise saints, behold your light, your star ; Ye would be dupes and victims, and ye are." L. S. M. NEGRO SLAVERY— Memoir on, by Chancellor Harper; prepared for, and READ before, THE SoCIETY FOR THE AD- VANCEMENT OF Learning, of South Caro- lina — Part I. — The institution of domestic slavery exists over far the greater portion of the inhabited earth. Until within a very few ce'iituries, it may be said to have existed over the whole earth — at least in all those portions of it which had made any advances toward civilization. We might safely conclude, then, that it is deeply founded in the nature of man and the exigencies of human society. Yet, in the few countries in which it has been abolished — claiming, perhaps justly, to be farthest advanced in civilization and intelli- gence, but which have had the smallest op- portunity of observing its true character and effects — it is denounced as the most intolera- ble of social and political evils. Its exist- ence, and every hour of its continuance, is regarded as the crime of the communities in which it is found. Even by those in the countries alluded to, who regard it with the most indulgence or the least abhorrence — who attribute no criminality to the present genera- tion, who found it in existence, and have not yet been able to devise the means of abolishing it — it is pronounced a mislbrtune 206 KEGRO SLAVERY — MEMOIR ON". and a curse injurious and dangerous always, aud wiiich must be finally fatal to the socie- ties whii-li admit it. This is no lunger regard- ed as a suljfct of argument and investigation. The ()i>iiiions referred to are assumed as set- tled, or the truth of them as self-evident. If any voice is raised among ourselves to exten- uate or to vindicate, it is unheard. Tlie judg- ment is made u|i. We can have no hearing before the tribunal of the civilized -world. Yet, on tliis very accouut, it is more impor- tant tiiat we, the inhabitants of the slave- holding states of America, insulated as we are by tliis institution, and cut off, in some degree, from the connuunion aud sympatliies of the world by wliich we are surrounded, or witli wliich we have intercourse, and exposed continually to tlieir auiinadversions and at- tacks, shoiild thoroughly unrierstaud tliis sub- ject, and our strength aud weakness in rela- tion to it. If it be thus criminal, dangerous and fatal — and if it be possible to devise means of freeing ourselves from it — we ought at once to set about the employing ot those means. It would be the most wretclied and imbecile fatuity, to shut our eyes to the im- pending dangers and liorrors, and "drive darkling down the current of our fate," till we are overwhelmed in the final destruction. If we are tyrants — cruel, unjust, oppressive — let us humble ourselves and repent in the sight of Heaven, that the foul stain may be cleansed, aud we enabled to stand erect, as having common claims to humanity with our fellow-men. But if we are nothing of all this ; if we commit no injustice or cruelty ; if the mainte- nance of our institutions be essential to our prosperity, our character, our safety, and the safety of all tliat is dear to us — let us enlight- en our minds, and fortify our hearts to delend them. It is a somewhat singular evidence of the indisposition of the rest of the world to hear anything more on this subject, that perhaps the most profound, original and truly piiilo- sophical treatise, which has appeared witiiin the time of my recollection,* seems not to have attracted the slightest attention out of the limits of the slaveholdiiig states them- selves. If truth, reason, and conclusive argu- ment, propountled with admirable temper and perfect candor, might be supposed to liave an effect on tlie minds of nmn, we sliould think this work would luive put an end to agitation on the subject. The author ha.s rendered in- ajipreciable service to the south in enlighten ing them on tlie subject of their own iiislitu- tions, and turning back that monstrous tide of folly and madness, which, if it liad rolled on, would have involved his own great state, along with the rest of the slaveholding states, • PreHiJciit DewV Rovicw of the Virijiuiu Debates on tlie subject of Sluvtry. in a common ruin. But beyond these, he seems to have produced no effect whatever. The denouncers of slavery, wiih wh<).f AND RETARDS ITS EviI.S; StUUGGLES OF SoriKTY AND THE COMPETITION OK InTER ESTs; Poor Laws contrasted •with the Re- lation OF Master and Slave. — Part II. — I add, further, that slavery ant'icipatfn the bene- ■fits of civilization, and retards the evils of civ- ilization. The former part of this prnjwsi tion has been so fully established by a writer of great power of thought — thougli I fear his practical conclusions will be found of little value — that it is hardly necessary to urge it* Property — the accumulation of capital, as it is commonly called — is the first ele- mentary civilization. But to accumulate or to use capital to any considerable extent, the combination of labor is necessary. In early stages of society, when people are thinly scattered over an extensive territory, the labor necensary to extensive works cannot be commanded. Men are independent of each other. Having the command of abundance of land, no one will submit to be employed in the service of his neighbor. No one, therefore, can employ more capital than he can use with his own hands, or those of his family, nor have an income much beyond the necessaries of life. There can, therefore, be little leisure for intel- lectual pursuits, or means of acquiring the com- forts or tlegancies of life. It is hardly neces- sary to say, however, that if a man has the command of slaves, he may combine labor and use capital to any required extent, and therefore accumulate wealth. He shows that no colonies have been successfully planted without some sort of slavery. So we find the fact to be. It is only in the slaveholding states of our confederacy that wealth can be acquired by agriculture, which is the general employ- ment of our whole country. Among us, we know there is no one, however humble his be- ginning, who, with persevering industry, intel- ligence, and orderly anil virtuous habits, may not attain to con.siderable opulence. So far as wealth has been accumulated in the states which do not possess slaves, it has been in cities, by the pursuits of commerce ; or, lately, by manufactures. But the products of slave labor furnish more than two thirds of the ma- terials fif our foreign commerce, which the in- dustry of tljose states is eini)loyod in transport- ing and exchanging ; and among the slave- holding states is to be found the great market ♦ The nutlinr nf "ICnslniid and .Amcriru." Wc do, howevor, most iiidi;rn.intly rcpuarous to the most refined, ha« its own peculi ir evils to mark it as the condition of morality ; and perhaps there is none but Omnipotence who can say in which the scale of good or evil ir»ost preponderates. We need say nothing of tlie evils of savage life. Tiiere is a stale of society, elevated somewhat above it, which is to be found in some of the more thinly populated portions of our own country — the rudest agricultural state — which is thus characterized by the author to whi>m I have referred : " The American of the backwoods has often been described to the English as grossly ignorant, dirty, unsocial, delighting in rum and tobacco, attached to nothing but his rifle, adventurous, restless, more than half sav- age. Deprived of social enjoyments or ex- citements, he has i-ecourse to those of savage life, and becomes (for in this respect the Americans degenerate) unfit for society." This is no very inviting picture, which, though ex- aggerated, we know not to be without likeness. The evils of such a state, I suppose, will hardly be thought compensated by unbounded free- dom, perfect equahty, and ample means of subsistence. But let us take another stage in the progress — which, to manj"^, will appear to offer all (hat is desirable in existence — and realize another Utopia. Let us suppose a state of society in which all shall have property, and there sliall be no great inequality of property ; in which society shall be so much condensed as to afford the means of social intercourse, without being crowded, so as to create difficulty in olitaining the means of subsistence ; in whidi every fam- ily that chooses may have as much land as will employ its own hands, while others may employ their industry in forming such ]iro- ducts as it may be desirable toexchanye with them. Schools are generally established, and the rudiments of education universally fiiffused. Religion is tauglit, and every village has its- church, neat, though liumble, lif'ti g its spire to heaven. Here is a situation a]iparently the most favoi'able to liappiness. 1 say appa- renllji, for the greatest source of human misery is not in external circumstances, Vnit in men tliemselves — in their depraved inclinations, their wayward passions and perverse wills. Here is r^om for all the ])otty comi)etition, the envy, liatred, malice, and dissiinulaHon that torture the heart in what may be supposed NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. 213 the most sophisticated states of society, and, thouiijh less niiirked and offensive, there may be much of the licentiousness. But, apart from tliis, in such a condition of society, if tlieie is little suffering, there is little high enjoyment. The even flow of life forbids the high excitement which is necessary for it. If there is little vice, there is little place for the eminent virtues which employ themselves in coufroUingthe disorders and remedying the evils of society, which, like war and revolution, call forth the highest powers of man, whether for good or for evil. If there is little misery, there is little room for benevolence. Useful public institutions we may suppose to be cre- ated, but not such as are merely ornamental. Elegant arts can be little cultivated, for there are no means to reward the artists nor the higher literature, for no one will have lei- sure or means to cultivate it for its own sake. Those who acquire what may be called lib- ■eral education, will do so in order to employ it as the means of their own subsistence or advixncemeut in a profession, and literature itself will partake of the sordidness of trade. In short, it is plain that, in such a state of society, the moral and intellectual faculties cannot b-j cultivated to their highest perfec- tion. But, whether that which I have described be the most desirable state of society or no, it is certain that it cannot continue. Mutation and progress is the condition of human affairs. Though retarded for a time by extraneous or accidental circumstances, the wheel must roll on. The tendency of population is to beconae ' crowded, increasing the difficulty of obtaining i subsistence. There will be some without any j property except the capacity for labor. This ; they must sell to those who have the means of employing them, thereby swelling the amount of their capital and increasing inequal- ity. The process still goes on. The number of laborers increases, until there is a difficulty in obtaining employment. The competition is establishetL I'he remuneration of the laborer becomes gradually lees and less; a larger and larger proportiou of the product of his labor goes to swell the fortune of the capitalist ; in- equality becomes still greater and more in- vidious, until the process ends in the establish- ment of such a state of things as the same author describes as now existing in England. After a most imposing picture of her greatness and resources ; of her superabounding capital and allperrading industry and enterprise; of her public institutions for purposes of art, learning, and beuevolenee ; her public im- provements, by which intercourse is facilitated and the convenience of man subserved ; the conveniences and luxuries of life enjoyed by those who are in possession of fortune or have profitable em])loymeuts ; of all, in short, that places her at the head of modern civilisation, he proceeds to give .therBverse of the picture. And here I shall use his own words : " The laboring class compose the bulk of the people ; the great body of the people ; the vast major- ity of the people. These are the terms by which English writers and speakers usually describe those whose only property is their labor. " Of comprehensive words, the two most frequently used in English politics are distress and pauperism. After these, of expressions applied to the state of the poor, the most com- mon are vice and misery, wretchedness, suffer- ings, ignorance, degradation, discontent, depra- vity, drunkenness, and the increase of crime, with many more of a like nature." He goes on to give the details of this in- equality and wretchedness, in terms calculated to sicken and appal one to whom the picture is new. That he has painted strongly we may suppose ; but there is ample corroborating testimony, if such were needed, that the re- presentation is substantially just. Where so much misery exists, there must, of course, be much discontent, and many have been disposed to trace the sources of the former in vicious legislation, or the structure of government; and the author gives the various schemes, sometimes contradictory, sometimes ludicrous, which projectors have devised as a remedy for all this evil to which flesh is heir. That ill- judged legislation may have sometimes aggra- vated the general suffering, or that its extre- mity may be mitigated by the well-directed efforts of the wise and virtuous, there can be no doubt. One purpose for which it has been permitted to exist is, that it may call forth such efforts and awaken powers and virtues which would otherwise have slumbered for want of object. But remedy there is none, unless it be to abandon tlieir civilization. This inequality, this vice, this misery, this slavery, is tlie price of England's civilization. They suftW the lot of humanity. But perhaps we may be per- mitted humbly to hope that, great, intense, and widely spread as this misery undoubtedly is in reality, it may yet be less so than in appear- ance. We can estimate but very, very imper- fectly the good and evil of individual condition, as of different states of society. Some unex- ' pccted solace arises to animate the severest , calamity. Wonderful is the power of custom in making the hardest condition tolerable; the most generally wretched life has circumstaiices of mitigation and moments of vivid enjoyment, of which the more seemingly happy caa ' scarcely conceive ; though the lives of intlivi- I duals be shortened, the aggregate of existence j is increased ; even the various forms of death, ' accelerated by want, familiarized to the con- templation, like death to the soldier on the field of battle, may become scarcely more for- midable than what we are accustomed to re- j gard as nature's ordinary outlets of existence. I If we could perfectly analyze the enjoyments J and sufferings of the most happj and the most 214 KEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR OK. miserable man, \re should, perhaps, be«tartlecl to find the difference so much less than our previous impressions had led us to conceive. But it is not for us to a«?ume the province of Omniscience. The particular theory of the author quoted seeins to be founded on an as- sumption of this sort— that there is a certain stage in the progress when there is a certain balance between the demand for labor and the supply of it, which is more desirable than any other — when the territory is so thickly peopled that all cannot own land and cultivate the soil for themselves, but a portion will be com- pelled to sell their labor to others, still leaving, however, the wages of labor high and tlie laborer independent. It is plain, howerer, that this would, in like manner, partake of the good and the evil of other states of society. There would be less of equality and less rude- ness than in the early stages ; less civilization and less suffenng than in the later. It is the competition for employment, which is the source of this misery of society, that gives rise to all excellence in art and know- ledge. When the demand for labor exceeds the supply, the services of the most ordinarily qualified laborer will be eagerly retained. When the supply begins to exceed, and com petition is established, higher and higher qua- lifications will be required, until, at length, when it becomes very intense, none but the most consummately skilful can be sure to be employed. Nothing but necessity can drive men to the exertions wliich are necessary so to qualify themselves. But it is not in arts, merely mechanical alone, that this superior excelU'ncc will be required. It will be ex- tended to every intellectual employment ; and, though this may not be the effect in the in- stance of every individual, yet it will fix the habits and character of the society, and pre- scribe, evei'ywhere, arul in every department, the highest possible standard of attainment. But how is it that the existence of slavery, as with us, will retard the evils of civilization ? Very obviously. It is the intense competition of civilized life that gives rise to the excessive cheapness of labor; and the excessive cheap- ness of labor is the cause of the evils in ques- tion. Shive labor can never be so cheap as what 18 Called free lalx)r. Political economists have established as the natural standard of wages, in a fully peopled country, the value of the laborer's subsistencp. I shall not stop to inquire into the precise truth of fhispn)po- sition. It certanily approximates the truth Where com]>etition is intense, men will lalior for a bare subsistence, and hvm than a con)pe- tent subsistence. The cmpli>yer of free la- borers obtains their services during the time of their health and vigor, without the charge of rearing them from infancy, or supporting them in sickne.-is or old age. This chargi? is imposed on the employer of .slave labor, who, therefore, pays higher wages, and cuts off the , principal source of misery — the wants andauf^ ferings of infancy, sickness, and old age. La- borers, too, will be le.ss skilful and perform less work — enhancing the price of that sort of labor. The poor laws of England are an at- tempt, but an awkward and empiric attempt, to supply the place of that which we should suppose the feelings of every human heart would declare to be a natural obligation — that he who has received the Vji-nefil of the laborer's s-ervices durir)g his health and vigor, should maintain him when he becomes unable to pro- vide for his own support. They answer their purpose, however, very imperfectly, and are unjustly and unequally imposed. There is no attempt to apportion the burden according to the benefit received ; and, perhaps, there could be none. This is one of the evils of their condition. In periods of commercial revulsion and dis- tress, like the present, the distress, in countries of free labor, falls principally on the laborers. In those of slave labor, it falls almost exclu- sively on the employer. In the former, when a business becomes unprofitable, the employer dismisses his laborers, or lowere their wages. But with us it is the very period at which we are least able to dismiss our laborers; and if we Avould not suffer a further loss, we cannot reduce their wages. To receive the benefit of the services of which they are capable, we must proviile for maintaining their health and vigor. In point of fact, we know that this is accounted among the necessary expenses of management. If the income of every pl.mte? of the southern states were permanently re- duced one half, or even much more than that^ it woukl not take one jot from the support and comforts of the slaves. And this can never be materially altered until they shall become so unprofitable tliat slavery nuist be of neces- sity abandoned. It is probable that the ac- cumulation of individual wealth will never be carried to quite so great an extent in a slave- holding country as in one of free labor ; but a consequence will be that there will be less in- equality and less suffering. Servitude is the condition of civilization. It was decreed wlifu tlw command was given^ "Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, awl subdue it," and when it was added, " In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread."* And what human being shall arrogate to him- self the authority to pronounce that our form of it is worse in itself, or more displeasmg to God, than that which exists ol.sewbere 'i Shall it be said that tlie servitude of other countries grows out of the exigency of their eiicum- stances, aixl therefore society is ix)t responsi- ble for it? But if we know that in the pro- gress of things it is to come, would it not seem the ])art of wisdom and foresight to make provision for it, and thereby, if we can, miti- gate the severity of its evils i But the fact is not so. Let any one who doubts read the KEGRO SLAVERT MEMOIR ON. 215 book to which I have several times referred, and he may be satisfied that it was forced upon us by the extremest exigency of circum- stances, in a struggle for very existence. Witli- out it, it is doubtful whether a white man would be now existing on this continent — cer- tain, that if there w^ere, they would be in a state of the utmost destitution, weakness, and misery. It was forced on us by necessity, and further fastened upon us by the superior authority of tlie mother country. I, for one, neither deprecate nor resent the gift. Nor did we institute slavery. The Africans brought to us had been — speaking in the gen- eral — slaves in their own country, and only un- derwent a change of masters. In the coun- tries of Eunipe and the states of our confed- eracy, in which slavery has ceased to exist, it was abolished by [)ositive legislation. If the order of nature has been departed from, and a forced and artiticial state of things introduced, it has been, as the experience of all the world declares, by them and not by us. That there are great evils in a society where slavery exists, and that the institution is liable to great abuse, I have already said. To say otherwise would be to say that they were not human. But the whole of human life is a sys- tem of evils and compensations. We have no reason to believe that the compensations with us are fewer or smaller in proportion to the evils than those of any other condition of society. Tell me of an evil or abuse ; of an instance of cruelty, oppression, licentiousness, crime, or suffering; and I will point out, and often in fivefold degree, an equivalent evil or abuse in countries where slavery does not exist ! Let us examine, without blenching, the ac- tual and alleged evils of slavery, and the array of horrors which many suppose to be its uni- versal concomitants. It is said that the slave is out of the protection of the law ; that if the law purports to protect him in life and limb, it is but imperfectly executed; that he is still subject to excessive labor, degrading blows, or any other sort of torture which a master, pampered and brutalized by the exercise of arbitary power, may think proper to inflict ; he is cut off from the oppori unity of intellec- tual, moral, or religious improvement, and even positive enactments are directed against his acquiring the rudiments of knowledge; he is cut off for ever from the hope of raising his condition in society, whatever may be his merit.talents, or virtues, and therefore deprived of the strongest incentive to useful and praise- worthy exertion ; his physical degrailation begets a corresponding moral degradation ; he iswithout moral principle, and addicted to the lowest vices, particularly theft and falsehood ; if marriage be not disallowed, it is little better than a state of concubinage, from which re- sults general licentiousness, and the want of diastit.y among females — this indeed is not protected by law, but is subject to the out- rages of brutal lust ; both sexes are liable to have their dearest affections violated, to be sold like brutes, husbands to be torn from wives, children from parents. This is the pic- ture commonly presented by the denouncers of slavery. It is a somewhat singular fact, that, when there existed in our state no law for punishing the murderer of a slave, other than a pecuni- ary tine, there were, I will venture to .say, at least ten murders of freemen for one murder of a slave. Yet it is supposed they are less pro- tected or less secure than their masters. Why, they are protected by their very situation in society, and therefore less need the protection of law. With any other person than iheir master, it is hardly possible for them to come in such sort of collision as usually gives rise to furious and revengeful passions ; they offer no temptation to the murderer for gain ; against the master himself they have the security of his own interest, and by his superintendence and authoritj- they are protected from the re- vengeful passions of each other. I am by no means sure that the cause of humanity has been served by the change in jurisprudence, which has placed their murder on the same footing with that of a freeman. ^ The change was made in the subserviency to the o])inions and clamor of others, who were utterly incom- petent to form an opinion on the subject ; and a wise act is seldom the result of legislation in this spirit. From the fact which I have stated, it is plain that they less need protec- tion. Juries are, therefore, less willing to con- vict, and it may sometimes happen that the guilty will escape uU punishment. ISecurity IS one of the compen^^ations of their humble position. We challenge the comparison, that with us there have been fewer murders of slaves than of parents, children, apprentices, and other murders, cruel and unnatural, in so- ciety where slavery does not exist. But, short of life or limb, various cruelties may be practised, as the passions of the mas- ter may dictate. To this the same reply has been often given — that they are secured by the master's interest. If the state of slavery is to exist at all, the master must have, and ought to have, such power of punishment as will compel them to perform the duties of their station. And is not this for their advan- tage as well as 'his ? No human being can be contented, who does not perform the duties of his station. Has the master any temptation to go beyond this ? If he inflicts on him such punishment as will permanentl} impair his strength, he inflicts a loss upon himself; and so if he requires of him excessive labor. Com- pare the labor required of the slave with those of the free agricultural or manufacturing la- borer in Europe, or even in the more thickly peopled portions of the nou-slaveholding states of our confederacy — though these last are no 216 NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. fair Pubjfcts of comparison, tliey enjoying, as I have sail!, in a grout clet,'ree, the advantages of slavery along with those of an early and simple state of society. Read the English parlianienlary reports, on the condition of the inaimfacturing operatives, and the chil- dren employed in factories. And such is the impotence of man to remedy the evils which the condition of his existence has imposed on him, that it is much to be doubted whether the attempts by legislation to inijjrove their situation will not aggravate its evils. Tliey resort to this excessive labor as a clioice of evils. If so, the amount of their compensation will be lessened also with the diniinislied labor ; for this is a matter which legislation cannot regulate. Is it the part of benevolence, then, to cut them off even from this miserable liberty of choice ? Yet would these evils exist in the same degree, if tlie laborers were the propcrti/ of the master, having a direct interest in pre- sei'ving their lives, their health, and strength ? Who but a drivelling fanatic has thought of the necessity of protecting domestic animals from the cruelty of their owners ? And yet, are not great and wanton cruelties practised on these animals ? Compare the whole of the cruelties inflicted on slaves throughout our southern country with those elsewhere in- flicted, by ignorant and depraved portions of the community, on those whom the relations of society put into their power ; of brutal hus- bands on their wives ; of brutal parents — sub- dued against the strongest instincts of nature to that brutality by tiie extremity of their misery — on their children ; of brutal masters on apprentices. And if it should be asked. Are not similar cruelties inflicted and miseries endured in your societies ? I answer. In no comparable degree. The class in question are placed under the control of others, who are interestetl to restrain their excesses of cruelty or rage. Wives are protected from their hus- bands, and children from their parents. And this is no inconsiderable compensation of the evils of t)ur system; and would so appear, if we could form any conception of the immense amount of misery which is elsewhere thus in- flicted. The other class of society, more ele- vated in their position, are also (speaking of course in the general) more elevated in char- acter, and more responsible to public opinion. But besides the interest of their master, there is another security against cruelty. The re- lation of master and slave, when there is no mischi(!Vou8 interference between them, is, as the experience of all the world declares, na- turally one of kindness. As to the fact, we should be held interested witnesses, but we appeal to universal naturt;. Is it not natural that a man should be attached to that which is his own, and which has contributed to his convenience, his enjoyment, or his vanity f This is felt even towards animals and inani- mate objects. How muck more toward a being of superior intelligence and usefulness, who can appreciate our feelings toward him, and return them ! Is it not natural that we should 1)6 interested in that which is dependent oa us for protection and support ? Do not men every where contract kind feelings toward their dependents ? Is it not natural that men shoulil be more attached to those \vhotn they have long known — whom, perhaps, they have reared or been associated with from infancy — than to one with whom their connection has been casual and temporary '. What is there in our atmosphere or institutions to producea ])erversion of the general feelings of nature ? To be sure, in this as in all otiier relations, there is frequent cause of offense or excitement — on one side, for some omission of duty, on the other, on account of reproof or punishment in- flicted. But this is common to the relation of parent and child ; and I will venture to say that if punishment be justly inflicted — and there is no temptation to inflict it unjustly — it is as little likely to occasion permanent estrange- ment or resentment as in that case. Slaves are perpetual children. It is not the common nature of man, unless it be depraved by its own misery, to delight in witnessing pain. It is more grateful to behold contented and cheerful beings than sullen and wretched ones. That men are sometimes wayward, depraved, and brutid, we know. That atrocious and bru- tal cruelties have been perpetrated on slaves, and on those who were not slaves, by such wretches, we also know. But that the institu- tion of slavery has a natural tendenc}' to form such a character, that such crimes are more common or more aggravated than in other states (»f society, or produce among us less surprise and horror, we utterly deny, and challenge the comparison. Indeed, I have little hesitation in saying, that if full evidence could be obtained, the comparison would result in our favor, and that the tendency of slavery ia rather to humanize than to brutalize. The accounts of travellers in Oriental coun- tries give a very favorable representation of the kindly relations which exist between the master and slave ; the latter being often the friend, and sometimes the heir of tiie for- mer." C4enerally, however, especially if they be English travellers, if they say any thing which may seem to give a favorable cmnplex- i(m to slavery, they think it necessary to en- ter their protest, that they sliidl not be taken to give any sanction to slavery as it exists in America. Yet human nature is tiie same in all countries. There are very obvious reasons why in those countries there should be a nearer approach to etjuality in their manners. The master and slave are often cognate races, and therefore tend more to assimilate. There is, in fact, less inequality in mind and character ' where the niiister is but imperfectly civilized. I Less labor is exacted, because the master has J fewer motives to accumulate. But is it an NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. 21Y injury to a human bpinir, that regular, if not excessive, labor should be required of him i The primeval curse, with the usual benignity of provitiential contrivance, lias been turned into the solace of an existence that would be much morti intolerable without it. If they labor less, they are much more subject to the outraijes of capricious passion. If it were put to the choice of any human beiufr, would he prefer to be the slave of a civilized man, or of a barbarian or semi-barVmrian ? But if the general tendency of the institution in those countries is to create kindly relations, can it be imagined why it should operate differently in this ? It is true, as suggested by President Dew, with the exception of the ties of close consanguiuity, it forms one of the most inti- mate relations of society. And it will be more and more so, the longer it continues to exist. The harshest features of slavery were created by those who were strangers t< s Li- very — who supposed that it consisted in keeping savages in subjection by violence and terror. The severest laws to be found on our statute book were enacted by such, and such are still found to be the severest masters. As society becomes settled, and the wander- ing habits of our countrymen altered, there will be a larger and larger proportion of those who were reared by the owner, or de- rived to him from his ancestors, and who, therefore, will be moie and more intimately regarded as forming a portion of his family. It is true that the slave is driven to labor by stri|)es; and if the object of punishment be to produce obedience or reformation, with the least permanent injury, it is the best method of punishnient. But is it not intolerable that a being formed in the image of his Maker should be degraded by blows ? This is one of the perversions of mind and feeling to which I shall have occasion again to refer. Such punishment would be degrading to a freeman, ■who had the thoughts and aspirations of a freeman. In general, it is not degrading to a slave, nor is it felt to be so. The evil is the bodily pain. Is it degrading to a child ? Or if in any particular instance it would be so felt, it is sure not to be inflicted, unless in those rare cases which constitute the startling and eccentiic evils, from which no society is ex- empt, and against which no institutions of society can provide. Objection Answered — " The Slave is cut off fuom the me.\ns of intellectual, moral, AND Religious Improvement, and in conse- quence HIS Moral Character becomes De- praved, AND he addicted TO DEGRADING Vices." — Part III. — The slave is cut off' from the meann of intellectual, moral, and religious improvement, and in consequence hin moral character becomes depraved, and he addicted to degradiiift vices. The slave receives such instruction as qualifies him to discharge the duties of his particular station. The Creator did not intend that every individual human being should be highly cultivated, morally and intellectually, for, as we have seen, he has imposed conditions on society which would render tliis impossible. There must be gen- eral mediocrity, or the highest cultivation must exist along with ignorance, vice, and degradation. But is there, in the aggregate of society, less opportunity fition to indolence, and the profligacy which is its common result ? But if they are subject to the vices, they have also the virtues of slaves. Fidelitj- — often proof against all temptation, even death itself; an eminently cheerful and social tem- per; what the Bible imposes as a duty, but which might seem an equivocal virtue in the code of modern morality — submission to con- stituted authority, and a disposition to be at- tached to, as well as to respect those whom they are taught to regard as superiors. They may liave all the knowledge which will make them useful in the station in whicli Goil liaa been pleased to place them, and may culti- vate the virtues which will render them ac- ceptable to him. But what has the slave of any country to do with heroic virtues, libcjral kno\\l('ilge, or elegant accomplishments ? It is for the master — arising out of his situation, imposed on him as a duty, dangerous and disgraceful if neglected — to conij)ensafe for tliis, by his own more assiduous cultivation of the more generous virtues and liberal attain- ments. It has been supposed one of the great evils of slavery, that it affords the slave no op- portunity of raising himself to a liighir rank in society, and that he has therefore no in- ducement to meritorious exertion or the cul- tivation of his faculties. The indolence and carelessness of the sIavc, and the less produc- tive quality of his labor, are traced to the want of such excitement. The first compen- sation for this disadvantage is his security. If he can rise no higher, he is just in tlie same degree secured against the chances of falling lower. It has been sometimes made a ques- tion, whether it were better for man to be freed from the perturbations of hope and fear, or to be exposed to their vicissitudes. But I suppose there could be little question with respect to a situation in which the fears must greatly predominate over the hopes. And such I apprehend to be the condition of the laboring poor in countries where slavery does not exist. If not exposed to present suffering, there is continual apprehension for the future, for themselves, for their children, of sickness and want, if not of actual starvation. They expect to improve their circumstances ! Would any one person of ordinary candor say that there is one in a hundred of them who does not well know that, with all the exertion he can make, it is out of his power materially to improve his circumstances ? I speak not so much of menial servants, who are generally of a superior class, as of the agricultural and manufacturing laborers. They labor with no such view. It is the instinctive struggle to preserve existence, and when the superior ef- ficiency of their labor over that of our slaves is pointed out as being animated by a free- man's hopes, might it not well be replied — it is because they labor under a sterner compul- sion ? The laws interpose no obstacle to their raisirg their conditiou in society. 'Tis a great boon ; but as to the great mass, they know that they never will be able to raise it ; and it should seem not very important in effect, whether it be the interdict of law. or imposed by the circumstances of the society. One in a thousand is successful. But does his suc- cess compensate for the sufferings of the many who are tantalized, baffled, and tortured iu vain attempts to attain a like result ? If the 222 NEGRO SLAVERy — ^MEMOIR ON. individual be conscious of intellectual power, the i?iiflViing is greater. Even where success is appanntly attained, he sometimes gains it but to die, or, witli all capacity, to enjoy it ex- hausted, worn out in the struggle with for- tune. If it be true that the African is an in- ferior variety of the lumian race, of less ele- vated character and more limited intellect, ie it not desirable that the inferior laboring class should be made up of such, who will conform to their condition without painful aspirations and vain struggles ? The slave is certainly liable to be sold. But perhaps it may be questioned whether this is a greater evil than the liability of the laborer, in fully peopled countries, to be dis- nii^-sed by his employer, with the uncertainty of being able to obtain employment or the means of subsistence elsewhere. With us, the employer Ciuinot dismiss his laborer without providing him with another employer. His means of subsistence are secure, and this is a compensation for much. He is also Ijahle to be separated from wife or child — though not more frequently, that I am aware of, than the exigency of their condition compels the sepiu-ation of families among the laboring poor elsewhere — but, from native character and temperament, the separation is much less severely felt. And it is one of the compen- eatioua, that he may sustain these relations ■without suffering a still severer penalty for the indulgence. The love of liberty is a noble passion — to have the free, uncontrolled disposition of our- selves, our words and actions. But, alas ! it is one in which we know that a large p(jrtion of the human race can never be gratified. It is inockery to say 'hat the laborer any where has such disposition of himself, though there may be an approach to it in some peculiar — and those, perhaps, not the nio.st desirable — states of society. But unless he be properly disciplined and prepared for its enjoyment, it is the most fatal boon that could be confer- red — fatal to himself and others. If slaves have less freedom of action than other labor- ers, which I by no means admit, they are saved in a great degree from the responsibil- ity of self-government, and the evils spring- ing from tiieir own perverse wills. Those who have looked most closely into life, and know how great a portion of liuinan misery is derived from these sources — the undecided and Wiivermg purpose, producing ineffectual exertion, or indolence with its thousand at- tendant evils — the wayward conduct, intem- perance or profligacy — will most appreciate this benefit. The line of a slave's duty is niarkcrl out wilh precision, and he has no choice but to follow it. He is saved the dou- ble dilTiculty, first of determiniHg the projier course for himself, and llieu of sununoning up the energy whicli will sustain him iu pursuing it. If some superior power should impose on the laborious poor of any other country, this as their unalterable condition : You shall bo saved from the torturing anxiety concerning your own future support, and that of your children, which now juirsues you through life and haunts you in death ; you shall be under the necessity of regular and healthful, though not excessive labor ; in return, you shall have the ample supply of your natural wants ; you may follow the instinct of nature in becoming parents, without apprehending that this sup- ply will fail yourselves or your children ; you shall be supported and relieved in sickness, and in old age wear out the remains of ex- istence among familiar scenes and accustomed associates, without being driven to beg, or to resort to the hard and miserable charity of a workhouse ; you shall of necessity be temper- ate, and shall have neither the temptation nor opportunity to commit great crimes, or prac- tise the more destructive vices — how inap- preciable would the boon be thought ! And is not this a very near approach to tlie condi- tion of our slaves ? The evils of their situa- tion they but lightly feel, and would hardly feel at all, if they were not sedulously in- structed into sensibility. Certain it is. that if their fate were at the absolute disjjosal of a council of the most enlightened philanthro- pists in Christendom, with unlimitecl resources, they could place them in no situation so fa- vorable to tliemselves as that which they at present occupy. But whatever good there may be, or whatever mitigation of evil, it is worse than valueless, because it is the result of slavery. I am aware that, however often answered, it is likely to be repeated again and again — How can that institution be tolerable by which a large class of society is cut off from the hope of improvement in knowledge ; to whom blows are not degrading, theft no more than a fault, falsehood and the want of chastity almost venial ; and iu which a husband or parent looks with comparative indifi'erence on chat which to a freeman would be the dis- honor of a wife or child ? But why not, if it jiioduces the greatest ag- gregate of good ? Sin and ignorance are only evils because they lead to misery. It is not our institution, but the institution of nature, that in the progress of society a portion of it .«hould be exposed to want, and the misery which it brings, and therefore involved in ig- norance, vice, and dei)ravity. In anticipating some of the good, we also anticipate a por- tion of the evil of civilization. But we have it in a mitigated form. The want and the misery arc unknown ; the ignorance is less a misfortune, because the being is not the guar- dian of himself, and partly on account of that involuntary ignorance, the vice is less vice — less hurtful to man, and less displeasing to God. NEGRO SLAVERY — MEMOIR ON. 223 In wnAT OCR Slavery differs from the I Servitude of other Countries — General Influences of Slavery. — Part IV. — Tliere is gonietliing in tlii.'< word Slnvtry wliidi seems to partnkc of the qualities of tlie insane root, and di.stempera the minds of nieu. 'J'hat wbicli wouUl be true in relation to one predica- ment, they misapply to another, to which it has no application at all. -Some of the virtues of a freenian would be the vices of slaves. To submit to a blow would be degradinj^ to a freeman, because he is the protector of him- self. It is not degrading to a slave — neither is it to a priest or a woman. And is it a mis- fortune that it should be so ? The freeman of other countries is compelled to submit to in- dignities hardly more endurable than blows — indignities to make the sensitive feelings shrink, and the proud heart swell ; and this very name of freeman gives them double ran- cor. If, when a man is born in Europe, it were certainly foreseen that he was destined to a life of painful labor — to obscurity, con- tempt, and privation — would it not be mercy that he should be reared in ignorance and apathy, and trained to the endurance of the evils he must encounter ? It is not certainly foreseen as to any individual, but it is foreseen as to the great mass of those born of the laboring poor ; and it is for the mass, not for the exception, that the institutions of society are to provide. Is it not better that the cha- racter and intellect of the individual should be suited to the station which he is to occupy ? Would you do a benefit to the horse or the ox, by giving hun a cultivated understanding, or fine feelings ? So far as the mere laborer has the pride, the knowledge, or the aspirations j of a freeman, he is unfitted for his situation, and must doubly feel its infelicity. If there are sordid, servile, and laborious offices to be performed, is it not better that there should be sordid, servile, and laborious beings to per- form them ? If there were infallible marks by which individuals of inferior intellect, and inferitir character, could be selected at their birth, would not the interests of society be served, and would not some sort of fitness seem to require, that they should be selected for the inferior and servile offices? And if this race be generally marked by such in- feriority, is it not fit that they should fill them ? I am well aware that those whose aspira- tions are after a state of society from which evil shall be banished, and who look in life for that which life will never afford, contem- plate that all the offices of life may be per- (^ formed without contempt or degradation — all be regarded as equally liberal, or equally re- spected. But theorists cannot control Nature and bend her to their views, and the inequality of which I have before spoken is deeply foundefl in nature. The offices which employ knowledge and intellect will always be re- garded as more liberal than those which only require the labor of the liand.s. Wlien there is competition for employment, he whi) give."! it bestows a favor, and it will be so received. He will assume superiority from the power of dismissing his laborers, and from fear of this, the latter will practise deference, often jiinount- ing to servility. Such in time will becdme the established relation between the employer and the employed, the rich and the poor. If want be accompanied with sordidness and squalor, though it be pitied, the pity will be mixed with some degree of contempt. If it lead to misery, and misery to vice, there will be dis- gust and aversion. What is the essential character of Slavery, and in what does it differ from the servitude of other countries? If I should venture on a definition, I should say that where a man is compelled to labor at the will of another, and to give him much the greater portion of the product of his labor, there Blaverif exists ; and it is immaterial by what sort of com|)ulsion the will of the laborer is subdued. It is what no human being would do without some sort of compulsion. He cannot be compelled to labor by blows. No — but what difference does it make, if you can inflict any other sort of torture which will be equally effectual in subduing the will ? if you can starve him, or alarm him for the subsistence of liiiuf^elf or his family ? And is it not under this compul- sion that the freeman labors 1 I do not mean in every particular case, but in the general. Will any one be hardy enough to say that he is at his own disposal, or has the government of himself? True, he may change his em- ployer if he is dissatisfied with his conduct to- wards him ; but this is a privilege he would in the majority of cases gladly abandon, and render the connection between them indi-ssolu- 1 ble. There is far less of the interest and at- j tachment in his relation to his emphiyer, I which so often exists between the master and I the slave, and mitigates the condition of the i latter. An intelligent English traveller lias i characterized as the most miserable and de- j graded of all beings, "a masterless slave." : And is not the condition of the laboring ])Oor I of other countries too often that of masterless slaves? Take the following description of a free laborer, no doubt highly colored, quoted ; by the author to whom 1 have before referred : I " What is that defective being, with calfless legs and stooping shoulders, weak in body and mind, inert, pusillanimous, and stupid, whose premature wrinkles and furtive glance tell of i misery and degradation? That is an English peasant or pauper, for the words are synony- mous. His sire was a pauper, and his mothers milk wanted nourishment. From infancy his food has been bad, as well as insufficient; and he now feels the pains of unsatisfied hunger nearly whenever he is awake. I5ut half clothed, siud never supplied with more warmth than BufSces to cook hia scanty meals, cold and 224 NEGRO SLATERT — MEMOIR ON. wet come to him, and stay by him with the weatiier. He is married, of course ; for to this he wonlcl have been driven by the poor hiws, even if he had been, as he never was, suffi- cientlv coinfurtabh! and prudent to dread the burden (if a family. Out th(iui,di instinct and the overseer have f coals or of jwtatoes. The questions of the child, ihat should be the very outpouring.'* of ciniosity in idleness, are marked with furA-ast and melancholy provi- dence. It has come to be a woman belbre it was a child. It has learned to go to market; it chaffers, it liaggles, it envies, it murmurs; it is knowing, acute, sharpened; it never prat- tles." Imagine such a description applied to EBsnys of Elia. f the children of negro slaves, the most vacant of human beings, whose life is a holiday. And this people to whom these horrors are familiar, are those who fill the world with clamor concerning the injustice and crneltj of slavery. I* speak in no invidious spirit; nei- ther the laws nor the government of England are to be rej)roached with the evils which are in.separable from tlie state of their society. As little, undoubtedly, are we to be re- proached with the existence of our slavery. Including the whole United States — and, for reasons already given, the whole ought to be mcluded, as receiving in no unequal degree the benefit — may we not say justly that we have less slavery, and more mitigated slavery, than any country in the civilized world ? That they are called free, undoubtedly ag- gravates the sufferings of the slaves of other regions. They see the enormous inequality which exists, and feel their own misery, and can hardly conceive otherwise than that there is some injustice in the institutions of society to occasion these. They regard the apparently more fortunate class as oppressors ; and it adds bitterness that they should be of the same name and race. They feel indignity more acutely, and more of discontent and evil passion is excited. They feel that it is mock- ery that calls them free. Men do not so much hate and envy those who are separated from them by a wide distance, and some apparently impassable barrier, as those who approach nearer to their own condition, and with whom they habitually bring themselves into com- parison. The slave with us is not tantalized with the name of freedom, to which his whole condition gives the lie, and would do so it he were emancipated to-morrow. The African slave sees that Nature lierself lias marked him as a separate — and if left to himself, I have no doubt he would feel it to be an inferior — race, and interposed a barrier almost insuper- able to his becoming a member of the same society, standing on the same footing of right and privilege with his master. That the African negro is an inferior variety of the Imman race, is, 1 think, now generally admitted, and his distinguishing characteristics are such as peculiarly mark him out for the situation' which he occupies among us; and those are no less marked in their original countr}' than we have daily occasion to ob- serve them. The most remar];able is their in- difference to personal liberty. In this they have followecl their instincts, since wc have any knowledge of tiieir continent, by enslav- ing each other ; but, contrary to the experience of every other race, the possession of slaves has no material effect in raising the character, and promoting the civilization, of the master. Another trait is the want of domestic affec- tions, and insensibility to the ties of kindred. In the travels of the Landers, after speaking of a single exception, in the person of a wo- NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. 225 rmca who betrayed some transient emotion in passing by the country from which she had been torn as a sUive, the autlior adds— "That : Africans, (generally speaking, betray the most perfect indifference ou losing their hberty and being deprived of their relatives, while love of country is equally a stranger to their breasts, as social tenderness or domestic aflfec- tion." " Marriage is celebrated by the natives as unconcernedly as possible ; a man thinks as little of taking a wife as of cutting an ear of corn ; affection is altogether out of the question." They are^ however, very submis- sive to authority, and seem to entertain great reverence for chiefs, priests, and masters. No greater indignity can be offered an individtval than to tlirow op{)n»brium on his parents. On this point of their character I tiiink I have remarked that, contrary to the instincts of nature in other races, they entertain less regard for children than for parents, to whose authority they have been accustomed to sub- mit. Their character is thus summed up by the traveller quoted : — " The few opportu- nities we have had of studying their charac- ters induce us to believe that they are a sim- ple, honest, inoffensive, but weak, timid, and cowardly race. They seem to have no social tenderness, very few of those amiable pri- vate virtues which could win our affections, and none of those public qualities that claim respect or command admiration. The love of country is not strong enough in their bosoms to entice them to defend it against a despica- ble foe ; and of the active energy, noble sen- timents, and contempt of danger, which dis- tinguish the North American tribes, and other savages, no traces ere to be found among this slothful people. Regardless of the past, as reckless of the future, the present alone infiu ences their actions. In this respect they ap- proach nearer to the nature of the brute crea- tion than perhaps any other people on the face of the globe." Let me ask, if this peo- ple do not furnish tlve very material out of which slaves ought to be made ; and whether it be not an improving of their condition to make tli€m the slaves of civilized masters? There is a variety in the character of the tribes. Some are brutally and savagely ferocious and bloody, whom it woiild be mercy to enslave. From the travellers' account, it st-ems not un- likely that the negro race is tending to exter- mination, being daily encroached on and over- run by the superior Arab race. It may be, that when they shall have been loosed from their native seats, they may be found numer- ous, and in no unhappy condition, on the con- tinent to which they have been transplanted. The opinion which connects form and fea- tures with character and intellectual power, is one so deeply impressed on the human mind, that perhaps there is scarcely any man who does not almost daily act upon it, and in some measiue verify its truth. Yet in spite of this VOL. II. intimation of nature, and though the anatomist and physiologist may tell them that the races differ in ev«ry bone and muscle, and in the proportion of brain and nerves, yet there are some who, with a most bigot«d and fanatical determination to free' themselves from what they have prejudged to be prejudice, will still mainttiin that this physif)gnomy, evidently tending to that of the brute, when compared with that of the Caucasian race, may be en- lightened by as mueh thought, and animated by as lofty sentiments. We, who have the best opportunity of judging, are pronounced to be incompetent to do so, and to be blinded l)y our interests and prejudices — often by those who have no opportunity at all. Are I we to be tauglvt to distrust or disbelieve that ! which we daily observe, and familiarly know, I on such authority ? Our prejudices are spoken I of. But the truth is, that, until very lately, since circumstances have compelled us to I think of oui-selves, we took our opinion on : this subject, as on every other, ready formed, ' from the country of our origin. And so deep- ly rooted were they, that we adhered to them, as most men will do to deeply rooted opinions, even against the evidence of our own obser- vations and our own senses. If the inferiority exists, it is attributed to the apathy and deg- radation produced by slavery. Though of the hundreds of thousands scattered over other Countries, where the laws impose no liaVjility upon them, none has given evidence of an ap- proach to even mediocrity of intellectual ex- cellence, this, too, is attributed to the slavery of a portion of their race. They are regarded as a servile caste, and degi-aded by opinions, and thus every generous effort is repressed. Yet, though this should be the general effect, this very estimation is calculated to produce the contrary effect in particular instances. It is observed by Bacon, with respect to deformed persons and eunuchs, that though in general there is something of perversity in their cha- racter, the disadvantage often leads to extra- ordinary displays of virtue and excellence. "Whosoever hath anything in his person that doth induce contempt, hath also a perpetual spur in himself, to rescue and deliver himself from scorn." So it would be with them if they were capable of European aspirations; — genius, if they possessed it, would be doubly fired with noble rage to rescue itself from this scorn. Of course I do not mean to say that there may not be found among them some of superior capacity to many white persons; but that great intellectual powers are, perhaps, never found among them, and that in general their capacity is very limited, and that capa- city animal and coarse, fitting them peculiarly to discharge the lower and merely mechanical offices of society. And why should it not be so ? We have among domestic animals infi- nite varieties, distinguished by various degrees of sagacity, courage, strength, swiftness, and 15 226 KEGRa SLAVERT — MEMOIR OK. other qualities. And it ma)- be observed, that this is no ohjectiun to tlieir being derived from a common ori<;in, which we sup]30se them to have ))ad. Yet these accidental qua- lities, as they may be termed, however ac- quired in the first instaniK, we know that they transmit unimpaired to their posterity for an indehnite succession of generations. It is most important that these varieties should be preserved, and tluit each should be applied to the purposes for whicli it is best adapted. No philo zoist, 1 believe, has suggested it as desintbie, that these varieties should be melt- ed down into one equal, undistinguished race of curs or road-horses. Slavery, as it is said in an eloquent article published in a southern periodical work,* to which I am indebted for other ideas, " has done more to elevate a de graded race in the scale of humanity ; to tame the savage ; to civilize the barbarous ; to soft- en the ferocious; to enlighten the ignorant; and to spread the blessings of Christianity among the heathen, than all the missionaries that philanthropy and religion have ever sent forth." Yet, unquestionable as this is, and though human ingenuity and thought may be tasketl in vain to devise any other means by which these blessings could have been con- ferred, yet a sort of sensibility which would be only mawkish and contemptible, if it were not mischievous, affects still to weep over the wrongs of " injured Africa." Can there be a doubt of the immense benefit which has been conferred on the race, by transplanting them from their native, dark, and barbarous regions, to the American continent and islands ? There three fourths of the race are in a state of the most deplorable personal slavery. And those who are not, are in a scarcely less deplorable condition of political slavery to barbarous chiefs, who value neither life nor any other human right, or enthralled by priests to the most abject and atrocious superstitions. Take the following testimony of one e of independence and the com- parative leisure which the employmeot affords to the proprietor engaged in it. It is for this reason that few of our citizens engage in the pursuits of commerce. Though these may be more profitable, they are also more hazard- ous and more laborious. Wlien the demand for agricultural labor shall be fully supplied, then of course the la- bor of slaves will be directed to other em- ployments and enterprises. Already it be- gins to be found, that in some instances it may be used as profitably in works of public im- provement. As it becomes cheaper and cheaper, it will be applied to more various purposes and combined in larger masses. It may be commanded and combined with more facility than any other sort of labor ; and the laborer, kept in stricter subordination, will be less dangerous to the security of society than r in any other country, which is crowiled and ' overstocked with a class of what are called j free laborers. Let it be remembered, that all the great and enduring monuments of human art and industry — the wonders of Egypt, the everlasting works of Rome— were created by the labor of slaves. There will come a stage in our progress when we shall have facilities for executing works as great as any of these — more useful than the pyramids — not less magnificent than the sea of Moiris. What tlie end of all is to be ; what mutations lie hid in the womb of the distant future ; to what convulsions our societies may be ex- posed; whether the master, finding it impos- sible to live with his slaves, may not be com- pelled to abandon the country to them; of all this it were presumptuous and vain to speculate. I have hitherto, as I proposed, considered it as a naked, abstract question of the compar- ative good and evil of the institution of sla- very. Very far different indeed is the practi- cal question presented to us, when it is pro- posed to get rid of an institution which has interwoven itself with every fibre of tlie body politic ; which has formed tlie habits of our society, and is consecrated by the usage of generations. If this be uot a vicious prescrip- tion, which the laws of God forbid to ripen into right, it has a just claim to be respected by all tribunals of man. If the negroes were now free, and it were proposed to enslave them; then it would be incumbent on those who proposed the measure to show clearly that their liberty was incompatible with the public security. When it is proposed to in- novate on the established state of things, the burthen is on those who propose the innova- tion, to show that advantage will be gained from it. There is no reform, however neces- sary, wholesome or moderate, which will not be accompanied with some degree of inconve- nience, risk or suffering. Those who acqui- esce in the state of things which they found existing, can hardly be thought criminal. But most deeply criminal are they who give rise to NEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR ON. 235 the enormous evil -with whicb great revolu- tions in society are always attended, witliout the fullest assurance of the t:;reater good to be ultimately obtained. But if it can be made to ajipear, even probably, tiiat no good •will be obtained, but tbat the results will be evil and calamitous as the process, what can justify such iiuiovations ? No human being can be so miscliievous, if acting conscientious- ly, none can be so wicked, as those who, find- ing evil in existing institutions, rush blindly upon change, uutoreseeing and reckless of consequences, and leaving it to chance or fate to determine whether the end shall be im- provement, or greater and more intolerable evil. Certainly the instincts of nature prompt to resist intolerable oppression. For this re- sistance no rule can be prescribed, but it must be left to the instincts of nature. To justify it, however, the insurrectionists should at least have a reasonable probability of success, and be assured that their condition will be improved by success. But most txtraordinary is it, when those who complain and clamor are not those who are supposed to feel the oppression, but persons at a distance from them, and who can hardly at all appreciate the good or evil of tlieir situation. It is the unalterable condition of humanity, that men must achieve civil liberty for themselves. The a-sistance of allies has sometimes enabled nations to repel the attacks of foreign power ; never to conquer liberty as against theu* own internal government. In one thing I concur with the abolitionists: that if emancipation is. to be brought about, it is better that it should be immediate and total. But let us suppose it to be brought about in any manner, and then inquire what would be the effects. The first and most obvious effect would be to put an end to the cultivation of om- great southern staple. And this would be equally the result, if we suppose the emancipated ne- groes to be in no way distinguished from the free laliorers of other countries, and that their labor would be equally effective. In that case, they would soon cease to be laborers for hire, but would scatter themselves over our uiibouniied territory, to become indepen- dent land-owners themselves. The cultiva- tion of the soil on an extensive scale can only be carried on where there are slaves, or in countries superabounding with free labor. No sucli operations are carried on in any por- tion of our own country where there are not slaves. Such are carried on in England, where there is an overflowing population and intense competition for employment. And our institutions seem suited to the exigencies of our respective situations. There, a much greater number of laborers is required at one season of tlie year than at anotl)er, and the farmer may enlarge or dimmish the quantity of labor he employs, as circumstances may require. Here, about the same quantity of labor is required at every season, and the planter suffers no inconvenience from retain- ing his laborers throughout the year. Ima- gine an extensive rice or cotton plantation cul- tivated by free lalxirers, who might perhaps strike for an increase of wages at a season when the neglect of a few days would insure the destruction of the whole crop : even if it were possible to procure laborers at all, what planter would venture to carry on his opera- tions under such circumstances ? I need hardly say, that these staples cannot be pro- duced to any extent where the proprietor of the soil cultivates it with his own hands. He can do little more than pro(hice the necessary food for himself and his family. And what would be the effect of putting an end to tiie cultivation of these staples, and thus annihilating at a blow two thirds or three fourths of our foreign commerce ? Can any sane mind contemplate such a result with- out terror ? I speak not of the utter poverty and misery to which we ourselves would be reduced, and the desolation which would over- j spread our own portion of the country. Our slavery has not only given existence to mil- lions of slaves within our own territories, ifc has given the means of subsistence-, and there- fore existence, to millions of freemen in our confederate states ; enabling them to send forth their swarms, to overspread the plains and forests of the west, and appear as the ! harbingers of civilization. The products of ; the industry of those states are in general ; similar to those of the civilized world, and are little demanded in their markets. By ex- changing them for ours, which are every where sought for, the people of these states are enabled to acquire all the products of art and industry, all tliat contributes to conveni- ence or luxury, or gratifies the taste or the intellect, which the rest of the world can supply. Not only on our own continent, but on the other, it has given existence to hun- j dreds of thousands, and the means of com- I fortable subsistence to millions. A distinguish- ed citizen of our own state, than whom none can be better quaUfied to form an opinion, has lately stated that our great staple, cotton, has contributed more than any thing else of later times to tiie progress of civili- zation. By enabling the poor to obtain cheap and becommg clothing, it has inspired a taste for comfort, the first stimulus to civili- zation. Does not self-defense then demand of us steadily to resist the abrogation of that which is productive of so much good \ It is more than self-defense. It is to defend mil- lions of human beings, who are far removed from us, from the intensest suffering, if not from being struck out of existence. It is the I defense of human civilization. I But this is but a small part of the evil 1 which would be occasioned. After President 23C KEGRO SLAVERY MEMOIR OK. Dew, it is unnecessary to say a single word i on the practicability of colonizing our slaves. The two races, so widely separated from each other by tlie impress of nature, must remain together in the same country. Whether it be accounted the result of prejudice or reason, it is certain that the two races will not be blended together so as to form a homogene- ous population. To one who knows any thing of the nature of man and human society, it would be unnecessaiy to argue that this state of things cannot continue; but that the one race must be driven out by the other, or extermi- nated, or again enslaved. I have argued on the supposition that the emancipated negroes would be as efficient as other free laborers. But whatever theorists, who know nothing of the matter, may think proper to assume, we well know that this would not be so. We know tiiat nothing but the coercion of slavery can overcome their propensity to indolence, and that not one in ten would be an efficient laborer. Even if this disposition were not grounded in their nature, it would be a result of their position. I have somewhere seen it observed, that to be degraded by opinion is a thousand fold worse, so far as the feelings of the intlividual are concerned, than to be de- graded by the laws. They would be thus degraded, and this feeling is incompatible with habits of order and industry. Half our population would at once be paupers. Let an inhabitant of New- York or Philadelphia conceive of the situation of their respec- tive states, if one half of theh' population consisted of free negroes. The tie wliich now connects them being broken, the different races would be estranged from each other, and hostility would grow up be- tween them. Having the command of their own time and actions, they could more effect- ually combine insurrection and provide the means of rendering it formidable. Released from the vigilant superintendence wdiich now restrains them, they would infallibly be led from petty to greater crimes, until all life and property woukl be rendered insecure. Ag- gression would beget retaliation, until open war, and that a war of extermination, were established. From the still remaining supe- riority of the white race, it is probable that they would be the victors, and if they did not exterminate, they must again reduce the others to slavery — Avhen they could be no longer tit to be either slaves or freemen. It is not only in self-defen^^e, in tlefense of our country and of all that is dear to us, but in defense of the slaves themselves, that we re- fuse to eniancij)ate them. If we suppose them to have political privi- leges, and to be admitted to the elective fran- chise, still worse results may be expected. It is hardly necessary to add any thing to what has been said by Mr. Paulding on this sub- ject, who has treated it fully. It is already known, that if .there be a class unfavorably distinguished by any peculiarity from the rest of society, this distinction forms a tie which binds them to act in concert, and they exer- cise more than their due share of political power and influence ; and still more as they are of inferior character and looser moral prin- ciple. Such a class form the very material for demagogues to work with. Other parties court them and concede to them. So it would be with the free blacks in the case supposed. They would be used by unpiincipled politi- cians, of irregular ambition, for the advance- ment of their schemes, until they should give them political power and importance beyond even their own intentions. They would be courted by excited parties in their contests with each other. At some time, they may perhaps attain political ascendency, and this is more probable, as we may suppose that there will have been a great emigration of whites from the country. Imagine the government of such legislators. Imagine then the sort of laws that will be passed, to confound the invidious distinction which has so long been assumed over them, and if pos- sible to obliterate the very memory of it. These will be resisted. The blacks will be tempted to avenge themselves by oppression and proscription of the white race, for their long superiority. Thus matters will go on, until universal anarchy, or kakistocracy, the government of the worst, is fully established. I am persuaded that if the spirit of evil should devise or send abroad upon the earth all possible misery, discord, horror and atro- city, he could contrive no scheme so effectual as the emancipation of negro slaves within our country. The most feasible scheme of emancipation, and that which I verily believe would involve the least danger and sacrifice, would be that the entire white population should emigrate, and abandon the country to their slaves. Here would be triumph to philanthropy. This wide and fertile region would be again re- stored to ancient barbarism — to the worst of barbarsim — barbarism corrupted and de- praved by intercourse with civilization. And this is the consummation to be wished, upon a speculation that, in some distant future age, they may become so enlightened and im- proved as to be capable of sustaining a posi- tion among the civili/.ed races of the earth. But I believe moralists allow men to defend their homes and their country, even at the expense of the lives and liberties of others. Will any philanihropist say that the evils, of which 1 have spoken, would be brought about only by the obduracy, prejudices and overweening self-estimation of the whites in refusing to blend the races by niarriaj^e, and so create a homogeneous population 1 But what if it be not prejudice, but truth and nature, and right reason, and just moral feel- NEGRO SLAVERT MEMOIR ON. 237 iog I As I have before s.iid, throughout the I ■whole of nature, like attracts like, ami thati which ia unlike repels. What is it that makes I so unspeakably loathsome crimes not to be | named, and hardly alluded to ? Even among | the nations of Europe, so nearly homogeneous, | there are some peculiarities of form ami fea- ture, mind and character, which may be gen- erally distinguished by those accustomed to observe them. Though the exceptions are numerous, I will venture to say that not in one instance in a hundred is the man of sound and unsophisticated tastes and propensities so likely to be attracted by the female of a for- eign stock as by one of his own, who is more nearly conformed to himself. Shakspeare spoke the language of nature, when he made the senate and people of Venice attribute to the effect of witchcraft Desdemona's passion for Othello — though, as Coleridge has said, we are to conceive of him not as a negro, but as a high-bred Moorish chief. If the negro race, as I have contended, be inferior to om- own in mind and character, marked by inferiority of form and features, then ours would suffer deterioration from such intermixture. What would be thought of the moral conduct of the parent who should vol- untarily transmit disease or fatuity or deform- ity to his offspring ? If man be the most perfect work of the Creator, and the civilized European man the most perfect variety of the human race, is he not criminal who would desecrate and deface God's fairest work ; estranging it further from the image of himself, and con- forming it more nearly to that of the brute ? I have heard it said, as if it afforded an argu- ment, that the African is as well satisfied of the superiority of his own complexion, form and features, as we can be of ours. If this were true, as it is not, would any one be so recreant to his own civilization, as to say that bis opinion ought to weigh against ours; that there is no universal standard of truth and grace and beauty ; that the Hottentot Venus may perchance possess as gi'eat perfection of form as the Mediceau ? It is true, the licen- tious passions of men overcome the natural repugnance, and find transient gratification in intercourse with females of the other race. But this is a very different thing from making her the associate of life, the companion of the bosom and the hearth. Him who would contemplate such an alliance for himself, or regard it with patience when proposed for a son, or daughter, or sister, we should esteem a degraded wretch; with justice, certainly, if he were found among ourselves ; and the es- timate would not be very different if he were found in Europe. It is not only in defense of ourselves, of our country, and of our own gen- eration, that we refuse to emancipate our slaves, but to defend our posterity and race from degeneracy and degradation. Are we not justified then in regarding as criminals, the fanatical agitators wliose efforts are intended to bring about the evils I have described ? It is sometimes 8:iid that their zeal is generous and disinterested, and that their motives may be praised, thouf^h their conduct be condemned. But I have little faith in the good motives of those who pursue bad ends. It is not for us to scrutinize the hearts of men, and we can only judge of them by the tendency of their actions. There is much truth in what was said by Coleridge : " I have never known a trader in philanthro- py who was not wrong in heart somehow or other. Individuals so distingtr^hed are usually unhappy in their family relations — men not benevolent or beneficent to individ- uals, bnt almost hostile to them, yet lavishing money and time on the race— the abstract notion." The prurient love of notoriety actu- ates some. Tliere is much luxury in senti- ment, especially if it can be indulged at the expense of others; and if there be added some share of envy or malignity, the tempta- tion to indulgence is almost irresistible. But certainly they may be justly regarded as criminal, who obstinately shut their eyes and close their ears to all instruction with respect to the true nature of their actions. It must be manifest to every man of sane mind that it is impossible for them to achieve ultiruate success ; even if every individual in our country, out of the limits of slaveholding states, were united in their purposes. They cannot have even the miserable triumph of St. Domingo, of advancing through scenes of atrocity, blood and massacre to the restoration of barbarism. They may agitate and per- plex the world for a time. They may excite to desperate attempts and particular acts of cruelty and horror, but these will always be suppressed or avenged at the expense of the objects of their truculent philanthropy. But short of this, they can hardly be aware of the extent of the mischief they perpetrate. As I have said, their opinions, by means to us in- scrutable, do very generally reach our slave population. What human being, if unfavora- bly distinguished by outward circumstances, is not ready to believe when he is told that he is the victim of injustice ? Is it not cruelty to make men restless and dissatisfied in their condition, when no effort of theirs can alter it i The greatest injury is done to their char- acters, as well as to their happiness. Even if no such feelings or designs should be enter- tained or conceived by the slave, they will be attributed to him by the master, and all bis conduct scanned with a severe and jealous scrutiny. Thus distrust and aversion are es- tablished, where, but for mischievous inter- ference, there would be confidence and good- will, and a sterner control is exercised over I the slave who thus becomes the victim of his cruel advocates. I An effect is sometimes produced on the 238 KEORO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. mind of slaveholdors, by the publications of the self-styled philanthropists, and tlicir judg- ments 6tii!fiii'ieil and consciences alainied. It is natural ihat the oppressed shoiikl hate the oppressor. It is still more niitural that the ojipressor should hate his victim. Con- vince tiie master that he is doing injustice to his slave, and he at once begins to re- gard him with distrust and malignity. It is a part of the constitution of the human mind, that when circumstances of necessity or temptation induce men to continue in the practice of whtU they believe to be wrong, they become desperate and reckless of the degree ot wrong. I have formerly heard of a master who accounted for his practising much severity upon his slaves, and exacting from them an unusual degree of labor, by saying that the tiling (slavery) was altogether wrong, and therefore it was well to make the great- est possible advantage out of it. This agita- tion occasions some slaveholders to hang more loosely on their country. Regarding the institution as of questionable character, condemned by the general opinion of the world, and one which must shortly come to an end, they hold themselves in readiness to make' their escape "from the evil which they anticipate. Some sell their slaves to new .^ .masters, (always a misfotune to the slave,) and remove themselves to other societies, of man- i ners and habits uncongenial to their own. And though we may suppose that it is only the weak and the timid who are liable to be thus affected, still it is no less an injury and public misfortune. Society is kept in an un- quiet and restless state, and every sort of im- provement is retarded. Some projectors suggest the education of slaves, wiih a view to prepare them for free- dom, as if there were any method of a man's being educated to freedom but by himself The truth is, however, that supposing that they are shortly to be emancipated, and that they have the capacities of any other race, they are undergoing the very best education which it is possii)le to give. They are in the course of being taught habits of regular and patient industry, and this is the first lesson ■wliich is required. I suppose that their most zealous advocates would not desire that tliey should be |)laced in the liigh jilaces of society imme extend the sphere of their employments, and consi quently to give them tlie infommtion wliich is necessary to the discharge of those employments. And this for the most obvious reason, it promotes the master's intire^t. How mucli Would it add to tlie value of a slave, that he should be ca[)able of being employed a* a clerk, or be able to make calculations as a mechanic? In consequence, however, of the fanatical spirit which has been excited, it has been thought necessary to repress this ten- dency by legislation, and to prevent their ac- quiring the knowledge of which they might make a dangennis use. If this spirit were put down, and we restored to the conscious- ness of security, this would be no longer ne- cessary, and the process of which I have .epoken would be accelerated. "Whenever in- dications of superior capacity appeared in a slave, it would be cultivated ; gradual im- provement would take place, until they might be engaged in as various employments as they were among tlie ancient? — perhaps even liberal ones. Tlius, if in the adorable pro- vidence of God, at a time and in a manner which we can neither foresee nor conjecture, they are to be rendered capable of freedom and to enjoy it, tliey would be prepared for it in the best and most effectual, because in the most natural and gradual manner. But fanaticism hurries to its effect at once. I have heard it said, God does good, but it is by imperceptible degrees ; the devil is per- mitted to do evil, and he does it in a hurry. The beneficent processes of nature are not apparent to the senses. You cannot see the plant grow, or the flower expand. The vol- cano, the earthquake, and the hurricane, do their work of desolation in a moment. Such would be the desolation, if the schemes of fanatics were permitted to have effect. They do all that in them lies to thwart the lienefi- cent purposes of Providence. The wiiole ten- dency of tiieir efforts is to aggravate present suffering, and to cut off the chance of future improvement, and in all their bearings and results have produced, and are likely to pro- duce, nothing but " pure, unmixedj dephle- mated, defecated evil." NEGRO SLAVERY AT TIIE SOUTH.— Lettkus of Govkrnor Hammond to Tiiom.\s Claukson. — Intkoduction ; the Slave Trade. AND FuTir.E Attempt.s to Aiiousn it ; Pre- scKii'TivE Kicut; Slavery in the Arstract ; IN its Moral and Rkligioits AsrEcr; in its I'OLlTICAL InfLUKNCES, AS AKFKCTINC! PuBLIC OuDUR, AND TIIE SaFF.TY AND PoWER OK THE State. — Sir: I received, a short time ago, a letter from tlie Rev. Willoughby M. Dickin- son, dated at your residence, " Playford Hall, near Ipswich, '26tii November, 1844," in which was inclosed a copy of your circular letter, addressed to professing Christians in our northern states, having no concern with .slavery, and to otliers there. I presume that Mr. Dickinson's letter was written with your know- ledge, and the document inclosed with your NBORO SLAVERr AT THK SOUTH. 230 consent and approbation. I therefore feel that ' there is no inipropiitt} in my addressing my j reply directly to yonreelf, especially as there is nothing in Mr. Dickinson's communication requirittg serious notice. Having abundant | leisure, it will be a recreation to (lovotc a por- tion of it to an exaininatiwn and free discussion of the question of slavery as it exists in our soutliern states ; and since you have thrown down the gauntlet to me, I do not hesitate to take it up. Familiar as you have been with the discus- sions of this sutiject in all its aspects, and un- der all tlie excitements it has occasioned for sixty years past, I may not be able to present much that will be new to you. Nor ought I to indulge the hope of materially affecting the opinions you have so long cherished, and so zealously promulgated. Still, time and experience have developed facts, constantly furnisliing fresh tests to opinions formed sixty years since, and continually placing this great question in points of view which could scarcely occur to the most consummate intellect even a quarter of a century ago ; and which may not have occurred yet to those whose previous convictions, prejudices, and habits of thought have thoroughly and permanently biased them to one fixed way of looking at the mat- ter ; while there are peculiarities in the opera- tion of every social system, and special local as well as moral causes materially aflfecting it, which no one, placed at the distance you are from us, can fully comprehend or properly appreciate. Besides, it may be, possibly, a novelty to yon to encounter one who con- scientiously believes the domestic slavery of these states to be not only an inexorable ne- cessity for the present, but a moral and hu- mane institution, productive of the greatest political and social advantages, and who is disposed, as I am, to defend it on these grounds. I do not propose, however, to defend the African slave trade. That is no longer a ques tion. Doubtless great evils arise from it as it has been, and is not\' conducted; unnecessary wars and cruel kidnapping in Africa ; the most shocking barbarities in the Middle Passage; and perhaps a less humane system of slavery in countries continually supplied with fresh laborers at a cheap rate. Tlie evih of it, how- ever, it may be fairly presumed, are greatly exaggerated. And if I might judge of the truth of transactions stated as occurring in this trade, by that of those reported as transpiring among us, I should not hesitate to say, that a large proportion of the stories in circulation are unfounded, and most of the remainder highly colored. On the passage of the act of Parliament pro- hibiting this trade to British subjects, rests what you esteem the glory of your life. It required twenty years of arduous agitation, and the intervening extraordinary political events, to convince your countrymen, and among the rest your pious king, of the expe- diency of the measure ; and it is but just to say, tliat no one ini'.ividual rendered more e.ssential service to the cause than you did. In reflect- ing on the subject, you cannot but often ask yourself, What after all has been accomplished; how ninth human suffering has been averted; liow many human beings have been rescued from transatlantic slavery ? And on the an- swers you Cijn give these questions must, in a great measure, I presume, depend the happi- ness of your life. In framing them, how fre- quently must you be reminded of the remark of Mr. Grosvenor, in one of tlie early debates upon the subject, which I believe you have yourself recorded, " that he had twenty objec- tions to the abolition of the slave trade : the (irst was, that it was impossible— {\w rest he need not give." Can you say to yourself or to the world, that this first objection of Mr. Grosvenor has been yet confutetl ? It was estimated at the commencejnent of your agita- tion in 1787, that forty-five thousand Africans were annually transported to America and the West Indies. And the mortality of the Middle Passage, computed by some at five, is now admitted not to have exceeded nine per cent. Notwithstanding your act of parliament, the previous abolition by the United States, and that all the powers in the world have sub- sequently prohibited this trade (some of the greatest of them declaring it piracy, and cov- ering the African seas with armed vessels to prevent it) — Sir Thomas Powell Buxton, a coadjutor of yours, declared, in 1S40, that the number of Africans now annually sold into slavery beyond the sea amounts, at the very least, to one hundred and fifty thousand souls ; while the mortality of the Middle Passage has increased, in consequence of the measures taken to suppress the trade, to twenty-five or thirty per cent. And of the one hundred and fifty thousand slaves who have been captured and liberated by British men-of-war since the passage of your act, Judge Jay, an American abolitionist, asserts that one hundred thousand, or two thirds, liave perished between their capture and liberation. Does it not really seem that Mr. Grosvenor was a prophet ? That though nearly all the "impossibilities" of 1787 have vanished, and become as familiar facls^ as our household customs, under the magic influence of steam, cotton, and universal peace, yet this wonderful prophecy still stands, defying time and the energy and genius of mankind ? Thousands of valuable "lives and fifty millions of pounds sterling have been thrown away by your government in fruitless attempts to overturn it I hope you have not lived too long for your own happiness, though you have been thus spared to see that, in spite of all your toils and those of your fellow la- borers, and the accomplishment of all that human agency could do, the African slave- trade has increased threefold under your own 240 KEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. eyes — more rapiilly, perhaps, than any other | ancient branch of commerce; and that your eiSForts to suppress it have effected nothing more tluui a (hreefold increase of its horrors. There is a God who rules this world — all- powerful — far-seeing. He does not j^rmit his creatures to foil his designs. 1 1 is He who, for his all-wise, though to us often inscrutably pur- poses, tlirows "impossibilities" in the way of our fondest hopes and most strenuous exertions. Can you doubt this ? Experience having settled the point, that this trade cannot be abolished by the ime of force, and that blockading squadrons only serve to make it more profitable and more cruel, I am surprised that the attempt is persisted in, unless it serves as a cloak to other purposes. It would be far better than it now is, for the African, if the trade was free from all restric- tions, and left to the mitigation and decay which time and competition would surely bring about. If kidnapping, both secretly and by war made for thn puri^osp, could be by any means pre- vented in Africa, the next greatest blessing you could bestow upon that country would be to transport its actual slaves in comfortable vessels across the Atlantic. Though they might be perpetual bondsmen, still they would emerge from darkness into light — from bar- barism to civilization — from idolatry to Chris- tianity — in short, from death to life. But let us leave the African slave-trade, which has so signally defeated the philan- thropij of the world, and turn to American slavery, to which you have now directed our attention, and against which a crusade l)as been preached as enthusiastic and ferocious as that of Peter the Hermit — Llestined,I believe, to be about as successful. And here, let me say, there is a vast difference between the two, though you may not acknowledge it. The ■wisdom of ages has concurred in the justice and expediency of establishing rights by pre- scriptive use, however tortuous in their origin they may have been. You would deem a man insane, whose keen sense of equity would lead him to denounce your right to tlie lands you hold, and which, perhaps, you inherited from a long line of ancestry, because your title was derived from a Saxon or Norman conqueror, and your lands wore originally wrested by vio- lence from the vantjuished Britons. And so would the New-England abolitionist regard any one who would insist that he should re store his farm to the descendants of the Blaughtered red men, to whom God had as clearly given it as he gave life and free- dom to the kidnapped African. That time does not consecrate wrong is a fallacy which all history exposes, and which the best and wisest nii'M of all ages and professions of reli- gious faith have practically denied. Tiic means, therefore, whatever they may have been, by which the African race now iu this country have been reduced to slavery, cannot affect us, since they are our property, as your land is yours, by iuheritance, or purchase and prescriptive right You will say that man cannot hold property in ma7i. The answer is, that he can and actnally does hold property in his fellow all the world over, in a variety of forms, anil has always done so. I will show presently his authority for doing it. If you were to a.sk me whether I am an ad- vocate of slavery in the abstract, I should prob- ably answer that I am not, according to my understanding of the question. I do not like to deal in abstractions. It seldom leads to any useful ends. There are few universal truths. I ilo not now remember any single moral truth universally acknowledged. We have no assur- ance that itisgiven to our finite understanding to comprehend abstract moral truth. Apart fi'om the revelation and the inspired writings, what ideas should we have even of (iod, sal- vation, and immortality i Let the heathen answer. Justice itself is impalpable as an ab- straction, and abstract liberty the merest phan- tasy that ever amused the imagination. This world was made for man, and man for the world as it is. Ourselves, our relations with one another, and with all matter, are real, not ideal. I might say that I am no more in fa- vor of slavery in the abstract, than I am of poverty, disease, deformity, idiocy, or any other inequality iu the condition of the human family, that I love perfection, and I think I should enjoy a millennium such as God has pro- mised. But what would it amount to? A pledge that I would join you to set about eradicating those apparently inevitable evils of our nature, in equalizing the condition of all mankind, con- sinnmating the perfection of our race, and in- troducing the millennium ? By no means. To effect these things belongs exclusively to a higher power. And it would be well for us to leave the Almighty to perfect his own works and fulfil his own covenants. Especially, as tlie history of the past shows how entirely fu- tile all human efforts have proved, when made for the purpose of aiding him iu carrying out even his revealed designs, and how invariably he has accomplished them by unconscious in- struments, and in the face of human expecta- tion. Nay, more, tliat every attempt which has been made by fallible man to extort from the world obedience to his " abstract " notions of right and wrong, has been invariably at- tended with calamities, dire and extended, just in proportion to the breadth and vigor of the movement. On slavery iti the abstract, then, it would not be amiss to have as little as pos- sible to say. Let us contemplate it as it is ; and thus contemplating it, the first question we have to ask ourselves is, whether it is contrary to the will of (Jod, as revealed to us in his Holy Scriptures — the only certain means given U8 to ascertain his wUl. If it is, then slavery NEGRO SLAVEUY AT THE SOUTH. 241 is a sin; and T admit at once, that every man is bound to set his face against ir, and to eman- cipate his shivi'S should lie hold any. Let U-! open these Holy Scriptures. In the twentii'th cliaptcrof Exodus, .'^evi-nteenth Vfr., I find tiie lolldwing wortN: '"Thou shall not covet thy iKitjhbor's house, thou slialt not covet thy neii^hbnr's wile, nor his man servant, nor his maid-servant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anytliinij that is thy neighbors;" which is thf tenth of those commandments that declare the essential principles of the great moral law de- livered to Moses by God himself. iSow, dis- canliug all technical and verbal quibljiing as wholly unworthy to be used in interpreting the Word of God, what is the plain meaning, un- doubted intent, and true spirit of this com- mandment? Does it not emphatically and explicitly forbid you to disturb your neighbor in the enjoyment of his property; and more especially of that which is here specifically mentioned as being lawfully and by this com- mandment sacredly made his ? Prominent in the catalogue stands "his man-servant and his maid-servant," who are thus distinctly eow.se crated as /lis property, and guaranteed to him for his exclusive benefit in the most solemn manner. You attempt to avert the otherwise irresistible conclusion, that slavery was thus ordained by God, by declaring that the word " slave " is not used here, and is not to be found in the Bible, And I have seen manj' learned dissertations on this point from abolition pens. It is well known that both the Hebrew and Greek words translated " servant" in the Scrip- tures, mean also and most usually "slave." The use of the one word instead of the other was a mere matter of taste with the transla- tors of the Bible, as it has been with all the commentators and religious writers, the latter of whom have, I believe, for the most part, adopted the term "slave," or used both terms indiscriminately. If, then, these Hebrew and Greek words include the idea of both systems of servitude, the conditional and unconditional, they should, as the major includes the minor proposition, be always trau.slated "slaves," unless the sense of the whole text forbids it. The real question, then, is, what idea is in- tended to be conveyed by the words used in the commandment quoted ? And it is clear to my mind, that as no limitation is .affixed to '„hem, and the express intention was to secure to mankind the peaceful enjoyment of every species of pro])erty, that the terms " men-ser- vants and maid-servants" include all classes of servants, and establish a lawful, exclusive and indefeasible interest equally in the " Hebrew brother who shall go out in the seventh year," and "yearly hired servant," and " those pur- chased from the heathen round a'^out," who were to be "'bondmen for ever," as (he prop- ert;i of their fellow-man. You camiot deny that there were among the Hebrews " bondmen for ever." You can- VOL. II. not deny that God especially authorized his chosen peo[)le to purchase " bondmen for ever" fi'om the heathen, as recorded in the twenty- fifth chuftttr of Leviticus, and tiiat they are there designated by the very Hebrew word u-ed in the tenth commandment. Nor can you deny that a"BaNnMA.v for evku" is a "slave": yet you endeavor to hang an argu- ment of immortal consequence upon the wretched subterfuge, that the precise word "slave" is not to be found in the translation of the Bible. As if the translators were ca- nonical expounders of the Holy Scri|jturc3, and their luo'ds., not God's rncaiiiny, must be regarded as his revelation. It is in vain to look to Christ or any of his apostles, to justify such blaspiiemous per- versions of the Word of God. Although slavery in its most revolting form was every where vi^ible around them, no visionary no- tions of piety or philanthropy ever tempted them to g linsay the Law, even to mitigate the cruel severity of the existing system. On the contrary, regarding slavery as an estab- lished, as well as inevitable condition of hu- man society, they never hinted at such a thing as its termination on earth, any more than that "the poor may cease out of the land," which God affirms to Moses shall never be ; and they exhort " all servants under the yoke" to " count their masters as worthy of all ho- nor ;" " to obey them in all things according to the flesh; not with eye-service as men- pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God ; not only the good and gentle, but also the froward; for what glory is it, if, when ye are buffeted for your faults, ye shall take it patiently ? but if, when ye do well and suffer for it, ye take it patiently, this is acceptable to God." St. Paul actually apprehemled a runaway slave and sent him to his master! Instead of deriving from the Gospel any sanc- tion for the work you have undertaken, it would be difficult to imagine sentiments and conduct more strikingly in contrast, than those of the Apostles and Abolitionists. It is impossible, therefore, to suppose that slavery is contrary to the will of God. It is equally absurd to say that American slavery tlitfers in form or principle from that of the chosen people. We accept (he Bible (cmis as (he definition of our slavery, and its pm-epts as the guide of our conduct. We desire no- thing more. Even the right to " buffet," which is esteemed so shocking, finds its ex- press license in the Gospel. 1 Peter ii. 20. Nay, what is more, God directs the Hebrews to " bore holes in the ears of their brothers" to mark them, when under certain circum- stances they become perpetual slaves. Exo- dus XX i. G. I think, then, I may safely conclude, and I firmly believe, that American slavery is n it only not a sin, but especially commanded by *God through Moses, and approved by 16 242 NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. Christ tbrough liis Apostles. And here I mitrht close its ilofense ; for what Goil ordains, and Clirist sauctities, sliould surely command the respect and toleration of man. But I fear tlu-re has j;ro\vn up, in our time, a tran- scemlcnlal religion, which is tiirort'ing even ti'anscendcntal philosophy into the shade— a relit(i"u too pure and elevated for the Bible, ■which seeks to erect among men a higher atandiird of morals than the Almighty has re- vealed or our Saviour preached; and which is prob il>ly destinetl to do more to impede tlie extension of God's kingdom on earth than all the iiitidels who have ever lived. Error is error. It is as dangerous to deviate to the right hand as to the left. And when men, professing to be holy men, and who are by numbers .so regarded, declare those things to be sinful which our Creator has expiessly authorized and instituted, they do more to destroy his authority among mankind than the mo-t wicked can effect by proclaiming that to be innocent which he has forbidden. To this self-rigiiteous and self-exalted class belong all the abolitionists whose writings I have read. With them, it is no end of the argument to prove your propositions by the texts of the Bible, interpreted according to its plain and palpable meaning, and as under- stooti by all muukiiid for three thousand years before their time. They are more iagenious at construing and interpolating to accommo- date it to their new-fangled and ethereal code of morals, than ever were Voltaire or Hume in picking it to pieces to frciety has ever yet existed, and I have already incidentally quo- ted the higliest authority to show that none ever will exist, without a natural variety of classes. The most marked of these must, in a country like ours, be the rich and poor, the educated and the ignorant. It will scarcely be disputed that the very poor have less lei- sure to prepare themselves for a proper dis- charge of pul)lic duties than the rich ; and that the ignorant are wholly unfit for them at all. In all countries save ours, these two ! classes, or the poor rather, who are presumed I to be necessarily ignorant, are by law ex- ' pressly excluded from all participation in the management of public affairs. In a ri'publi- ' can government this cannot be done. Uni- versal suffrage, though not essential in theory, seems to be in fact a necessary appendage to a republican .system. Where universal suf- fmge obtains, it is obvious that the govern- ment is in the hands of a numerical majority ; and it is hardly necessary to say, that in every part of tlie world more than half the people are ignorant and poor. Though no one can look upon poverty as a crime, and w^e do not gencfrally here regard it as an objection to a man in his individual capacity ; stdl, it must be admitted that it is a wn-etched and insecure government which is administered by its most ignorant citizens, and those who have the least at stake under it. Though intelli- gence and ■wealth have great influence here as every where, in keeping in cluck reckless ajid unenlightened numbers, yet it is evident to close observers, if not to all, that these are rapiilly usurping all power in the nou slave- holding states, and threaten a fearful crisis in republican institutions there at no remote pe- riod. In the slavc'holding states, however, nearly one half of the whole pojjulation, and tliuse the poorest and the most igni«rant, have no political influence wliatever, hicause they are slaves. Of the other half a large jiropor- tion are both educated and indepeniient in their circumstances, while those who unfortu- nately are not so, being still elevated far above the mass, are higher toned and more deeply inter(!sted in preserving a stable and well or- dered govermnent, than the same class in any other country. Hence, slavery is truly the " corner-stone" and foundation of every ■well- designed and durable " republican edifice." With us, every citizen is concerned in the NEGRO SLATERT AT THE SOUTH. 24$ Tnamfenancc of order, and in promoting hon- 1 «8tv and industry anion;^ th ise of tlio lowest ! <;laas wlio are our slaves ; and our habitual j vigilance renders standing armies, whether of I soldiers or jiolicenten, entirely unnecessarj-. Small guards in our cities, and occasional pa- trols iti the country, insure us a repose and security known no where else. You cannot | be ignorant that, excepting the United States, there is no country in the world whose exist- ing government would not be overturned in a month but for its standing armies, maintained at an enormous and destructive cost to those \fhom they are destined to overawe, so ram- pant and combative is the spirit of discontent wherever notninal free labor prevails, with its ostensible privileges, and its dismal servitude. Nor will It be long before the " Free States" of this Union will be compelled to introduce the same expensive machinery, to preserve order among their " free and equal" citizens. Already has Philadelphia organized a perma- nent battalion for this purpose ; New-York, Boston, and Cincinnati will soon follow her •example ; and then the smaller towns and densely populated counties. The interven- tion of their militia to repress violations of the peace is becoming a daily affair. A strong government, after some of the old fashions, though probably with a new name, •sustained by the force of armed mercenaries, ' is the ultiriiate destiny of the non-slavehold- ing section of this confederacy, and one which may not be very distant. It is a great mistake to suppose, as is gene- rally done abroad, that, in case of war, slaveiy would be a source of weakness. It did not weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor Sparta, though their slaves were comparatively far more nu- merous than ours, of the same color, for the most part, with themselves, and large num- bers of them familiar with the use of arms. 1 have no apprehension that our slaves would seize such an opportunity to revolt. The pre- sent generation of them, born among us, would never think of cucb a thing at any time, •nnless instigated to it by others. Agamst such instigations we are always on our guard. in time of war we should be more watchful and better prepared to put down insurrections than at any other periods. Should any for- •eign nation be so lost to every sentiment of civilized humanity as to attempt to erect among us the standard of revolt, or to invade us with black troops for the base and barba- rous purpose of stirring up servile war, their efforts would be signally rebuked. Our slaves could not be easily seduced, nor would any thing delight them more than to assist in stripping Cuffee of his regimentals to put him in the cotton-field, which would be the fate of most black invaders, without any prolix form of " apprenticeship." If, as I am satisfied would be the case, our slaves remained peacefully on our plantations, and cultivated them in time of war, under the superinten- dence of a limited number of our citizens, it is obvious that we could put forth more strength in such an emergency, at less sacrifice, than anjr other people of the same numbers. And thus we should in every point of view, " out of this nettle danger, pluck the flower safety." How far slavery may be an advantage or disadvantage to those not owning slaves, yet united with us in political association, is a question for their sole consideration. It is true that our representation in Congress is in- creased by it. But so are our taxes; and the nonslavcholding states, being the majority, divide among themselves far the greater por- tion of the amount levied by the federal government. And I doubt not that when it comes to a close calculation, they will not be slow in finding out that the balance of profit arising from the connection is vastly in their favor. Slvvert and its Social Effects; Duel- ling ; Mobs ; REPCniATioN ; Licentiousness ; Comparative Expense of Free and Slave Labor; Treatment of Slaves; Instruction; Punishments (Continued.) — In a social point of view the abolitionists pronounce slavery to be a monstrous evil. If it was so, it would be our own peculiar concern, and superfluous be- nevolence in them to lament over it Seeing their bitter hostility, they might leave us to cope with our own calamities. But they make war upon us out of excess of charity, and at- tempt to purify by covering us with calumny. You have read, and assisted to circulate, a great deal about affrays, duels, and murders occurring here, and all attributed to the ter- rible demoralization of slavery. Not a single event of this soit takes place among us, but it is caught up by the abolitionists, and paraded over the world with endless comments, van ations, and exaggerations. You should not take what reaches you as a mere sample, and infer that there is a vast deal more you never hear. You hear all, and more than all, the truth. It is true that the point of honor is recog- nized throughout the slave region, and that disputes of certain classes are frequently re- ferred for adjustment to the " trial by com- bat.'' It would not be appropriate for me to enter, in this letter, into a defense of the prac- tice of duelling, nor to maintain at length that it does not tarnish the character of a peojile to acknowledge a standard of honor. Whatever evils may arise from it, however, they cannot be attributed to slavery — since the same cus- tom prevails both in France and England. Few of your prime-ministers, of the last half century even, have escaped the contagion, I believe. The affrays of which so much is said, and in which rifles, bowie-knives, and pistols are so prominent, occur mostly in the frontier states of the southwest. They are naturally incidental to the condition of society 244 KEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. as it exists in raany sections of these recently j charged to slavery -wliich are shotvn to ofcnr settli'd countries, and will as naturally cease to equal extent wliere it does not exi-^t, surely in due time. Adventurers frum the older slavery must be acquitted of the accusation, states and from Europe, as desperate in cha- It is roundly asserted that we are not bo racter as they are in fortune, conijrejjate in I well educated nor so roligious as elsewht-re. I these wild regions, jostling? one aiiollu-r, and will not go into tedious statistical statt-inents often forcin" the peaceable ai)d honest into on these siiKjt-cts. Nor have I, to tell the rencontres in self-defense. Slavery has nothing ! truth, much confidence in tlie details of what to do witli these things. Stability and peace j are commonly set forth as statistics. As to are the first desires of every slaveholder, and education, you will probably admit that the true tendency of the .system. It could not possibly exist amid the eternal anarchy and civil broils of the ancient Spanish domiu ions in America. Antl for this very reason, domestic slavery has ceased there. So far from encouraging strife, such scenes of riot and bloodshed as have, within the last few slaveholders should have nmre lei.-ure for mental culture than most people. And I be- lieve it is cliarged against them that they are peculiarly fond of power and ambitious of honors. If this be so, as all the piiw< r and honors of this country are won mainly by intellectual superiority, it might be fairly pre- years, disgraced om- northern cities, and as you ! sumed that slaveholders woidd not be neglect- have lately witnessed in Birmingham and , ful of education. In proof of the accuracy of Bristol and Wales, not only never have occur- 1 this presumption I point you to the facts, tliat red, but I will venture to say, never will occur our Presidential chair has been occupied for in our slaveholding states. The only thing ; forty-four out of the fifty-six years by slave- that can create a mob (as you might call it) | holders; that another has been recently elect- here, is the appearance of an abolitionist wliom ed to fill it for ftmr years more, over an oppo- the people assemble to chastise. And this is neut who was a slaveliolder also; and that in no more of a mob than a rally of shepherds to chase a wolf out of their pastures would be one. But we are swindlers and repudiatorsl Pennsylvania is not a slave State. A majority of the states which have failed to meet their obligations punctually are non-slaveholding ; and two thirds of the debt said to be repudi- ated is owed by these states. Many of the states of this Union are heavily encumbered with debt — none so hopelessly as England. Pennsylvania owes $22 for each inhabitant — England $222, counting her paupers in. Nor has there been any repudiation, definite and final, of a lawful debt, that I am aware of. A few states have failed to pay some instal- ments of interest. The extraordinary finan- the federal offices and both Houses of Con- gress, considerably more than a due propor- tion of those acknowledged to stand in the first rank are from the south. In this arena the intellects of the free and slave states meet iu full and fair competition. Nature must have been unusually bountiful to us, or we have been, at least, reasonably assiduous in- the cultivation of such gifts as she has bestow- ed — uidess, indeed, you refer our superiority to moral qualities, which I am sure you will not. More wealthy we are not, nor would mere wealth avail in such rivalry. Tiie piety of the south is unobtrusive. We think it pnves but little, though it is a confi- dent thing for a man to claim that he stands higher in the estimation of his Creator, and is cial diflScullies Avhich occurred a few years :igo , less a sinner, than his neighljor. If vocifera- account for it. Time will set all things right again. Every dollar of both principal and interest owed by any state, north or south, ■will be ultimately paid, unless the abolition of slavery overwhelvisMS all in onecommoii, ruin. But have no other nations failed to pay ? When were the French assignats redeemed ? How much interest did your National Bank pay.on its immense circulation from 1797 to 1821, during which period that circulation was in- convertible, and for the time repndin/cij ? How much of your national debt has been incurred for money borrowed to meet the interest upon it, thus avoiding delinquency m detail, by in- suring inevitable bankruptcy and repudiation in the end ? And what sort of operation was tion is to carry the question of religion, the north and jnobably the Scotch have it. Our sects are few, harmonious, pretty nnich united among themselves, and pursue their avoca- tions iu humble peace. In fact, our professors of religion seem to think — whether correctly or not — that it is their duty to do "good in secret," and to carry their holy comforts to the heart of each individual, without reference to class or color, for his spi'cial enjoyment, and not with a view to exhibit their zeal before the world. So far as numbers are concerned, I believe our clergymen, when called on to make a showing, have never had occasion to blush, if comparisons were drawn between the free and slave states. And although our that by which your present ministry recently | j>rosses do not teem with controversial pamph- expunged a handsome amount of that tk-bt liy lets, nor our pul|)its shake with excommuni- substituting, through a process just not com I eating thunders, the daily walk of our religious pulsory, one species of security for another ? 1 communicants furni-hes a|)parently as little I am well aware that the faults of others do , food for gossip as is to lie found in most other not excuse our own, but wht'n failings arc ! regions. It may be regarded as a mark of >fEGRO SLAVEKY AT THE SOUTH. 24^ ■OUT ■want of excitability — though that is a quality accrc'iHtwi to us in an eminent degree — that few of the remarkable religious isms of[the present day have taken root among us. We have been so irreverent as to la^igh at Mormonism and Millerisni, which have created such commotions further north ; and modern prophets have no honor in our country. Siiakers, Rappists, Dunkers, Socialists, Fou- rierists, and the like, keep themselves afar off. Even Puseyism has not yet moved us. Ton may attribute this to onr dt)mestic slavery if you choose. I believe you would do so justly. There is no material here for such characters to operate upon. But your grand charge is, that licentious- ness, in intercourse between the sexes, is a prominent trait of our social system, and that it necessarily arises from slavery. This is a favorite theme with the abolitionists, male and female. Folios have bceu written on it. It is a common observation, that there is no subject on which ladies of eminent virtue so much dehght to dwell, and on which, in especial, learned old maids like Mi-^s Mar- tineau linger with such insatiable relish. They expose it in the slave states with the most minute observance and endless iteration. Miss Martineau, with peculiar gusto, relates a series of scandalous stoiies, which would have made Boccacciendent, at all other times, on alms or |ioor-rates — in all such countries it is found cheaj)er to pay this pittance than to clothe, feed, nurse, support through childhood and pension in old age, a race of slaves. Indeed, the advantage is so great as speedily to com- pensate for tile loss of the value of the slave. And I have no hesitation in saying, that if I could cultivate my lauds on these terms, I would, without a word, resign my slaves, pro- vided they could be jiroperly disposed of. But the question is, whether free or slave labor is cheapest to us in this country, at this time, situated as we are. And it is decided at once by the fact, that we cannot avail our- selves of any other than slave labor. We neither have, nor can we jn'ocure, other labor to any extent, or on anything like the terms mentioned. We must, theiefore, content ourselves with our dear labor, under the consoling reflection, that what is lost to us is gained to humanity ; and that, inasmuch as our slave costs us more than your freeman costs you, by so much is he better oft'. You will promptly eay, cLuancipate your slaves^ KEGllO SLAVERV AT THE SOUTH. 247 and then you will have free labor on suit- able terms. That niiijlit be, if there were five huiiilrod wliere there is now one, and the continent, from the Atlantic to the Paci- fic, wa^ as densely populated as your island. But until that comes to pass, no labor can be procured ia America ou the terms you have it. While I thus freely admit that, to the in- dividual proprietor, slave labor is dearer than free, I do not mean to admit it as equally clear, that it is dearer to the com- munity and to the state. Though it is certain that the slave is a far greater consumer than your laborer, the year round, yet your pau- per system is costly and wasteful. Supported by your community at large, it is not ad- ministered by your hired agents with that interested care and economy — not to speak of humanity — which mark the management of ours, by each projjrietor of his own non- efifectives; and is both more expensive to those who pay, and less beneficial to those who i'eceive its bounties. Besides this, slavery is rapidly filling up our country with a hard 3" and healthy race, peculiarly adapt- ed to our climate and productions, and con- ferring signal political and social avantages on us as a people, to which 1 have already referred. I have yet to reply to the main ground on which you and your coadjutors rely for the overthrow of our system of slavery. Failing in all your attempts to prove that it is sinful in its nature, inuuoral in its eff^ects, a political evil, and profitless to those who maintain it, you appeal to the sympa- thies of mankind, and attempt to arouse the world against us, by the most shocking charges of tyranny and cruelty. You begin by a vehement denunciation of " the irre- sponsible power of one man over his fellow- men " The question of the rebf)onsibility of power is a vast one. It is the great political question of modern times. Whole nations divide off u])on it, and establish dift'ei-ent fundamental systems of government. That " responsibility" which, to one set of mil- lions, seems am])ly sufficient to check the government, to the support of which they devote their lives and fortunes, ajipears to another set of millions a mere mockei-y of restraint. And accordingly as the opinions of these millions differ, they honor each other with the epithets of "serfs" or " anar- chists." It is ridiculous to introduce such an idea a* this into the discussion of a mere domestic institution. But since you have in- troduced it, I deny that the power of the slaveholder in America is "irresponsible." He is responsible to God. He is responsible to a world — a responsibility which aboli- tionists do not intend to allow him to evade, and in acknowledgment of wliiidi I write you this letter. He is responsible to the community in which he lives, and to the laws under which he enjoys his civil lights. These laws do not j)ermit him to kill, to maim, or punish beyond certain limits, or to overtask, or to refuse to feed and clothe, his slave. In short, they forbid him to be tyran- nical or cruel. If any of these lawsha^grown obsolete, it is because they are so seldom vio- lated that they are forgotten. You have disinterred one of them from a compilalion by some Judge Stroud of I'hiladel])liia, to stigiuatize its inadequate penalties for kill- ing, maiming, &c. Yoiu" object ajipears to be — you can have no other — to produce the impression that it must be often violated on account of its insufficiency. You say as much, and that it marks our estimate of the slave. You foi'get to state that this law was enacted by Englhhmeii, and only indicates their opinion of the re})aration due for their offenses. Ours is proved by the fact, though perhaps unknown to Judge Stroud or your- self, that we have essentially altered this law ; and the murder of a slave has for many years been punishable with death in this state. And so it is, I believe, in most or all the slave states. You seem well aware, however, that laws have been re- cently passed in all these states making it penal to teach slaves to read. Do you know what occasioned their passage, and renders their stringent enforcement necessary ? I can tell you. It was the abolition agitation. If the slave is not allowed to read his Bible, the sin rests upon the abolitionists; for they stand prepared to furnish him with a key to it, which would make it, not a book of hope and love and peace, but of desjiair, hatied, and blood ; which would convert the reader, not into a Christian, but a demon. To pre- serve him from such a horrid destiny, it is a sacred duty which we owe to our slaves, not less than to oxu'selves, to interpose the most decisive means. If the Catholics deem it wrong to trust the Bible to the hands of ignorance, shall we be excommunicated be- cause we will not give it, and with it the corrupt and fatal commentaries of the abo- litionists, to our slaves? Allow our slaves to read your pamj)hlets, stimulating them to cut our throats! Can you believe us to be such unspeakable fools? I do not know that I can subscribe in full to the sentiment so often quoted by the abo- litionists, and by Mr. Dickinson in his letter to me: "Hoino sHni,Iiwiia)ii nil ante alieintm pnlo" as translated and practically illustrated by them. Such a doctrine would give wide authority to every one for the most danger- ous intermeddling with the affairs of others. It will do in |)oetry — perliaps in some sorts of philosophy — but the attempt to make it a I household maxim, and introduce it into the daily walks of life, has caused many an I "homo" a broken crown, and probably will 248 NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. continue to do it. Still, though a slaveholder, j I freely :ickii<)\vle(]y:e my obligatinus as a' man ; ;inil tliat I am Ijoiind to treat luiinaiiely the fclluw-creatures whom God lia^* intrusted j to my charge. I feel therefore somewhat sensitive under the accusation of cruelty, and ' dispose!! to defend myself and fellow slave- ! holders against it. It is certainly the interest j of all, and I am convinced that it is also the desire of every one of us, to treat our slaves j ■with proper kindness. It is necessary to our deriving the greatest amount of profit from , them. Of this we are all satisfied. And you j snatch from us the only consolation we Ame- ricans could derive from the opprolirious im- putation of being wholly devoted to making money, which your disititerested and gold despising countrymen delight to cast upon u<, i when you nevertlieless declare that we are ready to sacrifice it for the pleasure of being ' inhuman. You remember tiiat Mr. Pitt could never get over the idea that self-interest would I insure kind treatment to slaves, until you tokl I him your woful stories of the Middle Pas- sage. Mr. Pitt was right in the first instance,) and erred under your tuition, in not perceiv- ing tlie difference between a tempcjrary and a permanent ownership of them. Slaveholders are no more perfect than other men. They Lave passions. Some of them, as you ma) suppose, do not at all times restrain them. Neither do husbands, pnrents and friends. And in each of these relations as serious sufferings as frequently arise fiom uncon- trolled passmiLsas ever t masters among us, and i»ex' loihem our northern fellow citizens. Slaveholders born and bred here are always more humane to slaves, and those who have grown up to a large inheritance of them, the most so of any, showing clearly that the I'fiect of the system is to foster kindly feelings. I do not mean so much to impute inlunnanity to foreigners, as to show that they come here with false notions of the treatment usual and necessary for slaves, and that newly acquired power here, as every where else, is apt to be abused. NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. 249 T cannot enter into a detailed examination of the casi-s stated by tlic aboiitioiiifts. It would be disgusliii;^ and of little avail. I know notliiiij^ of theiii. I liave seen nothing like them, though boru and bred here, and have rarely heard of any thing at all to be com- pari'd with them, rerniit me to say that I think most of yo7ir facts must have been drawn from the West Indies, where undoubt- edly slaves were treattd much more harshly than with us. This was owing to a variety of causes, which might, if neoessary, be stated. One was, that they had at first to deal more extensively with barbarians fre.sh from the wilds of Africa; another, and a leading one, the absenteeism of proprietors. Agents are always more unfeeling than owners, whether placed over West Itnlian or American slaves, or Irisli tenantry. We feel this evil greatly even here. You describe the use of thumb- screwH as one mode of punishment among us. I doubt if a thumb-screw can be found in Ameiica. I never saw or heard of one in this country. Stocks are rarely used by pri- vate individuals, and confir.ement still more seldom, though both are common punishments for whites, all the world over. I think they should he more frequently resorted to with slaves, as substitutes for flogging, which I con- sider the most injurious and least efHcacious mode of punishing them for serious offenses. It is not degrading, and unless excessive, oc- casions little pain. You may be a little as- tonished, after all the flourishes that have been made about "cart whips," etc , when I say flogging is not the most degrading pun- ishment in the world. It may be so to a white man in most countries, but how is it to the white boy? That necessary coadjutor of the schoolmaster, the " birch," is never thought to have rendered infamous the unfortunate victim of pedagogue ire; nor did Solomon in his wisdom dream that he was counselling parents to debase their otl'spring, when he ex- liorted them not to spoil the child by sparing the rod. Pardon me for recurring to the now exploded ethics of the Bible. Custom, which, you will perliaps agree, makes most things m this wre nor less than a system by which the slave states are plun- dered for the benefit of those states which do not tolerate slavery. To prove what I say of Great Britain to be true, I make the following extracts from the reports of commissioners appointed by Parlia- ment, and published by order of the llouse of Commons. I can make but few, and short ones. But similar quotations might be made to any extent, and I defy you to deny that these specimens exhibit the real condition of your operatives in every branch of your industiy. There is, of course, a variety in their sufferings. But the same incredible amount of toil, fright- ful destitution, and utter want of morals, char- acterize the lot of every class of them. CoLLiEiiiES. — " I wish to call the attention of the Board to ))its about Brami)ton. The seams are so thin, that several of them have only two feet headway to all the working. They are worked altogether by boys from eight to twelve years of age, on all fours, with a dog belt and chain. The passages being neither ironed nor wooded, and often an inch or two thick with mud. In Mr. Barnes's pit, these poor boys have to drag the barrows with one hundred weight of coal or slack, sixty times a day, sixty yards, and the empty bar- rows back, without once straightening their backs, unless they choose to stand under the shaft, and run the risk of having their heads broken by a falling coaL" — Report on Mines, 1842,/). 71. " In Shropshire the seams are no more than eighteen or twenty inches." — Ibid. p. (57. ''At the Booth pit," says Mr. Scriven, " I walked, rode, and crept, eighteen hundred yards to one of the nearest faces." — Ibid. "' Chokedamp,' 'firedamp,' 'wildfire,' sulphur,' and ' water,' at all times menace instant death to the laborers in these mines." '■' Robert North, aged sixteen: Went into the pit at seven years of age, to fill up skips. 1 drew about twelve months. When I drew by the girdle and chain, iny skin was broken, and the blood ran down. I durst not say any thing. If we said any thing, the butty, and the reeve, who works under him, would take a stick and beat us." — Ibid. " The usual punishment for theft, is to place the cul- prit's head between the legs of one of the big- gest boys, and each boy in the pit (.sometimes thei'O are twenty) inflicts twelve lashes on the back and rump with a cat." — Ibid. " Instances occur in which chddren are taken into these mines to work as early as four years of age, sometimes at five, not unfrequeutly at six or 252 NEGRO SLA^^iRT AT THE SOUTH. seven ; while from eight to nine is the ordinary ] ag« iit wJiich these etnpioynipnts commence." ] — Ibid "The was^e^ paid at these mines is i from *2 50 to §7.50 p<'r monih, for laborers, according to age ami al)ility ; and out of this ' they must support tiiemst- Ives. They work ] twelve horns a day." — Ibid. \ I.v CALICO Printing. — " It is by no means uncommon, in all the distiiets, for children five or six years old to be kept at work four- teen to sixteen hours consecutively." — AV- port on Children, 184'2, p. 59. j I cjuld furnish extracts similar to these in regard to every branch of your manufac- 1 tures, buti will not multiply them. Every-' body knows that your ojieratives habitual- 1 ly lat)or fi-om twelve to sixteen hours, men, women and children, and the men occasion- ally twenty hours per day. In lace making, i saj's the last quoted report, children some-' times commence work at two years of age. j Dkstitution. — It is stated by your com- : missioiiers, that forty thousand persons in 1 Liverpool, and fifteen thousand in Manches- ter, live in cellars ; while twenty-two thou- sand in England pass the night in barns, tents, or the open air. "There have been found sucli occurrences as seven, eight and ten persons in one cottage, I cannot say for one day, but for whole days, without a mor- sel of food. They have remained on their beds of straw for two successive days, under the imiu-ession that in a recumbent posture the pangs of hunger were less felt." — Lord Broiu/finm's Speech, 11 th Jnlji, 1842. A vol- ume of frightful scenes might be quoted to corroborate the inferences to be necessarily drawn from the facts here stated. I will not add more, but pass ou to the important inquiiy as to Morals and Education. — " Elizabeth Bar- rett, aged fourteen: I always work without stockings, shoes or trowsers. I wear noth- ing l)ut a shift. I have to go up to the headings with the men. They are all tiaked there. I am got used to that." — Report on Mines. " As to illicit sexual intercourse, it eeems to prevail universally, and from an early period of life." "The evidence might have been doubled, which attests the eai-ly CommiMioement of sexual and promiscuous intercourse among boys and girls." "A lower condition of morals, in the fullest sense of the term, could not, I think, be found. I do not mean by this, that there .are many more prominent vices among them, but that moral feelings and sentiments do not exist. The;/ have ito moral n." "Their apiiearance, manners and moral natures, (so far as the word moral can be applied to them.) are in accordance with their half- civilized condition.'' — Report on Cliildren. " ilore than half a dozen instances occurred in Manchester, where a man, his wife, and his wife's growu-up sister, habitually occu- pied the same bed." — Report on Sanitary Condition. Robert Cruchilow, aged sixteen: "1 don't know any thing of Moses — never heard of France. I don't know what Amer- ica is. Never heard of Scotland or Ireland. Can't tell how many weeks there are in a year. There are twelve pence in a shilling, and twenty shillings in a pound. There are eight pints in a gallon of ale." — Report on Mines. Ann Egglti, aged eighteen : "I walk about and get fresh air on Sundays. I never go to church or chapel. I never heard of Christ at all." — Ibid. Others : " The Lord sent Adam and Eve on earth to save sinners." "I don't know who made the Avorld — I never heard about God." " I don't know Jesus Christ — I never saw him — but I have seen Foster who prays about him." Employer: "You have expressed surprise at Thomas Mitchel's not hearing of God. I judge there are few colliers here- about that have." — Ibid. I will quote no more. It is shocking be- yond endurance to turn over your records, in which the condition of j-our laboring classes is but too faithfully depicted. Could our slaves but see it, they would join us in lynching abolitionists, which, by the by, they would not now be loth to do. We never thwik of imposing on them such labor, either in amount or kind. We never put them to any u-ork under ten, more generally at twelve years of age, and then the very lightest. Destitution is absolutely unknown — never did a slave starve in America; while, in moral sentiments and feelings, in religious information, and even in general intelligence, they are infinitely the sujteriors ' of your operatives. When you look around you, how dare you talk to us, before the world, of slaveiT ? For the condition of your wretched laborers, you, and every I Briton who is not one of them, are respon- ; sible before God and man. If you are real- ly htmiane, philanthropic and charitable, here are objects for you. Relieve them. Emancipate them. Raise them from the condition of brutes to the level of human beings — of American slaves, at least. Do not, for an instant, suppose that the nnmcoi being freemen is the slightest comfort to them, situated as they are, or that the boin- bastic boast that " whoever touches British I soil stands redeemed, regenerated and dis- I enthralled," can meet with any thing but the ' ridicule and contempt of mankind, while ' that soil swarms, both on and under its sur- face, with the most abject and degraded wretches that ever bowed beneath the op- pressor's yoke. j 1 have said that slavery is an established ' and inevitable condition to liuman society. I do not speak of the name, but Xhe fact. The Marquis of Normaiiby has lately de- i clared youi- operatives to be "in effect slaves'* NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. 253 Cat! it be denied ? Probably ; for such phi- lantliroiiists as your abolitionists care nothing for facts. They deal in terms and fictions. It is the viord " slavery " which shocks their tender sensibilities; and their imaginations associate it with "hydras and chinierus dire." The thing itself, in its most hideous reality, pusses daily under their view uidieeded; a familiar face, touching no chord of shame, sympathy or indignation. Yet, so brutalizing is your iron bondage, that the Eiiglisli operative is a by-word through the world. When favoring fortune enables him to escape his prison-house, both in Europe and America he is shunned. With all the skill which fourteen hours of daily b\bor from the tenderest age has ground inlo him, his discontent, which habit has made second nature, and his depraved pro- pensities, running riot when freed from his wonted fetters, prevent his employment whenever it is not a matter of necessity. If we derived no other benefit from African slavery in the southern states, than that it deterred your freedmen from coming hither, I should regard it as an inestimable bless- ing. And how unaccountable is that philan- thropy, which closes its eyes upon such a state of things as you have at home, and turns its blurred vision to our affairs beyond the Atlantic, meddling with matters which no way concern them — presiding, as you have lately done, at meetings to denounce the " iniquity of our laws," and " the atro- city of our practices," and to sympathize with infamous wretches imprisoned here for violating decrees promulgated both by God and man. Is this doing the work of "your Father which is in heaven," or is it seeking only " that you may have glory of man ?' Do you remember the denunciation of our Saviour : " Wo unto you. Scribes and Pharisees ; hypocrites I for ye make clean the outside of the cup and platter, but with- in they are full of extortion and excess." But after all, supposing that every thing you sa}' of slavery be true, and its abolition a matter of the last necessity, how do you expect to effect emancipation, and what do you calculate will be the result of its accom- plishment? As to the means to be used, the abolitionists, I believe, affect to differ — a largo proportion of them pretending that their sole purpose is to a))ply " moral sua- sion " to the slaveholders themselves. As a matter of curiosity, I should like to know what their idea of this "moral suasion" is. Their discourses (yours is no exceiition) are all tirades — the exordium, argument and peroration, turning on the ejjithets, " ty- rants,' " thieves," " murderers," addressed to VLB. They revile ua as " atrocious monsters," " violators of the laws of nature, God and man ;" our homes the abode of every in- iquity, our land a "brothel." We retort that they are " incendiaries" and "assassins." Deligiitful argument! sweet, potent "moral sua^sion I ' What slave has it freed — what proselyte can it ever make? But, if your course was wholly different — if you distilled nectar from your lips, and discouised sweet- est music, could you reasonably indulge the hope of accomplishing your object by such means? Ka}', supposing that we were all convinced, and thought of slavery jirecisely as you do, at what era of " moral suasion" do you imagine you could prevail on us to give up a thousand millions of dollars in the value of our slaves, and a thousand millions of dollars more in the depreciation of our lands, in consequence of the want of labor- ers to cultivate them? Consider: were ever any people, civilized or savage, per- suaded by any argument, human or divine, to surrender, voluntarily, two thousand mil- lions of dollars ( Would you think of ask- ing five millions of Englishmen to contri- bute, either at once or gradually, four hun- dred and fifty millions of pounds sterling to the cause of philanthropy, even if the pur- pose to be accomplished were not a doubt- ful goodness? If you are prepared to un- dertake such a scheme, try it at home. Col- lect your fund — purchase our slaves, and do with them as you like. Be all the glory yours, fairly and honestly won. But you see the absurdity of such an idea. Away, then, with your pretended " moral suasion." You know it is mere nonsense. The abo- litionists have no faith in it themselves. Those who expect to accomplish any thing, count on means altogether different. They aim, first, to alarm us; that failing, to com- pel us by force to emancipate our slaves, at our own risk and cost. To these purposes they obviously direct all their energies. Our northern liberty men have endeavored to disseminate their destructive doctrines among our slaves, and excite them to insur- rection. But we have put an end to that, and stricken terror into them. They dare not show their faces here. Then they de- clared they woidd dissolve the Union. Let them do it. The Xorth would repent it far more than the South. We are not alarmed at the idea. We are well content to give up the Union sooner than sacrifice two thousand millions of dollars, and with them all the rights we prize. You may take it for granted, that it is impossible to persuade or alarm us into emancipation, or to making the first step toward it. jN'othlng, then, is left to try, but sheer force. If the abolition- ists are prepared to expend their own treas- ure and shed their own blood as freely as they ask us to do oui's, let them come. We do not court the conflict; but we will not, and we cannot shrink f;om it. If they are not ready to go so far ; if, as I expect, their 254 XEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. philanthroiiy recoils from it ; if they are looiviiig only for cheap glory, let them turn their UiDUirhts elsewhere, and leave us in peace. Be the siu, the dangers and evils of slavery all our own. We compel, we ask, none to share them with ns. I am well aware tJiat a notable scheme has been set on foot to achieve abolition, by making what is by courtesy called " free " labor so much cheaper than slave l.ibor, as to force the abandonment of the latter. Though we are beginning to manufacture with slaves, I do not think you will attempt to piuch your operatives closer in (ireat Brit- ain. You cannot curtail the rags with which they vaiidy attempt to cover their naked- ness, nor reduce the porridge which barely, and not always, kee))s those who have em- ployment from perisiiing of famine. When you can do this, we will consider whet he !• our slaves may not dispense with a ])ound or two of bacon per week, or a few garments annually. Your aim, however, is to cheap- en labor in the tropics. The idea of doing this \iy e.vporting your " bold j'comanry" is, I presume, given up. Cromwell tried it ■when he sold the captured followers of Charles into West Indian slavery, where they speedily found graves. Nor have your recent e.x'periments on British and even Dutch constitutions succeeded better. Have you stdl faith in carrying thither your Coolies from Ilindoostan ? Doubtless, that , once wild robber race, whose highest eulo- gium was, that they did not murder merelj' for the love of blood, have been tamed down, and are, perhaps, " keen for immigra- tion ;" for since j'our civilization has reached it, plunder has grown scarce in Guzerat. But what is the result of the experiment thus far? Have the Coolies, ceasing to handle arins, learned to handle sjiades, and proved hardy and jirotitable laborers? (.)n the contrary, broken in spirit, and stricken with disease at home, the wretched victims whom you have hitherto kidnapped for a bounty, confined in dej)ots, ]>ut under hatches and carried across the ocean, forced into "voluntary immigration," have done little but lie down and die on the /;.s«<(/(> soil of freedom. At the end of five years two thirds, in eome colonies a larger proportion, are no more! Humane and pious eontri vance I To alleviate the fancied sufferings of the accursed posterity of Ham, you sacri- fice, by a cruel death, two thirds of the children of the blessed Slu-m, and demand the applause of Christians, the blessing of Heaven! If this "experiment" is to go on, in God's name try your hand upon the Thugs. That other species of " immigra- tion" to which you are resorting, I will con- sider presently. But what do you calculate will be the re- sult of emancipation, by whatever means [ accomplished ? You will probably point me, by way of answer, to the West Indies— ; doubtless to Antigua, the great boast of abolition. Ailmitiing that it has succeeded j there — which I will do for the sake of the I argiiment — do you know the reason of itf The true and only causes of whatever suc- I cess has attended it in Antigua are, that the jiopulation was before crowded, atid all, or nearly all, the arable land in cultivation. ^ The emanei|)ated negroes could not, many 1 of them, get away if they desired ; and knew not where to go, in case they did. They had practical!}- no alternative but to remain on the spot; and remaining, they must work on the terms of the jiroprietors, or perish— the strong arm of tiie mother country for- bidding all hoj>e of seizing the land tor them- selves. The proprietors, well knowing that they cotdd thus connnand labor for the merest necessities of life, which was much cheaper than maintaining the non-effective as well as effective slaves in a style which decency and interest, if not humatiity, re- quired, willingh^ aeceiited half their value, and at once realized far more than the in- terest on the other half in the diminution of their expenses, aud'the reduced comforts of ihe freemen. One of your most illustrious judges, who was also a profound ainl philo- sophical historian, has said "that villeinage was not abolished, but went into decay in I'2ngla!id." This was the process. This has been the process wherever (the name of) villeinage or slavery has been successfully abandoned. Slavery in fact " went into de- cay" in Antigua. I have admitted that under similar circumstances it might profit- ably cease here — that is, profitably to the individual proprietors. Give me half the value of my slaves, and compel them to re- main and labor on my jdantation at ten to eleven cents a day, as the}' do in Antigua, sup]iorting themselves and families, and you sliall have them to-morrow, and if you like dub them " free." Not to stickle, 1 would surrender them without price. No — I re- call my words: my humanity revolts at the idea. 1 am attached to my slaves, and would not have art or part in reducing them to such a condition. 1 deny, however, that Antigua, as a community, is or ever will be as prosperous, under present circumstances, as she was before abolition, though fully i-ipe for it. The fact is well known. The reason is that the African, if not a distinct, is an inferior race, and never will effect, as it never has efleftcd, as much in any other ct)ndition as in that of slavery. I know of no slaveholder who has visited the West Indies since slavery was abolished, and publi.-^hed his views of it. All our facts and opinions come through the friends of the experiment, or at least those not op- posed to it. Taking these, even without NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. 255 allownnco, lo be true as stated, I do not see ■where the abolitionists find causes for exul- tation. Tlie tables of exports, which are the best evidi'iiccs of the condition of a peo- ple, exhiliit a woful fallinti; off — excused, it IS true, by un|)i'ccedented droughts and hur- ricanes, lo which their free labor seems un- accountably more subject than slave labor used to be. I will not go into detail. It is well known that a large proportion of Brit- ish legislation and exj)enditure. and that proportion still constantly increasing, is most anxiously devoted to repairing the monstrous error of emancipation. You are actually galvanizing your expiring colonies. The truth, deduced from all the facts, was thus pithily stated by the London (Quarterly Review, as long ago as 1840: "None of the benefits anticipated by mistaken good intentions have been realized, while every evil wishc'l for by knaves, and foreseen by the wi?e, has been painfully veritied. The wild rashness of fanaticism has made the emancipation of the slaves equivalent to the loss of one half of the West Indies, and yet put back the chance of negro civilization." — (Art. Ld. Dudley's Letters.) Such are the real fruits of your uever-to-be-too-mnch glorified abolition, and the valuable dividend of your twenty millions of pounds sterling invested therein. If any further proof was wanted of the ut- ter and well-known, thoiigh not yet openly avowed, failure of West India emancipa- tion, it would be furnished by the startling fact, that THE African slave trade has been ACTUALLY REVIVED UNDER THE AUSPICES AND PROTECTION OF THE BrITISII GOVERNMENT. Under the auspicious guise of " immigration" they are replenishing those islands with slaves from the coast of Africa. Your colony of Sierra Leone, founded on that coast to prevent the slave-trade, and peo|)led, by the by, in the first instance, by negroes stolen from the States during the Revolu- tionary war, is the depot where captives taken from slavers by your armed vessels are transported. I might say ivturned, since noai-iy half the Africans carried across the Atlantic are understood to be eml)arked in this vicinity. The wretched survivors, who are there set at liberty, are immediate- ly seduced to "immigrate" to the West Indies. Tiie business is systemalically car- ried on by black "delegates," sent expressly from the West Indies, where, on arrival, the " immigrants " are sold into slaveri/ for twenty-one years, under comlitions ridicu- lously trivial and wickedly void, since few or none will ever be able to derive any ad- vantage from them. The whole prime of life thus passed in bondage,it is contemplat- ed, and doubtless it will be carried into effect, to turn them out in their old age to shift for themselves, and to supply their places with fresh and vigorous "immi- grants." Was ever a system of slavery so bai-barous devised before ? Can you think of comparing it with ours ? Even your own religious missionaries at Sierra Leone de- nounce it "as worse than the slave state in Africa." And your black delegates, fearful of the iiifluenee of these missionaries, as well as on account of the inadequate su]>ply of captives, are now preparing to procure the able-bodied and comparatively industrious Kroomen of the interior, l)y purchasing from their head men the privilege of inveigling them to the West India market! So ends the magnificent farce — perhajis 1 .should say tragedy — of West India abolition ! 1 will not harrow your feelings by asking you to review the labors of your life, and tell me what you and your brother enthusiasts have accomplished for "injured Africa," but while agreeing with Lord Stowell, that "villeinage decayed," and admitting that slavery might do so also, I think I am fully justified by past and passing events in saying, as Mr. Grosvenor said of the slave-trade, that its abolition is "impossible." You are greatly mistaken, however, if you think that the consequences of emanci- pation here would be similar and no more injurious than those which follf>wed from it ill your little sea-girt West ludia islands, where nearly all were blacks. The system of slavery is not in " decay " with us. It flourishes in full and growing vigor. Our country is boundless in extent. Dotted here and there with villages and fields, it is for the most part covered with immense forests and swamps of almost unknown size. In such a country, with a people so restless as ours, communicating of course soiue of that spirit to tlieir domestics, can you conceive that any thing short of the j)ower of the master over the slave could confine the Afri- can race, notoriously idle and improvident, to labor on our plantations ? Break this bond but for a day, and these plantations will Ije solitudes. The negro loves change, novelty and sensual excitements of all kinds, tvhe^i awake. " Reason and order," of which Mr. Wilberforce said "liberty was the child," do not characterize him. Released from his present obligations, his first impulse would be to go somewhere. And here no natura' boundaries would restrain him. At first they would all seek the towns, and rapidly accumulate in squalid groiqis upon tlieir outskirts. Driven thence by the "armed police " which would immediately spring into existence, they would scatter in all directions. Some bodies of them might wander toward the "free" states, or to the western wilderness, marking their tracks by their depredations and their corpses. Many would roam wild in our " big woods." Many more would seek the recesses of our 56 NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. swamps for secure covert. Few, very few, of tliein coiilil be prcviiiled on to do a stroke of work, none to labor coiitinuously, while a ln-ad of cattle, sheej) or swine could be found in our ranges, or an ear of corn nod- ded in our abandoned fields. Tiiese e.xhau.sl- ed, oui- folds and poultry yards, barns and store liouses, would become their prey. Finally, our scattered dwellings would be plundered, perhaps fired, and the inmates murdered, flow long do you sup|)ose that we could bear these things? Ilow long would it be before we should sleep witii rifles at our bedsides, and never move with- out one in our hands? This work once be- gun let the story of our British ancestors and the aborigines of this country tell the sequel. Far more rapid, however, would be the catastrophe. " Kre nuiny moons went by," the African race would be exterminated, or reduced again to slavery, their ranks re- cruited, after your example, by fresh " immi- grants " from their fatherland. Is timely preparation and gradual eman- cipation suggested to avert these horrible consequences? I thought your experience in the West Indies had at least done so much as to explode that idea. . If it failed there, much more would it fail here, where the two races, approximating to equality in numbers, are daily and houily iu the closest contact. Give room but for a single spark of real jealousy to be kindled between them, and the explosion would be instantaneous and universal. It is the most fatal of all fallacies to suppose that these two races can exist together, after any length of time or any process of preparation, on terms at all ajiproaching to equality. Of this, both of them are finally and fixedly convinced. They differ essentially in all the leading traits which characterize the varieties of the human species, and color draws an indelible and insvqiernble line of sejiaration between them. Evci'v scheme founded upon the idea that they can remain together on the same soil, beyond the briefest prriod, in any other relation than precisely that which now subsists between them, is not only pre- posterous, but fraught with deepest dan- ger. If there was no alternative but to try the "experiment" here, reason and human- ity diolale that the sufferings of "gradual- ism " should be saved, and the catastrophe of " imnieligates them to mish headlong to tlie ac- compli.-hnienl of his diabolical designs. We live in a wonderful age. The events of the last thiee (juarters of a century ap- [lear to have revolutionized the human mind. Eiilei'prise f.nd ambition are only limited in their purposes by the horizon of the imagination. It is the transcendental er.a. In philosophy, religion, government, science, ai-ts, commerce, nothing that has been is to be allowed to be. Conservatism in any form is scoffed at. The slightest taint of it is fatal. Where will all this end ? If you can tolerate one ancient maxim, let it be that the best criterion of the future is the past. That, if anj' thing, will give a clue. And looking back only through your time, what was the earliest feat of this same transcendentalism ? The rays of the new moral Drummoud Light were first con- centrated to a focus at Paris, to illuminate the universe. In a twinkling it consumed the political, religious, and social systems of France. It could not be extinguished there until literally drowned in blood. And then from its ashes rose that supernatural man, who for twenty years kept affrighted Europe in convulsions. Since that time its scattered beams, refracted by broader surfaces, have nevertheless continued to scathe wherever they have fallen. "What political structure, what religious creed, but has felt the galvanic shock, and even now trembles to its ft to follow the course of your argument, and meet directly the jioints made and the terms used. I thought it better to take a general view of the sub- ject, which couhl not fail to trav<'rse your most material charges. I am well aware, however, that, for fear of being tedious, I omitted many interesting topics altogether, and abstained from a complete discussion of some of tho.se introduced. I do not pro- pose now to exhauat the subject, which it would recjniri' volumes to do; but without waiting to learn — wliieli I may never do — your o])inioii of what 1 have already said, 1 sit down to supfjly some of the deficiencies of my letter of January, and, with your cir- cular before me, to reply to such parts of it as have not been fully answered. It is, I perceive, addressed among others to "such as have never visited the south- ern states" of this confederacy, and professes to enlighten their ignorance of the actual " condition of the poor slave in their own country." I cannot help thinking you would have displayed prudence in confining the circulation of your letter altogether to such persons. You might then have indulged with impunity in giving, as j-ou have done, a picture of slavery drawn from your own excited imagination, or from those impure fountains, the Martineaus, Marryatts, Trol- lopes and Dickenses, who have profited by catering, at our expense, to the jealous sensi- bilities and debauched tastes of your country- men. Admitting that you are familiar with the history of slavery and the past discus- sions of it, as I did, I now think rather broadly, in ray former letter, what can you know of the true condition of the " poor slave " here ? I am not aware that you have ever visited this country, or even the West Indies. Can you suppose that because you have devoted your life to the investigation of the subject — commencing it under the in- fluence of an enthusiasm so melancholy at first and so volcanic afterward as to be noth- ing short of hallucination ; pursuing it as men of one idea do every thing, with the single purpose of establishing your own view of it; gathering your information from discharged seamen, disappointed speculators, factious politicians, visionary reformers and scurrilous tourists ; opening your ears to every species of complaint, exaggeration and falsehood that interested ingenuityeould invent, and never for a moment questioning the truth of any thing that could make for your cause — can you suppose that all this has qualified you, living the while in Eng- land, to form or npjiroximate toward the formation of a correct opinion of the con- dition of slaves among us ? I know the power of self-delusion. I have not the least 1 doubt that you think yourself the very best 17 258 KEGRO SLA\-ERy AT THE SOUTH. informed rann alive on this subject, and that many think so likewise. So far as facts go, even after deducting from your list a great deal that is not fact, I will not deny that probably your collection is the most extensive in existence. But as to the trutli in rciinrd to slavery, there is not an adult in this region but knows more of it than you do. Truth and/at'< are, you are aware, by no means synonymous terms. Ninety- nine facts may constitute a falsehood : the hundredth, added -or alone, gives the truth. With all your knowledge of facts, 1 under- take to say that you are entirely and grossly ignorant of the real condition of our slaves. And from all that I can see, you are equally ignorant of the essential principles of human association revealed in history, both sacred and profane, on which slavery rests, and which will perpetuate it for ever in some form or other. However you may declaim against it ; however powerfully you may array atrocious incidents ; whatever appeals you may make to the heated imaginations and tender sensibilities of mankind — believe me, your total blindness to the ivhole truth, which alone constitutes the truth, incapa- citates you from ever making an impression on the sober reason and sound common sense of the world. You may seduce thousands — you can convince no one. "Whenever and wherever you or the advocates of your cause can arouse the passions of the weak- minded and the ignorant, and, bringing to bear with them tlie interests of the vicious and unprincipled, overwhelm common sense and reason — as God sometimes permits to be done — you may triumph. Such a tri- umph we have witnessed in Great Britain. But I trust it is far distant here : nor can it from its nature be extensive or enduring, j Other classes of reformers, animated by the same spirit as the abolitionists, attack the institution of marriage, and even the estab- lished relations of parent and child. And they collect instances of barbarous crueltv and shocking degradation which rival, if they do not throw into the shade, your slavery statistics. But the rights of mar- riage and parental authority rest upon truths as obvious as they are unchangeable — coming home to every human being, self- impressed for ever on the individual mind, and cannot be shaken until the whole man is corrupted, nor subverted until civili/ed society becomes a putrid mass. Domestic slavery is not so universally understood, nor can it make such a direct appeal to indi- viduals or society beyond its pale. Here, prejudice and passion have room to sport at the expense of others. They may be excited and urged to dangerous action, remote from the victims they mark out. They may, as they have done, effect great mischief, but they cannot be made to maintain, in the long run, dominion over reason and common sense, nor ultimately put down what God has ordained. Yon deny, however, that slavery is sanc- tioned by God, and your chief argument is, that when lie gave to Adam dominion over the fruits of the earth and the animal crea- tion, he stopped there. " lie never gave him any further right over his fellow-men." You restrict the descendants of Adam to a very short list of rights and powers, duties and responsibilities, if you limit them solely to those conferred and enjoined in tlie first chapter of Genesis. It is very obvious that in this narrative of the creation, Moses did not have it in view to record any part of the Law intended for the government of man in his social or political state. Evo was not yet created; the expulsion had not' yet taken place ; Cain was unborn ; and no allusion whatever is made to the manifold decrees of God to which these events gave rise. The only serious answer this argu- ment deserves is to say, what is so mani- festly true, that God's not expressly giving to Adam " any right over his fellow-men " by no means excluded him from conferring that right on liis descendants ; wicli he in fact did. "We know that Abraham, the chosen one of God, exercised it and held property in his fellow-man, even anterior to the period when property in land was acknowledged. We might infer that God had authorized it. But we are not reduced to inference or conjecture. At the hazard of fatiguing you by repetition, I will again refer you to the ordinances of the Scriptures. Innumerable instances might be quoted where God has given and commanded men to assume dominion over their fellow-men ; but one will suffice. In the twenty-fifth chapter of Leviticus you will find Domestic Slaverji — precisely such as is maintained at this dcnj in these states — ordained and estab- lished hj God, in language jrhich I defij i/ou to pervert so as to leave a doubt on any honest mind that this institution was founded by him and decreed to be perpetual. I quote the words : Leviticus xxv. 44-46 : " Both thy bond- men and thy bond-maids which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen (Africans) that are round about you: of them ye shall buy bondmen and bondmaids. "Moreover, of the children of the stran- gers that do sojourn among you, of them shall 3'e buy, and of their faynilies that arc loith you which they begat i7i your landy (de- scendants of Africans ?) and they shall be your possession. '^ And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to inherit them for a possession. They shall be your bond- men FOU KVEll." What human legislature could make a ^•EGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. ^S9 decree more full and explicit than this ? What court of law or chancery could defeat a title to a slave coached in terms so clear and complete as these ? And this is the Law of God, whom yon pretend to worship, while you denounce and traduce us for re- specting it. It seems scarcely credible, but the fact is so, that you deny this law so plainly writ- ten, and in the face of it have the hardi- hood to declare that, " though slavery is not specifically, yet it is virtuallt/ forbidde7i in the Scri])tures, because all the crimes which necessarily arise out of slaverj*, and which can arise from no other source, are repro- bated there and threatened with divine ven- geance." Such an unworthy subterfuge is scarcely entitled to consideration. But its gross absurdity may be exposed in few words. I do not know what crimes you particularly allude to as arising from slavery. But you will, perhaps, admit — not because they are denounced in the deca- logue, which the abolitionists respect only 60 far as they choose, but because it is the immediate interest of most men to admit — that disobedience to parents, adultery, and stealing, are crimes. Yet these crimes " necessarily arise from " the relations of parent and child, marriage, and the posses- sion of private property ; at least they " can arise from no other sources. " Then, ac- cording to your argument, it is " virtually forbidden " to marry, to beget children, and to hold private property 1 Nay, it is for- bidden to live, since murder can only be perpetrated on living subjects. You add that " in the same way the gladiatorial shows of old, and other barbarous customs, were not specifically forbidden in the New Tes- timent, and yet Christianity was the sole means of their suppression." This is very true. But these shows and barbarous customs, thus suppressed, were not author- ized by God. They were not ordained and commanded by God for the benefit of his chosen people and mankind, as the purchase and holding of bondmen and bondmaids were. Had they been, they would never have been " suppressed by Christianity," any more than slavery can be by your party. Although Christ came " not to destroy but fulfil the Law," he nevertheless did form- ally abrogate some of the ordinances pro- mulgated by Moses, and all such as were at war with his mission of " peace and good- will on earth." He "specifically" annuls, for instance, one "barbarous custom," sanc- tioned by those ordinances, where he says^: " Ye have heard that it hath been said, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth ; but I say unto you that ye resist not evil, but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also." Now, in the time of Christ, it waa usual for mas- ters to put their slaves to death on the slightest provocation. They even killed and cut them up to feed their fishes, lie was undoubtedly aware of these things, as well as of the law and commandment I have quo- ted, lie could'only have been restrained from denouncing them as he did the " lex talionis," because he knew that in despite of these barbarities the institution of slavery was at the bottom a sound and wholesome as well as lawful one. Certain it is, that in his wis- dom and purity he did not see proper to interfere with it In your wisdom, however, you make the sacrilegious attempt to over- throw it. You quote the denunciation of Tyre and Sidon, and say that "the chief reason given by the prophet Joel for their destruction was, that they were notorious beyond all others for carrying on the slave trade." I am afraid you think we have no Bibles in the slave states, or that we are unable to read them. I cannot otherwise account for yoiu' making this reference, unless, indeed, your own reading is confined to an expur- gated edition, prepared for the use of abo- litionists, in which every thing relating to slavery that militates against their view of it is left out. The prophet Joel denounces the Tyrians and Sidonians because "The children also of Judah and the children of Jerusalem have ye sold unto the Grecians." And what is the Divine vengeance for this " notorious slave-trading V Hear it : "And I will sell your sons and daughters into the hands of the children of Judah, and they shall sell them to the Sabeans, to a people far off: for the Lord hath spoken it." Do you call this a condemnation of slave- trading? The prophet makes God him- self a participator in the crime, if that be one. " The Lord hath spoken it," he says, that the Tyrians and Sidonians shall be sold into slavery to strangers. Their real offense was in enslaving the chosen people ; and their sentence was a repetition of the old command, to make slaves of the " hea- then round about." I have dwelt upon your scriptural argu- ment because you profess to believe the Bible ; because a large porportion of the abolitionists profess to do the same, and to act under its sanction ; because your circu- lar is addressed in part to " professing Christians ;" and because it is from that class, mainly, that you expect to seduce converts to your anti-Christian, I may say, infidel doctrines. It would be wholly un- necessary to answer you to any one who reads the Scriptures for himself, and con- strues them according to any other formula than that which the abolitionists are wicked- ly endeavoring to impose upon the world. The scriptural sanction of slavery is, in fact, 80 palpable and eo strong, that both wings of 260 KEGRO SLAVEnv AT THE SOrXH. your party are beginninj^ to acknowledge it i The more seiuible and moderate admit, as the organ of the Free Churcli of Scotland, the North British llcview, has lately done, that they " arc precluded by the statements and conduct of the apostles from regarding mere slavehohiing as cssentialli/ sinful ;" while the desperate and reckless, who arc bent on keep- ing up the agitation at every hazard, declare, as has been done in the Anti-Slavery Record, " If our incjuiry turns out in favor of slavery, rr IS THE Bible that jrusT fall, and not the EIGHTS OF HUMAN NATURE." YoU Cannot, I am satisfied, much longer maintain before the world the Cinistian platform, from which to wage war upon our institutions. Driven from it, you must abandon the contest; or repudi- ating Revelation, rush into the horrors of NATURAL RELIGION. You next complain, that our slaves are kept in bondage by the " law of force." In what country or condition of mankind do you see human affairs regulated merely by the law of love ? Unless I am greatly mistaken, you will, if you look over the world, find nearly all certain and permanent rights, civil, social, and, I may even add, religious, resting on, and ultimately secured by, the " law of force." The power of majorities — of aristo- cracies — of kings — nay, of priests, for the most part, and of property, resolves itself, at last, into '• force," and could not otherwise be long maintained. Thus, in every turn of your ar- gument against our system of slavery, you advance, whether conscious of it or not, radi- cal and revolutionary doctrines calculated to change the whole face of the world, to over- throw all government, disorganize society, and reduce man to a state of nature — red with blood, and shrouded once more in barbaric ignorance. But you greatly err, if you sup- pose, because we rely on force, in the last resort, to maintain our supremacy over our slaves, that ours is astern and unfeeling dom- ination at all to be compared in hard-hearted severity to that exercised, not over the mere laborer only, but by the higher over each lower order, wherever the British sway is acknowledged. You siiy, that if those you address were "to spend one day in the south, they would return home with impressions against slavery never to be erased." But the fact is universally the reverse. I have known numerous instances, and I never knew of a singh; one, where there was no other cause of offense and no object to promote by falsehood, that individuals from the non-slavehokling states did not, after residing among us long enough to understand the subject, " return home" to defend our slavery. It is matter of regret that you have never tried tiie experi- ment yourself. I do not doubt that you would have been converted, for I give you credit for an honest though perverted mind. You would have seen how weak and futile is all abstract reasoning about this matter, and that, as a building may not be less elegant in its pro- portions, or tasteful in its ornaments or vir- tuous in its uses, for being based upon granite, so a system of human government, though founded on force, may develop and cultivate the tenderest and purest sentiments of the human heart. And our patriarchal scheme of domestic servitude is indeed well calculated to awaken the higher and finer feelings of our nature. It is not wanting in its enthu- siasm and its poetry. Tlie relations of the most beloved and honored chief, and the most faithful and admiring subjects, which, from the time of Homer, have been the theme of song, are frigid and unfelt compared with those existing between the master and his slaves — who served his father, and rockeil his cradle, or have been born to his liousehold, and look forward to serve his children ; who have been through life the props of his fortune and the objects of his care ; who have partaken of his griefs, and looked to him for comfort in their own ; whose sickness he has so frequently watched over and relieved ■; whose holiilays he has so often made joyous by his bounties and his presence ; for whose welfare when absent his anxious solicitude never ceases, and whose hearty aud afTection- ate greetings never fail to welcome him home. In this cold, calculating, ambitious world of ours, there are few ties more heartfelt, or of more benignant influence, than those Avhich mutually bind the master and the slave, un- der our ancient system, handed down from the Father of Israel. The unholy purpose of the abolitionists is to destroy by defiling it; to infuse into it the gall and bitterness wiiicb rankle in their own envenomed bosoms ; to poison the minds of the master and the ser- vant, turn love to hatred, array "force" against force, and hurl all, " With hideous ruin and rombuslion, down To hotloinless perdition."' You think it a great " crime" that we do not pay our slaves " wages," and on this account pronounce us " rcjbbers."' In my foririer let- tor I showed that the labor of our slaves was \ not without great cost to us, and that, in fact, they tliemselves receive more in return for it than your hirelings do for theirs. For what purpose do men labor, but to suppint them- selves and their families in what comfort they arc able ? The efforts of mere jiliysical labor seldom suffice to provide more than a liveli- hood. Ami it is a well-known and shocking fact, that while few operatives in (rreat Brit- ain succeed in securing a comfortuble living, the greater part tlrag out a miserable exist- ence, aud sink at last under absolute want. Of what avail is it that you go through the form of paying them a pittance of what you call " wages," wluii you do not, in return for their services, allow them what alone they NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTII. 261 ask, and hfive a just right to demaiul— enough to feed, clothe, and lotlge them, in health and sickness, with reasonable comfort ? Though we do not give " wages" in moneif, we do this for ortr s/ai'rx, and they are, therefore, bettor rewarded than i/oiir.'!. It is the prevailing vice and error of the age. and one from which the abolitionists, with all their saintly pretensions, are far from being free, to bring every thing to the standard of money. They make gold and silver the great test of happiness. The Anier- erican slave must be wretched indeed, because he is not compensated for his services ?« cash. It is altogether praiseworthy to pay the la- borer a shilling a day and let him starve on it. To suppl}' all his wants abundantly, and at all times, yet withhold from him nionei/, is among " the most reprobated crimes." The fact cannot be denied, that the mere laborer is now, and always has been, everywhere that barbarism ha=i ceased, enslaved. Among the innovations of modern times, following " the decay of villeinage," has been the creation of a new system of slavery. The piimitive and patriarchal, which may also be called the sa- cred and natural system, in whicli the laborer is under the personal control of a fellow-being, endowed with the sentiments and sympathies of humanity, exists among us. It has been almost everywhere else superseded by the modern artificial movei/-power systan, in which man, his thews and sinews, his hopes and affections, his very being, are all subjected to the dominion of Capital — a monster without a heart— ^cold, stern, arithmetical — sticking to the bond — taking ever " the pound of fli'sh" — working up human life with engines, and retail- ing it out by weight and measure. His name of old was " Mammon, the least erected spirit that fell from heaven." And it is to extend his empire, that you and your deluded coad- jutors dedicate your lives. You are stirring up mankind to overthrow our heaven-ordained system of servitude, surrounded by innumer able checks, designed and planted deep in the hmnan heart bj'Ood and nature, to substitute the absolute rale of this "spirit reprobate," whose proper place was hell. You charge us with looking on our slaves "as chattels or brutes," and enter into a somewhat elaborate argument to prove that they have " human forms," " talk," and even " think." Now the fiict is, that however you raay indulge in this strain for effect, it is the abolitionists, and not the slaveholders, who, practically, and in the most important poitit of view, regard our slaves as " chattels or brutes." In your calculations of the conse- quences of emancipation, you pass over entire- ly those which must prove most serious, and which arise from the fact of their being per- SJDiis. You appear to think that wo might abstain from the use of them as readily as if they were machines to be laid aside, or cattle .that might be turned out to find pasturage for themselves. I have, heretofore, glanced at .'ome of the results that would follow from breaking the bonds of so many human beings now peacefully and happily linked into our social system. Tlu^ tragic horrors, the decay and ruin that would for years, perhaps for ages, brood over our land, if it could be ac- complished, I will not attempt to portray. But do you fancy the blight would, in such an event, come to us alone ? The diminution of the sugar crop of the West Indies affected Great Britain onh', and there, chiefly the poor. It was a matter of no moment to capi- tal, that labor should have one comfort less. Yet it has forced a reduction of the British duty on sugar. Who can estimate the conse- quences that must follow the annihilation of the cotton crop of the slaveholding states ? I do not undervalue the importance of other articles of commerce, but no calamity could befall the world, at all comparable to the sudden loss of two millions of bales of cotton annually. From the deserts of Africa to the Siberian wilds — from Greenland to the Chi- nese wall — there is not a spot of eai'th but would feel the sensation. The factories of Europe would fall with a concussion tliat would shake down castles, palaces, and even thrones ; while the " purse-proud, elbowing insolence" of our northern monopolists would disappear forever under the smooth speech of ■ the pedlar, scouring our frontiers for a live- lihood, or the bluff vulgarity of the South Sea whaler, following the harpoon amid storms and shoals. Doubtless, the abolitionists think we could grow cotton without slaves, or that, at worst, the reduction of the crop would be moderate and temporary. Such gross delu- sions show how profoundly ignorant they are of our condition here. You declare that "the character of the people of the south has long been that of hardened injidcls, who fear not God and have no regard for religion." I will not repeat what I said in my former letter on this point, I only notice it to ask you how you could possibly reconcile it to your profession of a Christian spirit, to make such a malicious charge — to defile your soul with such a cal- umny against an unoffending people ? " You are old ; Nature, in you, stands on (ho very verge Of her conlin(\ You should be ruled and led By some ditsf rcUou." May God forgive yoiL Akin to this, is the wanton and furions as- sault made on vis by Mr. Macaulay, in his late ! speech on the sugar duties in the House of Commons, which has just reached me. His de- nunciations are wholly without measure, and, among other things, he asserts that " Slavery in the United States wears its worst form ; that, boasting of our civilization and freedom, and frequenting Christian churches, we breed 262 NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. up slaves — nay, beget children for slaves, and sell them at so much a head." Mr. Macaulay is a reviewer, and lie knows that lie is " no- thinij if not critical." The practice of his trade ha.^ given liini the command of all the slashing and vituperative phra?es of our lan- guage, and the turn of his mind leads him to the habitual use of them. He is an author, and as no copyright law secures for him from this country a consideration for his writ- ings, he is not only independent of us, but naturally hates every thing American. He is the representative of Edinburgh : it is his cue to decry our slavery, and, in doing so, he may safely indulge the malignity of his temper, his indignation against us, and his capacity for railing. He has suffered once, for being in advance of his time in favor of abolition, and be does not intend that it shall be forgotten, or his claim passed over to any crumb which may now be thrown to the vociferators in the cause. If he does not know that the state- ments he has made respecting the slaveholders of this country are vile and atrocious false- hoods, it is because he does not think it worth his while to be sure he speaks the truth, so that he speaks to his owu purpose. " Hie uiger est, huuc tu Romano cavoto." Such exhibitions as he has made may draw the applause of a British House of Commons, but, among the sound and high minded think- ers of the world, they can only excite contempt and disgust. But you are not content with depriving us of all religious feelings. You assert that our slavery has also "demoralized the northern states," and charge upon it, not only every common violation of good order there, but tlie " Mormon murders," the " Pliiladelphia riots," and all " the exterminating wars against the Indians." I wonder that you did not increase the list by adding that it had caused the re- cent inundation of the Mississippi, and the hurricane in the West Indies — pcrhai>s the insurrection of Rebecca, and the war in Sciude. Tou refer to the law prohilnting the trans- mission' of abolition publications through the mail as a proof of general corruption. You could not do so, however, witliout noticing the late detected espionage over tlie British post- ofRce by a Minister of State. It is true, as you say, it " occasioned a general outburst of national feeling," from the opjwsitiou ; and a "parliamentary inquiry was instituted," that is, moved, but treated quite cavalierly. At all events, though the fact was admilted. Sir Janxes Graham yet retains the Home De- partment. For one, I cannot undertake to condemn him. Such things are not against I the laws and usages of your country. I do not know fully wliat reasons of state may have influenced him and justified his conduct. But I do know that there is a vast difference in point of " national morality," between the discretionary power, residing in your govern- ment, to open any letter in the public post- oflSce, and a well-defined and limited law to prevent the circulation of certain specified incendiary writings by means of the United States mail. Having now referred to every thing like argument on the subject of slavery, that is worthy of notice, in your letter, peiTnit me to remark on its tone and style, and very extra- ordinary bearing upon other institutions of this country. Y'ou commence, by addressing certain classes of our people as belonging to " a nation whose character is 7iow so low in the estimation of the civilized world" — and, throughout, you maintain this tone. Did the Americans who were " under your roof last summer," inform you that such language would be gratifying to their fellow-citizens " having no practical concern with slavehold- ing" ? Or do the infamous libels on America which you read in our abolition papers, in- duce you to believe that all that class of peo pie are, like the abolitionists themselves, totally destitute of patriotism or pride of country? Let me tell you that you are grossly deceived. And, although your stock- brokers and other speculators, who have been bitten in American ventures, may have raised a stunning " cry" against us in England, there is a vast body of people here, besides slave- holders, who justly " Deem their own land of every land the pride, Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside ;'* and who know that, at this moment, we rank among the first powers of the world — a posi - tion which we not only claim, but are always ready and able to maintain. Tlie style you assume in addressing your northern friends is in perfect keeping with your apparent estimation of them. Though I should be tlielast,perhap, to criticise mere style, I could net but be struck with the ex- tremely simple manner of your letter. You seem to have thouglit you were writing a tract for benighted heathen, and telling won- ders never before suggested to their imagina- tion, and so far above their untutored com- prehension, as to require to be related in the primitive language of " the child's own book." This is suHicienlly amusing; and would be more so but for the coarse and bitter epithets you continually apply to the poor slaveholders — epithets wiiicii apjx^ar to be stereotyped for the use of abolitionists, and which form a large and material jiart of all their arguments. But perhaps the niost extraordinary part of your letter is your bold denunciation of " the shameful compromises" of our constitution, and your earnest recommendation to those you address to overtlirow or revolutionize it. In so many words you say to them, " Yoitmust cither separate yourselves from all political connection with the south, and make your own NEGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. 263* laws ; or, if you do not choose such a separa tion, you must break up the political ascend- e cxf which the southern have hail for so lour/ a time over the northern states." The itahcs in this, as in all olber quotations, are your own. It is WL'U for tiiose who circulate your letter here, tliat Uie constitution you denounce requires an overt act to constitute treason. It may be tolerated for an American by birth to use, on liis own soil, the freedom of speaking and writing which is guaranteed to him, and abuse our constitution, our Union, and our people. But that a foreigner should use such seditious language, in a circular letter aildress- ed to a portion of the American people, is a presumption well calculated to excite the in- dignation of all. The party known iu this country as the abolition party has long since avowed the sentiments you express, and adopted the policy you enjoin. At the recent presidential election they gave over sixty-two thousand votes for their own candidate, and held the balance of power in two of the lar- gest states — wanting but little of doing it in several others. In the last four years their vote has quadrupled. Should the infatuation continue and tlinir vote increase in the same ratio in the next four years, it will be as large as the vote of the actual slaveholders of the Union. Such a prospect is doubtless extremely gratifying to you. It gives hope of a contest on such terms as may insure the downfell of slavery or our constitution. The south vene- rates the constitution, and is prepared to stand by it for ever, such as it came from the hands of our fathers ; to risk everything to defend and maintain it in its integrity. But the south is under no such delusion as to believe that it derives any peculiar protection from the Union. On the contrary, it is well known we incur peculiar danger, and that we bear far more than our proportion of the burdens. The apprehension is also f:\st fading away that any of the dreadful consequences com- monly predicted will necessarily result from a separation of the .states. And come what mag, we are firmly resolved that our system of DOMESTIC SLAVERY SHALL STAND. The fate of the Union then — but, thank God, not of re- publican government — rests mainly in the hands of the people to whom your letter is addressed — the " professing Christians of the northern states having no concern with slaveholding," and whom with incendiary zeal you are endeavoring to stir up to strife — with- out which fanaticism can neither live, move, nor have any being. We have often been taunted for our sensi- tiveness in regard to the diseussion of slavery. Do not suppose it is because we have any doubts of our rights, or scruples about as.9ert- ing them. There was a time when such doubts and scruples were entertiiined. Our ancestors opposed the introduction of slaves into this country, and a feeling adverse to it was handed down from them. The enthusi- astic love of liberty fostered by our revolution strengthened this feeling. And before the commencement of the abolition agitation here, it was the common sentiment that it was desirable to get rid of slavery. Many thought it our duty to do so. When that agitation arose we were driven to a close examination of the subject in all its bearings, and the result has been universal conviction that in holding slaves we violate no law of God — inflict no injustice on any of his creatures — while the terrible consequences of emancipation to all parties and the world at large, clearly revealed to us, make us shudder at the bare thought of it. The slaveholders are therefore indebted to the abolitionists for perfect ease of con- science, and the satisfaction of a settled and unanimous deterniiiiation in reference to this matter. And could their agitation cease now, I believe, after all, the good would preponder- ate over the evil of it in this country. On the contrary, however, it is uri,'ed on with frantic violence, and the abolitionists, reasoning in the abstract, as if it were a mere moral or meta- physical speculation, or a minor question in politics, profess to be surprised at our exas- peration. In their ignorance and recklessness they seem to be unable to comprehend our feelings or position. The subversion of our rights, the destiuction of our property, the disturbance of our peace, and the peace of the world, are matters which do not appear to arrest their consideration. When revolution- ary France proclaimed " Hatred to Kings and unity to the Republic," and inscribed on her banners, " France risen against tyrants," she professed to be worshipping " abstract rights." And if there can be such things, perhaps she was. Yet all Europe rose to put her sublime theories down. Tiiey declared her an enemy to the common peace ; that her doctrines alone violated the " law of neighborhood," and, as Mr. Burke said, justly entitled them to anti- cipate the " daminnn nondum factum" of the civil law. Danton, Barrere, and the rest, were apparently astonished that umbrage .should be taken. The parallel between them and the abolitionists holds good in all respects. The rise and progress of this fanaticism is one of the phenomena of the age in which we live. I do not intend to repeat what I have already said, or to trace its career more mi- nutely at present. But the legislation of Great Britain will make it historical and doubtless you must feel some curiosity to know how it will figure on the page of the annalist. I think I can tell you. Though I have accorded, and do accord, to j-ou and your party great influence in bringing about the parliamentary action of your country, you must not expect to go down to posteiity as the only cause of it. Though you trace the progenitors of abtJition from loltj through a long stream, with divers branches, down to 264 >'EGRO SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH. the period of its triumph in your country, it has not escaped contemporaries, and will not escape posterity, tliat Enu;lund, without much effort, sustained the storm of its scoffs and threats until the moment arrived when she thought her colonies fully supplied with Afri cans ; and declared against the slave-trade only when she deemed it unnecessary to her, and when her colonies, full of slaves, would have great advantages over others not so well provided. Nor did she agree to West India emancipation until, discovering the error of her previous calculation, it became an ob- ject to have slaves free throughout the western world, and on the ruins of the sugar and cotton growers of America and the Islands, to build up her great slave empire in the East ; while her indefatigable exertions, still contiuueJ, to engi'aft the right of search upon the law of na- tions, on the plea of putting an end to the forever increasmg slave-trade, are well under- stood to have chiefly in view the complete estal)lishment of her supremacy at sea. On these points let me recommend you to consult a very able Essay en the Slave-trade and Right of Search by M. Jollivet, recently pub- lished ; and as you say, since writing your circular letter, that you " burn to try your hand on anotlier little essay if a subject could be found," I propose to you to '"try" to an- swer this question, put by M. Jollivet to Eng land: '' Pourquoi sa phil aidliropic iia pas dau/ne, jusgu'd present, doubler le cap de Bon- ne-Esperance !'' Nor must you fl itter your- self tliat your party will deiive historic dig- nity from the names of the illustrious British statesmen who have acted with it. Their country's ends were theirs. They have stoop ed to use you, as the most illustrious men will sometimes use the vilest instruments, to accomplish their own purposes. A few philanthropic common-places and rhetorical flourishes, " in the abstract," have secin-ed them your " sweet voices" and your influence over the tribe of mawkish sentimentalists. Wilberforcc may have been yours, but what W!ia he be.sides but a wealthy county mem- ber ? You must therefore expect to stand on your own merits alone before posterity, or rather that portion of it that may be curious to trace the history of the delusions which from time to time pass over the surface of human affairs, and who may tmuble them selves to look throiiLcli the ramifications of transcendentalism in this era of extravagances. And liow do you expect to appear in tlieir eyes? As Christians, piously endeavoring to enforce the will of (iod and carry out tiie principles of Christianity 1 Certainly not ; since you deny or pervert the Scriptures in the doctrines you advance, and in your con- duct furnish a glaring contrast to tiie examjiles of Christ and the apostles. As phihintlncj- pists devoting yourselves to the cause of hu- mauity, relieving the needy, comforting the afflicted, creating peace and gladness and plenty round about you ? Certainly not ; since you turn from the needy, the afflicted ; from strife, sorrow, and starvation which sur- round you ; close your eyes and hands upon them ; shut out from your thoughts and feel- ings the human misery which is real tangible, and within your reach, to indulge your morbid imagination in conjuring up woes and wants among a strange people in distant lands, and offering them succor in the shape of costless denunciations of their best friends, or by scat- tering among them " fire-brands, arrows, and death." Such folly and madness — such wild mockery and base imposture-^can never win for you, in the sober judgm.cnt of future times, the name of philanthropists. Will you even be regarded as worthy citizens? Scarcely, when tiie purposes you liave in view can only be achieved by revolutionizing governments and overturning social systems, and when you do not hesitate zealously aud earnestly to re- c^immend such measures. Be ajvsured, then, that posterity will not regard the abolitionists as Christians, philanthropists, or virtuous citi- zens. It will, 1 have no doubt, look upon the mass of the party as silly enthusiasts, led away by designing characters, as is the case with all parties that break from the great, acknowledged ties which bind civilized man in fellowship. The leaders themselves will be regarded as mere ambitions men; not tak- ing rank with those whose ambition is " eagle- winged and sky-aspiring," but belonging to that mean and selflsh class who are instigated by "rival-hating envy," and whose base tiiirst is for notoriclfi ; who cloak their de- signs under vile aud impious hyjiocrisies, and, unable to shine in higher spheres, devote themselves to fiuiaticism as a trade. And it will be perceived that, even in that, they shunned the highest walk. Religious fanati- cism was as old establi.shed vocation, in which something brilliant was required to attract attention. They could not be George Foxes, nor Joanna Southcotes, uor even Joe Smiths. But the dullest pretender could discourse a jumble of pious bigotry, natural rights, and drivelling philanthropy ; aud, addressing himself to aged folly and youthful vanity, to ancient women, to ill-gotten wealth, to the reckless of all classes who love excitement and change, otfer all the cheajiest and the safest glory in the market. Hence, their numbers; and, from number and clamor, what impression they have made on tlie world. Such I am persuaded is the light in which the aiiolitionisis will be viewed by the pos- terity their history may reach. Unless, indeed — wliich God forbid — circumstances should so favor as to enable them to jiroduce a convul- sion which may elevate them higher on the '• bad eminence" where they have placed themselves. NEGRO SLAVERY MR, CALIIOUN'S LETTER. 265 NEGRO SLAVERY. — Mr. Calhouk's ' that the policy on the part of those powers Letter to Ma. Kixu. British Movemk.nts whicli would acquiesce in a measure so IN Texas; Heu Emancii'atidx Schemes and ^ stronj^ly desired by both the United States THEIR Failure; Her Policy i.n regard to and Texas, for their mutual welfiire and Slavery. i safety, as the annexation of the latter to the ! former, would be far more promotive of these Department of State, ) Waxlihir/t07i, Aicffttst 12, 1844. ) Sir: — I have laid your dispatch, No. 1, be- fore the President, who instructs me to make known to you tliat he has read it with plea- sure, especially the portion which relates to fjreat objects than that which would attempt to resist it. It is impossible to cast a look at the map of the United States and Texas, and to note the Ion?, artificial, and inconvenient line which divides them, and then to take into your cordial reception by the king, and his as- consideration the extraordinary increase of suranceof friendly feelings toward the United , population and growth of the former, and the States. The President, in particular, highly ! source from which the latter must derive its appreciates the declaration of the king, that, injiabitants, institutions and laws, without in no event, would any steps be taken by his : coming to the conclusion that it is their des- government in the slightest degree hostile, or i tiny to be united, and, of course, that annex- which would give to the United States just ation is merely a question of time and mode. cause of complaint It was the more grati- j Thus regarded, the question to be decided fying from the fact, that our previous inform- ation was calculated to make thAmpression that the government of France was prepared would seem to be, whether it would not be better to permit it to be done now, with the mutual consent of both parties, and the ac- to unite with Great Britain in a joint protest . quiescence of these powers, than to attempt against the annexation of Texas, and a joint j to resist and defeat it. If the former course effort to induce her government to withdraw her proposition to annex, on condition that Mexico should bo made to acknowledge her independence. He is happy to infer from be adopted, the certain fruits would be the preservation of peace, great extension of com- merce by the rapid settlement and improve- ment of Texas, and increased security, espe- your dispatch, that the information, as far as ' cially to Mexico. The last, in reference to it relates to France, is, in all probability, I Mexico, may be doubted ; but I hold it not without foundation. You tiid not go further than you ought in assuring the king that the object of annexation would be pursued with less clear than the other two. It would be a great mistake to suppose that this government has any hostile feelings unabated vigor, and in giving your opinion , towards Mexico, or any disposition to aggran that a decided majority of the American peo- ple were in its favor, and that it would cer- tiiinly be annexed at no distant day. I feel confident that your anticipation will be fully realized at no distant period. Every day will tend to weaken that combination of po- litical causes which led to the opposition of the measure, and to strengthen the conviction that it was not only expedient, but just and necessary. You were right in making the distinction between the interests of France and England, in reference to Texas — or rather, I would say, the apparent interests of the two coun- tries. France cannot possibly have any other than commercial interest in desiring to see her presei-ve her separate independence ; dize itself at her expense. The fact is the very reverse. It wishes her well, and desires to see her settled down in peace and security; and is prepared, in the event of the annexation of Texas, if not forced into conflict with her, to propose to settle with her the question of boundary, and all others growing out of the annexation, on the most liberal terms. Na- ture herself has clearly marked the boundary between her and Texas by natural limits too stroug to be mistaken. There are few coun- tries whose limits are so distinctly marked ; and it would be our desire, if Texas should be united to us, to see them firmly established, as the most certain means of establishing per- manent peace between the two countries, and while it is certain that England looks beyond j strengthening and cementing their friendship, to political interests, to which she apparently Such would be the certain consequence of per- attaches much importance. But, in our mitting the annexation to take place now, opinion, the interest of both against the mea- with the acquiescence of Mexico; but very sure is more apparent than real ; and that different would be the case if it should be neither France, England, nor even Mexico ; attempted to resist and defeat it, whether the herself, has any in opposition to it, when the subject is fairly viewed and considered in its whole extent and in all its bearings. Thus viewed and considered, and assuming that peace, the extension of commerce, and secu- rity, are objects of primary policy witli them, it may, as it seems to me, be readily shown attempt should be successful for the present or not. Any attempt of the kind would, not improbably, lead to a conflict between us and Mexico, and involve consequences, in reference to her and the general peace, long to be de- plored on all sides, and difiicult to be repaired. But skould that not be the case, and the in- 266 NEGRO SLA\-ERV MR. CALHOUn's LETTER. terference of another power defeat the annex- ation for the present, without the interruption of peace, it would but postpone the conflict, and render it more fierce and bloody whenever it might occur. Its defeat would be attributed to enmity and ambition on the part of tliat power by whose interference it was occasioned, and excite deep jealousy and resentment on the part of our people, who would be ready to seize the first favorable opportunity to effect by force, wliat was prevented from being done peaceably by mutual consent. It is not diflicult to see how greatly such a con- flict, come when it might, would endanger the general peace, and how much Mexico might be the loser by it. In the mean time, the condition of Texas would be rendered uncertain, her settlement and prosperity in consequence retarded, and her commerce crijjpled, while tlie general peace would be rendered much more inse- cure. It could not but greatly affect us. If the annexation of Texas should bo permitted to take place peaceably now, (as it would, without the interference of other powers,) the energies of om- people would, for a long time to come, be directed to the peaceable pursuits of redeeming, and bringing within the pale of cultivation, improvements and civilization, that large portion of the continent lying be- tween Mexico on one side, and the British possessions on the other, which is now, with little exception, a wilderness with a sparse population, consisting, for the most part, of wandering Indian tribes. It is our destiny to occupy that vast region ; to intersect it with roads and canals ; to fill it with cities, towns, villages and farms ; to ex- tend over it our religion, customs, constitution and laws; and to present it as a peaceful and splendid addition to the domains of commerce and civilization. It is our jiolicy to increase, by growing and spreading out into unoccu- pied regions, assimilating all we incorporate: in a word, to increase by accretion, and not, through conquest, by the addition of masses held together by the cohesion of force. No system can be more unsuited to the latter process, or better adapted to the former, than our admirable federal system. If it should not be resisted in its course, it will probably fulfil its destiny without disturbing our neighbors, or putting in jeopardy the general peace ; but if it be opposed by foreign inter- ference, a new direction would be given to our energy, much less favorable to harmony with our neighbors, and to the general peace of the world. The change would be undesirable to us, and much less in accordance with what I have assumed to be primary objects of j)i)licy on the part of France, England, and Mexico. But, to descend to particulars: it is certain that while England, like France, desires the independence of Texas, with the view to com- mercial connections ; it is not less so, that one of the leading motives of England for desiring it is the hope that, through her diplomacy and influence, lU'gro slavery may be abolished there, and ultimately, by consequence, in the United States, and throughout the whole of this continent. J'hat its ultimate abolition throughout the entire continent is an object ai"dently desired by her, we have decisive proof in the declaration of the Earl of Aber- deen, delivered to this department, and of which you will find a copy among the docu- ments transmitted to Congress with the Texan treaty. That she desires its abolition in Texas, and has used her influence and diplomacy to effect it there, tlie same document, with the correspondence of this department with Mr. Pakenham, also to be found among the docu- ments, furnishes proof not less conclusive. That one of the objects of abolishing it there is to facili^te its abolition in the Uuiied States, anclTliroughout the continent, is mani- fest from the declaration of the abolition party and societies, both in this country and in England. In fact, there is good reason to believe that the scheme of abolishing it in Texas, with the view to its aboUtion in the United States and over the continent, origin- ated with the prominent members of the party in the United States; and was first broached by them in the (so called) World's Convention, held in London in the year 1S40, and through its agency brought to the notice of the British government. Now, I hold, not only that France can have no interest in the consummation of this grand scheme, which England ho[)es to accomplish through Texas, if she can defeat the annex- ation ; but that her interest, and those of all the continental powers of Europe, are directly and deeply opposed to it. It is too late in the day to contend that humanity or pliilanthro[)y is the great object of the policy of England in attempting to abolish African slavery on this continent. I do not question but humanity m.ay have been . one of her leading motives for the abolition of \ the African slave trade, and that it may have had a considerable influence in abolishing slavery in her West India possessions — aided, indeed, by the fallacious calculation that the labor of the negroes would be at least as pro- fitable, if not more so, in consequence of the measure. She acted on the principle that tropical products can be produced cluaper by free African labor and East India labor, than by slave labor. She knew full well the value of such products to her commerce, navigation, navy, manufactures, revenue ami power. She was not ignorant that the support and the maintenance of her political preponderance depended on her tropical possessions, and had no intention of dimiuishiug their productive- ness, nor any anticipation that such would be the effect when the scheme of abolishing KECtRO slavery MR. CALHOUN S LETTER. 26T slavery in her colonial possessions was adopted. On the contrary, she calculated to combine philanthropy with profit and power, as is not uinisual with fanaticism. Experi- ence has convinced iier of tlie fallacy of her calculations. She has failed in all her objects. Tlie labor of her negroes lias proved far less productive, without affording the consolation of having improved their condition. Tlie experiment has turned out to be a costly one. She expended nearly one hun- dred millions of dollars in indemnifying the owners of the emancipated slaves. It is esti- mated that the increased price paid since, by the people of Great Britain, for sugar and other tropical productions, in consequence of the measure, is equal to half that sum ; and that twice that amount has been expended in the suppression of the slave trade; making, together, two hundred and fifty millions of dollars as the cost of the experiment. Instead of realizing her hope, the result has been a Bad disappointment. Her tropical products have fallen off to a vast amount. Instead of supplying her own wants and those of nearly all Europe with them, as formerly, she has now, in some of the most important articles, scarcely enough to supply her owii. What is worse, her own colonies are actually con- suming sugar produced by slave labor, brought direct to England, or refined in bond, and exported and sold in her colonies as cheap or cheaper than they can be produced there ; while the slave trade, instead of diminishing, has been in fiict carried on to a greater extent than ever. So disastrous has been the result, that lier fixed capital vested in tropical pos- sessions, estimated at the value of nearly five hundred millions of dollars, is said to stand on the brink of ruin. But this is not the worst. While this costly Bcheme has had such ruinous effects on the tropical productions of Great Britain, it has given a powerful stimulus, followed by a cor- responding increase of products, to those countries which have had the good sense to shun her example. There has been vested, it is estimated by them, in the production of tropical products, since 1808, infixed capital, nearly .$4,000,000,000, wholly dependent on slave labor. In the same period, the valne of their products has been estimated to have risen from about $72,000,000 annually, to nearly .$220,000,000 ; while the whole of the fixed capital of Great Britain, vested in culti- vating tropical products, both in the East and West Indies, is estimated at only about §830,000,000, and the value of the products annually at about §50,000,000. To present a still more striking view of three articles of tropical products, (sugar, coffee, and cotton,) the British possessions, including the West and East Indies, and Mauritius, produced, in 1812, of sugar, only 8,993,'771 pounds ; while Cuba, Brazil, and the United States, ex- cluding other countries having tropical pos- sessions, produced 0,600,000 pounds; of coffee, the British possessions produced only 27,393,- 003, while Cuba and Brazil produced 201,- 590,125 pounds; and of cotton, the Briti.sh possessions, including shipments to China, only 137,443,446 pounds, while the United States alone produced 790,479,275 pounds. The above facts and estimates have all been drawn from a British periodical of high standing and authority,* and are beheved to be entitled to credit. This vast increase of the capital and pro- duction on the part of those- nations who have continued their former policy toward the negro race, compared with that of Great Britain, indicates a corresponding relative in- crease of the means of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth and power. It is no longer a question of doubt, that the great source of the wealth, prosperity, and power bf the more civilized nations of the temperate zone, (especially Europe, where the arts have made the greatest advance,) depends, in a great degree, on the exchange of their pro- ducts with those of the tropical regions. So gi'eat has been the advance made in the arts, both chemical and mechanical, within the few last generations, that all the old civilized nations can, with but a email part of then* labor and capital, supply their respective wants; which tends to limit within narrow bounds the amount of the commerce between them, and forces them all to seek for markets in the tropical regions, and the more newly settled portions of the globe. Those who can- best succeed in commanding those markets, have the best prospect of outstripping the others in the career of commerce, navigation, manufactures, wealth and power. This is seen and felt by British statesmen, and has opened their eyes to the errors which they have committed. The question now with them is, how shall it be counteracted ? What has been done cannot be undone. The question is, by what means can Great Britain regain and keep a superiority in tropical cul- tivation, commerce and influence ? Or, shall that be abandoned, and other nations be suf- fered to acquire the supremacy, even to the extent of supplying British markets, to the destruction of the capital already vested in their production? These are the questions which now profoundly occupy the attention of her statesmen, and have the greatest in- fluence over her councils. In order to regain her superiority, she not only seeks to revive and increase her own capacity to produce tropical productions, but to diminish and destroy tlie capacity of those who have so far outstripped her in conse- quence of her error. In pursuit of the former, she has cast her eyes to her East India pos- Blackwood's Magazine, for June, 1844. 268 XEGRO SLAVERY MR. CALIIOUx's LETTER. sessions — to central and eastern Africa — with the view of establishing colonies there, and even to restore, substantially, the slave trade inself, under the specious name of transport- ing free laborers from Africa to her West India possessions, in order, if possible, to com- pete successfully with those who have refused to follow her suicidal poHcy. But these all aflford but uncertain and distant hopes of re- covering her lost superiority. Her main re- liance is on the other alternative — to cripple or destroy the productions of her successlul rivals. There is but one waj"^ by wliich it can be done, and tliat is by abolishing African slavery throughout this continent; and that she openly avows to be the constant object of her policy and exertions. It matters not how, or from what motive, it may be done : whether it may be by diplomacy, influence or force ; by secret or open means ; and whether the motive be humane or selfish, without re- gard to manner, means or motive. The thing itself, sliould it be accomplished, would put down all rivalry and give her the undisputed supremacy in supplying her own wants and tliose of the rest of the world ; and thereby more than fully retrieve what .she has lost by her errors. It would give her the monopoly of tropical productions, which I shall next proceed to show. What would be the consequence if this ob- ject of her unceasing solicitude and exertions should be effected by the abolition of negro slavery throughout this continent, some idea ' may be fuvined from the immense diminution of productions, as has been shown, 'which has followed abolition in her West India posses- sions. But, as great as that has been, it is nothing compared to what would be the ef- fect if she should succeed in abolishing slave- ry in the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and throughout this continent. The experiment in her own colonies was made under the most favorable circumstances. It was brought about gradually and peaceably, by the steady and firm operation of the parent country, armed witli complete power to prevent or crush at once all insurrectionary movements on the part of the negroes, and able and dis- posed to maintain to the full the political and social ascendency of the former masters over their former slaves. It is not at all wonder- ful that the change of the relations of master and slave took place, under such circum- stances, without violence and bloodshed, and that order and peace should have been since preserveil. Very different would be the re- sult of abolition, should it be effectinl l)y her influence and exertions in the possessions of other countries on this continent, and espe- cially in the United States, Cuba, and Brazil, the great cultivators of the principal tropical products of America. To form a correct con- ception of what would be the result witli them, we must look not to Jamaica, but to St. Domingo, for example. The change would be followed by unforgiving hate between the two races, and end in a bloody and deadly struggle between them for the superiority. One or the other would have to be subju- gated, extirpated, or expelled; and desolation would overspread their territories, as in St. Domingo, from Avhich it would take centuries to recover. The end would be, that the su- periority in cultivating the great tropical sta- ples would be transferred from them to the British tropical possessions. They are of vast extent, and those beyond the Cape of Good Hope possessed of an un- limited amount of labor, standing ready, by the aid of British capital, to supply the deficit which would be occasioned by destroying the tropical productions of the United States, Cuba, Brazil, and other countries cultivated by slave labor on this continent, so soon as the increased price, in conseqtience, would yield a profit. It is the successful com- petition of that labor which keeps the prices of the great tropical staples so low as to pre- vent their cultivation with profit in the pos- sessions of Great Britain, by what she is pleased to call free labor. If she can destroy its competition, she would have a monopoly in those productions. She has all the means of furnishing an unlimited supply — vast and fertile possessions in both Indies, boundless command of capital and labor, and ample power to suppress disturbances, and preserve order throughout her wide domains. It is unquestionable that she regards the abolition of slavery in Texas as a most im- portant step toward this great object of poli- cy, so much the aim of her solicitude and ex- ertions ; and the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union as indispensable to the abolition of slavery there. She is too saga- cious not to see what a fatal blow it would give to slavery in the United States, and how Certainly its abolition with us would abolish it over the whole continent, and thereby give her a monopoly in the proiluctions of the great tropical staples, and the command of the commerce, navigation, and manufactures of the world, with an establi.shed naval ascen- dency and political preponderance. To this continent the blow would be calamitous be- yond description. It would destroy, in a great measure, the cultivation and production of the great tropical staples, amounting annu- ally in value to nearly ?3()0,(ioO,o6o — the fund which stimulates and upholds almost every other branch of its industry, commerce, navigation, anil manufactures. The whole, by their joint influence, are rapidly spreading population, wealtii, improvement and civili- zation over the whole continent, and vivifying by their overflow the industry of Europe, thereby increasing its population, wealth, and advancement in the arts, in power, and in civilization. KEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. 209 Such must be the result, should Great Bri- tain succeed in accoiuplishiiif; the constant object of lier desire and exertions, tlie aboli- tion of negro slavery over this continent ; and toward the effecting of which, sl)e regards the defeat of the annexation of Texas to our Union so important. Can it be possible that governments so enlightened and sagacious as those of France ani.1 the other great conti- nental powers, can be so blinded by the plea of philanthropy as not to see what must in- evitably follow, be her motive what it may, should she succeed in her object? It is little short of mock<4"y to talk of philanthropy, with the examples before us of the effects of abol- ishing negro shivery in her own colonies, in St. Domingo, and the northern states of our Union, where statistical facts not to be shaken prove that the freed negro, after the experi- ence of sixty years, is in a far worse condition than in the other states, where he has been left in his former condition. Now the effect of what is called abolition, where the number is few, is not to raise the inferior race to the condition of freemen, but to deprive the negro of the guardijin care of his owner, subject to all the depression and oppression belougiug to his loferior condition. But, on the other hand, where the number is great, and bears a large proportion to the whole population, it would be still worse. It would be to substi- tute for the existing relatiou a deadly strife between the two races, to end in the subjec- tion, expulsion or extirpation of one or the other; and such would be the case over the greater part of this continent where negro slavery exists. It would not end there, but would in all probability extend, by its exam- ple, the war of races all over South America, including Mexico, and extending to the Indian as well as to the African race, and make the whole one scene of blood and devastation. Dismi.ssing, then, the stale and unfounded plea of philanthropy, can it be that France and the other great continental powers — see- ing what must be the result of the policy for the accomplishment of which Engl.and is constantly exerting herself, and that the de- feat of the annexation of Texas is so impor- tant toward its consummation — are prepared to back or countenance her in her efforts to effect eithfer ? What possible motives can they have to favor her cherished policy ? Is it not better for them that they should be supplied with tropical products in exchange for their labor, from the United States, Brazil, Cuba, and this continent generally, than to be dependent on one great monopolizing pow- er for tlieir supplies ? Is it not better they should receive them at the low prices whicli competiti'in, cheaper means of production, and nearness of market, would furnish them by the former, than to give the h.igh prices which monopoly, dear labor, and great dis- tance from market would impose ? Is it not better that their labor should be exchanged with a new continent, rapidly increasing in pojnihition and the capacity of consuming, and which would furnish in the course of a few generations a market nearer to them, and of almost unlimited extent, than with one whose population has long since reached its growth? The above contains those enlarged views of policy which, it seems to me, an enlightened European statesman ought to take, in making up his opinion on the subject of the annexa- tion of Texas, and the grounds, as it may be inferred, on which England vainly opposes it. They certainly involve considerations of the deepest importance, and demanding the greatest attentioa Viewed in connection with them, the question of annexation be- comes one of the first magnitude, not only to Texas and the United States, but to this con- tinent and Europe. They are presented that you may use them on all .suitable occasions where you think they may be with effect ; in your correspondence, where it can be done with propriety or otherwise. The President relies with confidence on your sagacity, pru- dence and zeal. Your mission is one of the first magnitude at all times, but especially now; and he feels assured nothing will be left undone on your part to do justice to the country and the government in reference to this great measure. I have said nothing as to your right of treating with Texas without consulting Mexico. You so fully understand the grounds on which we rest our right, and are so familiar with all the facts necessary to maintain them, that it was not thought necessary to add any thing in reference to it. NEGROES. — Slave L-vws of the South. — This essay, the production of the Hon. J. B. O'Neall of South Carolina, though based upon the slave sytem of that state, gives a fair idea of the system throughout the entire south. Most of the ameliorations which are proposed would have been carried out long ago but for the officious and crazy influence of the abolitionists of the north. Many "f the states have acted upon them ; all will if let alone. There are "beams" enough in the world to remove before this " mote." — (Ed.) Tlie Status of the Negro, his Rights and Disabilit ics. — The gct ,of 1T40, sec, l ^jjeclflre^ all negroes and Indians (free Indians in amity with this government, negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, who now are free, excepted) to be slaves : the oft'spring to follow the condition of the mother : and that such slaves are chat- tels personal. Under this provision it has been uniformly held, that color is prima facie evidence that the party bearing the color of a negro, nuilatto or mestizo, is a slave; but the same prima facie result does not follow from the Indian color. 270 NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. Indians, and descendants of Indians, are regarded as free Indians in amity with this government, until the contrary be shown. In the s-econd proviso of sec. 1, of the act of 1740, it is declared, that " every negro, In- dian, mulatto and mestizo, is a slave, unless the contrary can be made to appear;" yet, in the same it is immediately thereafter pro- vided — " the Indians in amity with this gov- ernment excepted, in which case the burden of proof shall lie on the defendant," that is, on the person claiming the Indian plaintiff to be a slave. This latter clause of the proviso is now regarded as furnishing the rule. The race of slave Indians, or of Indians not in am- ity to this government, (the state,) is extinct, and hence the previous part of the proviso has no application. The term negro is confined to slave Afri- cans (the ancient Berbers) and their descend- ants. It does not embrace the free inhabit- ants of Africa, such as the Egyptians, Moors, or the negro Asiatics, such as the Lascars. Mulatto is the issue of the white and the negro. When the mulatto ceases, and a party bear- ing some slight taint of (he African blood ranks as white, is a question for the solution of a jury. Whenever the African taint is so far re- moved, that upnu inspection, a party may be fairly pronounced to be white, and such has been his or her previous reception into soci- ety, and enjoyment of the privileges usually enjoyed by white people, the jury may rate and regard the party as white. ^o specitic rule, as to the quantity of negro blood which will compel a jury to find one to be a mulatto, has ever been adopted. ]5e- tween one quarter and one eighth seems fairly to be debatable ground. When the blood is reduced to, or below one eighth, the jury ought always to find the party wldte. AVhen the blood is one quarter or more African, the jury must find the party a mulatto. The question of color, and of course of caste, arises in various ways; and may, in some cases, be decided without the interven- tion of a jury. As when a party is convicted and brought up for sentence, or a witness on the stand objected to as a free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, in these cases, if the color be so obvious that there can be no mistake about it, the judge may refuse to sentetice, or may ex- clude the witness; still, if the party, against whose color the decision may be maile, should claim to have the question tried by a jury, it must, I apprehend, be so tried. There are three classes of cases, in which the question of color, and of course, of caste, most commonly occurs. Ist. Prohibition against inferior courts, or the tax collector. !2d. Ob- jections to witnesses offered to testify in the superior courts. ;)d. Actions of slander for words charging the plaintiff with being a mu latto. In the first class, free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, are liable to be tried for all offenses, by a magistrate and five freeholders, (e.xcept in Charleston, where two magistrate 8 must sit,) and of course, any person claiming to be white, (over whom, if that be true, they have no jurisdiction,) charged before them criminally, may object to their jurisdiction, and if they persist in trying him or her, may apply for, and on making good the allesjatioD, is entitled to have the writ of prohibition. It seems if the party submit to have the question of jurisdiction tried by the inferior court, he will be concluded. The writ of prohihition is generally grant- ed, nisi, on a suggestion sworn to by the re- lator, by any judge at chambers, on notice being given to the court claiming jurisdiction; but if the fict be uncontroverted, or so plain as not to admit of doubt, that the relator is white, the judge may at once gi"ant an abso- lute prohibition. Generally, however, an is- sue is ordered to be made up on granting the prohibition, nisi, in which the relator is plain- tiff, and on the jury finding the relator to be a free white person, the prohibition is made absolute. In this class, too, the tax collectors frequent- ly issue tax executions for capitation taxes, against persons whom they suppose to be free negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes, (" free persons of color," as they are sometimes loose- ly called.) If the person or persons against whom they be issued be not liable to the tax, they may, on a suggestion, move for, and have the writ of prohibition. In such cases, where, from tlie affidavits ac- ctmipanying the suggestion, it appears that the relator or relators has or have been re- ceived in society as white, and has or have enjoyed the privileges of a white person, or of white people, I have uniformly made the order for prohibition to become absolute, if tlie tax collector did not within a given time file his suggestions contesting the status of the relator or relators. This course has been adopted, because the tax collector has no juris- diction over the person of the relator, and has no judicial authority whatever to decide the question of caste. His execution is -predicated of an assumed fact. He is, therefore, bound to make that good, before he can collect the tax. This course has been found extremely convenient, as it has cut off an immense amount of litigation. For, generally, the tax collectors exercise a sountl and honest discre- tion, in pursuing only those cases where there seems to be no room to doubt the degraded caste of the relator or relators. Where, however, there is to be a question as to the color of the rtdator or relators, the court may, in its discretion, cast the burden NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. 271 of proof on the tax collector, or the relator. Generally, I think, it should be cast on the tax collector, as his execution is the first alle- gation of the color of the relator. As the issue iiiaj' result, the writ of prohibition is made absolute or dissolved. lu all the cases of the first class, the de- cision is conclusive ; in all subsequent cases, civil or criminal. For the prohibition is in the nature of a criminal proceeding, operating in rem, and binds not only the parties, but also all the people of the commonwealth. So it seems, that any decision made in favor of the caste of the relator, as white, may be given in evidence in his favor. In the second class, the objection to the competency of the witness makes the issue collateral, and it is tried instanter, without any formal issue being made up, and the finding is upon the record on trial. The ver- dict, in such a case, concludes nothing beyond the question of competency in that case. It, however, might be given in evidence for or against the witness, not as conclusive, but as a circumstance having weight in settling the question of status, in all other cases. In the third class, where jurisdiction is pleaded and found, it would seem to forever conclude the plaintiff from re-agitating the question. But, where the defense is as usual, that the defendant had good reason to sus- pect and believe that the plaintiff was, as he alleged, a mulatlo, in such case, a finding of nominal damages sustains the defense, yet it concludes not the plaintiff from afterward averring and proving that he was white. Free Indians and their descendants, unmix- ed by African blood, are entitled to all the privileges of white men, except that of suf- frage and office. The former, and of conse- quence the latter, has been denied to a pure Indian, living among the whites. The fore- going principle, resulting ii-om the case cited in the margin, is, I am persuaded, wrong. The term white, (" free white man,") used in our constitution, is comparative merely: it was intended to be used in opposition to the colors resulting from the slave blood. The case should be reviewed, and I trust the decision will be reversed ; for the case in which it was made will always condeinu it. The relator, the Rev. John Mush, was an Indian, of the Pawmuuki tribe of Indians, in Virginia; he was a soldier of the revolution; he had as such taken the oath of allegiance. He was sent out as a missionary to the Catawbas. He, however, did not reside among them ; he lived among the white inhabitants of York Dis- trict, where he had resided for many years. He was a man of unexceptionable character. Yet, strange to say, he was held not to be en- titled to vote. If that decision be right, how long is the objection to prevail? When is the descendant of an Indian to be regarded as white i Is it, that he is not to be so re- garded, until a jury shall find him to be white, on account of the great preponderance of the white blood ? But the Indian blood, like that of the white, is the blood of free- dom; there is nothing degrading in it; and hence, therefore, the Indian and his descend- ants may well claim to be white within the legal meaning of our constitution. A mestizo is the issue of a negi'o and an Indian, and is subject to all the disabilities of a free negro and mulatto. The burden of proof of freedom rests upon the negro, mulatto, or mestizo, claiming to be free. Under the act of 1740, Isfc sec, 1st pro- viso, and the act of 1799, it is provided, if any negro, mulatto or mestizo shall claim his or her freedom, he may, on application to the clerk of the Court of Common Pleas of the District, have a guardian appointed, who ia.-*** authorized to bring an action of trespass, in the nature of ravishment of ward, against any person claiming property in the said n egro. ^ ^- mulatto or mestizo, or having possession of the same ; in which action the general issue may be pleaded, and the special circumstan- ces given in evidence ; and upon a general or special verdict found, judgment shall be given according to the very right of the case, without any regard to defects in the proceeding, in form or subtance. In such case, if the verdict be that the ward of the plaintiff is free, a special entry shall be made declaring him to be free ; and the jury is authorized to assesy damages which the plaintiff's ward may have sustain- ed, and the court is directed to give judgment, and award execution for the damages and cost; but if judgment is given for the defend- ant, then the court is authorized to inflict corporal punishment on the ward of the plain- tiff, not extending tp life or limb. Under the second section of the act of 1740, it is pro- vided, that the defendant in such action shall enter into a recognizance with one or more sufficient sureties to the plaintiff, in such sum as the Court of Common Pleas may di- rect, conditioned to produce the ward of the plaintiff', at all times when required by the court, and that while the action or suit is pending, he shaU not be eloigned, abused or misused. Under the Ist proviso, the action of *tres- pass in the nature of ravishment of ward, ia an action sounding altogether in damages. The finding for the plaintiff is altogether of damages, which may be made up of the value of the seivices of the plaintiff's ward, and recompense for any abuse or injury which he may sustain. For such damages and the costs, the judgment is entered up, and execu- tion issues. Under the act, the court is authorized, on such finding for the plaintiff, to make a special entry, that the ward of the plaintiff" is free. This entiy ought to recite the action, the 272 NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. finding of the jury, and tlien should follow the order of the court, that the plaintiff's ward is free, and that he be discharged from the service of the defendant. This chould be spread on the minutes of the court. This en- try is, it eecms, evidence of the freedom of tlie plaintiff's ward in all other cases, and against all other persons. It is onlj^ conclusive, how- ever, against the defendant ; against all otlier persons, it is prfw/a /ffc/e merely. Under the 2d section, the proceeding is by petition, set- ting out the action brought to recover tlie freedom of the negro, the jjossession by the defendant, with a prayer that tlie defendant enter into the recognizance required by law. If this order be disobeyed, the defendant may be attached for a contempt, until it be obeyed; or it may be in analogy to the de- cision under the Trover Act, that the sheriff might arrest the defendant under the order, and keep hira in custody until he entered into the recognizance. I never knew the order made but once, and that was in the case of Sjjear ind Galbreath, guardians of Charles, vs. Rice. — Harp. 20. In that case, the order was complied with by the defendant on notice of it. The evidence of freedom is as various as the cases. Proof that a negro has been suffered to live in a community for years as a freeman, is prima facie proof of freedom. If, b(?S^-e the act of 1820, a negro was at large, wi^oiit an owner, and acting as a free- man for twtoty years, the court would pre- sume omnia eki^ rita acta, and every muni- ment necessary lo give effect to freedom to have been properl^J^xecuted. This rule applies \]so, when freedom has been begun to be enjVed before tlie act of 1820, and- the twenty "jN^rs are completed after. Before the act of 1800, (hereafter to be adverted to,) any thing which showed tliat the owner had deliberately parted with his property, and dissolved the vinculum servitii, wag^^iough to establish freedom, "r^he validity of freedom depends upon the law of the place wliere it begins. Hence, when slaves liave been manumitted in other statf^s, and are found in thi-^ state, their free- dom fierc will depend on the validity of the munuiiii-sioii at the place whence they came. By the 7th, 8th and 'Jth sections of the act of 1800, it was ])rovided, that emancipation could only take effect by deed ; that the own- er intending to emancipate a slave should, with the slave, appear i)efore a justice of the quorum and five freeholders of the vicinage, and upon oath, answer all such questions as they might ask touching the character and capability of the slave to gain a livelihood in an lionest way. And if, upoti such examina- tion, it ajipeared to them the slave \vas not of bad character, and was capable of gaining a livelihood in an honest way, they were direct- ed to endorse a certificate upon the deed to that effect ; and upon the said deed and cer- tificate being recorded in the clerk's office, within six months from the execution, the emancipation was declared to be legal and valid, otherwise, that it was void. The per- son emancipating was directed by the 8tb section, to deliver to the slave a copy of the deed of emancipation, attested by the clerk, within ten days after such deed shall have been executed. The pc-rson emancipating, neglecting or re- fusing to deliver such copy, was, by the 9th section, declared to be liable to a fine of ^50, with costs, to be recovered by any one who shall sue for the same. It was also provided by the 9tli section, that a slave emancipated contrary to this act, may be seized, and made property by any one. It was held, for a long time, that when a will directed slaves to be free, or to be set free, that they were liable to seizure, as ille- gally emancipated. But the cases of Lenoir vs. Sylvester, and Young vs. the same, put that matter right. In them, it was held that a bequest of freedom was not void under the act of 1800; that it could have no effect until the executor assented ; that when he did as- sent, it was his duty to so assent as to give legal effect to the bequest. As legal owner, lie could execute the deed, appear before the magistrate and freeholders, answer the ques- tions, and do every act required by the law, and thus make the emancipation legal. A shVe illegally emancipated was free, as against rWe rights of the owner, under the act of ISOfV he could only restore himself to his rights h\ capture. The act of 1820 de- clares that U()\lave shall be emancipated but by act of the r^islature. Still it has been hekl, in Linaiii ^\ Johnson, and many subse- quent cases, that V a slave be in any other way emancipated, he may, under the provi- sion of the act of 18^)0, be seized as dere- lict. The delivcn' of the deed of emancipation to the clerk t(V)e recorded, is all the delivery necessary to giV it legal effect ; and the de- livery to the clerk is equivalent to recording. Th(^ act of 183ft, declaring that no slave should hereafter bX emancipated but by act of the legislature, inVoduced a new, and, as I think, an unfortunate^ provision in our law. All laws unnecessarily restraining the rights of owners are unwise. \So far as may be ne- cessary to preserve the peace and good order of the community, they iX;iy be properly re- strained. The act of 18(i(Wasof that kind. The act of 1820, instead of regulating, cut off the power of emancipation. \.Like all c)f its class, it has done liarni iustean of good. It has caused evasions without number. These have been successful by vesting the ownership .^0 NEGROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. 273 in persons legally cap.iblc of lioldiiig it, and thus sub'^tantially conferring freedoni when it was legally denied. So, too, bequests or gifts for the use of such slaves were supported under the rule, tliat whatever is given to the slave belongs to the master. Since the act of 1820, if a negro be at large, and enjoy freedom for twenty years, he or she is still a slave ; as an act of emancipation passed by the legislature will not be pre- fiumed. The act of 1820 was plainly intended to restrain emancipation within the state; it was therefore lield by the Court of Appeals, that where a testator directed slaves to be sent out of the state and there set free, such be- quest was good. In ISll, the legislature, by a sweeping act, declared, 1st, That any bequest, deed of trust, or conveyance, intended to take effect after the death of the owner, whereby the re- moval of any slave or slaves without the state is secured or intended, with a view to the emancipation of such slave or slaves, shall be void, and the slave or slaves' assets in the hands of any executor or administrator. 2d, That any gift of any slave or slaves, by deed, or otherwise, accompanied by a trust, secret or implied, tliat the donee shall remove such slaves from the state to be emancipated, shall be void, and du-ected the donee to deliver up the slave or slaves, or account to the distri- butees, or next of kin, for their value. 3d, That any bequest, gift, or conveyance of any slave or slaves, with a trust or confidence, either secret or expressed, that such slave or slaves shall be held in nominal servitude only, shall be void, and the donee is directed to deliver the slave or slaves, or to account for their value to the distributees, or next of kin. 4th, That every devise or bequest to a slave or slaves, or to any person upon a trust or confidence, secret or expressed, for the benefit of any slave or slaves, shall be void. This act, reversing the whole body of the law, which had been settled by various deci- sions from 1S30, can have no effect on any deed, will, gift, or conveyance, made prior to its passage, I7th December, 1841. This act. it has been always said, was pass- ed to control a rich gentleman in the tisposi- tion of his estate. Like every thing of the kind, he defeated it, and the expectations of bis next of kin, by devising his estate to one of his kindred, to the exclusion of all the rest. My experience as a man, and a judge, leads me to condemn the acts of 182u and 1841. They ought to be repealed, and the act of; 1800 restored. The state has nothing to fear from emaHcipation, regulated as that law di- rects it to be. Many a ma^^ter knows that he hfis a slave or slaves, for whom he feels it to ' be his duty to provide. As the law now | VOL. II. stands, that cannot be done. In a slave coun- try the good should be especially rewarded. Who are to judge of this but the master ? ' Give him the power of emancipation, under ' well regulated guards, and he can dispense the only reward which either he or his slave 1 appreciates. In the present state of the world, ' it is especially our duty, and tliat of slave owners, to be just and merciful, and in all things to be excepdone majori. With well regulated and mercifully applied slave laws, we have nothing to fear for negro slavery. Fanatics of our own or foreign countries will be in the condition of the viper biting the file. They, not we, will be the sufferers. Let me, however, assure my countrymen, and fellow slaveholders, that unjust laws, or unmerciful management of .slaves, fall upon us and our institutions with more withering effect than any thing else. I would see South Carolina the kind mother and mistress of all her peo- ple, free and slave. To all, extending justice and mercy. As against our enemies, I would say to her. Be just and fear not. Her sons fiiltered not on a foreign shore ; at home, they will die in the last trench, rather than her rights should be invaded or despoiled. Free negroes, mulattoes and mestizoes, are entitled to all the rights of property, and pro- tection in their persons and property, by ac- tion or indictment, which the white inhabit- ants of the state are entitled to. Free negroes are sui generis. The act of 1822, section 8, requires every male free negro, above the age of fifteen, to have a guardian,who must be a respectable freeholder of the district, (who may be appointed by the clerk.) Notwithstanding this provision, the free negro is still, as I have. said, sui juris, when of and above the age of twenty-one. The guardian is a mere protector of the negro, and a guarantor of his good conduct to the public. They may contr.ict and be contracted with. Their marriages with one another, and even with white people, are legal. They may pur- chase, hold, and transmit by descent, real estate. They can mortgage, aliene, or devise the same. They may sue and be sued, with- out noticing their respective guardians. Tliey are entitled to protect their persons by action, indictment, and the writ of habeas corpus, (except that the writ of habeas corpus is denied to those who enter the state contraiy to the act of 1835.) They cannot repel force by force — that is, they cannot strike a white man who may strike any of them. It has, however, been held, in a case de- cided in the Court of Appeals, and not re- ported, that insolence on the part of a free negro would not excuse an assault and bat- tery. From that decision I dissented, holding, as in the State vs. Harden, 2d Speers, (note,) 155, " That words of impertinence or insolence addressed by a free negro to a white man, would justify au assault and battery." " As 18 274 NEaROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. (.., a general rule, I should say, that whatever, in the opinion of the juiy, ■K'ould induce them, as reasonable men, to strike a free negro, should m all cases be regarded as a legal justification in an in fictment." In addition to the common law remedies, by action of assault and battery and false im- prisonment, and indictments for the same, the act of '37 furnishes another guarautee for the protection of free negroes, mulattoes, or mes- tizoes, by declaring any one convicted of their forcible abduction, or assisting therein, to be liable to a fine not less than |l,000, and im- prisonment not less than twelve months. Free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes can- not be witnesses or jurors in the superior courts. They can be jurors no where. They cannot even be witnesses in inferior courts, with the single exception of a magistrate's and freeholder's court, trying slaves or free negroes, mulattoes or mestizoes, for criminal offenses, and then without oath. This was, however, not always the case, to the entire extent which I have stated. It was at one time held, that any person of color, if the issue of a free white woman, is entitled to give evidence, and ought to be admitted as a witness in our courts. This was predicated of a clear mistake of the civil law maxim o( partus seqidtur ventrem, and of the provision in tlie first section of the act of 1140, that the offspring sliould follow thecon- dition of the mother, wliich only mean that slavery or freedom should be the condition of the offspring ; but where the words mulatto or mestizo are ever used as designating a class, they are to be interpreted by their common acceptation. It is singular that the loth and 14th sections of the act of 174Cr, directing who may be wit- nesses against slaves, free negroes, itc, .should have been confined to free Indians and slaves, who are to be examined without oath. From which it would seem that free negroes, mulat- toes, Ac, might be examined in such cases, as at common law, upon oath. But the practice under the act has been uniform, as I have be- fore stated it. I think it a very unwise pro- vision and course of practice, to examine any witnesses, in any court or case, without the sanction of an oath. Negroes (slaves or free) will feel the sanction of an oath with as much force as any of the ignorant classes of white people in a Christian country. They ought, too, to be made to know, if they testify falsely, they are to be punished for it by human laws. The course pursued on the trial of negroes in the abduction and obtaining testimony, leads to none of the certainties of truth. Falsehood is often the result, and innocence is thus often sacrificed on the shrine of prejudice. Free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes may make all necessary aflidavits on collateral matters, in cases in the superior courts, in which they may be parties, as on motions of postponement, &.C. So, too, they may in such court take the oaths under the insolvent debtor's or prison bounds' act, and under the acts of Congress to obtain a pension. Free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes (ex- cept such as are proved, to the satisfaction of the tax collector, to be incapable of making a livelihood,) are liable to a capitation tax, (fixed by each tax act ;) they may make a re- turn per.-onally, or any member of the family may make a return for the rest ; or if one be sick, he or she may make such return by agent. They are liable to be double taxed for not making a return of themselves. This tax seems to have originated in 1805. The act of 1833 directs the issuing of executions against free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, who may fail to pay the tax, and that, under them, they may be sold for a term not exceed- ing one year; provided, however, that they shall in no instance be sold for a longer term than may be necessary to pay the taxes due ; but they cannot be sold under the double tax executions to be issued against them for not making returns of themselves. Such execu- tions go against property merely. The consti- tutionality of the provision for the sale of free negroes in payment of their taxes is exceed- ingly questionable. The term "free person of color" used in many of our acts, since 1 840, has given rise to many imperfect and improper notions. Its meaning is confined by the act of 1740, and all proper constructions of our code noir, to 7te- groes, mulattoes, and mestizoes. In common parlance it has a much wider signification; hence the danger of its itse; for all who have to execute the acts of the Legislature are not learned lamjers or judges. The Legislature ought to use the words of the cat of 1740, " free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes," and then every one would have a certain guide to under- stand the words used. The act of 1835 declares it to be unlawful for any free negro, or person of color, to mi- grate into this state, or to be brought or intro- duced within its limits, by land or water. Any free negro or person of color, not being a seaman on board any vessel arriving in this state, violating this law, shall, and may be seized by any white person, or by the sheriff or constable of the district, and carried before any magistrate of the district, city, or parish, who is authorized to bail or commit the said free negro, and to summon three freeholders, and form a court for the trial and examina- tion of the said free negro, or person of color, within six days after his arrest, and, on con- viction, order him to leave the state ; and at the time of conviction, to commit him to jail until he can leave the state, or to release him, on bail, not longer than fifteen days. And if, after being bailed and ordered to leave the state, the free negro, or person of color, shall not leave within fifteen days, or having left shall return, shall be arrested, and on con- NEGROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTU. 2*76 Tictloo, before a court of one magistrate and three freeholders, he shall be liable to such corporal punishment as the court shall order ; if, after such punishment, the offender shall still remain in the state " longer than the time allowed," (which is, I suppose, the time previouslj' fixed, fifteen days,) or shall return, upon proof and conviction, before a court of one magistrate and three freeholders, the free negro, or person of color, may be sold, and the proceeds appropriated, one half to the use of the state, and the other half to the use of the informer. If the free negro, or person of color, come into this state, on board any vessel, as a cook, steward, mariner, or in any other employment, the sheriff of the district is to apprehend and confine in jail such free negro, or person of color, until tlie vessel be hauled off from the "wharf, and ready for sea. The act provides, that on the apprehension of any free negro, or person of color, on board any vessel, the sheriff shall cause the captain to enter into a recognizance, with good and sufficient security, in the sum of f 1,000 for each free negro, or person of color, who may be on board his said vessel, that he will comply with the requisi- tions of this act, which are, that he will, when ready for sea, carry away the said free negro, or person of color, and pay the costs of his de- tention ; but if the captain be unable, or refuse so to do, he is to be required, by the sheriff, to haul his vessel in the stream one hundred yards distance from the shore, and there remain un- til ready for sea. If this be not complied with in twenty-four hours, the captain is liable to be indicted, and, on conviction, is to be fined not exceeding $1,000, and imprisoned not exceed- ing six months. Whenever any free negro, or person of color, shall be apprehended aud committed for com- ing into this state by sea, it is the duty of the sheriff to call upon some magistrate, to warn the offender never again to enter the state, and, at the time of giving such -warning, the magistrate is to enter the name of such free negro, or person of color, in a book, to be kept by the sheriff, with a description of his person and occuj)ation, which book is evidence of the warning, and is to be deposited in the clerk's office, as a public record. If the offender shall not depart the state, in case the captain shall refuse or neglect to carry him or her away, or, having departed, shall ever again enter into the state, lie or she is liable to be dealt with, and incur tlie forfeiture described in the first section. If anj^ free negro, or person of color, before the passage of the act of 1835, or since, has left, or shall leave the state, they are for ever prohibited from returning, under the penalty of the first section. Tiie eighth section of the act excepts from its operation free negroes and persons of color coming into the state from ehipwreclc, but de- clares them liable to arrest and imprisonment, as provided in the second section, and to incur all its penalties, if, within thirty days, they shall not leave the state. The ninth section excepts free negroes and persons of color, who shall arrive as cooks, stewards, or mariners, or in any other employ- ment, in any vessel of the United States, or on board any national vessel of the navies of any of the European or other powers in amity with the United States, imless they shall be found on shore, after being warned by the sheriff to keep on board their vessels. The act does not extend to free American Indians, free Moors, or Lascars, or other colored subjects beyond the Cape of Good Hope, who may ar- rive in any merchant vessel. Free negroes and free persons of color (meaning, of course, mulattoes and mestizoes) arc prohibited (unless they have a ticket from their guardian) from carrying any fire-arms or other military or dangerous weapons, under pain of forfeiture, and being whipped, at the discretion of a magistrate and three freeholders. They cannot be employed as pioneers, though they may be subjected to military fatigue duty. The first, second, third, and fifth sections of the act of 1836, are, to my mind, of so ques- tionable policy, that I should be disposed to repeal them. They carry with them so many elements of discord with our sister states and foreign nations that, unless they were of para- mount necessity, which I have never believed, we should at once strike them out. I am afraid, too, there are many grave constitutional objections to them, in whole or in part. In a previous part of this digest, I have had occasion, incidentally, to state the meaning of the civil law maxim, ^'partus scquitur ven- trem" and of the j^rovision of the 1st section of the act of 1740, " the offspring to follow the condition of the mother." Both mean that the offspring of a slave mother must also be a slave. The maxim, as well as the provision of the act, has a further meaning in relation to prop- erty. It determines to whom the issue be- longs. The owner of the mother has the same right in her issue, born while she belongs to him, which he has in her. If, for example, the person in possession is tenant for life, then such an one takes an estate for life in the issue. If there be a vested estate, in remainder, or one which takes effect on [the termination of the life estate, the remainder man is .entitled to the issue, on the falling in of the life estate, as he is entitled to the mother. If there be no estate carved out beyond the life estate, then as the mother reveits so also does the issue. The estate of a tenant for life in slaves en- gaged in making a crop, if he die after the first of March, is continued, by the act of '89, until the crop be finished, or until the laat 276 NEGROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOtTTH. day of December, in the year in -which the tenant dies. The i.*sue of a white woman and a negro is a mulatto, within the meaning of that terra, and is subjected to all the disabilities of the degraded caste into which his color thrusts him. Tiie rule "partus sequitur ventreyn" makes him a free man. The result of min- gling the white and negro blood is to make him a mulatto, and that carries with it the dis- qualifications heretofore pointed out. The 1st section of the act of 1740 declares slaves to be chattels personal. Tlie first consequence legally resulting from this provision would have been, without any act of the Legislature, that the stealing of a slave should be a larceny (grand or petit) at common law. But in 1754 an act was passed, which, by its 1st section, made it a felony, without the benefit of clergy, to inveigle, steal, and carry away, or to hire, aid or counsel any person or persons to inveigle, steal, or carry away, any slave or slaves, or to aid any slave in running away, or departing from his master's or em- ployer's service. This law, beginning in our colonial times, and made for us by our rulers, given to us by Great Britain, has remained ever since un- changed, and has been sternly enforced as a most valuable safeguard to property. Yet public opinion was gradually inclining to the belief that its provisions were too sanguinary, and that they might be sa/e/y mitigated, when the torrt'nts of abuse poured upon the state and the judge presiding on the trial from abroad, and the free states of the Union, on account of the conviction of a worthless man, John L. Brown, for aiding a slave to run away and depart from her master's service, stopped the whole movement of mere)/. It is now, however, due to ourselves that this matter should be taken up, the law changed, and a punishment less than death be assigned for the offense. Slaves are, in our law, treated as other personal chattels, so far as relates to questions of property or liability to the payment of debts, except that by the county court act (which in this respect is perhaps still of force) slaves are exempted from levy when other property be shown ; and also by the act of '87, for recovering fines and forfeited recog- nizances, the sheriff is directed to sell, under the executions to be issued, every other part of the personal estate before he shall sell any negro or negroes. In consequence of this slight character which they boar in legal estimation, as compared with real estate, (which has itself, in our state, become of too easy disposition,) slaves are subjected to continual change : they are sold and given by their masters without writing; they are sold by administrators and execu- tors, and by the sheriff, (and may even be sold. by constables.) These public sales by adnafn- istrators, executors, or the sheriff, may be for payment of debts or partition — they (slaves) are often sold under the order of the Ordinaiy, without any inquiry, whether it be necessary for payments of debts or division. This con- tinual change of the relation of master and slave, with the consequent rending of family ties among them, has induced me to think, that if by law they were annexed to the free- holds of their owners, and when sold for par- tition among distributees, tenants in common, joint tenants and coparceners, they should be sold with the freehold, and not otherwise, it might be a wise and wholesome change of the law. Some provision, too, might be made, which would prevent, in a great degree, sales for debts. A debtor's lands and slaves, in- stead of being sold, might be sequestered until, like vimim vadimn, they would pay all his debts in execution by the annual profits. If this should be impossible, on account of the amount of the indebtedness, then either court, law or equity, might be empowered to order the sale of the plantation and slaves together or separately — the slaves to be sold in fam- ihes. Although slaves, by the act of 1740, are de- clared to be chattels personal, yet they are also in our law considered as persons with many rights and liabilities, civil and crim- inal. The right of protection which would belong to a slave, as a human being, is, by the law of slavery, transferred to the master. A master may protect the person of his slave from injury, by repelling force with force, or by action, and in some cases by indict- ment. Any injury done to the person of his slave, he may redress by action of trespass in et armh, without laying the injury done, with a per quod servitinm amisit, and this even though he may have hired the slave to an- other. By the act of 1821 the murder of a slave is declared to be a felony, without the benefit of clergy ; and by the same act, to kill any slave, on sudden heat and passion, subjects the offender, on conviction, to a fine not exceeding 8.500, and imprisonment not exceeding six months. To constitute the murder of a slave, no other ingredients are necessary than such as enter into the offense of murder at common law. So the killing, on sudden heat and pas- sion, is the same as manslaughter, and a find- ing by the jury, on an indietment for the mur- der of a slave, of a killing en sudden heat and passion, is good, and subjects the offender to the punishment of the act ; or, on an indict- ment for the murder of a slave, if the verdict be guilty of manslaughter, it is good, and the offender is to receive judgment under the act An attempt to kill and murder a slave by NEGROES — SLAVE LAW'S OF THE SOUTH. 277 sliooliug at him, was held to be a misde- meanor, (/av)/^«/ whip- ping or beating of any slave, without sufficient provocation by word or act, a misdemeanor ; and subjects tlie offender, on conviction, to im- prisonment not exceeding six months, and a fine not exceeding §500. This act has received no judicial construc- tion by our Court of Appeals. It has been several times presented to me on circuit, and I huvo given it construction. The terms "shall unlawfully whip or beat any slave not under his charge," " without reasonable provo- cation," seem to me convertible. For, if the beating be excusable from reasonable provo- cation, it cannot be unlawful. So if the beat- ing be cither without provocation, or is so enor- mous that the provocation can be no excuse, then it is unlawful What is sufficient provo- cation, by word or deed, is a question for the jury. The question is, whether, as slave owners and reasonable men, if they had been in the place of the defendant, they would have inflicted the whipping or beating which the defendant did ? If they answer this question in the affirmative, then the defendant must be acquitted — otherwise, convicted. The acts of 1821 and 1841 are eminently wise, just and humane. They protect slaves, who dare not raise their own hands in defense, against brutal violence. They teach men, who are wholly irresponsible in property, to keep their hands off the property of other peo- ple. They have wiped away a shameful re- proach upon us, that we were indifferent to the lives or persons of our slaves. They have had, too, a most happy effect on slaves them selves. Thej^ know now that the shield of the law is over them ; and, thus protected, they yield a more hearty obedience and effective service to their masters. By the last clause of the 3*7 th section of the act of 1740, it is provided, if any person shall wilfully cut out the tongue, put out the eye, castrate, or cruelly scald, burn, or deprive any slave of any limb or member, or shall inflict any other cruel punishment, other than by whip- ping, or beating with a horsewhip, cowskin switch, or small stick, or by putting irons on or confining or imprisoning such slave, every such person shall, for every such offense, for- feit the sum of £100, current money, equal to $01 23-100. This provision, it has been held, extends to any cruel beating of a slave. The provision is humane, but the punish- ment is too slight for such scandalous offenses. To secure convictions uuder this part of the S^th section, and also where slaves were killed, it was provided in the 3',Uh section, that if a sljive suffered in life or limb, or was cruelly beaten or abused, where no white per- fioa waa present, or, being present, shall neg- lect or refuse to give evidence, in every such case the owner, or person having the care and management of the slave, and in whose pos- session of power the slave shall be, shall be adjudged guilty, unless he can make the con- trary a])pear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall, hi/ his own oath, clear and exculpate himself. Tills provision has been considered as applicable to trials under the act of 1821, and the prisoner charged with the munler of a slave has been allowed to exculpate him- self. Tiiis is the greatest temptation ever present- ed to perjury, and the Legislature ought to speedily remove it. Tlie 38th section of the act of 1740 requires the owners of slaves to provide them with sufficient clothing, covcri7ig and food, and if they should fail to do so, the owners respect- ively are declared to be liable to be informed against to the next nearest justice of the peace, (magistrate now,) who is .authorized tb hear and determine the complaint; and if found to be true, or, in the absence of proof, if the owner will not exculpate himself by his own oath, the magistrate may make such order as wiU give relief, aud may set a fine not exceeding £20, current money, equal to $13 6G100, on the owner, to be levied by warrant of distress and sale of the ofl'ender's goods. This provision, it must be remarked, (leav- ing out the exculpatory part,) is a very wise and humane one, except that thepenaltn is en- tirely too slight. I regret to say, that there is, in sii/ch a state as ours, great occasion for the enforcement of such a law, accoonpaniecl by severe penalties. It might be proper that this matter should, by the direction of an act hereafter to be passed, be given in charge to the grand jury, at each and every term, and they be solemnly enjoined to inquire of all violations of duty on the part of masters, owners, or employers of slaves, in furnishing them with sufficient clothing, covering and food ; and the law might also direct, that every one by them reported should be ordered iustantly to be indicted. „^ It is the settled law of this state, that an owner cannot abandon a slave needing either medical treatment, care, food, or raiment. If he does, he will be liable to any one who may furnish the same. In Fairchild vs. Bell, that good man and great judge. Wilds, whose ear- ly death South Carolina had good cause to deplore, said, in the noble language of a Christian and patriot, " The law would infer a contract against the evidence of the fact, to compel a cruel aud capricious individual to discharge that duty, which he ought to hav^ performed voluntarily. For, as the master is bound by the most solemn obligation to pro- tect his slave from suffering, he is bound, by the same obligation, to defray tlie expenses or services of another to preserve the life of hia \ 278 NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. *4lave or to relieve the slave from pain and I danger. The slave lives for his master's ser- Ivice. His time, his labor, his comforts, arc all at his master's disposal. The duty of hu- mane treatment and of medical assistance (when clearly necessary) ought not to be with- hold en." By the 22d section of the act of 1^40, slaves are protected from labor on the Sabbath day. The violation of the law in this respect sub jecta the offender to a line of £5 current money, equal to $;3 7-100, for every slave so worked. By the 44th section of the same act, owners f&^ ulbd'-persoHe having the care and manage- / ment of slaves, are prohibited from working / or putting the said slaves to work for more than fifteen hours, from the 25th March to 25th September, and fourteen hours from 25th September to 25th March, under a penalty of £20 current money, equal to §13 66-100, for every offense. The time limited and allowed for labor in this section is too much. Few masters now demand more than twelve hom's' labor from 1st March to 1st October, and ten hours from the 1st October to 1st March. This, after allowing suitable intervals for eating and rest, is about as much as humane, prudent masters will demand. A slave may, by the consent of his master, acquire and hold personal property. All, thus acquired, is regarded in law as that of the master's. The only exception is under the 34th sec- tion of the act of 1740, which makes goods acquired by tr.'iffic and barter for the particu- 1 lar and peculiar benefit of such slave, boats, ' canoes, or periaugers, in the possession of a slave, as his own, and for his own use ; hor- ses, mares, neat cattle, sheep or goats, kept, raised or bred, for the use of any slave, liable to be seized by any one, and forfeited by the judgment of any justice (magistrate) before ♦ whom they may be brought. Under this section it has been lately held, that no one can enter on the plantation of the master to make such seizure. A seizure can therefore only be made when a slave is found, as owner, in possession of the contraband articles, outside of his master's plantation. This qualification may render the law harm- less ; still, it ought to be repealed. The rea- sons which led to its enactment have all passed away. It is only resorted to now to gratify the worst passions of our nature. The right of the master to provide as comfortably as he pleases for his slave could not be, and ought not to be abridged in the present state of public opinion. The law may very well compel a master to furnish his sla\e with pro- per, necessary, wholesome and abundant rai- ment and food ; but certainly no legislator now would venture to say to a master, Tou shall not allow your slave to have a ca- noe to fish with, or to carry vegetables to market, or (hat he should not be allowed to have a horse to attend to his duties as a stock- minder in the swamps, savannas and pine for- ests of the lower part ,of the state, or that a family of slaves should not have a cow to fm- nish them with milk, or a hog to make for them meat, beyond their usual allowance. All these are matters between the master and the slave, in which neither the public, nor any prying, meddling, mischievous neighbor, has any thing to do. Experience and observation fully satisfy me that the first law of slavery is that of kindness from the master to the slave. With that properly mculcated, enforced by law and judiciously applied, slavery be- comes a family relation, next in its attach- ments to that of parent and child. It leads to instances of devotion, on the part of the slave, which would do honor to the heroism of Rome herself.* With such feelings on our plantations, what have we to fear from fanati- cism ? Our slaves would be om- sentinels to watch over us — our defenders to protect our firesides from those prowling harpies who preaeh freedom and steal slaves from their! happy homes. A slave cannot contract and be contracted with. Tiiis principle was broadly laid down, by the Constitutional Court, in a case in which a note was given by the defendant to the plaintiff's slave, by name, and the plaintiff brought the action upon it. From this deci- sion Judge Cheeves dissented; upon, I pre- sume, the ground that the master had the right to affirm the contract and make it his own, and consider it for his own benefit. In it, I think, he was right, on the principle that the acquisition of a slave is his master's, and that a slave's contract is like an infant's with an adult. It is not binding on the slave, but if the master affirm it, the defendant cannot be discharged. A slave cannot, even legally, contract mar- riage. The marriage of such an one is mor- ally good, but in point of law the union of slave and slave, or slave and free negro, is concubinage merely. The consequence is, that the issue of a mar- riage between a slave and a free negro are illegitimate, and cannot inherit from liither or mother, who may be free. The hardship of .nich a case, where the issue of free negroes married to one another • In 1812, February, rrofcssor Charles Dewar Simmons, on liis return to Columbia from Charles- ton, found the Ilaugabook swamp entirely over the road. In attempting to itoss, on horseback, he was washed oil' the rnud and s-eparated from his horso. lie first .succeeded in reaching a tree, then con- structed a raft of rails ti'd with his comfort. Throe times his slave Marcus swam to his rescue. His master told him he could not help him, to save him- self; but he persisted uutu both periahed togttlkeri NEGROES — SLAVE LAW'S OF THE SOUTH. 219 can inherit, might very well lead to a judi- cious enactment to remedy it. A slave cannot testify, except as against another slave, free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, and that without oath. The propiiety of this is noio so doubtful, that I think the legislature would do well to repeal this provision, and provide that slaves, in all cases against other slaves, free negroes, mulattoes and mestizoes, may be examined on oath. By the act of 1834, slaves are prohibited to be taught to read or write, under a penalty (if a white person may offend) not exceeding $100 fine, and six months' imprisonment ; if a "free person of color," not exceeding fifty lashes, and a fine of §^50. Tliis act grew out of a feverish state of ex- citement, produced by the impudent meddling of persons out of the slave states with their peculiar institutions. That has, however, sub- sided, and I trust we are now prepared to act the part of wise, liumaue, and fearless masters, and that this law, and all of kindred charac- ter, will be repealed. When we reflect, as Chrlstiaus, how can we justify it, that a slave is not to be permitted to read the Bible ? It is in vain to say there is danger in it. The best slaves in the state are those who can and do read the Scriptures. Again, who is it that teach your slaves to read ? It generally is done by the children of the owners. Who would tolerate an indictment against his son or daughter for teaching a favorite slave to read ? Such laws look to me as rather cow- ardly. It seems as if we were afraid of our slaves. Such a feeling is unworthy of a Ca- rolina master. The 2d section of the act of 1834 proliibits the employment of a slave, or free person of color, as a clerk or salesman, under a penalty not exceeding 8100 fine, and imprisonment not exceeding six months. The 1st section of the act of 1800 prohibits the assemblies of slaves, free negroes, mu- lattoes, or mestizoes, with or without white persons, in a confined or secret jjlacc of meet- ing, or with gates or doors of such place of meeting baired or bolted, so as to prevent the free ingress and egress to and from the same; and magistrates, sheriffs, militia officers and officers of the patrol, are authorized to enter, and if necessary, to break open doors., gates or windows, (if resisted,) and to disperse the slaves, free negroes, mulattoes or mestizoes, found there assembled. And the oflScers mentioned in the act are authorized to call Buch force and assistance from the neiglibor- hood as they may de<;m necessary ; and may, if they think necessaiy, impose corporeal pun- ishment on such slaft-es, free negroes, mulat- toes or mestizoes; and, if within Charleston, they may deliver them to the master of the workhouse, who is required to receive them, aud inflict any such punishment as any two magistrates of the city may award, not ex- ceeding twenty lashes. If out of the city, the slaves, free negroes, mulattoes and mesti- zoes, found assembled contrary to this act, may be delivered to the nearest constable, who is to convey them to the nearest magistrate, and to inflict, under his order, punishment not ex- ceeding twenty lashes. The '2d section of the act of 1 800, which pro- hibited meetings for the religioas or mental instruction of slaves or free negroes, mulat- toes or mestizoes, before the rising of the sun, or after the going down of the same, was very properly altered, by the act of 1803, so as to prohibit the breaking into any place of meet- ing, wherein the members of any religious society are assembled, before nine o'clock at niglit, provided a majority are white people. After nine o'clock at night, or before, if the meeting be composed of a majority of negroes, (altliough white persons may be present,) it may be dispersed by magistrates, sheriffs, mi- litia officers and officers of the patrol, and slaves, free negroes, mulattoes and mestizoes may be punished, not exceeding twenty lashes. In the case of Bell ads. Graham, it was held that these acts could not justify a patrol in intruding on a reh'gious meeting, i7i the day- time, in an open meeting house, where there were some white people, although there might be a majority of negioes. The '2d section of the act of 1800, and the amendatory act of 1803, are treated now as dead letters. Religious meetings of negroes, with only one or more white persons, are pei'- raitted by night as well as by day. They ought to be repealed. They operate as a re- proach upon us in the mouths of our enemies, in that we do not afford our slaves that free worship of God which he demands for all his people. They, if ever resorted to, are not for doing good, but to gratifj' hatred, malice, cruelty or tyranny. This was not intended, and ought to have no countenance or support in our statute. law. The 40th section of the act of 1740 regu- lates the apparel of slaves, (except liver%^ men or boys,) and prohibits them from wearing any thing finer, other, or of greater value, than negro cloth, duffils, kersejs, osnaburgs, blue linen, check linen, or coarse garlix, or calicoes, checked cottons or Scotch plaids ; and declares all garments of finer and other kind to be liable to seizure by any constable as forfeited. This section has not, within my knowledge, ever been enforced. Indeed, if enforced now, it would make an immense booty to some hungry, unprincipled seeker of spoils. It ought to be repealed. The 42d section of the act of 1*740 prohibits a slave, or slaves, from renting or hiring any house, room, store or plantation, on his own ac- count. Any person offending against this act, by renting or lining to a slave, or slaves, 280 NEGROES — SLAVE LA-^VS OF THE SOUTH. is liable to a fine of £20 currency, equal to §13 66-100. to be recovered on complaint made to any magistrate, as is directed in the act for the trial of small and mean causes. The 43d section of the act of 1V40, -which declares it to be unlawful for more than seven male slaves in ct>mpauy, Avithout some white person accompanying them, to travel together any of the public roads, and, by doing so, makes it lawful for any white person to take them up and punish them by whipping, not exceeding twenty stripes, is, I am afraid, of force, unless it be considered as implicdl}- re- pealed by tlie restriction on the patrol, to whip slaves found out of their owner's plantation without a ticket in writing. The occasion for such a law ha.^ passed away. Public opinion has considered it un- necessaiy ; and, like every useless severity, mercy has condemned it. It would be well that it should be repealed. The act of 1 819, 5th section, repeals the 2Sd section of the act of 1740. The law now makes it unlawful for any slave, except in the company and presence of some white person, to carry or make use of any fire-arms, or other offensive weapon, without a ticket or license, in writing, from his owner or overseer; or unless such slave be employed to liunt and kill game, mischievous birds or beasts of prey, within the limits of his master's plantation, or unless such slave shall be a watchman in and over his owner's fields and plantation. If this law be violated, any white person finding a slave carrying or using a gun, or other offen- sive weapon, without a ticket or license, in writing, from his owner or overseer, or not used to hunt game, (fee, within the pluntation, or as a watchman in the same, may seize and appropriate to his own use such gun or offen- sive weapon. But to make the forfeiture complete and legal, the party making the sei- zure must, within forty-eight hours after the seizure, go before the next magistrate and make oath of the manner of taking; and then, after forty-eight hours' notice to the owner or overseer having charge of the slave, by sum- mons to show cause why the articles should not be condemned, (the service of the sum- mons being proved on oath,) the magistrate may, by certificate, under his hand and seal, (if he be satisfied that the arms have been seized according to the act of 1819,) declai-e the same to be forfeited. The 6th section of the act of 1822 declares it to be unlawful to hire to male slaves their own time; and if this law be violated, the slaves are declared liable to seizure .and for- feiture, according to the provisions of the act in the case of slaves coming into this state. Whether this provision relates to the 4tli section of the act of 1816, 7 stat. 453, or to the 5th section of tlie act of 1803, 7 stat. 450, is indeed somewliat uncertain. The act of 1816, and all its provisions, were repealed by the act of 1818, 7 stat 458. The act of 1803 seems to be unrepealed, and hence, therefore, I presume the proceeding to forfeit must be under it. By it, the proceeding is to be in the name of the state, in the nature of an action of detinue. Tlie latter part of the 36th section of the act of 1740 declares, that any master or over- seer who shall permit or .suSer his or their ne- gro, or other slave or slaves, at any time, to beat drums, blow horns, or use any other loud instruments, or whosoever shall suffer and countenance any public meeting or feastings of strange negroes or slaves on their planta- tion, shall forfeit .£10, current money, equal to •?6 88-100, upon conviction or proof, provided information or suit be commenced within one month. This provision is one so utterly unnecessaiy, that the sooner it is expunged from the statute book the better. Indeed, it is not only im necessary, but it is one under which most masters will be liable, whether they will or not. Who can keep his slaves from blowing horns or using other loud instruments ? Tlie 2d section of the act of 1803 prohibits the importation of any negro, mulatto, mesti- zo, or other person of color, bond or free, from the Bahama, West India Islands, or South America, and also from other parts, of all of those persons who have been resident in any of the French West India Islands. The 3d section provides that no male slave above the age of fifteen years shall be brought into this state from any of our sister states, unless the person importing such negro shall produce and file in the office of the clerk of the district where the per-son so importing may reside, a certificate under the hands of two magistrates, and the seal of the court of the district where the slave so imported resi- ded for the last twelve months previous to the date of the certificate, that he is of good character, and has not been concerned in any insurrection or rebellion. Under the 5th section, if slaves be brought into this state, in violation of the provisions of the 2d and 3d sections, they are declared to be forfeited, one half to the state, the other half to the informer; to be recovered in the name of the state, by action in the n.iture of an action of detinue, in which it is not neces- sary to prove that the defendant wjis in pos- session at the commencement of the suit, and the informer is a competent witness. The 3d section of this act has been .so often violated, that it could hardly be enforced at present without great injustice. Still, the provision is a wise one. No greater curse baa ever been inflicted on South Carolina, than the pouring upon her of the criminal slaves of our sister states. It might be well for the legislature, in revising (which I hope they will speedily do) our Code ^^oir, to re-enact this provision. NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. 281 The act of 1835 makes it unlawful to i negro, mulatto, mestizo, or slave. In some bring into this state originally, or to bring | instances the punishment has been altered, in back into this state after beiiiu: carried out of others new offenses have been created. There it, any slave from any jiort or place in the West Indies, or Mexico, or any part of South America, or from Europe, or from any sister state, situated to the north of the Potomac river or city of Washington, under the pen- alty of ■? 1,000 for each slave, to be recovered in an action of debt, and forfeiture of the slave. Tliis provision does not extend to runaway slaves. By the act of 1847, any slave carried out of this state in the capacity of steward, cook, fireman, engineer, pilot, or mariner, on board any steamer, or other vessel trading with any port or place in the Island of Cuba, may be Drought back into this state, if he may not in are also cases in which the slave or free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, from his status, would be guilty of a higher crime than a white person would be under the same cir^, cumstances. These will be tried to be fully noticed in this digest. Whenever a slave commits a crime by the command and coer- cion of the master, mistress, owner, employer, or overseer, it is regarded as the crime of the master, mistress, owner, employer, or over- seer ; and the slave is not criminally answer- able. A free negro, mulatto, or mestizo cannot lawfully strike any white person, even if he be first stricken, and, therefore, if he commit his absence have visited some other port or j homicide of a white person, generally, he place in the West Indies other th;m the Island I cannot be guilty of manslaughter ; he ia of Cuba, or a port or place in Europe, Mexico, I either guilty of murder, or altogether excused^ South America, or any state north of the river I / suppose if one without authority to govern Potomac and city of Washington. I or control a free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, The 7th section of the act of 1 835, providing were in the act of endangering life or limb of for the condemnation and forfeiture of a slave the free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, and he, by a court of a magistrate and freeholders, ! to defend himself and save life or limb, were was declared by the whole Court of Errors, in to slay his assailant, it might be excusable. A the State vs. Simmons et al., to be uncon- stitutional. How the forfeiture declared in the Gth section is to be carried out, is some- what doubtful. I suppose it might be a part of the judgment on the indictment and con- viction of the owner for bringing back a slave, which he had carried to the prohibited places. The whole provision had better be repealed. Slaves visiting free states find nothing to enamor them of negro freedom there; in general, after all the labors of love of our negi-o loving brethren of the free states, they, in general, return to tlieir southern homes free negro, mulatto, mestizo, or slave, slaying one of the same status, would be guilty of nmrder, manslaughter, or be excused se defen- dondo, as in the case of white people, at com- mon law. The 17 th section of the act of 1740 declares a slave who shall be guilty of homicide of any sort upon any white person, except it be bi/ misadventure, or in defense of his master, or other person under whose care and govern- ment such slave shall be, shall, upon convic- tion, suffer death. This seems to conflict, in some degree, with better slaves. Forfeitures, too, may occur i what is said, 3d chap., 1st section. Still, I under this act, which none of us would bear. Every servant, (negro, mulatto, or mestizo) "who has been in .Mexico during the war, and ■who has returned, is liable to be forfeited, and his master to pay a fine of §1,000. Could the law be enforced in such a case ? We have nothing to fear, if the whole act of 1835 be repealed. It ought to be, for no law should think what is affirmed there, is law. A homi- cide committed by the command and coercion of the master is not one of which the slave is guilty, but the master alone is guilty of it. By the 24th section of the act of 1740 it is provided, if a slave shall grievously wound, maim, or bruise any white person, unless it be by the command, and in the defense, of the stand which public opinion, in many cases, ; person or property of the owner, or other per- would not suffer to be enforced. Indeed, there I son having the care or government of such are few, very few cases, where the act of ! slave, such slave, on conviction, shall suffer 1835 could meet with public favor. I speak I death. unreservedly, for I am talking to friends, 1 The 18th section of the act of 1751 (which, slaveholders — citizens of a state whom I love, having altered the act of 1740, is by the act and whom I would have to be " without fear I of 1783 continuing the act of 1740, continued, and without reproach." Crimes of Free Negroes, Mulattoes, Mestizoes, axd Slaves — Tueir Punishment AND Mode ok Trial, including the Law as to Runaways and the Patrol. — The general rule is, that whatever would be a crime at common law, or by statute, in a white person, is also a crime of the same degree in a free instead of the parts altered) gives to the courts trying any negro or other slave, for any offense under the acts of 1740, or 1751, where any favorable circumstances appear, the power to mitigate the punishment by law directed to be inflicted. The meaning of the words grievously wound, maim, or bruise, has never received any precise adjudication. In the case of the 282 NEGROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. State vs. Nicholas, a portion of the court iudi- cated tlieir opiuion to be, that to grievously wound, maim, or bruise, meaut such an injury as might endanger life or limb. This is, I think, the true meaning. The subject, before 1848, parsed under my review, in the unfor- tunate case, in Torlc, which led to the passage of the act of 1843. In that case, the lady on whose body the outrage was attempted was seriously bruised, yet so as in no way to endanger life. I thought, and so decided, that the slave was not guilty of a capital felony. By the act of 1843, any slave or free per- son of color (meaning any free negro, mulatto, or mestizo) who shall commit an assault and battery on a white woman, with intent to commit a rape, shall, on conviction, suffer death, without the benefit of clergy. The 24th section of the act of 1740 declares any slave who shall strike any person, unless it be by the command and in defense of the person and pi'operty of the master, or other person having the care and government of such slave, for the first and second offense, liable to such punishment as the court may think fit, not extending to life or hmb, and, for the third offense, to the punishment of death. Under the 4th section, and this of the 3d chapter, it ought to be remarked, that thai portion of the 24th section of the act of 1740 which exempts a slave from punishment for acting in obedience to his master, and in his defense, requires more to make out his exemp- tion than the act intended. For it not only requires that the striking, wounding, maiming, and bruising should be under the command of the master, but also in defense of his person or property. Either the command of the owner or otiicr person having the care or go- vernment of the slave, the defense of his person or property, should be enough. The law ought to be so ameiuled. Any slave, see- ing a white man about to knock his master down, or in the act of stealing his property, ought not to wait for a command — his blow in defense, under such circumstances, is good and ought to be lawful. The 16th section of the act of 1740 pro- vides that any slave, free negro, mulatto, In- dian, or mestizo, who shall wilfully and tnali- ciously burn or destroy any stuck of rice, corn, or other grain, of the produce, growth, or manufacture of this state ; or shall wilfully and maliciously set fire to, burn, or destroy any tar kiln, barrels of pitch, tar, turpentine, or resin, or any other goods or commodities, the growth, produce, or manufacture of this state ; or shall feloniously steal, take, or carry away any slave, being the projjerty of an- other, with intent to carry such slave out of the state ; or shall wilfully and maliciously poison, or administer any poison to any per- son, freeman, woman, servant, or slave, shall suffer death. Over these and all other offenses, for which, under the act of 1740, death may be the punishment, the court, under the 18th section of the act of 1751, mentioned in the 5th section of the 3d chapter of this digest, have the power of mitigating the punishment. •The term Indian, used in this IGth section of tiie act of 1740, means either a freed Indian, (one who was once a slave,) or an Indian not in amity with this government. (See 3d sec- tion of 1st chap.) In the case of tlie State vs. White and Sadler, it was held that the act of 1754, making it a felony without clergy to inveigle, steal, or carry away any slave, ap- plied to slaves as well as to free people, and hence, therefore, that it repeals that provision of the act of 174u which made it capital, on the part of a slave, " to steal, take, or carry away any slave, the ])roperty of another, ivlth intent to carry such slave out of the state.'" I think the decision is very questionable. For in 1783 the act of 1740 was continued as law, without noticing this supposed repeal of 1754. If the act of 1754, in this respect, and not the act of 1740, is to govern slaves, then every slave aiding another in running away is liable to be lianged. This certainly is rather a hai'd consequence. By the I7th section of the act of 1740, and the 14th section of the act of 1751, amending the same, any slave who shall raise t>r attempt to raise an insurrection, or shall delude and entice any slave to run away and leave this state, and shall have actually prepared pro- visions, arms, ammunition, horse or horses, or any boat, canoe, or other vessel, whereb}' the guilty intention is manifested, is liable, on conviction, to be hanged, unless the court, from favorable circumstances, should mitigate the sentence, or, from several being concerned, should be disposed to select some, on whom they would inflict other corporal puui.-hraent. A slave who shall harbor, conceal, or enter- tain any slave that shall run away, or shall be charged or accused with any criminal matter, shall suffer such corporal punishment, not ex- tending to life or limb, as the court may direct A free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, who, in 29th section of tlie act of 1740, was liable to a penalty for harboring a slave, is, by the act of 1821, (which operates as an implied repeal,) if he or she harbor, conceal, or entertain any fugitive or runaway slave, liable on conviction to such corporal punishment, not extending to life or limb, as the court may in their discre- tion tliink fit. The 30Lh section of the act of 1740 proliibits any slave residing in Charleston from buying, selUng, dealing, trafficking, bartering, exchang- ing, or using commerce, for any goods, wares, provisions, grain, victuals of any sort or kind whatsoever, (except slaves who, with a ticket in writing from tiieir owner or employer, may buy or sell fruit, fish, and garden stuff, or may be employed as porters, carters, or fishermen, or may purchase any thing for the use of NEGROES SLAVE LAWS OF THE SOUTH. 28a their masters, owners, or other person who may have the care and governmout of such slaves, in open market ) AH goods, wares, pro- visions, grain, victuals, or commodities, in which such traffic by slaves is carried cm, are liable to be seized anrl forfeited, and may be sued for and recovered before any magistrate of Charles- ton, one half to the informer, the other half to the poor of the parish of St. Philip's, and the magistrate by whom the forfeiture is adjudged, is authorized to inflict corporal punishment on the slave engaged in such traffic, not exceed- ing twenty stripes. Tlie 31st section prohibits any slave belonging to Charleston from buy- ing any thing to sell again, or from selling any thing on then- own account in Charleston. All goods, wares, and merchandise, purchased or sold in contravention of this section, are liable to be forfeited by the judgment of any magistrate of Charleston, one half to the use of the poor, the other half to the informer. If any slave (without the command of his or her master, mistress, or overseer, evidenced by a ticket in writing) shall shoot or kill, be- tween the first of January and the last day of July in each year, any fawn (deer)— or any j buck, (deer,) between the first of September j and last day of October, and between the first | day of March and last day of April, such slave, upon convictiou before a magistrate, by the I oath of a sufficient witness, or the confession of the said slave, shall, by order of the magistrate, i receive twenty lashes on the bare back, unlt'ss security be given for the payment within one { month of the fiue imposed by the act on white or free persons, £2 proclamation money, equal to $0 44-100, for each fawn or buck killed. If the slave shall kill a doe, between the first day of March and the first of Sep- tember, without the consent and privity of the owner or overseer, such slave is liable, on con- viction before a magistrate and four fi-ee- bolders, (sworn according to the 4th section,) to receive thirty nine lashes on the bare back. A slave detected in fire hunting, or who shall kill in the night-time any deer, horse, or neat cattle, or stock of any kind, not the pro- 1 perty of his master or owner, without the privity or consent of the owuer or overseer of j the said slave, such slave, on conviction before a court of one magistrate and four freeholders, '< sworn to the best of their judgment, without j partiaUty, favor, or affection, to try the cause j now depending between the state, plaintiff, and B., the slave of C, defendant, and a true | verdict given, according to evidence, is liable ! to receive thirty-nine lashes on the bare back. \ Any slave, who, not in the presence and by | the direction of some white person, shall mark i or brand any horse, mare, gelding, colt, filly, i ass, mule, bull, cow, steer, ox, calf, .sheep, goat, ! or hog, is liable to be whipped not exceeding i fifty lashes, by the order of any magistrate , before whom the offense shall be proved by the evidence of any white person or slave. | The act of 1834 authorizes the court, before which a slave or free person of color is con- victed of any offense, not capital, to punish the offender by imprisonment, provided this act shall not abolish the punishments which were then by law imposed. Under this act, the question will arise, whether the punish- ment by imprisonment is cumulative ; or whether, when resorted to, it is in place of the other punishment to which the offender is liable. I incHne to the opinion, that the punishment is not cumulative, but may be substituted for other punishment, at the dis- cretion of the court. A slave guilty of insolence to a white per- son, may be tried by a court of a magistrate and freeholders, and punished at then- discre- tion, not extending to life or limb. " No free per son of color" (meaning, I sup- pose, " no free negro, mulatto, or mestizo,") or slave, can keep, use, or employ a still or other vessel, on his own account, for the distillation of spirituous liquors, or be employed or con- cerned in vending spirituous liquors of any kind or description, and on conviction there- of, is regarded as guilty of a misdemeanor and is to be punished not exceeding fifty lashes at the discretion of the court; and the still or other vessel is forfeited, and the same is to be sold under an execution to be issued by the magistrate granting the warrant to appre- hend the free negro or slave, and the proceeds of the sale are directed to be paid to the commissioners of the poor. A slave or free person of color (meaning as is above suggested) who shall commit a tres- pass, which would subject a white person to a civil action, and for which no other penalty is prescribed, is regarded as guilty of a misde- meanor, and is to be punished at the discretion of the court trying him, not extending to life or limb. A question will arise, under this act, whether any civil remedy by way of trespass can now be had against any negro, mulatto, or mestizo, for a trespass by him or her com- mitted. A free negro, mulatto, mestizo, or slave, being a distiller, vender or retailer of spirit- uous liquors, who shall sell, exchange, give, or otherwise deliver spirituous liquors to a slave, except upon the written and express order of the owner, (jr person having the care of the slave, shall, upon conviction, (if a slave,) be whipped not exceeding fifty lashes ; if a free negro, mulatto, or mestizo, bo also whipped, not exceeding fifty lashes, and fined not ex- ceeding $50 ; one half of the fine to the in- former, the other half to the state. A slave, or free person of color, (meaning as before suggested,) couvicted of a capital of- fense, is to be punished by hanging; if con- victed of an offense not capital, a slave is to be punished by whipping, confinement in the stocks, or treadmill, or, as is prescribed by the act of '34, (see ante Ist sec.,) imi>risoimieat 284 NEGROES — SLAVE LAWS OF THE yOUTH. may be resorted to. A free negro, mulatto, ] or mestizo, is liable to the same punisliment, i . Emerson,) when placed beside those of Charleston and Boston, * If there is any one who has information to the contrary, we would gladly welcome the lacta.— Ed. 294 NEGRO POPULATION LIFE STATISTICS. ■will confirm such a result. As the climate on the gulf approaches still more closely that of the tropic, it is not improbable that the longevity of the blacks is still greater (as it certainly is of mulattoes) here, than in the city of Charleston. The tables of mortality for Charleston and Philadelphia are as follows : MORTAUTY OF CHARLESTON. Years. Whites. Blacks. 1830 1 in 39.4 40.0 1831 1 in 46.6 37.9 1832 1 in 51.9 55.3 1833 lin 55.0 55.7 1834 1 in 42.1 44.1 T. Fever. 1835 lin 43.1 46.4 1836 1 in 40.6 19.6 Cholera. 1837 lin 47.3 46.7 1838 1 in 18.3 33.0 Y. Fever. 1839 1 in 29.9 39.0 1840 lin .50.7 46.6 1841 1 in 65.1 44.8 1842 1 in 50.3 47.8 1843 1 in 60.8 32.9 1844 1 in 69.3 43.3 1845 1 in 52.9 48.5 IIORTALITT OF PniLADSLPHIjV. Years. Blacks. 1821 1 in 16.9 1822 1 in 21.5 1823 1 iu 17.5 1824 1 in 17.5 1825 1 in 27.0 1826 1 in 26.1 1827 1 in 18.9 1828 1 in 20.8 1829 1 in 23.7 1830 1 in 27.2 Tears. Whites. Blacks. 1831 1 in 39.6 33.6 1832 1 in 28.8 22.6 1833 1 in 47.3 35.2 1834 1 in 41.4 33.3 1835 1 in 38.3 31.2 1830 1 in 43.8 21.4 1837 1 in 45.1 32.7 1838 1 in 45.0 29.2 1839 1 in 49.4 31.3 1840 1 in 52.2 38.6 It appears from the above tables, that the average mortality in Philadelphia, among the colored population, was 1 in 26, ami in Charleston, 1 in 44. Certainly a very marked contrast, and there can be no doubt that, could the free colored be eeparatetl from the slaves, the latter in Charleston would .sliow a Btill more favorable result* There is a cou- * We have tlie authority of Dr. Niles, then a citi- zen or New-York, (now of Faris,) in a panijihlet pub- lished by him in 1827, for giving the mortality of Ballimore in 1823-24-25, as follows :— Whites, 1 in siderable number of mulattoes and free col- ored in Charleston. The mortality in I'hila- delphia has been decreasing among both whites and colored, no doubt from the im- proved condition of the city. I have marked above the years in which yellow fever prevailed in Charleston, and it will be seen that the mortality in those years among the negroes was lower than among the whites, on account of their exemption from this disease. In my former article I gave evidence of the fact that the mortality from this disease falls on the unacdimated ivhites. I have given in the above tables the mor- tality of whites and blacks together, in each city, in order to contrast the influence of cli- mate on the races. The greatest mortality ever known in Charleston in the colored class, was in 1836, when it was raised by the chol- era to 1 in 19, more thiin double the average; but even cholera and slavery combined here are far less destructive to the negro than liberty and climate in Boston, where the mor- tality is said to average 1 in 15. To arrive at a fair estimate of the mortality of this class in northern and southern cities, we must take into consideration, not only the influence of climate, but social condition also. The negro is by nature indolent and improv- ident, every where and under all climates ; and has no where in a state of freedom shown a high degree of longevity, or prolificacy, though by nature the longest lived, I believe, of all the human family. These facts should not be overlooked in estimating their mortal- ity at the north, where they are enjoying all the abstract delights of liberty. Iti the West Indies, we have a strong illustration of the effect of emancipation, and in their native state, in Africa, the average longevity of the blacks (as in all barbarous nations) will be less than among our slaves. In our northern states, where they to a great extent fail to provide against the severe winters, the dis- eases arising from cold and want must add much to their mi.sery and mortality. History cannot pt)int to any epoch or spot on the earth where the condition of the negro race, either physical or moral, has been at all comparable with that of the slaves of the United State.?. Mr. Lyell, who seems to have reflected much and honestly on the evils of slavery, during his last visit to this coiuitry, expressed to me decidedly his conviction that the negroes could only be civilized through slavery. They are here brought into forced contact with a civilized race, from whom they imbibe new and more enlarged ideas ; they 44; free blacks, 1 in 3x!; slaves, 1 in 77-8, This re- sult is probably attributable to two causes— Ist, there is a large proportion of mulattoes among the free colored; 2d, the physical wants of the slaves are- better supplied, and they are infinitely more clieesful and happy than the free colored. NEGRO POPULATION LIFE STATISTICS. 295 U are taught a rational religion ; many learn to I read and write ; all are taught the agricultu- ral or mt'chaiiic arts, or some other useful employment; they not only become more in- tellectual, but imi)rove in pliysical appear- ance. ; and if they are capable of civilization at all, they are thus admirably jirepared for a further advance. Their progress haa cer- tainly been infinitely more raj)id tlian it could have been unf all the deaths; and in Mobile tlie average for the thiee years, 18-14- '4o-'46, the ratio was 1 in 8 in the colored population. The following extract is from the New- York Medical and Surgic;xl Reporter, February 27, 1847: ''Colored Home. — The report of the resident physician, James D. Fitch, M. D., for the year ending 1st January, 1847, is just pub'.i-hed. By the tabular account of the inmates during that time, which sfji-cifies the sex, age, history and diseases of all wlio have come under the supervision of Dr. Fitch, we find that the total number in charge during the year was 296 NEGRO rOPULATIOX LIFE STATISTICS. 464, and the number of deaths 89. . . . The disease m«)-;t ]iromiuent is consumption, by which more tlian one half of the deaths have been caused, the number being 47," &c. Now, how near tliis astounding mortalit}^ from consumption may be to the general re- sult of other years in New-York and Boston, I have not tiie data to determine. I can only . say that I have no disposition to plead one side ; but, on the contrary, would be very glad if some gentleman of the north would give me or the public all the information possible. Why do tlu-y not give us the facts fully ? The combined influence of climate and so- cial condition is again illustrated by the com- parative increase of the colored class north and south. It has been already stated that the whole population of Philadelphia, includ- ing white and colored, in the decennial period from 1830 to 1840, increased 35 per cent., while the colored, taken alone, shows an in- crease of but IS per cent. From the constant escape of negroes from the slave states, and the protection offered them in Philadelphia, we should have expected a different result. I will here introduce an extract bearing on this point, from my article in the Southern Quarterly Review, January, 1846, on the Uuity of the Human Race. It occurred to me that one of the best me thods of testing the influence of climate on the negro race, would be to ascertain the relative proportion of children, in different status, to the free colored women between 15 and 45 years, (the fruitful age.) I have ac- cordingly con-tructed the following table from the census of 1840, in which i.s given all the free colored children under 10 years, and the colored females as near as possible. The cen- sus gives the free colored females between 10 and 24, between '24 and 36, and between 36 and 55. I have, therefore, taken half of the aggregate of tlie first and last, and added this amount to the whole of those between 24 and 36, which must give a sufficiently near ap[)roximation to the truth. I have, in the fourth column of the table, placed the per centage of excess or deficiency of children compared with the females ; and the excess or deficiency in each state is ex- pressed by placing the sign plus or minus be- fore the number expressing the per centage. I have confined these statistics to the free colored population, because tliey are the most stationary ; and .similarity of habits and other circumstances render them the fairest test. There are some irregulaiities in these statis- tics which are difficult to explain, but if we take the aggregate of sections, or any rational view of the matter, I think they are not un- satisfactory. I give them for what they are worth, hoping they will at least lead the way to other observations. Maine New-Hampshire. Massachusetts. . . Rhode Island . . . Connecticut Vermont New- York New- Jersey Pennsylvania.. . . Delaware Maryland. Virginia North Carolina.. , South Carolina.. Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Tennessee Kentucky Ohio Indiana Illinois Missouri Florida Arkansas Michigan Dis. of Columbia 3 280 117 1,782 850 1,836 156 12,511 4,374' 11,687 3,207 13,727 10,457 5,507 1,776 515 406 269 5,892 999 1,276 3,558 1,348 696 298 177 81 148 2,161 29t 107 1,807 673 1,902 167 12,040 5,853 12,509 5,358 18,548 15,857 7,666 2,795 802 572 409 8,178 1,854 1,984 5.190 2,370 1,084 345 216 144 173 2.376 = =5 S £ ^ ? = s a S So o + 5 — 9 + 1 —26 + 3 + 7 — 3 +33 + 1 +33 +35 +53 + 39 +57 +55 +40 -^50 +38 +95 +55 +43 +75 +55 + 15 +23 +77 +17 + 9 The only line which can be drawn across the United States without intersecting states, is one about thirty-six and a half degrees of latitude, which very nearly bounds on the north, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkan- sas. The states of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, Georgia. Ala- bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Floritla, are all south of this line, and the other states al[ north of it. From the abundance of provi- sions, the absence of malaria, the protection here given to the colored class, we miglit rea- sonably infer that they woulil bo most pros- perous and prolific in the northern division. The southern division comprises all the most sickly portions of our country, ;um1 tlie free negroes have less liberty and indulgence than at the north. A calculation made from the above table gives but. about 2.") jier cent, more children than females in the northern division, while in the southern the excess is 44 per cent. The New England states alone show 3 per cent, less children than females of the child-beai ing age. NEGRO rOPULATIOX LIFE STATISTICS. 297 By the census of 1800, there were in the New-England states, of all ages, 17,317 free colored, and in 18-10 there were but 2'i,G33, or an increase only of 5,olG in 40 years! If climate and social c( nilition have nothing to do with this result, I must leave it to others to show what becomes of the natural increase, and of the colored immigrants constantly com- ing in. But, had we all the data necessary for fix- ing the value of life in the pure whites and blacks, another question arises with regard to the longevity of the mixed bloods or nmlattoes. This (juestion presents many ramifications, which are not only curious, but deeply im- portant to the philanthropist. It has been more fidly treated in some of its bearings than I have room for here, in the article al- luded to in the Southern Quarterly, and I now shall merely touch it so far as it is con- nected with the value of life. Whether it be primitive or not, the white and black races are to all intents and purposes specifically different, and it is our business now to treat them as we find them in reference to our sub- ject. A writer in the Boston Medical and Sur- gical Journal, November, 18-12, under the sig- nature of " Philanthropist," who seems to be an earnest seeker after truth, uses the follow- ing language : " From authentic statistics and extensive cor- I'oborating information, obtained from sources to me of unquestionable authority, together with my own observations, I am led to be- lieve that the following statements are sub- stantially correct : " 1st. That the longevity of the Africans is greater than that of the inhabitants of any other part of the globe. "2d. That mulattoes, i. c, those born of parents one being African and the other white or Caucasian, are the shortest lived of any class of the human race. " 3d. That the mulattoes are not more liable to die under the age of 25 than the whites or blacks ; but from 25 to 40 their deaths are as 10 to 1 of either the whites or blacks between those ages ; from 40 to 55, the deaths are as 50 to 1 ; and from 55 to 70, luu to 1. " 4th. That the mortality of the free peo- ple of color is more than 100 i)er cent, great- er than that of slaves. " 5th. That those of unmixed extraction in the free states are not more liable to sickness or premature death tlian the whites of their rank and condition in society ; but that the striking mortality so manifest among the free people of color, is in every comnuinity and section of the country invariably confined to the mulattoes. ' " It was remarked by a gentleman from the south, eminent for his intellectual attainments, and distinguished for his correct observation, and who has lived many years in the southern states, that he did not believe that he had ever seen a mulatto of 7u years of age. " From a correspondence published in the Boston Spectator, in April last, are taken the following statistics: " In a colored population of 2,G34;348, in- cluding free blacks, there are 1,980 over 100 years of age; whereas there are but G47 whites over 100 in a population of 14,581,000. "In Boston, the number of deaths annually among the colored population is about 1 in 15, and there are fewer pure blacks in this city than any other. The same comjiarative mortality between mulattoes and blacks ex- ists in the West Indies and in Guiana, where unfavorable social causes do not operate against the mulattoes as in the United States." Though they do substantially, my observa- tions at the south will not fully corroborate all the above conclusions of " Philanthropist." My belief is that the mulattoes do die more than whites or blacks under 25, as they cer- tainly do above this age, and tliat the pure blacks are destroyed by cold climate as well as the mulattoes, though the latter may be most sensitive. I will here give the results of my own pro- fessional observation during twenty years at the south, which I feel assured time and ex- perience will substantially confirm. The facta were forced upon me during my intercourse with the colored class, and attracted my atten- tion long before I had formed any theory on the subject, and at a time when my convic- tions were the opposite of what they now are. 1st. The mulattoes are intermediate in in- telligence between the blacks and whites. 2d. They are less capable of enduring fatigue, exposure, and hardships of all kinds, than either blacks or whites. 3d. The mulatto women are peculiarly del- icate, and more subject to a variety of chronic diseases peculiar to females. 4th. Tlie women are bad breeders and bad nurses — many do not conceive, and most are subject to abortions, or premature births. 5 th. The two sexes, when they maiTy, are less prolific than when crossed on one of the parent stocks. Gth. The specific difference of the races is strongly illustrated in the exemption of the negroes from yellow and congestive fevers; not only the negro, but the quarteroon, though a native of a cold latitude, is to a great ex- tent exempt ; there are occasional exceptions, and it is well known that yellow fever, like cholera, has often been fatal to domestic animals. The above facts, which I think will in the main hold good in all the Atlantic states, and are more marked the farther north we look, would seem to be contradicted to a consider- 298 NEGRO POPULATION LIFE STATISTICS. able extent, if not wholly refuted, by mi op- posite state of tilings on the gulf. I hope the contradiction, however, will prove to be only apparent. The mulattoes, by which I mean all grades of mixture, derived from the early population of Pensacola, Mobile, and New-Orleans, and who are a mixture principally of French and Spanish blood with that of the negro, present very different physical characters from the mulattoes seen in the Atlantic states, who are derived mainly from the Anglo-Saxon race. The complexion on the gulf of the colored Creoles (as they are called) is a strong copper, or bronze of different shades, which is agree- able to the eye, and strikingly different from the chalky, sickly hue of the others; they ex- cite at once in the mind the idea of a new, or distinct race — are well formed, more robust and hardy, and their features often regular and haudsorne, partaking little of the contour of the negro; they are also much more jiro- lific and long-lived than the mulattoes of the colder states. A stranger coming to Mobile, or New-Orleans, could not fail to be forcibly struck by the physical peculiarities of these colored Creoles, many of whom resemble so closely certain Mongol tribes, as to give strong support to the suggestion of Dr. S. G. Morton, that the latter may possibly be a mixed race of Caucasians and negroes ; an idea which will be much strengthened by his remarks on the influence of climate on hybridity. Their hair is often as straight, black, and glossy as that of the Chinese or Indian; the high cheek- bone and obliquity of the eyes is not uncom- mon. In looking over the well-executed heads in Richards' Physical History of Alan, 1 can find no type of the colored races of the old wor/d, as the Mongol, Hindoo, Malay, &c., of which I have not seen a good imitation in real life among the colored Creoles of Mobile and New-Orleans; but it is remarkable that they show mo resemblance to the abor/c/ine.s of the new world — these stand out from the rest of mankind, as Dr. Morton's Crania Americana will show, as boldly as a new and distinct creation. It is perhaps a difficult task to account for the above dift'erences between these Creoles and the mulattoes of colder climates ; it is possible that a reason may be found in certain affinities or repulsions of certain races, wliich fits or unhts them for peifect amalgamation. The population of Crermany, France, Sjiain, Italy, England, Ireland, and Scotland, is such a heterogeneous compound at the present day of aborigines, Celts, Sclavonians, and Ger- mans, that there are now endless disputes as to the original physical character of each of these latter races, and as to the blood which now predominates in each country. Tlie modern Britons, and tlie Germans, from whom they are principally descended, are usually much more fair in complexion than the French, Spaniards, Italians, Russians, Poles, Ac, who, Lawrence and others maintain, are derived from the Celts and Slavons, of dark skin, hair and eyes. Explain the fact as we may, it is to my mind evident that negroes amal- gamate much better with the dark than the fair races. When we reflect on the specific difference between the two races, (Caucasian and Negro,) and the many peculiarities whicli belong to the mulatto, I think we are justifiable in re- garding the latter as a hybrid. I have shown on a former occasion tliat naturalists have been able to lay down no rule which could offer the slightest objection to tliis idea. We have shown also that different hybrids are subject to very different laws ; some are pro- lific and others not, ts by my will, and I may change, alter, or destroy it. No such power is, or perhaps ever has been, claimed or exercised over the slave, .'-ince the Christian world (irst aVjandoned the bailiarous (k)ctrine that an infidel was not eiititlid to the rights of a human being. The power which the master exercises over a slav'' is far more analogous to that exer- cised upon an indentured ap[»reniice than to any power claimed over a mere chattel. The apprenticeship may be as involuntary as the slavery in its incipiency and continuance, and very often is. The apprentice and the slave are bf)th for a term of years, the one being for a life- time. The master's power, in both instances, extends t() the entire regulation and control of the person, and the absolute enjoyment of his labor. In both instances is he res]>onsible to the law for an abuse of power. The obliga- tions of the master are identical in kind, though not in degree — support, or support and instruction. In either instance there is loom for much kindness and much tyranny. The analogy between the slave and the ap- prentice fails in these respects, that the master may at any time transfer to another his right in the personal services of his slave, and has the same disposing power over his offspring born during slavery. It is evident, however, that these are not necessary and characteristic elements of slavery, any more than the ab- sence of a transferring power is necessary in apprenticeship. The master's obligations to the slave are not personal to him, are not founded upon any particular skill which may be peculiar, but may be performed by any of the human family. He has been at the whole expense, care, aud concern of raising and pro- viding for the offspring of the slave during in- fancy and childhood, and has a well-established claim to be reimbursed. The child is but naturally sulistituted to the parents. The con- sideration is a clear one which the slave re- ceives; and, should one pretend that it is in- adequate, he will have enough to do to travel the world over in search of the labor which meets with an adequate consideration. The truth is, the power of the master over the slave is only that of controlling his labor, and he is entitled to use all the means neces- sary for that purpose. Without inquiring into the foundation of the right, it is evident that this power of the master no more affects the individual and personal character of the slave, than that of the capitalist, all the Avorld over, and especially in the great manufacturing towns of England, over his operatives. It is idle to pretend that the labor of the latter is not as imperiously bowed down and controlled liy the sternest dictates of necessity, and with- out the hope of change or improvement, as that t)f the former. The English master has the absolute power over the bread — the life of the laborer, and that of his children ; how much more over his labor 1 As persons, then, and population, we pro- ceed to consider that whole class, in our coun- try, not embraced under the head of free white citizens and " Indians untaxed." We shall trace the history of their introduction, their ])rogress, their relations, aud their numbers. Having concluded this branch of the subject, we shall proceed to discuss the qualified light of property which is maintained over them, showing its foundation and extent, its expe- 804 KEGRO SLAVERY ORIGIN AXD PROSPECTS OF. diency and necessity. These matters are too ' important to be passed over in times like : these. It is necessary that we all clearly and fully understnnd tliein. It will be thus seen ■we have opened before us the subject ot slavery in all its aspects, political, civil, reli- gipu s, liistorica], and economical. "T The first attempt to introduce negro slaves I -within the United States was in 1C45, by a / citizen of Boston, and it was not until 1G70 that the first cargo of African slaves were brouiiht to Virginia, by a Dutch vessel, and sold. Tlie increase in that colony was at first very slow. In 1671, Siv John Yearaans introduced slaves into South Carolina, from Barbadoes, almost coeval with the establishment of the colony. The increase in this class, by propagation and im- migration, was very rapid, doubling, before long, the number of the whites. Maryland, also, in 1 07 1, passed a law for '' encourag'ng the introduction of negroes and slaves." ^ From this pei-iod, the introduction of slavery -"' became general in all the American colonies, increasing by natural means and by the slave- trade, so long as that was permitted, and since, by the ordinary augmentation of population. At the period of the first census of the United States, in 1790, we fi:ud that slavery existed in all of the states and western terri- tories, except Massachusetts and Maine, which were at that period united. In Massachusetts, however, exist various early laws in regard to slavery. In 1691, the general court de- creed, " that there shall never be any bond- slavery, (fee, among us, icnless it be laivful cap- tives tnken in just wars, or such as uthers, that the negroes should be gradually educated and emancipated at home, and allowed to amalga- mate with the whites, and thus be absoibed, and become a part of our flesh and bone, and a part of our civilization. This proposition is not only insulting and revolting to us, but is overruled by other objections. There is uo doubt that the intellectual grade of the negro races may be greatly improved by crossing them with the whites; but it must not be for- gotten, on the other hand, that the white races would be dragged down by the adulteration, and their civilization destroyed. We see now how difficult it is for the purest races of the earth to maintain any thing like rational gov- ernments ; and what would become of our in- etitutiei:tent these thank:^ are due. /The census of 1790 affords us the earliest /information as to the number of negroes in f tlie country at tlie close of the revolution ; and though there will be error, yet the error will not be very material, if we adopt that census as indicating the true number in the states at the close of the war. The population of the free states was then as follows: Whites, 1,852,116. Free colored, 29,435. Slaves, 49,257. The population of the slaveholding states was: Whites, 1,201,351. Free colored and Indians, 28,265. Slaves, 046,183. In Vermont there were 85,268 whites, 255 free colored, and 16 slaves. lu New-Hampsi)ir« there were 141,137 whites, 630 free colored, and 158 slaves. In Massachusetts, the negro trade had been prohibited in 1778, and there was not a slave (that is, a negro bondman) in the state. There were 373,324 whites, and 5,463 fi^ee negroes, i In this, as in other New-England states, there was comparatively little necessity, and less profit, for the peculiar labor to which the African disposition is adapted, viz.: agricul- ture on a large scale ; for the negro is dissatis- fied on a form, his predilection is decidedly for the large plantation, on which reside fifty or a hundred of his associates : he there has every facility for that merry and blithesome intercourse, the love of which is a striking characteristic of the race ; whereas the lone- some life he would lead on a small New-Eng- land farm would be distressing to him. The cli- mate of these states is against the health and comfort of the negro ; his native home is under a tropical sun, and notwithstanding he can endure, without serious inconvenience, the ex- treme degree of heat incident to such a<:Umate as Africa's, he is utterly averse to the frigid blasts of winter. There not being any means by which money could be made in these states, through the medium of slave labor within their limits, is the cliief cause of its never having been resorted to on a larger scale. In Rhode Island the slave-trade was always extensively carried on until prohibited^by law. The rum distilled in the West Indies was carried to Africa to purchase negroes, and the negroes purchased in Africa were carried to the West Indies to purchase rum; this pro- fitable trade was continued, by those interested in it, to the latest possible period. It was the source of wealth to many of the people of Newport. The population of this state was 64,470 whites, 3,4u7 free negroes, and 948 In Connecticut thei"e w^ere 232,374 whites, 2,810 IreFn^roeg; and 2,7G4 slaves. In New- York there were 314,142 whites, 4,654 free negroes, and 21,324 slaves. In New-Jersey there were 170,954 whites, 1,762 free negroes, and 1 1,423 slaves. For about six or eight years previous to 1790, there had been a remarkable increase in the number of slaves, and an equally remarkable decrease in the number of free negroes. But for a space of over forty-five years, it is to be observed that the increase of the black population (in- cluding both slave and free) was at the same rate as that of the white population. At this time the principal pursuit of the people of New-Jersey was agriculture, and that on a small scale ; a kind of farming not calculated to enhance slave labor, though perhaps able to support it. And it is said by a writer, who travelled all over North America and the West Indies, when preparing his history, that agriculture (in this state) had not been im- proved to that degree which, from long ex- perience, we might rationally expect, and which the fertility of the soil, in many places, certainly encouraged. Evincing either a want of enterprise on the part of proprietors, or a fault in the system of labor ; the latter cause is, perhaps, that which may most reasonably be assigned, for no one can doubt the energy and enterprise of the people of New-Jersey. This is a good instance of the unprofitable- ness and misapplication of slave labor in the northern states. In Pennsylvania there were 424,079 whites, 6,557 free negroes, and 3,703 slaves. In Delaware, which is more assimilated in climate aiKlhatural resources with Maryland and Virginia than any other state, lying, as it does, in the same latitude, and possessing similar natural features, we find a greater pro- portion of slaves than in any state north of it. There were 46,306 whites, 3,899 free negroes, and 8^7 slaves. This is the last of the free states ^vhich then held slaves. Since that census was taken, all the 45,371 slaves held in these states have disappeared, and the current which swept them away has borne along with it we cannot tell how many times that number from the southern states, through the agency of those good abolition gentlemen, who never fail to let "charity, in golden links of love, connect them with the brotherhood of man ;" the essence of which golden links of love is the golden rule, " rob 312 NEGKO SLAVERY NORTHERN AKD SOUTHERN. Peter to pay Paul," or rob -white to pay black. In all tbtse states the white population has regularly aud rapidly increased ; but the ne- groes, whore are they ? Some have been sent to their fatherland, Liberia, to set up a model republic, and to enlighten and amend the civil code of Ethiopia. Some have gone the way of all flesh, through sheer want of that same thing, wherewith they might have been nour- ished and kept aiive but for want of it. Some have emigrated westward, and the glory of their enlightened minds has shed lustre on the name of Ohio. Some choice spirits among them are the pride and boast of divers north- ern penitentiaries and almshouses. And some remain, the sportive imps of fun and frolic, in the large cities of the north, and have their annual and semi-annual exhibitions, for the benefit of their gaping brethren of a paler hue, of the spontaneous effervescence of the spirit of liberty fresh from their American bosoms. And for the rest, they are among the most influential and respectable citizens of the northern community. In Maryland there were 208,649 whites, 8,043 free negroes and Indians, and 103,036 slaves. In V|iginia there were 442,117 whites, 12,866 free negroes and Indians, and 292,027 slaves. It must be remarked here, that the increase of the slave ]jopulatiou of Virginia, for fourteen years preceding this census, was less than it had been for a century before ; owing to the fact, that about 30,000 slaves died of the smallpox or camp-fever, caught from the British army ; or were inveigled off, while Lord Cornwallis was roving over the state. In-4vontucky) then in its infancy, there were 61,133 whites, 114 free negroes, aud 12,430 slaves. In Nouth, CajolLna there were 288,205 ■whites, 4,975 free negroes and Indians, and 100.571 slaves. In Tennessee there were 5,813 whites, and 1,161 slaves: In South Carolina there were compara- tively more slaves than in any other state ; the population being 140,278 whites, and 107,094 slaves. A gr^at loss in slave property was incurred by this state during the revolu- tionary war, and was, comparatively speaking, about three times as great as that met with by Virginia. During the three years the 'British wer^in posses.sion of Charleston, they stole away aud sold in the West Indies no less than 25,000 negroes. In. Gfiorgia-fchere were 55,156 whites, and 29,264 slaves. Tlie circumstances connected ■with slavery in the early settlement of this state, present a striking contrast with those of Massachusetts and other New-Engljind states ; in those latter slavery was originally introduced and considerably practised, but, as the population increased, hired labor took the place of slave labor. In Georgia, exactly the reverse was the case. The original " Board of Trustees for the settling and establishing the colony of Georgia," consisting of twenty- one opulent and humane gentlemen in Eng- land, prohibited the use of negroes in the colony, and the importation of rum. By this one ruthless stroke of philanthropy, the settlers of Georgia were deprived of tlie two- fold blessings enjoyed by their more fortunate neighbors of Rhode Island : they could accu- mulate wealth by trading in Africans and I um. But Georgia was designed for a free state, and Africans were not to be used, neither rum. This was about the year 1732. The plan was a theoretical one, and was, per- haps, the worst that could have been adopted •, it was certainly productive of the most perni- cious consequences to the prosperity of the colony. The paramount object of the trustees being to raise silk and wine, they deemed it inexpedient to introduce slave labor. And, in addition to this, the colony being at this early period a kind of barrier between Carolina on the one side, and the Spanish settlement and St. Augustine on the other, the trustees fell into the very general, though equally errone- ous belief, that negroes would rather weaken than strengthen its defensive powers. These were the chief reasons why the settlers were prohibited from employing slaves ; but the absurd restriction had a visible effect. It was found impracticable in such a climate, and without African labor, for the colony to flour- ish ; the enterprise, therefore, proved a failure. In a country so ricli, with a climate so favor- able, and a soil so productive as that of Georgia, the colonists, nevertheless, gradually disappeared, and eifectaally deserted the en- terprise ; because they were convinced they could never succeed under such impolitic re- strictions. Tiie trustees, finding that the colony was languishing under their transatlantic care, re- signed their charter, in the year 1752, to the kmg of England, and the deserted colony be- came a royal government. History informs us that at this time " the vestiges of cultiva- tion were scarcely perceptible in the forests, aixl in England all commerce with the colony was neglected." But, immediately on the goverinnent being changed, the people became possessed of the same privileges which their neighbors enjoyed ; prominent among which was tlie privilege of cultivating their rich lands by tlie only profitable means, which is no other than slave labor. Several yeara elapsed, however, before the value of tlie landa became generally appreciated. And about the year 1760 aspirit of enterprise sprung up, wliich has ever since been a characteristic of this state. And it should be particularly ob- served, that no portion of the population. NEGRO rOPULATION REMEDY FOR ITS EXCESS. 3ia under the new laws, increased so rapidly, and no system of lahor became so generally dis- seminated, as that of the African slave. The experiment lias, therefore, we think, been fairly tried ; both north and south have had ample opportunities to discover the inter- est and policy of their respective sections. All the Ncw-]'^ngland states have tried slave la- bor, but it was not found profitable, and was abandoned. In the south, the state of tireorgia was, for a period of twenty years, not a free, but decidedly a white colony. White labor wa3 found here to be incompatible with the climate ; slave labor was introduced ; and, in the short space of thirty years, nearly thirty thousand slaves were actively employed in the pursuits of agriculture. And, at the present daj', slaveholding Georgia will favorably com- pare with any state in the Union." NEGRO POPULATION.— Remedy for ITS Excess at the South. — What shall we do to remedy the evils of an excessive slave pop- ulation, is the question that we propose now to consider. The number of slaves in the United States was 697,897 in 1790, and in 1850 it was 3,179,589, showing an increase of 2,481,692 since 1790. From 1830 to 1840 the annual increase of slaves was 47,831, and from 1840 to 1850 it was 69,223, and from 1850 to 1860 it will probably be as much as 80,000. The number of slaves in the United States, in 1820, was 1,538,128, which is about half the amount of the present slave popula- tion. It thus appears that the slave popula- tion of this country has been doubled within the last thirty years. The increase of slaves within the last ten years was 692,234, and it is probable the increase will be 800,000 dur- ing the next ten years. In 1860, the slaves will be about 4,000,000. At the end of the next thirty years it will be about six millions and a half, and at the commencement of the next century it will not fall far short of thir- teen millions. This is a state of things which must inevitably come, unless there should be some unforeseen and unexpected occurrences to prevent it. It may be a remote, but it is I a sure result. In ftiis view of the case, we , 'are led to inquire, with a feeling of deep in- ■^ terest, what is to become of this rapidly in- creasing population ? Can they be profitably employed in agriculture, and will we have a sufficiency of land for thenr to cultivate ? Some may hope that we will find an outlet for our slaves in territories now unoccupied /by slaves, and where there are but few inhab- itants. It has been a favorite idea with some of our statesmen to acquire territory in which our slave institutions will exist, aud thus pre- serve us from the dangers of a redundant slave population. Whatever hope may have once been entertained that this was a feasible scheme, has, we think, been dissipated by the occurrences of the past four years. We should look at things as they really exist, and not permit ourselves to be deluded with false hopes which are never to be realized. . We must be aware of the approach of danger be- fore we will take the necessary steps to guard against it. We nmst in all candor fay, that we think the limits of slave territory are fixed. California, New-Mexico, and Utah are, we think, alr(;ady closed against the institu- tion of slavery, and any other territories which we may acquire will share the same fate. The south has been excluded from aa equal participation in the enjoyment of the territories recently obtained from the Mexi- can republic, whether properly or improperly, justly or unjustly, constitutionally or uncon- stitutionally, it is not our purpose now to in- / quire. We only wish to deal with facts as they exist, without undertaking to dntermine how this state of things was brought about, and who are responsible. That it is the in- terest of the northern people to favor the exten- sion of slavery we entertain not a doubt; and in attempting to confine it within its present limits, they are aiming a fatal blow at their own prosperity, if the southern people will now adopt that line of policy which their du- ties and their interests alike demand. The introduction of slavery into territories where it now does not exist, would benefit the north by furnishing a greater quantity of those raw materials which the north so much needs for manufiicturing purposes, by opening new mar- kets for the sale of northern fabrics, and by enlarging the commerce of the northern ship- owners. If, however, slavery is confined within its present limits, the rapid increase in the number of slaves will compel the south- ern people to employ their slaves in the man- ufacture of such articles as are now made almost exclusively in the northern states. In this way the slave labor of the south will, instead of contributing to the wealth of the north, as it has heretofore done, become the successful competitor of northern white labor in those departments of industry of which the north has in times past enjoyed a monopoly. We will be compelled to use the surplus bliick population, which is likely to accumu- late upon our hands, in cotton and woollen factories, in iron furnaces, and in all those pur- suits which now furnish employment to so large a portion of the northern ])eople. Al- though at this time the white labor of the north may be somewhat cheaper for manufac- turing purposes than slave labor, on account of the comparative scarcity of slave labor and the value of the agricultural products chiefly raised by it, yet when the number of slaves is doubled or trebled, and they are confined within their present limits, the real or fancied advantages which the north enjoys from cheap labor will no longer exist. AVhen this takes place, the southern people will be forced to resort to employments for theix- slaves other 3U NEGRO POPrLATION REMEDY FOR ITS EXCESS. than those in which they are now engaged, which are mostly agricultural. Not only will a large portion of the cotton raised in the eouth be manufactured in the south, but many of those extensive establishments of mechani- cal industry at the north, which depend upon the south for their patronage, yea, for their very existence, will be transferred to the south, and we will not then be dependent on the north for the articles of clothing we and our slaves use. If we knew the amount of money annually taken from us to purchase articles of negro clothing, including hats, boots, shoes, blankets, ifec, we would be start- led. Why is this, and how long will it con- tmue ? If the people of the north are not willing for us to take our slaves to the new territories, we must, in self-defense, bring the slave labor of the south into competition with the free white labor of tiie north. What is to be the result when the northern people lose their southern trade ; when they find the manufacture of cotton and woollen fabrics transferred to the south, and all their mechan- ics, wlio obtain a liveliliood by making arti- cles for the southern market, thrown out of employment, we do not pretend to conjecture ; but be it what it may, it will be the fruit of northern opposition to the institution of slav- ery and to its extension. Will we be able, it may be asked, to find a market for our fab- rics, if we manufacture all or a considerable portion of the cotton raised in the southern states ? Most assuredly we can. We will have for our market-place the whole habitable globe, and all the people of the earth will be our customers. We can give our manufac- tures in exchange for the teas and silks of Asia, the sugar and coifee of the West Indies, the palm oil, dye stutfs, ivory and gold of Africa ; and, in a word, for any thing which any other people have to sell, because cotton, on account of its cheapness, its durability, and its comfort, is destined to be the clothing for mankind. We have now seen that tlie south is not dependent upon the north for any thing, except 80 far as she chooses to make herself 80 ; and that the north is dependent upon the south for her existence, as a commercial and manufacturing people. Ought not this to teach the north to beware lest she carry her aggressions to that point where resistance will become the first and highest duty of the south? One of the most obvious remedies against an excessive slave population, is to employ a considerable portion ot that kind of labor in the construction of plank roads, turn- pike roads, and railroads in the southern states. Let us suppose that one fourth of the labor now engaged in raising cotton should be thus directed ; tlie amount of the cotton crop would be diminished one fourth, and the in- creased price consequent thereon would make up for the diminished quantity, and would enable the cotton growers to realize as much money as if the one fourth of the labor had not been turned into other channels. Sup- pose again, that another fourth should be em- ployed in factories of different kinds ; this would cause a further diminution in the quan- tity raised, and a corresponding increase in the price. Should the cotton crop of the United States be reduced to 1,500,000 bales per annum, of which one third would be con- sumed in the south' rn states, it is easy to see what a fatal effect it woultl have upon the manufacturers of the northern states and of Europe. The result would be their utter prostration. We have supposed this, which may seem an extreme case, to show that the northern states, and Europe also, are in the power of the cotton growers of the south. A withdrawal of the cotton of the United States from England would produce an instant and 'i terrible revolution in that island ; and to cut ■ off from the northern states of this co!ifede- racy their southern trade would destroy their merchants and manufacturers, cause a failure of their banks, and bring about a financial crisis such as they have never experienced, and of which their imagination can scarcely , conceive. The amount of cotton consumed in the northern states during the last five years has been 2,360,645 bales, or an average per annum of 473,931 bales. The value of the cotton consumed during the last five years in the northern states has been §88,637,049, or an average of $17,727,409 per annum. The profits arising from the manufacture of this cotton, and selling it to the northern people, amounted to perhaps double the cost of the raw material, whilst it furnished employuicnt to thousands of operatives, and secured to the northern farmer a market for his produce. Surely, then, the north can have nothing to hope from a disruption of this confederacy, which many of its people seem to be striving so hard to bring about. The remedies tiien which we propose, to prevent the evils of a redundant slave population, are the employ' ■merit of slave labor in the construction of rail- roads throughout the southern states, and the use of negroes in our factories and in our v}orkshops. In tliis way we can build all the important roads in the southern states without tidiing any thing of consequence from the available means of our people, and we can obtain those articles of taste and elegance which we now rely upon the north to furnish us, made at our own doors. We must bring slave labor directly in competition with north- / ern labor. We must continue to seek out and find new fields for slave labor, whenever it ceases to be profitable in agriculture. These are the measures winch we are bound by the highest obligations to adopt, to ward olf the alarming evils of a rapidly and fearfully in- creasing slave population, confined as we NEGROES — DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. SIC think it will be within its present limits, un- less tliere is a greiit change in the political condition of the country. NEGROES. — Diseases and Pecuuaritiks OF Tiiic Nkijuo, nv Dii. Cartwuigiit, of New- Orlkans. — Altlioi)j;h the African race consti- tutes nearly a moiety of our southern popu- lation, it has not been made the subject of much scientific investigation, and is almost entirely unnoticed in medical books and schools. It is only very lately that it has, in large masses, dwelt in juxtaposition with science and mental progress. On the Niger, and in the wilds of Africa, it has existed for thousands of years, excluded from the observa- tion of the scientific world. It is only since the revival of learning that the people of that race have been introduced on this continent. They are located in tliose parts of it not pro- lific in books and medical authors. No med- ical school was ever established near them until a few years ago; hence, their diseases and physical peculiarities are almost unknown to the learned. The little knowledge that soutiiern pliysicians have acquired concerning them has not been derivetl from books or medical lectures, but from facts learned from their oven observation in the field of experi- ence, or picked up here and there from others. Before going into the peculiarities of their diseases, it is necessary to glance at the ana- tomical and physiological differences between the negro and the white man ; otherwise, their diseases cannot be understood. It is com- monly taken for granted that the color of tiie skin constitutes the main and essential differ- ence between the black and the white race ; but there are other differences more deep, durable and indelible, in their anatomy and physiology, than that of mere color. In the albino the skin is white, yet the organization is that of the negro. Besides, it is not only in th(! skin that a difference of color exists be- tween the negro and the white man, but in the membranes, the nuiscles, tlie tendons, and in all the fluids and secretions. Even the negro's brain and nerves, the chyle anil all the humors, an; tinctured with a shade of the pervading darkness. His bile is of a deeper color, and his blood is blacker than the white man's. Theie is the same difference in the flesh of the white and black man, in regard to color, that exists between the flesh of the rabbit and the hare. His btnies are whiter and harder than those of the white race, ow ing to their containing more phosphate of lime and less gelatine. His head is hung on the atlas differently from tlie wdiite man ; the face is thrown more upwards, and the neck is shorter and less oblique; the spine more in- wards, and the pelvis more obliquely out- wards; the thigh-bones larger, and flattened from before backwards ; the bones more bent ; the legs curved outwards, or bowed ; the feet flat; the gastrocnemii muscles so long, as to make the ankle appear as if planted in the middle of the foo'„ ; tiie gait, hopper-hip})ed, or what the French call Valhirc dc/tauchee, not unlike that of a person carrying a bur- den. The projectiiig mouth, the retreating forehead, the broad, flat nose, thick lips and woolly hair, are peculiarities that strike every beholder. According to Stemmerring and other anatomists, who have dissected the ne- gro, his brain is a ninth or tenth less than in other races of men, his facial angle smaller, and all the nerves going from the brain, as also the ganglionic system of nerves, are larger in proportuiu than in the white man. The nerves distributed to the muscles are an exception, being smaller than in the white race. S(jera- merring remarks, that the negro's brain has in a great measure run into nerves. One of the most striking differences is found in the much greater size of the foramen marfuum in the nefjro than the white man. The foramen, or orifice between the Vjrain and the spinal mar- row, is not only larger, but the medulla ob- longata, and particularly the nerves supplying the abdominal and pelvic viscera. Although the nose is flut, the turbinated bones are more developed, and the pituitary membrane, lining the internal cavities of the nose, more exten- sive than in the white man, and causing the sense of smell to be more acute. The ne- gro's lipariug is better, his sight is stronger, and he seldom needs spectacles. The field of vision is not so large in the negro's eye as in the white man's. He bears the rays of the sun better, because he is pro- vided with an anatomical peculiarity in the inner canthus, contracting the field of vision, and excluding the sun's rays; something like the membrana nictitans, formed by a preter- natural development of the plica lunaris, like that which is observed in apes. His imitative powers are very great, and he can agitate every part of the body at the same time, or what he calls dancing all over. From the ditTusion of brain, as it were, into the various organs of the body, in the shape of nerves to minister to the senses, every thing, from the necessity of such a conformation, partakes of sensuality, at the expense of intellectu- ality. Thus, music is a mere sensual pleasure \ with the negro. There is nothing in his music addressing the understanding ; it has melody, but no harmony ; his songs are mere sounds, without sense or meaning — pleasing the ear, without conveying a single idea to the mind ; his ear is gratified by sound, as his stomach is by food. The great development of the nervous system, and the profuse dis- tribution of nervous matter to the stomach, liver and genital organs, would make the Ethiopian race entirely unmanageable, if it were not that this excessive nervous develop- ment is associated with a deficiency of red S16 KEGROES DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. blood in ibe pulmonary and arterial systems, from a defective atmospherization or arterial- ization of the blood in the lungs — constituting the best type of what is called the lymphatic temperament, in which lymph, phlegm, mu- cus, and other humors predominate over the red blood. It is this defective hematosis, or atmospherization of the blood, conjoined with a deficiency of cerebral matter in the cranium, and an excess of nei-vous matter distributed to the organs of sensation and assimilation, that is the true cause of that debasement of mind which has rendered the people of Africa unable to take care of themselves. It is the true cause of their indolence and apa- thy, and why they have chosen, through countless ages, idleness, misery and barbarism, to industry and frugality; why social indus- try, or associated labor, so essential to all progress in civilization and improvement, has never made any progress among them, or the arts and sciences taken root on any portion of African soil inhabited by them ; as is proved by the fact that no letters, or even hiero- glyphics — no buildings, roads or improve- ments, or monuments of any kind, are any where found, to indicate that tliey have ever been awakened from their apathy and slee|)y indolence, to physical or mental exertion. To the same physiological causes, deeply rooted in the organization, we must look for an ex- planation of the strange facts, why none of the languages of the native tribes of Africa, as proved by ethnographical researches, have risen above common names, standing for things and actions, to abstract terms or gen- eralizations ; why no form of government on abstract principles, with divisions of power into separate departments, has ever been in- stituted by them ; why they have always preferred, as more congenial to tlieir nature, a government combining the legislative, ju- dicial and executive powers in the same indi- vidual, in the person of a petty king, a chief- tain, or master; why, in America, if let alone, they always prefer the same kind of government, which we call slavery, but which is actually an improvement on the government of their forefatliers, as it gives them more tranquillity and sensual enjoyment, expands the mind and improves the morals, by arous- ing them from that natural indolence so fatal to menial and moral progress. Even if they did not prefer slavery, trancjuillity and sensual enjoyment, to liberty, yet their organization of mind is such, that if they had their liberty, they have not the industry, the moral virtue, the courage and vigilance to maintain it, but would relapse intf) Ijarbarism, or into slavery, as they have done in Hayti. The reason of this is founded in unalterable physiological laws. Unilor the compulsive power of tiie white man, they are made to labor or exer- cise, which makes the lungs perform the duty of vitalizing the blood more perfectly than is done when they are left free to indulge in idleness. It is the red, vital blood, sent to the brain, that liberates their mind when un- der the white man's control ; and it is the want of a sufficiency of red, vital blood, that chains their mind to ignorance and barbarism when in freedom. The excess of organic nervous matter, and the deficiency of cerebral — the predominance of the humors over the red blood, from de- fective atmospherization of the blood in the lungs, impart to the negro a nature not unlike that of a new-born infant of the white race. In children, the nervous system predominates, and the temperament is lymphatic. The liver, and the rest of the glandular system, are out of proportion to the sanguineous and respiratory systems, the white fluids predom- inating over the red ; the lungs consume less oxygen, and the liver separates more carbon than in the adult age. This constitution, so well marked in infancy, is the type of the Ethiopian constitution, of all ages and sexes. It is well known, that in infancy, full and free respiration of pure fresh air in repose, so far from being required, is hurtful and prejudicial. Half smothered by its mother's bosom, or the cold external aii carefully excluded by a warm room or external covering over the face, the infant reposes; re-breathing its own breath, warmed to the same tem]ierature as that of its body, and loaded with carbonic acid and aqueous vapor. The natural effect of this kind of respiration is, imperfect atmos- pherization of the blood in the lungs, and a hebetude of intellect, from the defective vitalization of the blood distributed to the brain. But it has heretofore escaped the at- tention of the scientific world, that the defec- tive atmospherization of the blood, known to occur during sleep in infancy, and to be the most congenial to their constitution, is the identical kind of respiration most congenial to the negro constitution, of all ages and sexes, when in repose. This is proved by the fact of the universal ]iractice among them of cov- ering their heads and fiices during sleep, with a blanket, or any kind of covering that they can get hold of If they have only a part of a blanket, they will cover their foces when about to go to sleep. If they have no cover- ing, they will throw their h.ands or arms across the mouth and nose, and turn on their faces, as if with an instinctive design to obstruct the entrance of the free external air into the lungs during sleep. As is the case with infants, the air that negroes breatlie,with their faces thus smothered with blankets or other covering, is not so much the external air as their own breath, warmed to the same temperature as that of their bodies, by confinement and re- inspiration. This instinctive and universal metliod of breathing, during sleep, proves the similarity of organization and physiological 1 laws existing between negi'oes and infants, as NEGROES — DISEA8ES AND PECULIARITIES OF. 317 far fts the important function of respiration is i concerned. Both are alike in re-breathiug | their own breath, and in requiring it to be I warmed to tlieir own temperature, by con- 1 fincineut whicli would be insupportable to the white race after passing the age of infancy. The inevitable efl'ect of breatliing a heated j air, loaded with carbonic acid and aqueous j vapor, is defective hematosis and hebetude of j intellect. Negroes, moreover, resemble children in the activity of the liver and in their strong aasimi- j latiiig powers, and in the predominance of tlje other systems over the sanguineous ; hence they are difficult to bleed, owing to the small- ness of their veins. On cording the arm of the stoutest negro, the veins will be found scarcely as large as a white boy's of ten years of age. They are liable to all the convulsive diseases, cramps, spasms, colics, etc., that chil- dren are so subject to. Although their skin is very thick, it is as sensitive, when they are in perfect health, as that of children, and like them they fear the '■ rod. They resemble children in another very , important particular : they are very easily ; governed by love combined with fear, and are ungovernable, vicious and rude under any ' form of government whatever, not resting on love and fear as a basis. Like children, it is not necessary that they be kept under the ; fear of the lash ; it is sufficient that they be : ke[)t under the fear of the>is among statesmen, divines, and other classes of people nearly every where, ' That there are no radical or physical differences in mankind, other than tho-e produced by external circumstances, and that the treatment applicable to the white man would be just as good, under simi lar external circum.-tances, for the negro.' This false hy[iotliesis is at the root of the, doo trine that the liberty and ]jolitical institutions 60 beneficial to the white man, would be equally beneficial to the negro — that there is no internal or physical difference between the two races. The every-day experience of the southern people, where the two races dwell together, proves this hypothesis ^to bej un- founded ; whereas its fallacy is not so appa- rent to the people of the north and of Europe, where only one race of mankind is found in numbers sufficient to make comparisons be- tween the two. Hence they have not the data to arrive at the truth, and nothing to correct the erroneous views tliat a false dogma has given them in regard to negro slavery. But it is most strange that our institutions for medical learning, south, should be doing no- thing, with such ample materials around them, to overturn an hypothesis founded in gros« ignorance of the anatomy and physiology of the African race — an hypothesis threaten- ing to cause a disruption of our federal gov- ernment, one that could be disproved and put down for ever at the dissecting table ; as it also could be by contrasting the pheuomena drawn from daily observations taken among three millions of negroes in health and disease, with the phenomena already drawn from ob- servations of the white race ; and thereby proving the difference of organization in mind and body between the two races. Stranger still, that our southern schools in medicine should be content to linger behind those of the noith, without even the hope of rivalling them in the numbers of their students, when a prov'sion for including in their course of in- struction the three millions of people in our midst not cared for by any school, would, in time, put them fur ahead by attracting the current of students south, who have hereto- fore been attracted to the north. Some pro- vision iu our schools especially devoted to the anatomy and physiology of our negroes, — to the treatment of their diseases, to the best means to prevent sickness among them, to improve their condition, and at the same time to make them more valuable to their owners, and governed with more ease and safety, — would be sending scieuce into a new and wide field of usefulness, to reap immense ben- efits for the millions of both races inhabiting the south. Necuio Coxsumi'Tiox. — Xcgro consumption is a disease almost unknown to medical men of the northern states and Europe. A few southi'rn piiysiciaiis have acquired some valu- able iuformation concerning it from personal experience and observation; but this know- ledge is scattered in fragments about, and has never been condenseil in a form to make it of nuich practical utility. Some physicians, looking upon negro consumption through northern books, suppose it to be a variety of phthisis pulmonalis ; but it has no form of resemblance to the phthisis of the white race, except iu the emiieiatiou, or when it is com- plicated with the relics of pneumonia or a NEGROES — DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. 321 badly cured pleurisy. Others regard it as a dyspepsia or some disease of the liver or stomach ; the Frencli call it mat d'csloinac. But dyspep.'iia is not a disease of the negro ; it is, par exccUcucc, a disease of the Anglo- Saxon race. I have never seen a well marked case of dyspepsia among the blacks. It is a disease that selects its victims from the most intellectual of manldnd, passing by the ignorant and unreflecting. Tlie popular opinion is that nogro consump- tion is caused by dlrt-eatbi(j. The eating of dirt is not the cause, but only one of the ef- fects — a mere symptom, -which may or may not attend it As in pica, there is often a de- praved appetite for substaucos not nutritious, as eartli, chalk, lime, etc. ; but oftener, as in malacia, a depraved a[)petite for nutritious substances, to a greater degree than for non- nutritious. In negro consumption the patients are generally hearty eaters of all kinds of food ; but there are exceptions. The disease may be detected at a very early stage of its existence, by the pale, whit- ish color of the mucous membrane lining the gums and the inside of the mouth, lips and chet'ks: so white are the mucous surfaces, that some overseers call it the paper-gum dis- ease. It can be detected, however, in its in- cipient f-tate, by making the patient ascend a flight of stairs ; the pulse will be accelerated from eighty or ninety beats to an hundred and thirty or forty. All kinds of active exercise will greatly accelerate the pulse — that of walk- ing up hill or up stairs more than any other. The skin is ashy pale and dry ; the veins of the head are distended, and show more than in health •, occasionally during the day, there is some heat of the skin and febrile excite- ment; the blood is poor, pale and thm, in the advanced stages, containing very few red globules; but the pathognomonic symptoms of the complaint are the acceleration of the pulse on exercise, and the whiteness of the lining membrane of the cheeks, lips and gums ; the lining membrane of the eye-lids is also pale and whitish. It is of nnportance to know the pathognomonic signs in its caily stages, not only in regard to its treatment, but to de- tect impositions, as negroes afflicted with the complaint are often for sale ; the acceleration of the pulse on exercise incapacitates them for labor, as they quickly give out and have to leave their work. This induces their own- ers to sell them, although they may not know the cause of their inability to labor. Many of the negroes brought south for sale are in the incipient stage of the disease ; they are found to be inefficient laborers, and are sold in consequence thereof. In order to be able to prevent or cure any malady, it is necessaiy to know its cause and its seat. The seat of negro consumption is not in the Inngs, stomach, liver, or any organ VOL. II. of the body, but in the mind, and its cause is generally mismanagement or bad government on the part of the master, and superstition or dissatisfaction on the part of the negro. The patients themselves believe that they are poi- soned : they are right, but it is not the body, but the mind that is poisoned. Negroes are very jealous and suspicious; hence, if they are slighted or imposed on in any way, or over-tasked; or do not get what they call their rights, they are apt to fall into a morbid state of mind, with sulkiness and dissatisfaction very plainly depicted in their countenances. It is bad government to let them remain ia this sulky, dissatisfied mood, without inquir- ing into its causes and removing them ; other- wise, its long continuance leads to the disease under consideration. They fancy that their fellow-servants are against them, that their master or overseer cares nothing for them or is prejudiced against them, or that some ene- my on the plantation or in the neighborhood has tricked ihem, that is, laid poison for them to walk over, or given it to them in their food or drinks. On almost every large plan- tation there is one or more negroes, who are ambitious of being considered in the charac- ter of conjurers, in order to gain influence, and to make the others fear and obey them. The influence that these pretended conjurers exercise over their fellow-servants would not be credited by persons unacquainted with the superstitious mind of the negro. Nearly all, particularly those who have passed the age of puberty, are at times kept in constant dread and terror by the conjurers. These impostors, like all other impostors, take ad- vantage of circumstances to swell their im- portance, and to inculcate a belief in their miraculous powers to bring good or evil upon those they like or dislike. It may be thought that the old superstition about conjuration has passed away with the old stock of native Africans ; but it is too deeply radicated in the negro intellect to pass away ; intelligent negroes believe in it, who are ashamed to acknowledge it. The effect of such a super- stition—a firm belief that he is poisoned or conjured — upon the patient's mind, already in a morbid state, and his health affected from hard usage, over-tasking, or exposure, want of wholesome food, good clothing, warm, comfortable lodging, with the distressing idea that he is an object of hatred or dislike both to his master and fellow-servants, and has no one to befriend him, tends directly to gene- rate that erythism of mind which is the essential cause of negro consumption. This erythism of mind, like the erythism of the gravid uterus in delicate females, often causes a depraved appetite for earth, chalk, lime, and such indigestible substances. The digest- ive passages, in both cases, become coated with acescent mucosities or clogged with sa- 21 322 NEGROES DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. burricious matters. Natural instinct leads' Buch patients to absorbents to correct the state of the stomach. In the depraved appetite caused by preg- nancy, or in young women afflicted with leu- corrh(oa, true art improves upon instinct, or the natural medication of the patients them- selves, by substituting magnesia, cathartics, i bitters and tonics. But for the same morbid appetite in negro consumption, the natural ; medication, resorted to by the instinctive wants of the patient, is mistaken for the cause ' of the disease. It is not only earth or claj^ that the patients have an appetite for, but, like chlorotic girls, they desire vinegar, pep- per, salt, and stimulants. Tiieir'skins are dry, £ roving want of cutaneous exhalation ; very ttle aqueous vapor is thrown off from the lungs, owing to their inability to take exer- cise. Consequently, defluxions occur on the mucous coat of the digestive passages, from want of action of the skin and lungs; the mucosity lining the intestinal canal interrupts the absorption of chyle ; the blood becomes impoverished, and the body wastes away from interstitial absorption and want of uutri ment. As far as medication is concei-ned, I have found a combination of tartar emetic half grain, capsicum five grains, a teasjjoonful of charcoal, a tablespoonful of gum guaiacum, three times a day, a good remedy ; also, rub- bing the whole surface of the body over with some oily substance. But there are various other remedies, as purgatives, tonics, &c., •which should be assisted by removing the ori- ginal cause of the dissatisfaction or trouble of mind, and by using every means to make the patient comfortable, satisfied and happy. Drapetomaxia, or the Disease causing Negroes to Run Away. — Drapetoraauia is from 6part£z''/f, a runaway slave, and fiavici, mad or crazy. It is unknown to our medical authorities, although its diagnostic symptom, the absconding from service, is as well known to our planters and overseers as it was to the ancient Greeks, Avho expressed, by the single ■word 6pttrt£T'';j, the fact of the absconding, and the relation that the fugitive held to the person he fled from. I have added to the word meaning runaway slave another Greek term, to express the disease of the mind causing him to abscond. In noticing a disease not lieretofore classed among the long list of maladies that man is subject to, it was neces- sary to have a new term to express it. The cause, in the most of cases, that induces the negro to run away from service, is as much a disease of the mind as any other species of mental alienation, and much more curable, as a general rule. With the advantages of pro per medical advice, strictly followed, this troublesome practice that many negroes have of running away can be almost entirely jire- vented, although the slaves be located on the borders of a free state, within a stone's throw of the abolitionists. I was born in Virginia, east of the Blue Ridge, where negroes were numerous, and studied medicine some years in Maryland, a slave state, separated from Penn3Ylvania,a free state, by Mason written in his physical structure, being more ' flexed or bent than anj' other kind of man, If the white man attempts to oppose the > Deity's will, by trying to make the negro any thing else than "the submissive knee-bender" (which the Almighty declared he should be,) hy trying to raise him to a level with himself or by putting himself on an equality witli the negro ; or if he abuses the power Avhich God has given him over his fellow-man, by being cruel to him, or punishing him in anger, or by neglecting to protect him from the wanton abuses of his fellow-servants and all others, or by denying him the usual comforts and ne- cessaries of life, the negro will run away, but if he keeps him in the position that we learn from the Scri]>tures he was intended to occupy, that is, the position of submission-, and if his master or overseer be kind and gracious in his bearing towards him, without condescension, and at the same time ministers to his physical wants, and protects him from abuses, the negro is spell-bound, and cannot runaway. " lie shall serve Jap/idh ; he shall be his servant of servants," on the conditions above mentioned — conditions that are clearly implied, though not directly expressed. Ac- cording to my experience, the " genu flexit," the awe and reverence, must be exacted from them, or tlu^y will dos])ise their masters, be- come rude and ungovernable, and run away. , On Mason »t Dixon's line, two classes of per- sons were apt to lose their negroes : those who NEGROES — DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. 323 made themselves too familiar with them,l slaves on our plantations, and attacks only treating tlicin as cquab, aod nialdng little orj such slaves as live like free negroes in re- no (iistiiu'tion in regard to color; and, on the , gard to diet, drinks, exercise, etc. It is not otlKT hand, those who treated them cruelly, .my purpose to treat of the complaint as it denied them the common necessaries of life, prevails among free negroes, nearly all of neglected to protect them against the abuses whom are more or less aillicted with it, of others, or frightened them by a blustering that have not got some white person to manner of approach, when about to punish direct and take care of them. To narrate them for misdemeanors. Before negroes run | its symptoms and efiects among them would away, unless they are frightened or panic- struck, tliey become sulky and dissatisfied. The cause of this sulkiness and d ssatisfaction should be inquired into and removed, or they are apt to run away, or fall info the negro consumption. When sulky and dissatisfied without cause, the experience of thos^e on the line or elsewhere was decidedly in favor of whipping them out of it, as a preventive measure against absconding, or other bad con- duct. It was called whipping the devil out of them. If treated kindly, well fed and clothed, with fuel enough to keep a small fire burning all night — separated mto families, each family having its own house — not permitted to run about at ni ght to visit their neighbors, to re- ceive visits, or to use intoxicating liquors, and not overworked or exposed too much to the weather, they are easily governed — more so than any other people in the world. When all this is done, if any one or more of them, at any time, are inclined to raise their heads to a level with their master or overseer, hu- manity and their own good require that they should be punished until they fall into that be to write a history of the ruins and dilapi- dation of Ilayti, and every spot of earth they have ever had uncontrolled possession over for any length of time. 1 propose only to describe its symptoms among slaves. From the careless movements of the indi- viduals affected with the complaint, they are apt to do much mischief, which apjieara as if intentional, but is mostly owing to the stupidness of mind and insensibility of the nerves induced by the disease. Thus, they break, waste and destroy every thing they handle — abuse horses and cattle — tear, burn or rend their own clothing, and, paying no attention to the rights of jn-operty, steal others, to replace what they have destroy- ed. They wander about at night, and keep in a half nodding sleep during the day. They slight their work — cut up corn, cane, cotton or tobacco when hoeing it, as if for pure mischief. They raise disturbances with their overseers and fellow-servants without cause or motive, and seem to be in- sensible to pain when subjected to punish- ment. The fact of the existence of such a complaint, making man like an automaton submissive state which it was intended for or senseless machine, having the above or them to occupy in all after-time, when their i similar symptoms, can be clearly established progenitor received the name of Canaan or by the most direct and positive testimony. " submissive knee-bender." They have only That it should have escaped the attention of to be kept iu that state and treated like the medical profession, can only be account- children, with care, kindness, attention, and ed for because its attention has not been humanity, to prevent and cure them from running away, sufficiently directed to the maladies of the negro race. Otherwise a complaint of so Dvs.KsriiESi.v ^riiiopiCA, or Hebetude of common occurrence on badly-governed plan MixDAND Obtuse SEXsiBtLrrv OF Body — Adis- tations, and so universal among free negroes, EASE PECtJLiAR TO Xegeoes, CALLED BY OvER- er tliosc who are not governed at all — a dis- 8EER.S, " Rascality." — Dj-sa^sthesia ^thio- ease radicated in physical lesions, and hav- pica is a disease peculiar to negroes, affect- ing its peculiar and well-marked symptoms mg both mind and body in a manner as well and its curative indications, would not have expressed by dysa^sthesia, the name I have given it, as could bo by a single term. There is both mind and sensibility, but both seem to be dillieult to reach by impressions from without. Tliere is a partial insensi- bility of the skin, and so great a hebetude of the intellectual faculties, as to be like a person half asleep, that is with difficulty aroused and kept awake. It differs from every other species of mental disease, as it is accompanied with physical signs or lesions of the body discoverable to the medical escaped the notice of the profession. The northern physicians and people have noticed the symptoms, but not the disease from which they spring. They ignorantly attrib- ute the symptoms to the debasing influence of slavery on the mind, without considering that those who have never been in slavery, or their fathers before them, are the most alfiieted, and the latest from the slavehold- ing south the least The disease is the nat- ural offspring of negro liberty — the liberty to be idle, to wallow in filth, and to indulge observer, Avliieh are always present and in improper food and drinks, sufficient to account for the symptoms. It In treating of the anatomy and ])hysiol- is much more prevalent among free negroes ogy of the negro, I showed that his respi- living in clusters by themselves, than among I ratory system was under the same physio- 324 KEGROES — DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. logical laws'as that of an infant child of the white race ; that a warm atmosphere, load- ed with carbonic acid and aqueous vapor, was the most congenial to his lungs during sleep, as it is to the infant ; that to insure the respiration of such an atmosphere, he invariably, as if moved by instinct, shrouds his head and face in a blanket or some other covering when disposing himself to sleep ; that in sleeping by the fire in cold weather, he turns his head to it, instead of his feet, evidently to inhale warm air ; that when not in active exercise, he always hovers over a fire in comparatively warm weather, as if he took a positive pleasure in inhaling hot air and smoke when his body is qiiiescent. The natural effect of this practice, it was shown, caused inperfect atmospherization or vitalization of the blood in the lungs, as occurs in infancy, and a hebetude or torpor of intellect — from blood not sufficiently vitalized being distributed to the brain ; also a slothfulness, torpor and disinclination to exercise from the same cause — the want of blood sufficiently vital- ized in the circulating system. "When left to himself, the negro indulges in his natural disposition to idleness and sloth, and does not take exercise enough to expand his lungs and to vitalize his blood, but dozes oiit a miserable existence in the midst of filth and imcleanliness, being too indolent, and having too little energy of mind to provide for himself proper food and comfortable lodging andclotliing. The con- sequence is, that the blood becomes so high- ly carbonized and deprived of oxygen, that it not only becomes unfit to stimulate the brain to energy, but unfit to stimulate the nerves of sensation distributed to the body. A torpor and insensibility pervades the sys- tem ; the sentient nerves distributed to the skin lose their feeling in so great a degree, that he often burns his skin by the fire he hovers over without knowing it, and fre- quently has large holes in his clothes, and the shoes on his feet burnt to a crisp, with- out having been conscious when it was done. This is the disease called dysfosthe- sia — a Greek term expressing the dull or ob- tuse sensation that always attends the com- plaint. When aroused from his sloth by the stimulus of hunger, he takes any thing he can lay his hands on, and ti'amples on the rights, as well as on the property of others, with perfect indifference as to con- sequences. When driven to labor by the compulsive power of the white man, he per forms the task assigned to him in a head- long, careless manner, treading down with his feet, or cutting with his hoe the plants he is put to cultivate — breaking the tools he works with, and spoiling every thing he touches that can be injured by careless handling. Hence the overseers call it "ras- cality," supposing that the mischief is inten- tionally done. But there is no premedi- tated mischief in the case ; the mind is too torpid to meditate mischief, or CA'en to be aroused by any angry passions to deeds of daring. Dysu'sthesia, or hebetude of sensa- tion of both mind and body, prevails to so great an extent^ that when the unfortunate individual is subjected to jnmishment., he neither feels pain of any consequence, nor shows any unusual resentment, more than by a stupid sulkiness. In some cases, anaes- thesia' would be a more suitable name for it, as there appears to be an almost total loss of feeling. The term "rascality," given to this disease by overseers, is founded on an erroneous hypothesis, and leads to an incorrect empirical treatment, which seldom or never cures it. The complaint is easily curable, if treated on sound physiological principles. The skin is dry, thick and harsh to the touch, and the liver inactive. Tlie liver, skin and kidneys should be stimulated to activity, and be made to assist in decarbonizing the blood. The best means to stimulate the skin is, first, to have the patient well wash- ed with warm water and soap ; then, to an- oint it all over with oil, iind to slap the oil in with a broad leather strap ; then to put the patient to some hard kind of work in the open air and sunshine, that will compel him to expand his lungs, as chopping wood, splitting rails, or sawing with the cross-cut or whip saw. Any kind of labor will do that will cause full and free respiration in its performance, as lifting or carrying heavy weights, or brisk walking ; the object being to expand the lungs by full and deep inspi- rations and expirations, thereby to vitalize the impure circulating blood by introducing oxygen and expelling carbon. This treat- ment should not be continued too long at a time, because, where the circulating fluids are so impure as in this complaint, patients cannot stand protracted exercise without resting frequently, and drinking freely of cold water or some cooling beverage, as lemonade, or alternated pepper tea sweet- ened with molasses. In bad cases, the blood has always the appearance of blood in scurvy, and commonly there is a scor- butic affection to be seen on the gums. After resting until the palpitation of the heart caused by the exercise is allayed, the f)atient should cat some good wholesome ood, well seasoned with spices, and mixed with vegetables, ns turnip or mustard salad, with vinegar. After a moderate meal, he should resume his work again, resting at in- tervals, and taking refreshments, and sup- porting the perspiration 1)y partaking freely of li(juids. At niglit he should be lodged in a warm room with a small fire in it, and should have a clean bed with sufficient NEGROES DISEASKS AND PECULIARITIES OF. 325 Llanket covering, aud be washed clean be- fore going to lied : in the moi'iiiiig, oiled, slapped, and put to work as before. Such treatment will, in a short time, effect a cure in all cases v.-liieh are not eonipliealed with chronic visceral derangements. The effect of this or a like course of treatment is often like enchantment. No sooner does the blood feel the vivifying intUiences derived from its full and perfect atmospherization by exercise in the open air and in the sun. than the negro seems to be awakened to a new existence, and to look grateful and thankful to the white man Avhose compul- sory power, hj making him inhale vital air, has restored his sensation, and disjielled the mist that clouded his intellect. His intelli- gence restored, and his sensations awaken- ed, he is no longer the b'ljtedum ncquissinuis, or arrant rascal, he was su]iposed to be, but a good negro that can hoe or plough, and handle things with as much care as his fel- low servants. Contrary to the received opinion, a northern climate is the most fiivorable to the intellect- ual development of negroes; those of Mis- souri, Kentucky, and the colder parts of Vir- ginia aud Maryland havmg much more mental energy, being more bold and ungovernable, than in the southern lowlands ; a dense at- mosphere causing a better ventihition of their blood. Although idleness is the most prolific cause of dysa3sthe8ia, yet there are other ways that the blood gets deteriorated. I said before that negroes are like children, requiring gov- ernment in every thing. If not governed m their diet, they are apt to eat too much salt meat and not enough bread and vegetables, which practice generates a scorbutic state of the fluids aud leads to the affection under consideration. This form of the complaint always shows itself in the gums, wliich be- come spongy aud dark and leave the teeth. Uncleanliness of skin and torpid liver also tend to produce it. A scurvy set of negroes means the same thing, in the south, as a dis- orderly, worthless set. Tliat the blood, when rendered impure and carbonaceous from any cause, as from idleness, filthy habits, unwhole- some food or alcoholic drinks, affects the mind, is not only known to physicians, but was known to the Bard of Avon when he penned the lines — " We are uot ourselves when Na- ture, being oppressed, commands the mind to suffer with the body." According to unaltered pliysiological laws, negroes, as a general rule, to which there are but few exceptions, can only have their intel- lectual faculties awakened in a sufficient de- gree to receive moral culture and to profit by religious or other instructions, wlien under the compulsory authority of tlie white man ; because, as a general rule, to which there are but few exceptions, they will uot take suffi- cient exercise, when removed from the white man's authority, to vitalize aud decarbonize their blood by the process of full and free respiration, that active exercise of some kind alone can effect. A northern climate i-emodies, in a considerable degree, their naturally indo- lent disposition ; but the dense atmosphere of Boston or Canada can scarcely produce suflj- cient hematosis and vigor of mind to induce them to labor. From their natural indolence, uuless under the stimulus of compulsion, they doze away their lives, with the capacity of their lungs for atmospheric air only half ex- panded, from the want of exercise to superin- duce full and deep respiration. The inevitable effect is to prevent a sufficient atmospheriza- tion or vitalization of the blood, so essential to the expansion and the freedom of action of the intellectual faculties. The black blood distributed to the brain chains the mind to ignorance, superstition and barbarism, aud bolts the door against civilization, moral cul- ture, and religious truth. The compulsory power of the white man, by making the slothfid negro take active exercise, puts into active play the lungs, through whose agency the vitalized blood is sent to the brain, to give liberty to the mind and to open the door to intellectual improvement. The very exercise, so beneficial to the negro, is expended in cul- tivating those burning fields of cotton, sugar, rice, and tobacco, which, but for his labor, would, from the heat of the climate, go un- cidtivated, and their products be lost to the world. Both parties are benefited — the negro as well as the master — eveu more. But there is a third party benefited — the world at large. The three millions of bales of cotton, made by negro labor, afford a cheap clothing for the civilized world. The laboring classes of all mankind having less to pay for clothing, have more mouey to spend in educating their child- ren in intellectual, moral, and rehgious pro- gress. The wisdom, mercy, aud justice of the de- cree, that Canaan shall serve Japheth, is proved by the disease we have been consider- ing, because it proves that his physical organ- ization and the laws of his nature are in per- fect unison with slavery, aud in entire dis- cordance with liberty — a discordance so great as to produce the loathsome disease that we have been considering, as one of its inevitable effects — a disease that locks up the under- stantiing, blunts the sensations, and chains the mind to sujjcrstition, ignorance, and barbarism. Slaves are not subject to this disease, unless they are permitted to live like free negroes, in idleness and filth — to eat improper ftwd or to indulge in spiiituous liquors. It is not their masters' interest that they should do so; as they would uot only be unprofitable, but as great a nuisance to the south as the free negroes were found to be in London, whom \ the British governmeat, more than half a 326 NEGROES DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OP. century ago, colonized in Sierra Leone to get them out of the way. The mad fanaticism that British writers, lecturers and emissaries, and the East India Company, planted in our northern states, after it was found by well- tried experiments that free negroes in Eng- land, in Canada, in Sierra Leone and elsewhere were a perfect nuisance, and would not work as free laborers, but would retrograde to barl)arism, was not planted there in opposition to British policy. Whatever was the motive of Great Britain in sowing the whirlwind in our nortlieru states, it is now threatening the disruption of a mighty empire of the happiest, most progressive, and Christian people that ever inhabited the earth — and the only em- pire on the wide earth that England dreads as a rival, either in arts or in arms. Our Declaration of Independence, which was drawn up at a time when negroes were scarcely considered as human beings, " That all men are by nature free and equal" and only intended to- apply to white men, is often quoted in support of the false dogma that all mankind possess the same mental, physiolo- gical, and anatomical organization, and that the liberty, free institutions, and whatever else would be a blessing to one portion, would, under the same external circumstances, be to all, without regard to any original or internal differences inherent in the organiz:ition. Al- though England preaches this doctrine, she practises in opposition to it every where. In- stance her treatment of the Gipsies in Eng- land, the Hindoos in India, the Hottentots at her Cape colony, and the aboriginal inhabitants of New-Holland. The dys£OJthesia rethiopica adds another to the man}' ten thousand evi- dences of the fallacy of the dogma that abolitionism is built on ; for here, in a country where two races of men dwell together, both born on the same soil, breathing the same air, and surrounded by the same external agents — liberty, which is cdevating the one race of people above all other nations, sinks the other into beastly sloth and torpidity ; and the slavery, which the one would prefer death rather than endure, improves the other iu body, mind, and morals ; thus proving the dogma false, and establishiug the truth that there is a radical, internal, or physical differ- ence between the two races, so great in kind, as to make what is wholesome and beneficial for the white man, as liberty, republican or free institutions, itc, not only unsuitable to the negro race, but actually poisonous to its hap- piness. Conclusion. — In the Report on the Diseases and Physical Peculiarities of the Negro Race, read before the Medical Association of Louisi- ana, and published in the " New-Orleans Med- ical and Surgical Journal " of May last, I briefly enumerated some of the more striking anatomatical and physiological differences sep- ai'ating the negro from the white man. At- tention was also called to the fact, that the same medical treatment which would benefit or cure a white man would often injure or kill a negro, because of the differences in the organic or physical characters imprinted by the hand of nature on the two races. It was not deemed necessary, in that brief paper, to refer to authorities to prove the facts enumer- ated, which arc just as well known and estab- lished in that branch of medicine embracing comjiarative anatomy and physiology, as the size and motion of tlie planets in astronomy. The report was not drawn up to meet objec- tions coming from those persons who had never made comparative anatomy and physiology a special study. But as they have made objec- tions to it,and are inclined to look upon the facts it sets forth as a farrago of nonsense, or at least as very questionable assertions, needing proof, the object of this paper is to give them the proof. This trouble might have been spared, if the comparative anatomy and physiology of the different races of mankind had not been strangely neglected in the course of instruc- tion in the medical schools of the present day. In Europe, where there is but one race of man- kind to treat, comparative anatomy and phy- siology are of no great practical importance ; nevertheless, these branches have been exten- sively cultivated, particularly in Germany and France, by the greatest men that have ever adorned the medical profession. In this coun- try, comparative anatomy has been very much neglected, and comparative physiology and therapeutics more so. Our northern states, like Europe, contain but one race of men, (ex- cept a few worthless free negroes,) and all the medical instruction of the books and schools in that region is confined to that one race. But here, in the south, we have two dis- tinct races of people living in juxtaposition, in nearly equal numbers, differiug widely in their anatomy and physiology, and conse- queutly requiring a corresponding difference in their medical treatment. Yet, when it was asserted in the report, that the Ciueen of Eng- land's medical advisers, without a knowledge of the physical differences between the Ethi- opian anrl Caucasian, would not be qualified to prescribe for a negro, great exceptions were taken to the remark by those who are aware that different temperaments, as the sanguine and phlegmatic, require important modifica- tions in medical treatment, but were not aware that Cuvier, Ebel, Siemmerring, Malpighi, Pechlin. Meckel, Alhiuus, Stubner, "N^irey, Blumenbach, and many illustrious men, have long ago demoustratei', by dissections, so great a difference in the organization of the negro from that of the white man, as to in- duce the majority of naturalists to refer him to a different species, having a different origin. So great is tlie dilfercuce in the medical treat- ment demanded by the peculiar organization, physiology, and habits of our black popula- NEGROES — DISEASES AKD PECUOAmxiES OF. 327 lion, that very learned physicians from Europe and the northern states, on first eoming south, have felt and acknowledged tlicir in- competency to treat their diseases successfully, until they have had time to make themselves acquainted with their peculiarities. The own- ers of slaves consider it safer, in most cases, to trust to the emjiiriciam of overseers, rather than to tlic regular doctors who are new- comers, practising on tlie false abolition theory that the negro is only a lamp-blacktd white man. There is nothing to prevent young phy- sicians, new-comers to the south, from treating negroes successfully, if they were to study their diseases, their anatomy, 2")hysiology, and pathology, with half the care they devote to the white paupers in the northern and Euro- pean hospitals and almshouses. On coming south, they find no such class of persons as those whom they have mostly studied, to treat. They not only find no complaints arising from want of food, fire, clothing, and the common comforts of life, such as they have been ac- customed to see in the hospitals, but they find one half the population coujposcd of a people whose anatomy and physiology is a sealed book to them. Although the every-day ex- perience of the southern people proves that na- ture has made so great a difference between the white and black races as to make it abso- lutely necessary, for the safety of the state and ■well-being of society, that the latter should be subjected to different laws and iustitutions from the former, yet tiie text-books of the northern medical schools contain not a syllable to show what that difference is, but advise the same rules and principles, and the same therapeutic agents, as if there was no other race of man- kind than that inhabiting the northern states. The popular error prevalent at the north, that the negro is a white man, but, by some accident of climate or locality, painted black, requiring nothing but liberty and e(][uality — social and political — to wash him white, is per- mitted to go uncorrected by the northern med ical schools. This error can be and should be corrected at the dissecting table, by reviving comparative anatomy, and making it an essen- tial part of a medical education. If the north- ern school will not correct it, the southern schools, instead of being, as they now are, northern iustitutions located in the soutii, using the same text-books, and echoing the same doctrines, should take upon themselves its cor- rection, and have their own text books, con- taining not only the anatomy, physiology, and therapeutics applicable to the white race of people, but the anatomy, physiology, and the- rapeutics of the black race also. As soon as they do thi", the empire of medical learning will come south, where the study of two races of people will give students better opportuni- ties of acquiring knowh'dge than the one race at the north. Piiysicians will also reclaim the practice, among three millions of people, that the overseers have mostly got. It will be to the interest of the planters to employ physicians instead of overseers to treat tlie diseases of their negroes, as soon as they properly qualify themselves for this branch of southern practice, I have never known, in all my experience, a southern country physician want practice who was properly ipialified to treat the diseases of negroes. It is only those mechcal men whose knowledge is confined to the diseases, the an- atomy and physiology of only one race of men, as contained in the northern hornbooks in medicine, who are superseded by overseers and empirical practitioners. So little attention has been paid to the anatomy and physiology of the negro race, that when it was mentioned, among other pe- culiarities of the negro, that his blood was blacker than the white man's, it was supposed by those j)hyiiicians who have paid no atten- tion to compaiative anatomy and physiology, that I was making random assertions, requir- ing proof, instead of reiterating truths that have been known for centuries, needing no oilier jiroof than the perusal of works of the highest authority in medicine. Thus, Malpighi, the celebrated anatomist, of rete mucosum memory, says: " La couleur noire reside non seulement dans le fluide qui colore le tissu muqueux, mais encore le sang, le part corticale du cerveau et plusieurs autres parts internes du corps impregnees d'une teinte noire, et ce qui a ete remarque egalement par d'au- tres observateurs." Here is not only the authority of Malpighi in proof of the darker color of the negro's blood, and the impregnation of the brain, membranes, and other internal parts of the body with a darker hue, but likewise his tes- timony tliat other observers had remarked the same thing. J. F. Meckel (see vol. xiii., p. 69, Mem. Acad. Berlin) says, that not only the blood, but the bile and cortical part of the brain are of a darker color in the negro than the white man. According to his authority, the negro is not only a negro on the skin, but under the skin. The words of that great comparative anatomist are : "Ze nigre n'cst done pas seule- ment nlgre a I'exterieure, mais dans loutes ses parts et jusque dans les plus profondement situees." Nich. Pechlin, in a work entitled " Be cute yEt/dopum," and Albituis, {Diss, de scde ct causa colon's yElhiop^) have remarked, that not only the blood but tlie muscles of the ne- gro are of a darker red than the white man. These authors also state tliat tlie membranes, tendons, and aponeuroses, so brilliantly white in the Caucasian race, have a livid cloudiness in the African. J. J. Virey, one of the authors of the great Dictionary of Bledical Sciences, Paris, says, ia the thirty-fifth volume, p. 388, that the negro's flesh differs iu color from the wliite man's, aa S28 NEGROES DISEASES AND PECULIARITIES OF. the flesh of the hare differs from the rabbit. Tliis autlior confirms every thiug said in the report about the darker color of the blood, merabr.iiies, smaller size of the brain, and larger size of the nerves in the negro than the white man. The celebrated anatomists, Scemmerring and Ebel, also speak of the darker color of the blood, muscles, &c. These anatomists confirm ever}' word in the report about the brain being smaller and the nerves larger in the black than in the white race. MM. Cuvier, Gall and Spurzheim, also found the capacity of the brain about a ninth less in the negro than in the European. Samuel George Morton (see " Cbservations of the size of the Brain in Various Races and Families of Man," Philadelphia, 1849) has ascertained that the negro's brain is nine cubic inches less than the white man's. Lately, some attempts have been made by British abolitionists to distort the facts of sci- ence,by representing the African brain as equal to that of the European, Jtnd the mind of the former equal to the latter. A certain Dr. Eobert Bentley Todd, of King's College, Lon- don, in a work on the " Observations of the Brain, Spinal Cord, and Ganglions" (Lou- don, 1845,) endeavors to throw some doubt and uncertainty on the received and well- established iiicts iu regard to the inferiority of the negro's intellect, the comparative small- ness of his brain, and the larger size of his nerves. Also, James Cowles Pritchard, an- other British writer, author of the " Researches on tlie Physical Histoiy of Mankind," in four volumes, (London, 1844,) an abolition work, disguised under the pretense that the authority of the Bible would be impeached if the great differences that natural historians and com- parative anatomists professed to have discov- ered in mankind were not called in question — Pritcliard, in the preface of his work, admits that the weight of authority in the learned world is altogether against his conclusions. His conclusions, not flowing from the premises, prove that scientific truth was not the object of his work ; that it was not written for learned men, but to cast dust into the eyes of the vulgar, to prevent them from seeing the trutii on the slavery question. He pretends to be very fearful that the learned anatomists and naturalists, unless held in check, will bring the Scriptures into disrepute. He does not seem to be aware of what Cardinal Wiseman justly observes, "that it is only half-way sci- ence and half-way truths that militate against the autliority of the Bible."' The whole truth, when V)ri)ught out, and perfect freedom of sci- ence to pursue its investigations untrammellod to its tcnniinis, hav(!, in every instance, de- monstrated the truth of the Bible ; whilu im- perfect investigations and the omission of the truth, or the tying science down to the narrow interprefeations of biblical commeatators, have generally led to skepticism and infidelity. Pritchard seems to be so much afraid that if the differences which Malpighi, Sccmmerring, Cuvier, and other comparative anatomists have discovered in the negro's organiz;ition, approxi- mating him to the monkey tribes, be admitted, the Bible will be invalidated, that he has taken much pains to try to overturn general truths and j^rinciples by partial exceptions. He ad- duces instances to prove that white persons have turned black, in whole or in part, and that the negro's skin has, in some instances, turned white. But he ought to know that the change of color in all such cases is the effect of disease. Dr. Rush was so much afraid that the black skin, thick lips, and flat nose of the negro would invalidate the Mosaic account of the creation of man, and the unity of the human family, that he published in the Medical Re- pository (vol. iv., p. 409) some suggestions, at- tributing the black color, thick lips, and flat nose to a disease resembling leprosy. But observation proved that, so far from the black color being caused by disease, the blackest ne- groes were always the healthiest, and the thicker the lips, and the flatter the nose, the sounder the constitution. Both Pritchard and Todd labor to prove by a few cases, exceptions to the general rule, that the brain of the negro and his mental capacity are equal to the white man, lest the Scriptures be invalidated, if any inferior slave race be admitted. They over- looked the fact that the Mosaic history dis- tinctly specifies an inferior slave race of people, called Canaanites, Gibeonites, «tc., and that these people were reduced to slavery, and their country taken from them, by Divine com- mand. In aiming to overthrow Cuvier's spe- cific traits of the negro's organization, Prit- chard did not seem to be aware tliat Cuvier and Moses agree exactly in their definitions — both defining th ■ negro as the "knee bender." (See Cuvier's Mem. du Museum d'Histoirc Nat., tome iii., p. 159 — where the anatomical structure of the negro's knees is brought for- ward, by the greatest naturalist the world ever saw, as a specific difference between him and the white man, and also the inferiority of intellect, from the diminished quantity of brain.) Exactly the same things are set forth iu the inspired writings, by the name given to the Canaanite, or Ethiopian race — the He- brew verb, Canah, from which the word Ca- naan is derived, literally meaning knee-bender — er^ished or broken in 7nind ; — tantamount to Cuvier's race of man with weak and timid mind, and les genoux 0, demi-fechis. Hence it would appear that the Bible docs not stand in need of Todd, Pritchard, and other British abolitionists, to support its truth by special pleading, or by dodging the truths of science. Both Todd and Pritchard are compelled to admit that the negro's blood is darker than the white man's ; but they deny that the brain is of a dai-ker color, as Meckel, Pechlin, Albi- KEGROES PHYSICAL CHARACTER OF. 329 nus, Malpiglii, and many other comparative an- 1 atouiists liave iLsserted. Tliey quote three dis- sections made by Sa?mmcrrinjj, wiiere the dif- ference in color was not apparent, but rather unnaturally white. They concealed the fact, or did not know it, that disease tends to oblit- erate the dark color that pervades the negro's organization, giving the deeper-seated parts an unnatural whiteness. Tluis, as the report sets forth, in negro consumption, the mucous mem- branes, instead of being dark, are paler and whiter than in the Caucasian race. It would be very unfair to adduce those cases of whiteness of the gums and mucous .surfaces in diseased or consumptive negroes, to disprove the fact of darkness being the general rule. Todd and Pritchard labor much to call in question the facts, heretofore observed by com- parative anatomists, that the nerves leading from the brain are larger, in proportion, than in the white man. Yet they are forced to ad- mit that the negro's sense of smell and hear- ing is more acute. The auditory and olfiictory nerves must, therefore, be larger, or the phy- siological law of nervous development, being proportional to activity of function, must be denied. Those, likewise, who df-ny that the nerves of the stomach are no larger in the negro than the white man, are compelled to ad- mit that his digestive and assimilating powers are stronger, which is the same thing as to ad- mit that the nerves of organic life are larger. Every thing asserted in the report in regard to the negro's eye, and his bearing sunlight without a covering on his head, will be fully confirmed by reference to Sam. Thorn. Scem- merring's work, entitled " Icoiics Oculi Hu- mani,'' where it is distinctly stated that the plica hmarls in the inner canthus of the ne- gro's ej^e is anatomically constructed like that of the orang-outang, and not like that of the "white man. Yirey confirms every word said in the re- port about the small size of infant negroes' heads, and the sutures being closed. (See Diet, des Science Med., vol. xxxv., p. 401.) In regard to the bones of the negro being harder, whiter, and containing more phosphate of lime than those of the white man, natural- ists universally agree. Herodotus mentions the greater hardness of the Ethiopian skulls, proving, in that respect at least, that the ne- gro is the same now that he was two thousand years ago. The Crania ^gyptiaca prove, as Morton justly observes, and has placed on the title- page of his catalogue of skulls, that " the phy- sical or organic characters which distinguish the several races of men, are as old as the earliest records of our species." A radical reformation is greatly needed in our system of medical education, which is so defective as to lead to the fatal error in prac- tice, that there are no physical or organic characters in the negro's organization different 1 from that of the white man. A blundering practice in ignorance of the negro's anatomy and physiology is not the only evil of this de- j fective system of education. The peculiar I phenomena indicating the debasement of mind springing from this difference in organization, are attributed by the profanum vulgus of the north to the effects of southern slavery. But it could easily be shown, by anatomy, physio- logy, and etlinographical investigations, that the debasement of mind supposed to arise from southern slavery, arises from causes imprinted by the hand of nature on the sons of Ham, so far back as the time when the catacombs of Egypt were constructed. The vulgar error that there is no difference in the negro's organiza- tion, physiology, and psychology, and that all the apparent difference arises from southern slavery, is the cause of all those political agi- tations which are threatening to dissolve our Union. The knowledge to correct this most mischevious error, which has already split nearly every Protestant denomination of Chris- tians in the United' States, is to be found by cultivating comparative anatomy, physiology, history, and ethnography. NEGROES — Physical Character of. — The question of the human race, whether a unily or not, is being now discussed, with great ability, by naturalists all over the world. We may mention among others, Morton, Pritchard, etc., and Nott, of Mobile, whose contributions have appeared in our Keview, and who has lately written an able work upon the subject, Bachman of Charleston, also the author of a late treatise, and Professor Agassiz. This subject has an important bear- ing just now, in examining the position occu- pied by the negro, whom philanthropy is seeking to elevate to the highest Hiatus of humanity. U[)on the table before us is an interesting pamphlet, read before the American Ethno- logical Society, Nov. 1849, by P. A. Browne, LL.D., in answer to the declaration of Pritch- ard, that " The covering of the negro's head is hair, projjcrl}- so termed, and n6t wool." We extract the conclusions of Mr. Browne, as having some practical weight : 1st. Hair is in shape either cylindrical or oval; but wool is eccentrically elliptical or flat ; and the covering of the negro's head is eccentrically elliptical or flat. 2d. The direction of hair is either straight, flowing, or curled ; but wool is crisped or frizzled, and sometimes spirally twisted ; and the covering of the negro's head is crisped or frizzled, and sometimes spirally twisted. 3d. Hair issues out of the epidermis at an acute angle, but wool emerges at a right angle ; and the covering of the negro's head issues out of the epidermis at a right angle. ^4th. The coloring matter of a perfect hair, for example that of the head of the white 330 XEGROES MANAGEMENT OF UPON SOUTHERN ESTATES. man, is contained in a central canal, but that ' Tve find men comparing notes as to their mode of wool is disseminated in the cortex, or in of feeding, clothing, nursing, working, and the cortex and intermediate fibres ; and the taking care of those human beings intrusted covering of the head of the negro has no to our charge, whose best condition is slavery, central canal. when they are treated with humanity, and oth. The scales of the cortex of hair are I their labor properly directed ! I have been a less numerous than those of wool, are smooth, j reader of agricultural papers for more than and less pointed, and they embrace the shaft [ twenty years, and while I have been surfeited, more intimately ; and the scales on tlie fila- and not unfrequently disgusted, with those ments of the covering of the negro's head are numerous, rough, pointed, and do not embrace the shaft intimately. Corollary. — Hair will not felt, but wool will; and the covering of the negro's head will felt — has been felted. For these and otlier reasons we are " con- vinced" that the negro has on his head " wool, properly so termed," and not hair. And since the wliite man has hair upon his head, and the negro has wool, we have no hesitancy in pronouncing that they belong to tico distinct species. M. Flourens, an eminent French physiolo- gist, found four distinct layers between the cuticle and the cutis; the second of which, he says, is a mucous membrane — a distinct or- ganized bodij, underlaying the pigment, and existing in persons of darlc color only. M. Flourens sought in vain for this membrane between the cutis and outer lamina of the epidermis of a white man ; and yet this is the seat of the discoloration produced in his com- plexion by exposure to the sun. From these examinations, this distinguished naturalist and anatomist was able to pronounce, definitely, that the discoloration in the skin of the white man is totally diff'ercnt in kind from the cause of blackness in the negro; he therefore justly concludes, that the negro and the European are separate species of beings. NEGROES — Management of upon South- ern Estates. — Some very sensible and prac- tical writer in the March No. of " The Re- view," under the '' Agricultural Department" chimney-corner theories (that have no practi- cal result, emanating from men wlio are fonder of using the pen than the plough- handle) upon the subject of raising crops, and preparing them for market, I have seldom met with an article laying down general rules for the management of negroes, by which their condition could be ameliorated, and the master be profited at the same time. One good article upon this subject would be worth more to the master tliau a hundred theories about " rotations" and " scientific culture ;" and infinitely more to the slave than whole volumes dictated by a spurious philanthropy looking to his emancipation. For it is a fact, established beyond all controversy, that when the negro is treated with humanity, and sub- jected to constant employment without the labor of thought, and the cares incident to the necessity of providing for his own support, he is by far happier than he would be if emanci- pated, and left to think, and act, and provide for himself And from the vast amount of experience in the management of slaves, can we not deduce some general, practicaVjle rules for their government, that would add to the happiness of both master and servant? I know of no other mode of arriving at this great desideratum, than for planters to give to the public their rules for feeding, clothing, housing, and working their slaves, and of tak- ing care of them when sick, together with their plautation discipline. In this way, we shall be continually learning something new upon this vitally interesting question, filled, as it is, with great responsibilities; and while has given us an article upon the manngenient ' our slaves will be made happier, our profits of negroes, which entitles him to the gratitude from their labor will be greater, and our con- of the i^Tanting community, not only for the sciences be made easier, sound and useful information it contains, but I would gladly avail myself of the privi- because it has opened up this subject, to be lege of contributing my mite to the accom- thought of, written about, and improved upon, ! plishment of this end, by giving my own sys- uutil the cosnfarts of our black population ; tern of management, not because there is any shall be greatly increased, and their services become m(jre profitable to their owners, Surely there is no subject which demands of thing novel in it — that it is better, or differs essentially from thatof mo3t*f my neighbors — but because it may meet the eye of some man the planter more careful consideration than of enlarged experience, who will necessarily the proper treatment of his slaves, by whose detect its faults, and who may be induced to labor he lives, and for whose conduct and suggest the proper corrections, and for which happiness he is responsible in the eyes of I should feel profoundly grateful. To begin, God. We very often find planters comparing ! then, I send you my plantation rules, that are notes and making suggestions as to the most ! printed in the ])lant;ition book, which consti- profitable modes of tilling the soil, erecting i tute a part of the contract made iu the era- gates, fences, farm houses, machinery, and, i ployment of the overseer, and which are indeed, everythitig else conducive to their | observed, so far as my constant and vigilant comfort and prosperity ; but how seldom do | superintendence can enforce them. My fii-st NEGROES — MANAGEMENT OF UPON SOUTHERN ESTATES. 331 care has been to select a proper place for my : each one having a coffee-pot, (and generally "Quarter," well protected by the shade of 'some coffee to put in it,) with knives and forest trees, sufficiently tliiiiiied out to admit ' forks, plates, spoons, cups, Ac, of their own a free circulation of air, so situated as to be providing. The wood is regularly furnished free from the impurities of stagnant water, j them ; ior I hold it to be absolutely mean and to erect comfortable houses for my for a man to require a negro to work until negroes. Planters do not always reflect that daylight closes in, and then force him to get there is more sickness, and consequently wood, sometimes half a mile off, before he greater loss of life, from the decaying logs of can get a fire, either to warm himself or cook negro houses, open floors, leaky roofs, and his supper. Every negro has his hen-house, crowded rooms, than all other causes com- where he raises poultry, which he is not per- bined; and if humanity will not pomt out the mitted to sell, and he cooks and eats his proper remedy, let self interest for once act as chickens and eggs for his evening and mom- a virtue, and prompt him to save the health ing meals to suit himself; besides, every and lives of his negroes, by at once providing ' fiimily has a garden, paled in, where they comfortable quarters for them. There being raise such vegetables and fruits as they take upwards of 150 negroes on the plantation, I a fancy to. A large house is provided as a provide for them 'li houses made of hewn ' nursery for the children, where all are taken post oak, covered with cypress, 16 by 18, [ at daylight, and placed under the charge of a with close plank floors ami good chimneys, I careful and experienced woman, whose sole and elevated two feet from the ground. The j occupation is to attend to them, and see that ground under and around the houses is swept | they are properly fed and attended to, and every mouth, and the houses, both inside and above all things to keep them as dry and as out, white-washed twice a year. The houses cleanly as possible, under the circumstances, are situated in a double row from north to The suckling women come in to nurse their south, about 200 feet ajjart, the doors facing children four times during the day ; and it is inwards, aud the houses being in a line, about the duty of the nurse to see that they do not 50 feet apart. At one end of the street perform this duty until they have become stands the overseer's house, workshops, tool properly cool, after walking from the field, house, and wagon .sheds ; at the other, the \ In consequence of these regulations, I have grist and .saw-mill, with good cisterns at each never lost a chUd from being burnt to death, end, providing an ample supply of pure water. ' or, indeed, by accidents of any description ; My experience has satisfied me, that spring, and although I have had more than thirty well, and lake water are all unhealthy in this born within the last five years, yet I have not climate, and that large under-ground cisterns, : lost a single one from teething, or the ordinary keeping the water pure and cool, are greatly summer complaints so prevalent amongst the to be preferred. They are easily and cheaply ' children in this climate. constructed, very convenient, and save both I give to my negroes four full suits of doctors' bills and loss of life. The negroes . clothes with two pair of shoes, every year, arc never permitted to sleep before the fire, ' and to ray women and girls a calico dress and either lying down or sitting up, if it can be two handkerchiefs extra. I do not permit avoided, as they are always prone to sleep ! them to have "truck patches" other than their with their heads to the fire, are liable to be ' gardens, or to raise any thing whatever for burnt and to contract disease: but beds with | market; but in lieu thereof, I give to each ample clothing are provided for them, and in ! head of a family and to every single negro, them they are made io sleep. As to their on Christmas day, five dollars, and send therp Labi's of amalgamation and intercourse, I ' to the county town, under the charge of the know of no means whereby to regulate them, overseer or driver, to spend their money. In or to restrain them ; I attempted it for many [ this way, I save my mules from being killed years by preaching virtue and decency, en- up in summer, and my oxen in winter, by couraging marriages, and by punishing, with working and hauling off their crops ; and some severity, departures from marital obliga- more than all, the negroes are prevented from tions ; but it was all in vain. I allow for each acquiring habits of trading in farm produce, hand that works out, four pounds of clear J which invariably leads to stealing, followed meat and one peck of meal per week. Their by whipping, trouble to the master, and dis- dinners are cooked fm* them, and earned to content on the part of the slave. I permit the field, always with vegetables, according ' no spirits to be brought on the plantation, or to the season. There are two houses set i used by any negro, if I can prevent it ; and a apart at mid-day for resting, eating, and violation of this rule, if found out, is always sleeping, if they desire it, and thej- retire to followed by a whipping, and a forfeiture of one of the weather sheds or the grove to pass ; the five dollars next Christmas, this time, not being permitted to remain in j I have a large and comfortable hospital the hot sun while at rest. They cook their \ provided for my negroes when they are sick; own ouppers and breakfasts, each family being ' to this is attaclied a nuree's room ; and when provided with an oven, skillet, and sifter, and \ a negro complains of being too unwell to 332 ^^EGROES MAXAGEMEXT OF UPON SOUTHEBN ESTATES. work, he is at once sent to the hospital, and put uud. r the charge of a very experienced and careful negro woman, who administers the medicine and attends to his diet, and where they remain until they are able to work again. This woman is provided with sugar, coffee, molasses, rice, flour, and tea, and docs not permit a patient to taste of meat or vegetables until he is restored to health. Many negroes relapse after the disease is broken, and die, in consequence of remaining in their houses and stuffing themselves with coarse food after their appetites return, and botli humanity and economy dictate that this should be prevented. Prom the system I have pursued, I have not lost a hand since the summer of 1845, (except one that was killed by accident,) nor has my physician's bill averaged fifty dollars a year, notwith- standing I live near the edge of the swamp of Big Black River, where it is thought to be very unhealthy. I cultivate about ten acres of cotton and six of corn to the hand, not forgetting the little wheat patch that your correspondent speaks of, which costs but little trouble, and proves a great comfort to the negroes ; aud have as few sour looks and as little whipping as al- most any other place of the same size. I must not omit to mention that I have a good fiddler, and keep him well supplied with catgut, and I make it his duty to play for the negroes every Saturday night until twelve o'clock. They are exceedingly punctual in their attendance at the ball, while Charley's fiddle is always accompanied with Ihurod on the triangle, and Sam to " pat." I also employ a good preacher, who regu- larly preaches to them on the Sabbath day, and it is made the duty of every one to come up clean and decent to the place of worship. As Father Garritt regularly calls on Brother Abram (the foreman of the jjrayer -meeting,) to close the exercises, he gives out and sings his hymn with much unction, and always cocks his eye at Charley, the fiddler, as much as to say, " Old fellow, you had your time last night ; now it is mine." I would gladly learn every negro on the place to read the Biljle, but for a fanaticism which, while it professes friendship to the ne- gro, is keeping a cloud over his mental vision, and almost crushing out his hopes of salvation. These are some of the leading outlines of my management, so far as my negroes are concerned. That they are imperfect, and could be greatly improved, I readily admit ; and it is only with the hope that I shall be able to improve them by the experience of others, that I have given them to the public. Slioiilcj you come to the conclusion that these rules would be of any service when made known to others, you will please give them a place in the " Review." A JilississiPPi Plantee. RuLKS AND Regulations foe the Govern- ment OF A. Southern I'lantation. — 1. Tliere shall be a place for every thing, and every thing shall be kept in its place. 2. On the first days of January and July, there shall be an account taken of the number and condition of all the negroes, stock, and farming utensils of every description on the premises, and the same shall be entered in the plantation book. 3. It shall be the duty of the overseer to call upon the stock-minder once every day, to know if the cattle, sheep, and hogs have been seen and counted, and to find out if any are dead, missing, or lost. 4. It shall be the duty of the overseer, at least once in every week, to see and count the stock himself, and to inspect the fences, gates, and water gaps on the plantation, and see that they are in good order. 0. The wagons, carts, and all other imple- ments, are to be kept binder the sheds, and in the houses where they belong, except when in use. 6. Each negro man will be permitted to keep his own axe, and shall have it forthcom- ing when required by the overseer. No other tool shall be taken or used by any negro without the permission of the overseer. 1. Humanity on the part of the overseer, and unqualified obedience on the part of the negro, are, under all circumstances, indispen- sable. 8. Whipping, when necessary, shall be in moderation, and never done in a passion ; and the driver shall in no instance inflict punish- ment, except in the presence of the overseer, and when, from sickness, he is unable to do it himself. 9. The overseer shall see that the negroes are properly clothed and well fed. He shall lay off a garden of at least six acres, and culti- vate it as part of his crop, and give the negroes as many vegetables as n-.ay be necessary. 10. It shall be the duty of the overseer to select a sufficient uumber of the women, each week, to wash for all. The clothes shall be well washed, ironed, and mendeil, and distri- buted to the negroes on Sunday morning; when every negro is expected to wash him- self, comb his head, and put on clean clothes. No washing or other labor will be tolerated on the Sabbath. 11. The negroes shall not be worked in the rain, or kept out after night, except in Aveigh- iug or putting away cotton. 12. It shall be the duty of the driver, at such hours of the night as the overseer may designate, to blow his horn, and go around and see that every negro is at his proper place, and to report to the overseer any that may be absent; and it shall be the duty of the overseer, at some hour between that time and daybreak, to patrol the quarters himself, and see that every negro is where he should be. NEGROES — MANAGEMENT OF. 333 13. Tlie negro cliiklron are to be taken, every morning, by their mothers, and carried to the liouses of the nurses ; and every cabin shall be kept loekod during the day. 14. Sick negroes are to receive particular attention. When they are first reported sick, they are to be examined by the overseer, and prescribed for, and put under tlie care of the nurse, and not put to work utitil the disease is broken and the patient beyond the power of a relapse. 1.5. When the overseer shall consider it ne- cessary to send for a physician, he shall enter in the plantation book the number of visits, and to what negro they are made. 16. When the negro shall die, an hour shall be set apart by the over.«eer for his burial ; and at that hour all business shall cease, and every negro on the plantation, who is able to do so, shall attend the burial. 17. Tiic overseei' shall keep a plantation book, in which he shall register the birth ansl name of each negro that is born ; the name ] of each negro that died, and specify the dis- ease that killed him. He shall also keep in it the weights of the daily picking of each hand ; the mark, number, and weight of each bale of cotton, and the time of sending the same to market ; and .all other such occur- rences, relating to the crop, the weather, and all other matters pertaining to the plantation, that he may deem advisable. 18 The overseer shall pitch the crops, and work them according to his own judgment, with the distinct understanding that a failure to make a bountiful supply of corn and meat for the use of the plantation, will be consid- ered as notice that his services will not be re- quired for the succeeding year. \j 19. The negroes, teams, and tools are to be considered under the overseer's exclusive management, and are not to be interfered with by the employer, only so far as to see that the foregoing rules are strictly observed. 20. The overseer shall, under no circum- stances, create an account against his em- ployer, except in the emjiloyment of a jiliy- sician, or in the jjurchase of medicines; but whenever any thing is wanted about the plan- tation, he shall apply to his employer for it. 21 Whenever the overseer, or his em- ployer, shall become dissatisfied, they sliall, in a frank and friendly mjinuer, express the eaniH, and, if either party desires it, he shall have the right to settle and separate. NEGROES— Management of. — As the proper management of our negroes is a sub- ject not second in importance to any discussed in your columns, I hope it will not be deemed amiss if, in giving my views, I enter some- what into detail. That on some points I shall be found to differ in opinion from some of your readers and correspondents, is to be expected. I shall not, however, object to any one's ex- pressing his dissent, provided it be done in the spirit of kindness. Our first obligation is undoubtedly to pro- vide them with suitable food and clothing. Here the question arises: What is suflicient footl ? For as there is a difference in practice, there must be also in opinion among owners. The most common practice is to allow each hand that labors, whether man, woman, or chiUl, (for a boy or girl ten years old or over, who is healthy, and growing rapidly, will eat quite as much as a full-grown man or woman,) three and a lialf pounds bacon, if middling, or four pounds if sheulder, per week, and bread at will; or if allowanced in this also, a peck of meal is usually thought sufficient. With plenty of vegetables, this allowance is quite sufficient ; but if confined to meat and bread, negroes who work hard will eat a peck and a half of meal per week. As I live on my farm and occasionally in- spect the cooking for the negroes, I see that they have enough, but nothing to waste ; and I speak from personal observation when I state that without vegetables they will eat this ([uantity. With very little trouble we can always, (luring spring and summer, have plenty of cabbage, kale, or mustard for greens, also squashes, Irish potatoes, and beans. In fall and winter, sweet potatoes, turnips, pumpkins, and peas. I believe there is no labor devoted to a provision crop, that pays equal to tliat bestowed on a pl.iin kitchen garden. As there is no vegetable of which negroes are more fond than of the common field pea, it is well to save enough of them in the fall to have them frequently during the spring and sum- mer. They are very nutritious, and if cooked perfectly done, and well seasoned with red pepper, are quite healthy. If occasionally a little molasses be added to the allowance, the cost will be but a trifle, while the negro wiU esteem it as a great luxury. As most persona feel a great reluctance at paying out money for little luxuries for negroes, I would suggest the propriety of sowing a small patch of wheat for their benefit. The time and labor will never be missed. Many persons are in the habit of giving out the allowance to their negroes once a week, and requiring them to do their own cooking. This plan is objection- able on various accounts. Unless better pro- vided for taking care of their provisions than is common among negroes, some will steal the meat from others, and the loser is compelled for the remainder of the week to live on bread, or the master must give him an additional allowance. The master cannot expect full work from one who is but partially fed ; while, on the other hand, if he will give the loser an additional supply, the negroes soon learn to impose upon his kindness, by being intention- ally careless, or by trading oft' their meat and 1 pretending it has been stolen, Another ob- 334 NEGROES MANAGEMFNT OF. jection is that some are improvident, and will get through with their whole allowance of meat before the week is gone, and conse- quently are a part of their time without any. To make the negroes do their own cooking, the objections are still more weighty. It encroaches upon the rest they should have both at noou and at night. The cooking being done in a hurry, is badly done ; being usually burnt outside while it is raw within, and consequently unhealthy. However abundant may be the supply of vegetables, the hands have no time to cook them, and consequently are badly fed, and have not the strength to do as much labor as they could otherwise perform with comfort. The plan pursued by the wiiter is, to weigh out a certain amount of meat for each day, a portion of which is given to the cook every morning, to be boiled for dinner, and with it are cooked as many vegetables and as much bread as the negroes will eat ; all of which is usually divided among them by the foreman. In the evening enough is cooked for both sup- per and breakfast; so that by the time we are done feeding stock, supper is ready, and the hands have only to eat, and they are ready for bed. When the nights are long, the meat for supper and breakfast is sometimes divided •without cooking. In addition to the above, the negroes, during spring and summer, usually get plenty of milk once a day. During the fall and winter the quantity of milk is more limited, and what molasses they get, they are made to win by picking cotton. To make one negro cook for all is a saving of time. If there be but ten hands, and these are allowed two hours at noon, one of which is employed in cooking their dinner, for all pur- poses of rest that hour had as well be spent m ploughing or hoeing, and would be equal to ten hours' work of one hand ; whereas, the fourth of that time would be sufficient for one to cook for all. As there are usually a num- ber of children to be taken care of, the cook can attend to these, and see that, the nurses do their duty. I would add that, besides occasional personal inspection, it is made ob- ligatory ou the overseer frequently to examine the cooking, and see that it is pioperly done. One of your correspondents has endeavored to prove that lean meat is more nutritious than fiit. It is, however, a well-known foct that the more exhausting the labor, the fatter the meat which the negro's appetite craves, and it agrees well with him. This I regard as one of the instincts of nature ; and think experience is opposed to your correspondent's theory. As to clothing, less than three suits a year of every-day clothes will not keep a negro decent, and many of them require more. Children, particularly boys, are worse than grown persons on their clothes, and conse- quently require more of them. I have never been able to keep a boy, from ten to sixteen years of age, decently clothed with less than four suits a year ; nor would that answer, if some of the women were not compelled to do their mending. It is also important that women who work out should, in addition to their usual clothuig, have a change of drawers for winter. As no article of water-proof, suitable for an outer garment, and sufficiently cheap for plan- tation use, is to be had in the stores, the writer would suggest the propriety of having for each hand a long apron with sleeves, made of cotton osnaburgs, and coated with well- boiled linseed oil. In the fall, when picking cotton, this apron may be worn early in the morning until the dew dries off, then laid | aside. By making it sufficiently loose across the breast, it can be used as an overcoat at any time that the negro is necessarily exposed to rain. Patching may be done by the women on wet days, when they are compelled to be in the house. Or when a breeding woman gets / too heavy to go to the field, she may be made ! to do a general patching for all the hands. In furnishing negroes with bed-clothes, it is folly to buy the common blankets, such as > sell for $1 or ?1 25. They have but little 1 warmth or durability. One that will cost double the money will do more than four times the service. Besides whole clothes, negroes should have clean clothes ; and in order to do this, they should have a little time allowed them to do their washing. As it is not convenient for all hands to wash at the same time, they may be divided into companies, and a certain evening assigned to each company. Those whose time it is to wash should be let off' from the field earlier than the rest of the hands, and on that night should be free from all attention to feeding stock. The rule works equal; for those wlio have to do extra feeding on one night are in their turn exempt. It should, however, be an invariable rule not to allow any of them to wash on Saturday night, for they will be dirty on the Sabbath, and render as an excuse that their clothes are wet. On some large plantations it is the daily business of one hand to wash and mend for the rest. In building houses for negroes, it is im- portant to set tlicm well up, (say two and a half or three feet from the ground to the sills,) so as to be conveniently swept under- neath. When thus elevated, if there should be any filth under them, the master or overseer, in passing, can see it, and haA'e it removed. The houses should be neat and comfortable ; and, as far as circumstances will allow, it looks best to have them of uniform size and appearance; 16 by 18 feet is a convenient size for a small family. If there be many children in a family, a larger house will be necessary. NEGROES — MANAGEMENT OF. 336 Many persons, in building negro houses, ' in order to get clay convenient for filling the hearth, and for mortar, dig a hole under the floor. As such excavations uiiifornilj' become a common receptacle for filth, which generates disease, they should by no means be allowed. In soils where the clay Avill make brick, the saving of fuel, and the greater security against fire, render it a ; matter of economy to build brick chimneys. In all cases the chimneys should be extend- ] cd fully two feet above the roof, that there may be less danger in discharging sparks. They are also less liable to smoke. In con- sequence of negro houses being but one Btory high, the lowness of the chimneys ren- ders them very liable to smoke from currents of wind driving down the flue. This may be effectually prevented by the following simple precaution : Around the top of the chimney throw out a base some eight or ten inches ■wide, and from the outer edge of this draw in the cap at an angle of thirty-five or forty degrees with the horizon, until true with the flue. No matter in what direction the wind blows, on striking this inclined plane the current will glance upwards and pass the chimne}", without the possibility of blowing down it. On page 454 of Kcports of Commissioner of Patents for 1844, will be found plates illustrative of my meaning. The wings of the angles, as explained in re- ports, are, however, unnecessary, as the remed}* is eft'eetual without them, though they evidently increase the draft. A coat of whitewash inside and out, every sum- mer, adds very much to the neat and com- fortable appearance of the buildings, and is also, by its cleansing and purifying effect, conducive to health. The cost is almost nothing, as one barrel of good lime will ■whitewash a dozen common-sized negro houses, and any negro can put it on. If thei'e be not natural shades suflicient to keep the houses comfortable, a row of mulberries, or such other shades as may suit the owner's fancy, should by all means be planted in front, and so as to protect the houses on the south and southwest. The negroes should be required to keep their houses and yards clean ; and in case of neglect, should receive such punishment as will be likely to insure more cleanly habits in future. la no case should two families be allowed to occupy the same house. The crowding a number into one house is uuhealth}^ It breeds contention ; is destructive of delicacy of feeling, and it promotes immorality be- tween the sexes. In addition to their dwellings, where there are a number of negroes, they should be provided with a suitable number of properly located water-closets. These may contribute an income much greater than their cost, by enabling the owner to pre- pare poudrette ; while they serve the much more important purpose of cultivating feel- ings of delicacy. Tliere sliould at all times be plenty of wood hauled. Surely no man of any pre- tensions to humanity, would require a negro, after having done a heavy day's -work, to toil for a quarter or a half mile under a load of wood before he can have a fire. An economical way of supplying them with wood is to haul logs instead of small wood. This may be most conveniently done with a cart and a pair of hooks, such as are used for hauling stocks to a saw-mill. Such hooks will often come in use, and the greater convenience and expedition of liooks instead of a chain, will soon save more time than will pay for them. The master should never establish any regulation among his slaves until he is fully convinced of its jiropriety and equity. Be- ing thus convinced, and having issued his orders, implicit obedience should be requir- ed and rigidly enforced. Firmness of man- ner and promptness to enforce obedience will save much trouble, and be the means of avoiding the necessity for much whip- ping. The negro should feel that his mas- ter is his law-giver and judge, and yet is his protector and friend, but so far above him f s never to be apjiroachcd save in the most respectful manner. That is, where he has just cause, he may with due deference approach his master and lay before him his troubles and complaints; but not on false pretexts or trivial occasions. If the master be a tyrant, his negroes may be so much embarrassed by his presence as to be inca- pable of doing their work properly when he is near. It is expected that servants shoidd rise early enough to be at work by the time it is light. In sections of country that are sickly, it will be found conducive to health, in the fall, to make the hands eat their break- fast before going into the dew. In winter, as the days are short and nights long, it will be no encroachment upon their necessary rest to make them eat breakfast before day- light. One properly taken care of, and suj)plied with good tools, is certainly able to do more work than under other circum- stances. While at work, they should be brisk. If one is called to you, or sent from you, and he does not move briskh*, chastise him at once. If this does not answer, re- peat the dose and double the quantity. When at work, I have no objection to their whistling or singing some lively tune, but no drawling tunes are allowed in the field, for their motions are almost certain to keep time with tlie music. In winter, a hand may be pressed all day, 1 but not so in summer. In the first of the 336 NEGROES — ^MANAGEMENT OF. spring, a hand need not be allowed any more time at noon than is sufficient to eat. As the days get longer and Avarnier, a longer rest is necessary. In May, from one and a half to two hours; in .Tune, two and a half; in July and August, throe hours rest at noon. If the day is unusually sultry, a longer time is better. When the weather is oppressive, it is best for all hands to take a nap at noon. It is refreshing, aud they are better able to stand pressing the balance of the day. Hands by being kept out of the sun daring the hottest of the day, have better health, and can do more work through the season than those who take what they call a good steady gait, and work regularl}^ from morn- ing till night. They will certainly last much longer. If the corn for feeding is in the shuck, the husking should be done at noon ; and all corn for milling should, during summer, be shelled at noon, that as the nights are short, the hands may be ready for bed at an early hour. If water be not convenient in the field where the hands are at work, instead of having it brought from a distance in buck- ets, it will be found more convenient to have a barrel fixed on wheels and carried full of water to some convenient place, and let a small boy or girl with a bucket supply the hands from the barrel. Some persons make each negro carry a jug or large gourd full of water to the field every morning, and this has to serve for the day. During the fall and winter, hands may be made to pack at night what cotton has been ginned in the day. The women may be required to sjiin what little roping will be necessary for plough lines, and to make some heavy bed-quilts for themselves. Be- sides this, there is very little that can properly be done of nights. One of the most important regulations on a farm is to see that the hands get ])lenty of sleep. They are thouglitless, and if allowed to do so, will sit up late of nights. Some of them will be up at all hours; and others, instead of going to bed, will sit on a stool or chair and nod or sleep till morning. By half-past 9 or 10 o'clock all hands should be in bed ; and, unless in case of sickness, or where a woman has been up with her child, if any one is cauglit out of bed after that hour, they shoidd be punished. NEGROES— Management of.— Tlie pub- lic may desire to know the age of the writer, the length of time he has been man- aging negroes, and how long he has tried the mode of management he reeommonds. It is sufficient to say, I have had control of negroes in and out of the field for thirty years, and have been carrying out my pres- ent system, and improving it gradually, lor twenty years. I do not deem it needful to follow " A Planter," nor shall I strike a blow at book- farming or theories, as I am an advocate for both, believing that even an error has its advantages, as it will frequently elicit inquiry and a good article in reply, where- as a statement of facts will sometimes pass unnoticed. Housing for negroes shoiild be good ; each family should have a house, IC by 18 feet in the clear, plank floor, brick chimney, shingle roof; floor elevated two feet above the earth. There should be no loft, no place to stow away any thing, but pins to hang clothes upon. Each house should be provided with a bedstead, cotton mattress, and sufficient bed-clothes for comfort for the heads of the family, and also for the young ones. Clothing should be sufficient, but of no set quantity, as all will use or waste what is given, and many be no better clad with four suits than others with two. I know families that never give more than two suits, and their servants are always neater than others with even four. My rule is to give for winter a linsey suit, one shirt of best towelling, one hat, one pair of shoes, a good blanket, costing $2 to $2 50, every other year, (or I prefer, after tr^-ing three years, a comfort.) In the summer, two shirts, two p.air pants, and one straw hat. Several of my negroes will requiVe two pair pants for winter, and occasionally even a third pair, depending mostly upon the material. Others require another shirt and a third pair of pants for summer. I seldom give two pair of shoes. Food is cooked by a woman, Avho has the children under her charge. I do not regard it as good economy, to say nothing of any feeling, to require negroes to do any cook- ing after their day's labor is over. The food is given out dail}'', a half pound to each hand that goes to the field, large and small, water carriers and all ; bread aud vegetables without stint, the latter jirepared in my own garden, and dealt out to the best advantage, endeavoring to have something every day in the year. I think four pounds of clear meat is too much. I have negroes here that have had only a half ])ound each for twenty years, and they l)id fair to out- live their master, who occasionally forgets his duty, and will be a gourmand. I prac- tise on the plan, that all of us would be better to be restrained, and that health is best subserved by not over-eating. My cook would make cotton enough to give the extra one pound. The labor iu making vegetables would make another l)0und. I say this to show I do not dole out a half pound per day from parsimony. NEGROES — UOUSES FOR. 33Y My hours of labor, commencing witli Sitchin<^ my crop, is from daylight until 12 1; all hands then come in and remain until 2 o'clock P. M., then back to the lield until dark. Some time in May we prolong the rest three hours ; and if a very hot day, even four hours. Breakfast is eaten in the field, half an hour to an hour being given ; or they eat and go to work without being driven iu and out — all stopping when my driver is ready. I give all females half of every Saturday to wash and clean \ip, my cook washing for young men and boys through the week. The cabins are scoured once a week, swept out every day, and beds made up at noon in summer, by daylight in winter. In the winter, breakfast is eaten before going to work, and dinner is carried to the hands. I do not punish often, but I seldom let an offense pass, making a lumping settle- ment, and then correct for the servant's re- membrance. I find it better to whip very little. Young ones being rather treacher- ous in their memory, pulling an ear, or a sound box, will bring every thing right. I am almost afraid I will subject myself to the " chimney-corner theorist's " animadver- sion if I say more, but I will risk it. Put up a hewed log-house, with a good substan- tial door, lock and key, story 12 feet high, logs across above, so as to make a regular built jail. Have air-holes near the ceiling, •well ])rotected by iron bars. The first negro that steals, or runs away, or fights, or who is hard to manage in order to get a day's work, must be locked up every night as soon as he comes in from work, and turned out next morning ; kept up every Sunday. Negroes are gregarious ; they dread solitariness, and to be deprived from the little weekly dances and chit-chat. They will work to death rather than be shut up. I know the advantage, though I have no jail, my house being a similar one, yet used for other purposes. I have a fiddle in my quarters, and though some of my good old brethren ia the church would think hard of mo, yet I allow danc- ing ; ay, I buy the fiddle and encourage it, by giving the boys occasionally a big sup- Per. I have no overseer, and do not manage 80 scientifically as those who are able to lay down rules ; yet I endeavor to manage so that myself, family and negroes may take pleasure and delight in our relations. It is not possible in my usual crude way to give my whole plans, but enough is prob- ably said. I permit no night-work, except feeding stock and weighing cotton. No work of any kind at noon, unless to clean out cabins, and bathe the children when nursing, not even washing their clothes. I require every servant to be present VOL. U. each Sabbath morning and Sabbath evening at family prayers. In the evening the mas- ter, or sometimes a visitor, if a professor, expounds the chapter read. Thus my ser- vants hear lUO to 200 chapters read each year anyhow. One of my servants, a pro- fessor, is sometimes called on to close our exercises with prayei\ Owning but few slaves, I am probably able to do a better part by them than if there were one or two hundred. But I think I could do better if I had enough to permit me to systematize better. I would keep a cook and a nurse. I would keep a stock feeder, whose whole duty should be to attend to stock in general, to clean out the stable, have troughs filled with food, so that the jdough hands would have nothing to do but water, clean down, and tie up the teams. I would build a house large enough, and use it for a dance- house for the young, and those who wished to dance, as well as for prayer-meetings, and for church on Sunday — making it a rule to be present myself occasionally at both, and my overseer always. I know the rebuke in store about dancing, but I cannot help it. I believe negroes will be better disposed this way than any other. I would employ a preacher for every Sabbath. One of my ne- groes can read the Bible, and he has prayer- meeting every Sabbath at four o'clock P. M. ; all the negroes attend regularly, no compulsion being used. I have tried faithfully to break up immo- rality. I have not known an oath to be sworn for a long time. I know of no quar- relling, no calling harsh names, and but little stealing. "Habits of amalgamation " I cannot stop ; I can check it, but only in the name. I am willing to be taught, for I have tried every thing I know. Yours, truly, A Small Farmee. P. S. — I endeavor to have regularity on going to bed ; forbid sitting or lying by the tire after bed-time. I require fire-mak- ers to be up before day in winter, but for- bid getting up before day, trotting off to the field, and waiting for daylight, as some per- sons are said to do. I forbid my driver from keeping hands in the field when there is an appearance of rain. My negroes get baits of fresh meat occa- sionally, but always seasoned high with red pepper. At times I give molasses, sugar, coffee and flour, generally laying out about $10 per hand for such luxuries. NEGROES — Houses for.— One of the most prolific sources of disease among negroes is the condition of their houses and the man- ner in which they live. Small, low, tight and filthy, their houses can be but laboratories of disease ; whilst on every side grow rancorous 22 338 KEGROES COLORED POPULATION OF THE SOUTH. weeds and grass, interspersed with fruit trees, little patclies of vegetables and fowl-houses effectually shading the ground, and prevent- ing that free circulation of air so essential to the enjovment of health in a quarter. Your correspondent lias frequently detected the presence of worms, ami sometimes in large numbers, in negroes inhabiting houses thus conditioned and situated ; so often, indeed, that lie almost regarded their existence " as a matter of course." Nothing can be so deteri- orating to the blood, and consequently to the secretions, as bad air. To be convinced of the truth of this assertion, your readers need but to refer to the " Reports of the Board of Health," in the nearest close-built and ill-ven- tilated cities and towns, and to the " sick lists" j of hospitals, jails, and ships. That fatal form of febrile disease, denominated " ship fever," though, to some extent, modified, has occurred repeatedly in negro houses. Not to contend for, in all probability, an admitted point, then, it may be concluded that it is important that planters should adopt some system or rule under the operation of wliich their negro houses shall be properly constructed, their quarters adequately ventilated and dried, and the manner of living among their negroes reg- ulated. It is a common custom with negroes to re- turn in the evening from the field tired, and often in a perspiration, and lie down before their doors upon a board or bench, and sleep till nine or ten o'clock, while the dew is fall- ing and the atmosphere becemes cool and damp ; instead of going into their houses and either lying down in bed or before a gentle fire, where the exhalation from the ekin would be more gradual, and that chilliness conse- quent upon their sudden " cooling " would be avoiiled. Let planters go at this hour around thf ir quarters, and feel the hands and feet of negroes thus conducting themselves, and they will no longer be in doubt as to the source of their " chills and fevers." Now, it is not the wish of your correspondent to interfere with the household and domestic arrangements and affairs of negroes, nor to destroy their gar- dens and patches, to allow them which is all very projier; but when they will not have " an eye to health" themselves, it is to the interest of their owners to have an eye for them. — Southern Cultivator. NEGROES.— Black and iluLATxc Topu- LATFON OK THE South. — Tiic llou. Mr. Cling- man, of North Carolina, liaa addressed a let- ter to the census board, urging the importance of more accurate inforinatit)n than has hitherto been elicited with reference to the black race, and especially to tliat portion of it in whicli there is a mixture between the black and white races. The last census was notoriously faultv in this respect, and, owing to the con- flicting extremes of opinion and assertion which have been adduced by the parties who are associated most intimately with the inter- ests of the negro ])opulation, nothing like a true knowledge of the state of the black race in the United States has been arrived at. In the south, the negro is described as hardly human — incapable of refinement or intellect- ual advance ; while the abolitionists extol him as naturally the equal of the white man, physically and mentally. So that it is a mooted question whether slavery has degen- erated, or freedom at the north has improved the negro. It appears at all events certain, that the mixed race exhibits powers more susceptible of cultivation than the pure African. They are selected at the south for the performance of duties requiring higlier capacities than are possessed by the mere field negro ; and at the north, every dloyed. j Tiie African is ecpial to any operation wliich I involves enduring labor under a trojjical sun ; [ and any attempt to restrict or limit him to one ■ pursuit, would be fatal to the institution of ' slavery, and an infringement on the rights of those on whom has devolved the responsibility j of taking care of dependants." I NEGROES.— Slave Tbade of the South. 340 JTEaBOES — SLAVE TRADE OF THE SOUTH. — Tlic following statistics of the slave trade at Charleston, from 1804 to 180Y, are taken from the speech of the Hon, Judge Smith, senator from South Carolina, delivered in the Senate of the United States on 8th Decem- ber, 1820: " In the year 1804, tlie ports of South Ca- rolina, by an act of its Legislature, under the permission of the constitution of the United States, were opened for the importation of Africans. They remained open four years. During that time tliere were two hundred and two vessels entered tlie port of%Charleston, with African slaves." * * * * * * "He wrote to a friend in Charleston, to apply to the custom-house oflBcers for a fall statement of all the ships engaged in that trade during the four years. * * * In answer to his request, he had received from the custom-house books, from the hand of the collector, the following authentic docnments :" 1804. Teasels. Country of the Proprie- tors of the Cargo. Aurora New-England Ann Scotland Easter Brilliant Rhode Island Armed Neutrality Great Britain Argo Ireland Thomas Great Britain Horizon " Harriet Eliza " Alexander " Francis " Christopher. " Favorite " M'Lespine " Susanna New-England Active Great Britain Hamilton " Ruby Mary 1805. Perseverance Great Britain Kitty Charleston Lupin Rhode Island Mary Huntley Great Britain Gov. Wentworth " Experiment. " Eagle Rhode Island Neptune " Fanny Great Britain Thomas " Nile Recourse " Isabella Armed Neutrality " Su=anna *' Love and Unity Rhode Island Jack Park Great Britain Manning " 1805 continued. Juliet .Rhode Island Margaret Great Britain Louisiana Rhode Island' Ariel Great Britairr Eator Margaret " Hiram Rhode Island Louisiana, " Maria .Great Britain' Hambleton " Rambler Rhode Island William. Great Britain 1806. Ariel Great Britain Mary " Daphna " Carie " America " Davis " Lydia .New-Jersey Dutton Great Britain Amazon " Fair American Rhode Island Miller. Ireland Edward and Edmund. Great Britain Factor Rhode Island Louisa. " Commerce " Gustavus .» Charleston Neptune Rhode Island Robert. Gi-eat Britain Polly Rhode Island Hiram Samuel New-Jersey Love and Unity Rhode Island Three Sisters " Hector Great Britain Ruby Farmer " Maria -. Rhode Island Ceres. , Great Britain Independence Rhode Island Ilibcrnia Great Britain Alert Agent Rhode Island Mary Great Britain Three Friends " Fair Eliza " Fox Rhode Island Kitty Charleston Hope Rhode Island Hope Ireland Nantasket Great Britain John Watson " Gov. Dodsworth " Mary Ann " Diana " Davenport New- Jersey Corydon Great Britain Kate " Mercury " Union " Washington " NE6R0ES SLAVE TRADE OF THK SOUTH. 341 186$ continued. i ionisa. Rhode Island Nicholson Great Britain Edward and Edmund " Mercury " Little Ann Charleston Margaret Great Britain 1807. Katy. Great Britain James " Eliza Rhode Island Cleopatra, Great Britain Union Rhode Island Tartar Great Britain Maria " James Massachusetts Mary Rhode Island Aspinal .Great Britain James Charleston Norfolk Ireland Fourth of July Charleston Dudder Great Britain Habit Fracce Agent Rhode Island Eliza. Great Britain Ann " Ellis Andromache Rhode Island Gov. Clairborne France Hiram Rhode Island Semiramis " Neptune " Nancy " Minerva , France Columbia. Rhode Island Factor " Lavinia " Leander " Daphna Great Britain Vulture Rhode Island Africa. Great Biitain Three Friends. " Eliza Rhode Island Lark. " Alfred... Louisa Great Britain Hiram Rhode Island Concord ^ " Friendship Rhode Island Flora. Ann aad Harriet " Montieello " Amazon Great Britain Baltimore. Rhode Island Juliet. " Miriam ^ France Heron.. . . ^ ^ . . . Ireland Ruby .Great Britain Three Sisters. . . . ^ . . , Rhode Island Betsy and Sally " Armed Neutrality. Great Britain Anna France John Great Britain Naiitaaket ..-. " 1807 continued. Gov. Clinton France Eagle Rhode Island Port Mary Great Britaia Eliza Charleston Mary. ^ Rhode Islaed Eagle Actor. Ireland Hannah Bartlet Rhode Island Mary " Edward and Edmund " Charleston .Great Britain Experience. Rhode Island Rambler .^ .. . " Eliza. Cleopatra Great Britaia Hope Rhode Island Charlotte " Albert S. Carolina Commerce Rliode Island Hope . . . . ^ Massachusetts Wealthy Ann Rhode Island Columbia... - " Angenora " Mercury. . . . . , Ireland Venus .-,.,... Rhode Island Agent. - . France Gen. Clairborne " James.. Rhode Island Resolution Great Britaia William and Mary "" Caroline ....France Polly.. Charleston. Jupiter.. Great Britaia Heart of Oak Rhode Island Horizon " Mary Ann " Mary Ann ^ " Rio, Charleston Sally... EKCAPITULATION Of tfae African trade, and by what nationa supported, from Jst January, 1804, to 31&t of Decembei-, 1807. Vescels belonging lo Charleston . 61 Rhode Island. 59 Baltimore i Boston 1 Norfolk._ 3 Connecticut 1 Sweden 1 Britain TO France 8 Total.... 202 Coneigneea. Natives of Charleston 13 Rhode Island 88 " Britain 91 « France 10 Total 202 342 NEGRO CIVILIZATION AND THE DOinNICAX REPTTBLIC. Whole number of slaves imported, and the i the decree of the Constituent Assembly of ' " ■ ' " ' " '"' ' ""— '""Vdeclaring lx)ni of free persons, should be admissible to the colonial assemblies. This admission of free Whole number 01 slaves imporiea, anu inei me uecree oi lue \juur>niucni xisacmuij particular number imported by each foreign 1 France, of the 15th of May, 1791, declari nation, and each of the United States (into [ that mon of mixed blood of all shades, h ni,avioatr,n ^ of frce Dcrsons, should be admissible to 1 Charleston.) British *19,649 FrencL *1.0"8 21.,027 IM AMEEIC.\N VESSELS, CJjarleston, South Carolina, belonging to foreigners 5,1 OY Imported by merchants and planters of Charleston and vicinity. 2,006 7,123 Bristol 8,914) Newport... 3,488 (^^ j^j^^^ 238 Providence. 556 j Warren 280 J Baltimore 750 Savannali 800 Norfolk 387 Hartford 250 Boston 200 Philadelphia 200 New-Orleans 100 18,048 Total 39,076 NOTE BY THE COMPILER. It would appear, from the foregoing, that of these importations of slaves into Charles- ton, there were imported by natives ol coun- tries and places now repudiating slavery, Foreigners 2:1,027 Citizens of United states 14,605 By citizens of slavebolding states.. 35,632 . 3,443 Total 39,075 NEGRO CIVILIZATION AND THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC— A writer in the New- York Journal of Commerce famishes the following interesting and important informa- tion in relation to the Repubhc of St. Domin- go, in the island of Hayti: " The i.sland of St. Domingo formerly be- longed, the eastern part to Spain, the western part to France. Under a luw system of mo- rality, a considerable populatiou of free people of color had sprung up in the Fi-ench part of the i.slaiul when the French r(!volution began. One of the early results of that revolution was * There is a typographical error of 300 iu one of these two amouut» in the original pamphlot, which we hav« not foil uulliorizeJ to alter, n.s it was doubt- ^V M- which amouiK to luako tht> alteration. people of color to a political equality with them-selves was resisted by the white iahabit- ants, who, rather than submit thereto, made proposals to Sir Adam Williamson, then Gov- ernor of Jamaica, to place the island, op rather the French part of it, under British. pro- tection. Their propositions were accepted, and a Briti.sh force sent to occupy the posts of Jeremi and St. Niolas Mole. Siinthonax, the French commissioner, alarmed at the prospect of the colony falling mto the hands of Great Britaini proclaimed the general emancipation of all the slaves. This was followed by a coalition of the free people of color with the blacks, to murder and drive out the whites. The atrocities conunitted on tottering age, helpless infancy, and feeble womanhood, have- given to the island a terrible interest. The people of color, who united with and encouraged the blacks in these atrocities, have since met witli their merited punishment in the oppression, banishment, anil massacre of which they have in turn become the victims. It is a great error into which many have fallen, to suppose that the inhabitants of the eastern or Spanish part of the island had any part in th^se scenes of vice and crime, and- which have rendered infamous the very name of that beautiful island Those excesses were confined entirely to the French part. The Spanish part of the ishuid remained undis- turbed, and, until 1821, in quiet submission to. Spain, of whose colonies it was, in. climate,. soil, and mineral productions, perhaps the most valuable, though most neglected. Over- looked and neglected by the cabinet at Ma- drid, and their only source of prosperity, their commerce with the other Spanish American, colonies, being cut off by the revolt of those colonies, in December, 1821, the Dominicans declared their independence of Spain, and, hoistirig the Colombian flag, sent commission- ers to ask admission as one of the states of the Colombian Republic. That Republic was at that time too much engaged in the organiza- tion of its own government and affairs at home, to attend to the application of the Do- minican;?. Spain, engaged with her other colonies, left the Dominican revolutionists to themselves. Boyer, then President of Hayti under pretense of marcJiing to their assist- ance, took possession of the country. The Do- minicans, few in number and unprepared for. resistance, were compelled to submit, and found that they exchanged the neglect and the restrictive commercial policy of Spain^ for the far more oppressive tyranny of tlie blacks. Under thisyoke they suffered till 1843. In that year, driven by desperation, a few persons, not over a hundred, rose in the nigjit NEGROES OF ANCIENT TIMES. 343 and took possession of the principal gates of' tlie city of St. Domingo. By tho influence of eome of tbe foreign residents, \viu>-u sympa- thies were with them, and who went between them and the Haytien garrison in the citadel, exaggerating their numbers and strength, tlie garrison was iniluced to surrender before morning came to disclose the weakness of the movement. As fast as the unexpected news spread tlirough the country, the Dominicans flocked to the standard of independence, drove out the Haytiens, and established a republi can form of government. The Dominican Republic contains from 150,u00 to 200,000 souls. Tiie Haytiens num- ber from 800,000 to 1,000,000. The latter admit no white person to hold any real estate, oi" enjoy any of the privileges of a citizen. The former is essentially a white government, with aUmt the same intermixture of otlier blood as in the Spanish Main and Brazil The govermnent always has been, and still is, in the hands of the whites. Tiie immigration of blacks is prohibited, and white colonists are invited by grants of lands, the government paying their expenses and subsistence till es- tablished in their new homes. The Dominicans have made repeated ap- plications to the United States to interfere, to put .an end to the invasions of the blacks. Learning that such an a])plicatiominican Republic should thus be fused down into a ])rovince of the Haytien empire, past experi- ence plainly points out what will be the un- happy fate of its white inhabitants." NEGROES OF ANCIENT TIMES — SiE : — From a learned work, printed a short time since, entitled "Anacalypsis," and writ- ten by the late Godfrey Higgens, I have made some extracts which relate to a portion of the early history of our race, and, as I con ceive, bear reference to a part of the inhabi tants still existing on our globe. This communication, though not strictly of a medical nature, yet may be deemed replete with interest, as connected with those exten- sive views which our science naturally em- braces. Truly appertaining to the natural history of man, upon which subject your columns at various periods are pregnant with information, viewing it in its physical and moral aspects, I trust it will be thought that this article has not intruded into a quarter which might have been more legitimately and more profitably occupied. May I therefore request its insertion in your widely-diffused periodical, in the hope that some of the sci- entific readers of 7he Lancet, whose investi- gations have been directed towards such mat- ters, may be enabled to adduce some argu- ments, or disclose some facts, tending to elucidate the apparent inconsistency, or alto- gether to remove the presumed resemblance ? ExTR.\CTs. — 1. It was the opinion of Sir William Jones, that a great nation of blackx formerly possessed the dominion of Asia, .ind held the seat of emjiire at Sidon. These nnist have been the people called by M. Maurice " Cushites," or " Cuthites," described in Gene- sis ; and the opinion that they were blacks is corroborated by the translators of the Penta- teuch, called " the Seventy," constantly ren- dering the word " Gush" by " Ethiopia." 2. '* The religion of Buddha, of India, is ' very ancient, as well known. In the most ancient temples scattered throughout Asia, where his worship is yet continued, he is found black as jd, with the flat face, thick lips, and curly hair of the negro. Several statues of him may be met with in the muse- um of the East India Company. There are two exemplars, brooding on the face of the deep upon a coiled serpent. To what time are 344 NEGROES OF ANCIENT TIMES. •we to allot this negro ? He will be proved to have been prior to the god called ' Cristna ' He must have been prior to, or contempo- raneous -with, the blacl< empire, supposed by Sir W. Jones to have flourislied at Sidon. The religion of this negro god is found, by the ruins of bis temples and other circumstances, to have been spread over ,an immense extent of country, even to the remotest part of Britain 3. " Eusebius states tliat the Ethiopians settled in Egypt in the time of Amenophis ; they came from the river Indus, and planted themselves south of Egypt. 4. " Philostratus says, that the gymnoso- phists of Ethiopia, wlio settled near the sources of the Nile, descended from the Brah- mins of India, having been driven thence for the murder of their king. 5. " Eustasius also states, that the Ethi- opians came from India. 6. "Tlie superior antiquity of India is shown by Baily, and mauy other learned men. 7.. " riie Ethiopians are stated by Herodo- tus to have come from the Indus. Memnon, who was sent to the siege of Troy, and was killed by Achilles, Virgil describes as having been a black, {yEneid, lib. i,) as does also Pindar, (Olyrnp. Od. ii. ; vide Diss, of Bisliop Hewet, eh. xiii., p. 185) That Pindar and Virgil were right, the features of the bust of Mem- non in the British Museum prove, for they are evidently those of the negro. 8. "Mr. Wilsford, in his treatise on Egypt and the Nile, in the 'Asiatic Researches,' in- forms us that nianii very ancient statues of the god Buddha, in India, have cris]7 ciirly hair, with flat noses and t/iick lips. Nor can it reasonably be doubted that a race of negroes formerly had power and pre-eminence in India. This is confirmed by M. Maurice, who says, ' Tlie figures in the Hindoo caverns are of a very different character from the present race of Hindoos: their countenances are broad a7idfuU, the nose is fat, tmdthn lips, particu larly the under lip, are remarkably thick! 9. " This is again confirmed by Col. Fitz- clarence in liia journal ; and Maurice, xw the first volume of his Indian Antitjuities, states that the figures in the caves of India are ab- solutely the same as those in ligypt described by Bruce, Niebuhr, ttc. 10. "Justin states that the Phoenicians, being obliged to leave their native country in the east, tliey settled first near the Persian Gulf; and Maurice says, ' We find an exten- sive district, named Pidestinc, to the east of the Enplirates and Tigri.«. The word Pales- tine seems derivefl from Pallisthan, the seat of the Pallis.or Sliepherds ;' Pali in India means Shepherd. This, coupled with the Shepherd Kings of Egypt, confirms Sir W. Jones's opinion in a striking manner, respecting a black race having reigned at Sidon. 11. " Sir W. Jones says, ' The mountaineers of Bengal and Bahar can hardly be distin- guished in sonic of their features, particularly in their lips and noses, from the modern Abys sinians, whom the Arabs call the children of Cush.' 12. "In my essay on Celtic Draids, I have observed that a great nation called ' Celtje,' of whom the Druids were the priests, spread themselves over almost the whole earth, and are to be traced in their rude gigantic monu- ments from India to the extremity of Britain. What these can have been but the early indi- viduals of the black nation, of whom we have been treating, I know not, and in this opinion I am not singular. The learned Maurice says, ' Cuthites, i. e., Celts, built the great temples in India ATiA Britain, and excavated the caves of the former.' And the learned mathema- tician, Reuben Burrow, has no hesitation in pronouncing Stonehenge to be a temple of the black curly -headed Buddha." — P. 52. ' If it can be admitted, with the learned au- thor from whom I have quoted, that the most •incient race of which we have any record, either in the pages of history, or in the gigan- tic cavern sculptures of the east, or in the tra- ditionary legends, were black, and in physi- cal conformation and visible aspect similar to the race of negroes which at present exists, by what means can we account for the de- graded condition of the latter ? How recon- cile the vast intellectual distinction between tliem ? I think it will be readily allowed that the negro nation, so far as we are acquainted with them, are fitted, neither by physical capabil- ities nor by moral attributes, to become the founders or rulers of great kingdoms. We perceive that year after year, and century after century, to them brings no change. We observe that their habits and their customs remain unaltered ; that in no respect do their intellectual endowments ap])ear to advance with the exjierience of years ; and the most that can be stated in their favor is this, that they have remained .stationary from the period of their first introduction to civilized man. How, then, were their presumed pre- decessors enabled to assume so commanding a situation, to attain so proud an elevation among the empires of the world ? By what means ilid they arrive at such eminence in scientific knowledge and mechanical ingenu- ity ? In what manner did they extend their fame and influence into almost every region, however remote ? A (picry naturally suggests itself. Can the cxistmg African negroes be the descendants of this widely-spread, intelligent, and refined race ? Can the beings so low in tiie scale of in- tellect as the negro is represented to us to be, he ctmnected by consanguinity with this eX' alted people? W it be answered in the neg- ative, where — to what country — shall wo OHIO — COMMERCE AND RESOURCES OF. 345 look for tlieir continuance ? Where are their descendants in skill, knowledge, and refine- ments, possessing the same external physical conformation ? If the query which I have above suggested be answered m the affirmative, to what chain of causes are we to aflix the great debase- ment of the present existing negro? To •what source are we to turn for satisfactory reasons for such a manifest and striking differ- ence in the intellectual endowments and saga- cious actions of the same people of two dif- ferent periods ? Without presuming to offer an opinion, but merely to afford a hint for investigation, I would ask, whether the solution of the difli- culty can be advanced by the following at- tempt at explanation ? A succession of con- quests, with other political and social causes combined, forced these black descendants of the Palli, or India-Egyptian shepherd kings, and the tribes belonging to them, to emigrate progressively further into the interior of the vast continent of Africa, where at length they find a secure and unmolested haven from their toils and sufferings, unworthy of the ambition and uninviting to the cupidity of their neigh- bors. The intense heat of the climate, the sterility of the soil, and the unimprovable appearance of the whole face of the country, would be sufiicient to ward off all intruders, ■whether hostile or commerciaL Remaining for centuries in this isolated condition, they continued a distinct and unmixed race. Tlie powerful stimuli of foreign war, of commer- cial intercourse, of social improvement, being absent, their minds became contracted and weak. Succeeding generations, adding to the stolidity of their progenitors, became still more depressed in mental energies, aud after the lapse of many ages, they reached the degraded and melancholy condition which they now ex- hibit. Finally, having little or no intercourse with the rest of mankind, and a very limited range for tiie exercise of their intellectual and moral faculties, the gradual disuse of those powers which were originally planted in them, may have created that result on their cranial configuration and intellectual manifes tations, which, under somewhat analogous circumstances, phrenologists have frequently observed. I remain, sir, your ever-instructed reader. OHIO — Commerce, Resources, &c., of — The state of Ohio, which was admitted into the American Union in 1802, has become already, through the fertility of its soil and the energy and thrift of its people, one of the most im- portant members of that Union, both in wealth and in population, and exercises a degree of influence on our federal councils second only to that of the great states of New- York and Petmsylvania. The admirable message of Governor Bart- ley, delivered 8th December last, affords us a vast amount of information in reference to the internal condition, resources and prosperity of the state ; and feeling, as we naturally do in Louisiana and in New-Orleans, the liveliest in- terest in the welfare of a community wilh whom our commercial relations are so inti- mate, it is impossible that a few pages in our Review could be better occupied than with a few of the facts presented by the governor, and obtained from other reliable sources. The design of the Review is to treat from month to month of each of the states of the south and west, in a similar manner, aud ultimately of the states of tlie whole Union, tlius fur- nishing a body of information of incalculable value for present use and future reference. If the citizens of different states, who have the means of information at hand, would aid us in any way in the enterprise, the service we cannot doubt would be universally ap- preciated. The first permanent settlement in Ohio was made in 1788, at Marietta. French settlers afterwards were located at Gallipolis in 1791. Cleveland was settled in 1701 by emigrants from New-England. From this humble be- ginning has grown up in half a century a powerful state ! In the construction of her numerous public works the state of Ohio has contracted a large public debt, the interest upon which, however, she has always met with great and commend- able punctuality. According to the gover- nor's statement the debt is: Total Foreign, §16,964,292 50 Total Domestic, 765,136 12 School and Trust Fund, 1,482,682 68 Total debt, $19,212,111 30 The returns of property valuations in the state for purposes of taxation were, in 1845, A'nluation. Acres of land, 23,216,286 ?85,916,169 Town property 22,269,575 Number of horses, 387,200 a $40 15,488,000 cattle, 725,253 a 8 5,786,824 Capital in trade and at interest, 13,556,517 Carriages for pleasure 1 ,055,742 Stages and stage stock, 87,762 8144,160,469 The following table will exhibit the increase in population ; 1802, 50,000 1810, 230,760 Increase in 8 years, 180,760 1820, 581,434 " 10 " 350,674 1830, 937,679 " 10 " 356,245 1840,1,515,161 " 10 " 577,482 Total increase in 38 years, . . 1,465,165 Average increase per year, .. 38,557 Estimated population in 1845, over 2,000,000. 346 OHIO — COMMERCE AND RESOUUCES OF. The agricultural capacities of Ohio are un- limited. We loarn from a paper prepared by Joiin Brou'^h, Esq., that the valley's of the Scioto and Miami are extensively cultivated in corn, oats, and as meadow lands. Lar^e bodies of tliese lauds are quite level, and the soil is of a ricli, deep, and durable character. There are probably no better corn j^rounds in the Union. In many instances, fields have been cultivated in this crop for forty years in 6ucce?sii)n, without any evidence of failure in the soil. In the valley of the Scioto, and tlie territory lying between that and the Miami, there is raised and fattened a great number of cattle, most of wiiich are sent to the eastern markets. Both these valleys — the Scioto and the Miami — are famous for the number and the quality of their hogs. Total Agricultural Products of Ohio IN 184-4. Value. Bushels of wheat, .. 15,909,000 §9,581,400 " barley,.., 191,000 114,600 " "oats, 20,393,000 3,058,950 " "rye, 840,000 504,000 " " buckwheat, 792,000 475,020 " "corn 48,000,000 9,600,000 "potatoes,.. 4,847,000 1,211,750 Tons "hay, 1,876,000 11,256,000 " " flax ?an 77,400 80,000 80,000 80,000 Perry 34 190 35,000 40,000 40,000 Scioto 41,100 40,000 45,000 45,000 Stark 33,800 35,000 40,000 151,467 Bummit 254.040 361,805 1,287,170 1,837,377 Tuscarawas... 29-.',230 350,000 275,000 285,020 Wayne 10,000 10,000 10,000 10,000 Washington... 34,000 35,000 40,000 40,000 Total 2,382,363 2,907,805 5,081,823 6,538,968 In those counties where there are no pub- lic works, and no iron manufactures, the pro- duct of coal is estimated to remain nearly the same, because the consumption is local and domestic; but in those counties where the public works run, the increase is great, and we know what it is very nearly. So of the county of Meigs (on tlie river) we know very uearly its increase. The above table is nearly correct, but it is unquestionably something under the mark. To Summit county, we have credited the entire amount of coal cleared from tlie port of Akron ; but it is probable that some portion of it came there by the Ohio and Pennsylvania canal, from places in the line uf the canal. The general result is, how- ever, nearly the truth. The comparison of aggregates shows that — From 1840 to 1843, the increase was 24 per cent. From 1843 to 1847, the increase was 65 per cent. From 1847 to 1848, the increase was 28 per cent. In the first three years, the annual increase was 8 per cent., in the next foui' years 16 per cent, and in the last year 28 per cent. ! By the year 1860 — eleven years — the coal pro- duction of Ohio will probably exceed twenty millions of bushels per annum, or three times the present amount. The consumption of coal aa an article of domestic fuel has very rapidly increased in the interior towns, as the following table of the receipts for consumption, at different points, will show : 184.3. 1847. 1848. Bushels. Bushels. Busliels. Cleveland... 387,834 1,212,887 1,959,210 Newark 10,000 56,200 50,200 Columbus... 64,185 155,302 293,695 Circleville... 22,532 38,800 6.5,209 Chillicothe.. 27,470 131,151 223.1.53 Middletown.. 8.334 31,784 45.815 Dayton 27,800 64,495 89,273 Piqua 1,420 5,075 6,083 Aggregate 549,575 1,695,704 2,743,615 This is the consumption only of interior towns— excluding that of Cincinnati. Colum- bus, for example, has in five years increased the use of coal more than four fold. Chilli- cothe has in the same time increased eight fold. The coal used at Chilicothe is the Nel- sonville coal, Athens county, atid is of a very good quahty, at a very low price. (See Rail- roads.) OLIVES. — Cultivation of the Olive in the Southern States. — The Hon. Mitchell King delivered lately before the agriculturists of South Carolina a learned and elaborate address on this interesting subject, with which he has politely favored us. Mr. King occupies place among the first citizens of that commonwealth, as a jurist and scholar, and presided for some time over one of its first literary institutions, from considerations of high public spirit and feelings the most honorable to our nature. We are glad to see such men enlisted in behalf of agriculture and its elevated prosecutioa among us. Mr. King remarks : "From the first settlement of Carolina, it has been considered well adapted to the cul- ture of the olive. In one of the earliest ac- counts of the country, by Richard Blome, published in 1678, it is said that the olive trees brought from Portugal and the Bermudas increase exceedingly, and will produce a ijuan- tity of oiL And Samuel Wilson, who had been for years agent of tiie Lords Proprietors, re- peats nearly the language of Blome, and adds, ' The inhabitants take great care to propagate, more so, that in all probability, it will be an excellent oily country.' When the charter of C;u-olina of 1663 was granted, the other pro- prietors left the chief management of the col- ony to the very able and unscrupulous Lord Shaftsbury. It is well known that at his re- quest, Mr. Locke drew up his celebrated Fun- damental Constitution of Carolina ; but it is not generally known, that for a number of years OLIVES — CULTIVATION OF AT TITE SOUTH. 349 be carried on an active correspondence -nitli the colony, in which he took the deepest in- terest, and it is liighly probable that in 1670 he procured Mr. I^ocke to ■write bis judicious observations on wine, olives, fruits and silk, ■with a special view to South Carolina. The trouble? in which Shaftsbury was soon after Involved, and his death, in January, 1683, no doubt prevented these observations from being published until a long time after. In the de- scription of Carolina, of 1684, by T. A. Gen- tleman, we are told ' the olive trees thrive there very well.' Mr. James Colleton, brother to Sir Peter, one of the honorable proprietors, brought an olive stick from Fayal, cut off at both ends, to Carolina, which, put into the ground, grew and prospered exceedingly. ' If the olive be well improved, there may be ex- pected from thence, perhaps, as gcxxl oil as any the world yields.' Gov. Glenn tells us, that in the intense frost of the 7th of January, 1747, probably the severest ever felt in Caro- lina, he lost ' an olive tree of such prodigious size that he thought it proof against all wea- thers. It was near a foot and a half diameter in the trunk, and bore many bushels of excel- • lent olivc-3 every year.' We may conclude, that this was probably one of the first olives planted in the country, and could scarcely have oeen less than sixty or seventy years old. Even this terrible winter would seem not to have killed all our olive trees, for Dr. Milligan, in Charleston, in 1763, says, 'We have plenty of olives.'* Mr. King then refers to an admirable letter which he had received from J. Hamilton Cou- per, Esq., of Darien, Geo., from which we extract tlie following : " The first and all-important question which presents itself is, whether our climate is adapt<»d to the olive tree ; and to what por- tion of our territory we may hope to extend its cultivation. The facts which will be pre- sented are, I think, decisive, that the immediate seaboard of South Carolina and Georgia, the whole of Florida and the borders of the Gulf of Mexico are as suitable for the cultivation of the olive as the south of France. " First as to climate, — Arthur Young, in his tr.avels through France, vol. I., p. 311, observes, 'Several other plants beside the olive mark this climate, the olive climate. Thus, at Men- teliniart, in Dauphine, besides that tree you meet with, for the first time, the pomegranate, tlie arbor j'uda;, the paliurus, figs, and the ever- green oak.' * In a letter to Chancellor Johnston, Mr. King quotes from a paper by the Governor of South Caro- lina, in 1717, who says, "The frost has destroyed alinos;, all tlia orange trees in the country. I lost about tlireo hundred bearin? trees, and an olive tree of such prvilin-ioiis size that I thought it pronf against all wenther. It was near a foot and a half in diameter, tK the trauk. and bore many buehcU of czceltent olives every year.'' " Tlie orange tree is found to be more tender than the olive, in France and Italy. The same writer says, ' The latter, the orange, is so tender that this, Hieres, is supposed to be the only part of France in which it will thrive in the open air. I went to Hieres to view them, and it was with pain I found them, without excep- tion, so damaged by the frost in the winter of 1788, as to be cut down, some to the ground, and others to the main stem.' " Simonde mentions in his work on " Tuscan Agriculture" that the olive is considered in Italy as hardier than the vine. He further observes that he himself had olives and vines planted together, and the latter suffered most from the cold. Mr. Jefferson, in his letter of July, 1787, to the Agricultural Society of South Carolina, remarks, " Wherever the or- ange will stand at all, experience shows that the olive will stand well, being a hardier tree." " These extracts, which are from writers of the highest authority, are interesting, as they show from the growth of the fig, the pome- granate, and the orange, that the chmate of the olive region of France is no milder than the maritime districts of South Carolina and Georgia, and the whole of Florida. But the actual growth of the olive tree itself, proves this most conclusively, as far as the limited period which has elapsed since the introduction of that plant into this country admits of a com- parison. " I believe that you bad some olive trees gi-owing in Charleston for half a century, be- fore the fatal spring of 1835. Ramsey men- tions the fruit being pickled from trees im- ported by Henry Laurens. "At Dungeness, on Cumberland Island, Georgia, a number of trees bore abundantly for many years before that season. "In 1825, my father imported, through a French house in Charleston, two hundred trees from Provence, via the Languedoc canal and Bordeaux. They were five months on the way, and did not arrive until May, notwith- standing which a very few only failed to grow. These trees were planted at Cannon's Point, his residence on St. Simon's Island, latitude 31" 20'; and had borne several small crops of olives, when the severe cold of February, 1835, (8° of Fahrenheit,) injured them so much that it was necessary to cut them down to the ground. They all threw up shoots from the old stumps ; and many of them have now attained to a diameter of nine inches. For the last two years they have produced some fruit ; and this year about one half of the trees are bending under the weight of an abundant crop. About one hundred trees raised from cuttiiigs are also beginning to bear. It is now twenty- one years since the importation of these trees, and with the exception of the destructive sea- son of 1835, they have never in the slightest degree been injured by the cold. The last winter was one of unusual severity, the ther- 350 POST-OFFICE niSTOUT OF THE POST SYSTEM. mometer haTingsunk to 19'^ Fahrenheit; and although the sweet oranges on the same plan- tation were much injured, some having been cut down to the ground, I could not perceive that a single leaf, among two hundred and fifty olive trees, had been touched by the frost. Tliis experience is certaudy very satis- factory, the more particularly as it is certain that the season of 1835 was tlie coldest known on this coast, for at least one hundred years ; as is proved by the destruction of orange trees on St. Simon's Island, which had stood since the occupation of that island by Gen. Ogle- thorpe, and of others at St. Augustine, which dated still farther back. "The effect of one such disastrous year should not discourage the introduction of so valuable a tree. In the south of France they have persevered in its cultivation, although in 1709 and 178S almost every tree was de- stroyed to the ground ; and they were severely injured in 1740, 1745, 1748, 1755, and 1768. " The question may be asked by those who have usually regarded olive oil as merely an article of household economy, of very limited use in North America, whether a ready sale of the oil can be depended on ? They may believe with the late Abb6 Gorrea, that our countrymen have ' bacon stomachs,' and that it will be very difficult so far to conquer the obstinacy of established habit, as to induce them to substitute pure oil for rancid bacon. If the only use of this oil were for food, it would undoubtedly require time to introduce it into general consumption, but that time will effect it there can be no doubt, from the in- trinsic value of the article. Until then an ample demand for all that can be produced will be found in the annually increasing con- sumption of this oil in machinery, and in various manufactures, particularly of wool and soap. Already we import 82,655 gallons, (see ileport of the Secretary of the Treasury, for 1845,) and as our manufactures are com- paratively as yet but in their infancy, and our jwpulation increasing with undiminished rapidity, there is no danger of the production overtaking the demaud. What the demand may become is shown by the fact, that Eng- land imported in the year 1830, 2,971,057 gallons of olive oil, valued then at $2,500,000 — an average of 88 cents per gallon. — McCul- loch's Commercial Dictionary, article ' Olive Oil.' And that France, althougli the produc- tion of that kingdom was, as early as 1788, estimated at 75,000,000 of francs, or nearly 815,000,000, has yet imported in one year olive oil to the value of near 80,000,000 francs, or $6,000,000. " Some idea may be formed of the value of the olive tree as a source of national wealth, from the above statement of its j)roduction in France, a country on tlie northern verge of the olive climate. In countries more favor- ably situated, it is still more important. The small kingdom of Naples exports annually about 7,300,000 gallons of olive oil, valued there at 88,400,000. But as olive oil enters largely into do- mestic consumption, particularly among the lower classes, forming a wholesome and nutri- tious article of food, it has an importance far exceeding its merely commercial value. The ample home production of the necessaries of life, is the true foundation of national inde- pendence and happinoss ; and whatever adds to the unstinted enjoyment of physical com- fort, it becomes the well-wisher of his country to value. It may safely be asserted, that the United States owe their great happiness and prosperity more to the cheap abnudanee of Indian corn, and the consequent full sujiply of animal food, than to all of the staples which figure so largely on the list of foreign exports. " Mr. Jefferson, with equal beauty and pa- triotism, observes, ' If the memory of those persons is held in great respect in South Caro- lina, who introduced there the culture of rice, a plant which sows life and death uilh equal hand, what obligations would be due to him who should introduce the olive tree, and set the example of its culture ! Were the owner* of slaves to view it only as a means of better- ing their condition, how, much would he better that by planting one of these trees for every slave he possessed ! Having been myself an eye-witness to the blessings which this tree sheds on the poor, I never had my wishes so kindled for the introduction of any article of new culture into our own country.' " POST-OFFICE.— History of xnE Post System — The Uxitf.d St.ytes Post-Office; ITS History — The Post-master-General — Bureaux of the General Post Office — Postmasters; their Duties, &c. — Trans- portation of the Mail — Distribution — Rates of Internal Postage — Rates of Foreign Postage — Mailing of Newspapers, Collection of Postage, and Delivery of Letters — Letter-Carriers and Mall Agents ; Postage Stamps and Advertising — The Franking Privilege and Lost Letters — Expenses and Receipts of the Department, Ac, &c., 1851. — The system of posts, as at present in operation, is an invention of modern times. It has contributed much more than is generally supposed to the ele- vation and improvement of mankind. In addition to the material, and by conse- quence more tangible benefits, which it has, in common with tlie steam-engine and other similar inventions, conferred upon the more civilized portion of the human race, it has contributed not a little to its political and social advancement, and is destined, in the future, to work out in this field yetmore important and more striking results. How much our own country is indebted for its prosperity — a prosperity in some respects POST-OFFICE niSTORT OF THE POST SYSTEM. 361 unequalled, perhaps, in the world's history — to its extensive and well-ordered post-ottice Bystern, will appear at a glance to any one who has reflected upon the intimate con- nection which subsists between the various parts of the wide-extended, yet, through the medium of this very agency, admirably con- solidated confederacy. J^or are we alone the recipients of its blessings. Its advan- tages are enjoyed also by all the Christian nations of Europe, and, in particular, by those which are most celebrated for their continual advances in commerce, science, and the arts. All these, and ourselves among them, have reaped, not only as in- tegral states, but as individual nations form- ing component parts of one great commu- nity, numerous and signal advantages from the establishment of posts within their boundaries — benefits which we can hardly estimate at this day, and for which, apart from the post system, we might, indeed, as did the ancients, have sighed, but would, as they, have sighed in vain. liisTOUY OF THE PosT SYSTEM. — The word post is derived from the Latin ponere, to place ; the post being so called, probably, because horses were placed {i. e. posted) at fixed distances, for the transport of dis- patches. Posts were first used, as far as we know historically, by Darius I., of Persia, (500 B. C.,) who employed them solely for the use of the government. The dispatches were transmitted with extraordinary speed along the high road which connected the "western part of his empire with the seat of government, by couriers trained to the business, and furnished with frequent relays of horses. The most complete system of posts known in the ancient world, was established by Augustus in the Roman Empire. The head of the department was the commander of the I'rajtorian guards. Tiiese posts were employed only by the government, ehietly for the purpose of obtaining intelligence from the army. By their means messages were sent with surprising swiftness : for Augustus, on several occasions, received dis- patches in four days from Sclavonia ; and at a later period, Tiberius was M'ont to re- ject as valueless dispatches wliieh had con- sumed more than twenty days in coming from Asia, fifteen from Europe, ten from Africa, five from Sclavonia, and three from any part of Italy. Tliu first regular establishment of posts in modern Europe was the work of Louis XI., of France, (July 19th, 1464,) who founded post stations, four miles apart, on the chief roads of his kingdom, for the use of the gov- ernment and court. Sub^ecjuently. under Charles VIII., (1560,) private individuals were permitted to make use of the institu- tion for forwarding letters and dispatches ; the money charged for transmitiing which, formed thereafter a source of revenue for the government. Under Louis XIII., (l(i.'>0,)the system received a form more regular and complete ; and a comptroller-general of posts was appointed. Previously to the time of Louis Xl., dispatches were sent by t-pecial messcng, Leonard of Taxis was appointed postmaster- general of the empire, in which office he was afterwards confirmed, and finally, in 1G15, his descendant, Lamoral, was invested with the imperial post as an imperial fief, with the right of transmission to his posterity. A reg- ular post went at ihat time every week from the imperial court, and also from Home, Ven- ice, etc., to Augsburg, and thence to Brussels and back. This imperial post ceased to exist as such when the empire was dismembered, (1806.) Since that period, post establish- ments of different kinds have existed in the various states of Germany. At present, Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, Saxony Baden, Meckleuburg-Schwerin, Ilolstein-Old- enburg, Holstein-Lauenburg, and Luxem- burg, have each their own independent posts; but the house of Thurn and Taxis still pos- sess, as a fief, confirmed finally by the Con- gress of Vienna, the posts in Wurtemburg, Hesse-Nassau, the states of the Saxon-Ernes- tine line, the two Schwarzenbergs, Hohenzol- lern, Waldeck, Lippe-Detmold, and in the territories of tlie princes of Reuss. In other states, the Thurn and Taxis post exists, not as a fief, but founded on a regular compact. The whole post establishment of this family is suijerintended by a postmaster-general at Frankforton-tl)e-Main ; and it extends over an area of 25,000 miles, containing 3,753,450 inhabitants. It is, in fact, a private mono- poly, managed for the benefit of its owner. Lichtenstein has no post. In Germany, the stage-coachea (called /aA- rende podoi) are usually united with the post- offices; by which parcels may be sent as safely as letters : an advantage by no means compensating, however, for the accompanying loss of speed in the transmission of letters and ilispatches. Mail contracts are made at fixed prices : an allowance per mile for the ordinary service, and a share of the profit for extra work. The scale of postages in the different German states resembles in general that of Prussia, "which," says Mr. Bowen, "commences Avith a rate for the first two miles, equal to about 9| miles English, of one silver gro.-chen, equal to 2\ cents, increasing by a groschen for each interval of from five to ten miles German, with an int<'rvening lialf rate. A reform in postage has been decreed by a recent po.stal congress at Dresdon, fixing two rates in substitution of tlie foregoing: one of five kreutzers, (old German convention money,) about equal to five cents, for any dis- tance not exceeding ninety-five miles (Eng- lish ;) and the other, ten kreutzers, or cents, for any distance over. The post establishments of other European continental countries are modelled after those of France or Germany. In the kingdom of the Netherlands, the system of France, intro- duced upon the incorporation of that country with the French emjiirc, is still followed with little alteration. To the house of Thurn and Taxis is due the honor of having first intro- duced the post into the country. In Italy, since 1815, the post system in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, Tuscany, Parma, and Mo- dena, conforms to the Austrian model, still preserving, liowever, the French basis which was given it on the union of those states with the empire of France. Throughout all Italy the post-office is well managed, as indeed it has been ever since its original establishment in that country by the German emperor, from whom, it would seem, the postmasters re- ceived, at first, their remuneration. In Switz- erland, each canton regulates its own post; but, by common agreement, something like uniformity has been reached in its general management. In Spain and Portugal the post-office is presided over by a correo mayor, as director-general, but its operation is quite imperfect. In Turkey there is no post ; but the Grand Seignior maintains mounted Tar- tars, whose business it is to forward as rapidly as possible his own and the dispatches of the public authorities. In Russia, whose post system is founded on that of north Germany, letters are forwarded with celerity and safety, at rates which are exceedingly moderate. A letter of an ounce weight is charged two ko- peks (two fifths of a cent) for every one hun- dred versts (66 miles) up to 1,500 versts; an additional kopek for any distance between 1,500 and 3,000 versts; and not over fifty ko- peks (ten cents) for any distance over 3,000 versts. Extra posts are cheap and expedi- tious, a post-horse costing not more than two kopeks the verst; and a journey of 4,580 versts, which consumes eight weeks in making it, costing only about 8*220, the expenses of living included. The postal revenue of Russia is estimated at about 8800,000 per annum. In England, the post-office was not estab- lished till the year 1649. It was then founded by Mr. Etlward Prideaux, attorney -general for the Commonwealth, who arrangeil for the weekly conveyance of letters to and from all parts of the kingdom. Postmasters were, it is true, in tlio emj)]()y of the government be- fore this period ; and Charles I. had erect- ed (1635) a letter office for England and Scot- land, extending, however, to only a few of the principal roads, the postmasters on which transported letters at the rate of 2 Ad. per mile for each horse. This establishment did not succeed, but entailed an expense on the government, which, just before Mr. Prideaux's plan was put into operation, amounted to POST-OFFICE HISTORY OF THE POST SYSTEM, 353 £7,000 a year. Under the new order of tilings, the post-office yielded the attorney- general such handsome profits, that it could not be leased fur £10,000. In 1057 the post- oflSce was established nearly on its present footing, and rates of postage were fixed which continued to the time of Queen Anne, when (Act 9, Anne) modifications were introduced, "which have remained in force, in substance, Up to the reign of the present sovereign, un- der whom (2 and 3 Vict. chap. 62) occurred the reduction of postage to the simple and cheap rates which now prevail. Previous to this reduction, the average rate of po.stfige amounted to 7d. or 74d. per letter, the charge on each varying with the distance. These prices yielded the government a net revenue, m 1838, of £1,670,522, or about ^S.OUO.OOO. The new rates commenced in 1840, according to which all inland letters, without regard to distance, provided that they be paid on being posted or sent oft* are, if they weigh no more than i an ounce, charged Id. ; 1 oz. 2d. ; 2 oz. 4d.. and so on, 2d. being added for every ad- ditional ounce up to IG oz., beyond which weight no packets, with certain exceptions, whetlier subject to postage or not, can be re- ceived. Letters not pre-paid are charged double these rates. The franking privilege is abolished ; but addresses to the Queen are not chargtsable with postage, nor petitions for either House addressed to parliamentary members, provided they are sent open at the sides, and do not weigh more than 32 ounces. Newspapers published in the kingdom are not charged for transportation, as the government has already received its pay in the shape of a ptamp duty of one penny on each paper ; for- eign newspapers are charged at rates varying from Id. to 4d. In France, newspapers are charged 4 centimes (four fifths of a cent) post- age on a small sheet, which must be pre-paid. In Germany, the rate is one quarter that of let- ters, according to weight For the year ending January 5, 1839, the gross revenue of the Brit- ish post-oftice was £2,390,763 ; the expendi- ture, £756,909: leaving a net revenue of £1,633,764. In 1850, ten years after the re- duction of the penny rate, the gross revenue •was £2,105,349 ; the expenditure, £1,324,562 : leaving a net revenue of £840,787. During 1847 the postage paid by the government amounted to £163,855. All the business of the English post-office is done in the name of the postmaster-general, who is also a member of the cabinet, ami has a seat in the House of Peers. His salary is .£2,500 a year. His chief assistant is a secre- tary, with a salary of £2,000. There are sev- eral other officers who rank above the ordi- nary ])o5tmaster3; the most important of whom is the solicitor of the department, whose pay is to bo .£1,500 per annum. The highest salary received by a postmaster in England is £1,000, (?4,840,) which is given in Liverpool; YOL. II. the lowest is £30, (§145.20,) a year. The pay of the clerks ranges from £80 to £50tJ per ann um. Every provision is made in England for the safe and speedy transmission of the mails. The railway companies are bound to take them at such hours and such speed aa the post- master-general may require. The prices paid to the railway companies for this service vary from Id. to 2s. 9d. the mile; one penny the mile, according to the mode of reckoning adopted, being equal to 4514.72 a mile per an- num, daily service; and 2s. 9d., being equal to $451.93 a mile, daily service. The latter enormous price is paid in cases where the mail forms almost the only article of transjiort, on account of the time at which the train is made to perform its journey. The expenses of the mails conveyed on coaches are included in two items: the first, the price of building and keeping coaches in repair, which, at the maximum, is $17.84 per mile, a year, daily service, at the minimum, §9,89 per mile; the second, the price for horsing and conveying the mails, which varies from Od. to fid. per single mile. Any driver, horse, or coach, can be dismissed from the service by the postmas- ter-general. The annual cost of mail trans- port in England averages thuteen cents a mile, daily service. Special provision is made for the payment of small sums of money, not exceeding £5, through the agency of the post-office. The money being deposited at one office, an order for the amount, deducting the discount, will be given on any other office in the kingdom. The charge is 3d. for orders of £3 and less ; 6d. for sums over that amount within the spe- cified limits. In 1847, the transactions of this character amounted to £14,115,153; and at present 300 clerks are employed in attending to the business in the principal office in Lon- don ; a branch of which exists in every im- portant post-office in Great Britain. On the continent of Europe, money is insured in transitu in the mails, at rates stipulated by each government. The transport of letters from one part of the city to another, forms in London, as in Paris, no inconsiderable business. In the former city, there are employed 1,367 letter- carriers, who receive pay varying from 15s. to 30s. a week. In 1847, more than thirty- three millions of letters, it is estimated, exclu- sive of those ( f the general po.st, were deliv- ered in London, on each of which the same postage was paid as is charged on a letter traversing the kingdom from one end to the other. These city letters are delivered ten times a day ; in Paris seven times a day. The dead-letter office of England is an ob- ject of no little interest. In 1850, about two millions of letters were returned as dead, no 1 owners having been discovered : in these I there was found, when opened, property to 23 354 POST-OFFICE UNITED STATES. tbe amount of nearly 82,500,000. some of them having actually been posted without any direction. A single letter, on being o}3ened in this way, not long since, was found to con- tain bank notes to the value of §7,500. The dead letters, after examination, are sold, Mr. Bowen thinks, for waste paper; instead of being burned, as is done in the office at Wasliington.* Certain features common to the post system of Great Britain and the continent, but not to this country, deserve here a brief enumeration. They are: (a.) the appointment of a fiscal officer, not subordinate to the head of the de- partment, to keep a check on his accounts ; {h.) the accompaniment of the mails by armed guards ; (c.) the registration of letters for their safe transmission, on the payment of a fixed fee ; (d.) the delivery of letters by the car- riers, and a prompt return, if letters are not inquired for, to the dead-letter office, unless marked ''jwsta restantc" or to that effect; (e.) the limitation of letters by weight, in France and Germany, not exceeding ^ an oz ; (f ) the conveyance of money by mail, under special regulations ; and other peculiarities not important to mention. In America, the history of the post-office dates as far back as 1677, at which time an office was established in Boston, under John Howard, by the colonial court. In 1C83, another was created in Philadelphia, by the order of William Penn. A scheme for estab- lishing a post-office for the whole country was carried, in 1700, into successful operation, by • Col. John Hamilton, of Xew-Jersey ; but this was suj)erseded, in 1710, by the act of parlia- ment "for establishing a general post-office for all her Majesty's dominiou.s." Chief letter- offices were to be kept in JSTew-York, and other convenient places in each colony. The name of Franklin is intimately associated with * Some very curious articles are discovered inclosed within the letters opened at this dead-letter office. Mr. Bowea, United States Post-Offlce(;iiide, relates the following : " Packages, not exceeding in weight sixteen ounces, are permitted to be sent by the Brit- ish mail ; and many curious packages in conse^iuence pass through the London post-office. Game of va- rious kinds, plura-pudding, bits of wedding cake, lobsters, and, strangest of all, live mieo and pet ca- nary birds, have thus been forwarded, and safely de- livered. In one case, a lot of leeches were sent in bladders, several of which burst, and the water hav- ing wet the letters, many of the poor creatures were found crawling over the correspondence of tho nation. In another instance, a jar of strawberries was dis- patched through tho mail, but being smashed in the bag, completely destroyed a packet full of valuable lace belonging to the late Queen Adelaide. A mer- cantile agent going his round through the country, soliciting orders, found he had forgot his pistol. He WTote to his wife for it, and she sent it by return of mail, labelled and loaded to the mouth with powder, ball and slugs. A roast dnek, a box of S])iders, and a live snake, were also among the things forwarded in tliis way. Most curious of all, however, was a bank-note for jC50, without an envelope, the two ends being merely watered together, and the address writ- ten ou the back." the early history of the American post-office. He was chosen postmaster in 1737, and, in 1753, was appointed one of the two deputy postmasters-general of North America. At the latter date, the length of the post-roads in the thirteen colonies was 1,532 miles, North Carolina having the most, and New-Hampshire the least. In 1774, Franklin was dismissed from his office, only to be elected next year postmaster-general by the Continental Con- gress. In 1790, after the post-office had fallen, by the express terms of the constitution, under the exclusive control of the general govern- ment, there existed in the Union only 75 post- offices, and only 1,875 miles length of post routes. To perform " a complete tour" be- tween Philadelphia to Pittsburg occupied twenty days ; and the annual cost of the wliolc service was f 22,702, There are now in tho United States nearly 20,000 post-offices, 196,- 200 miles ef post roads, and 53,272,252 miles of annual inland mail transportation. Great Britain had, in 18-17, 4,785 post-offices ; France, 3,582. The number of letters circulated in our mail during the year was 60 millions ; while France had 115, and Great Britain the still higher number of 300 millions. The U.nited States Post-Office. — At the head of the post-office department stands the Postmaster- General, who is at present N. K. Hall, of New-York. He has three principal assistants, each of whom presides over a par- ticular division, or bureau, of the general post-office. These divisions are the contract oflice, the appointment office, and the finance and dead-letter office; to which are to be added the inspection office, presided over by the chief clerk of the post-office departinent, and the auditor's office, presided over by the auditor. Under each of these presiding offi- cers are a nutnber of clerks, amoimting in all to about one hundred antl fifty. The general post-office building, one of the most beautiful edifices in Washington, occu- pies a whole square, reaches three stories in height, and contains about one hundred apart- ments. Completed under Amos Kendrdl, it was first occupied in 1836. The ground-floor of the building is occupied mainly by the au- ditor's clerks, the topograj)hers, and tlie dead- letter oflice ; the second floor by the officers and clerks of tho post-office proper. The apartments of the I'ostmaster-tJencM-al, who is also a cabinet minister, are situated in the main building, and are elegantly furnished. Here he receives visits of business and of ceremony. The rooms of his assistants, and those of the chief clerk and of the auditor, are contiguous to those of the Postmaster- General. The wings of the second story are occupied by the clerks of the contract, inspec- tion, and appointment offices, among whom are found a few belonging to the auditor's office. The third story is appropriated to clerks of the last-mentioned office, to whom POST-OFFICE — UNITED STATES. 855 tirs nclded a few of the contract office ; and contains, besides, the book-keeper's office, -with its twenty-five, or more, clerks. The Pontmnstcr-General. — The Postmaster- General is appointed by the President, and has the general superintendence and manage- ment of the entire post-office department of the United States. Tlirough him the establish- ment is controlled and regulated by Congress; and by him all postmasters are appointed whose income is not above $1,000 per annum. So varied and numerous are the duties of this officer, that only a small portion of them can be, and are in fact, performed by him in person : by far the greater part of them are, of course, attended to by his assistants and their clerks; among whom, especially since 1836, the strictest order and discipline pre- vail. AH business is prepared by the clerks, and is then submitted by them to the Post- niaster-G eneral himself, or one of his assist- antst, who thereupon enters his order ; after ■which the papers which have been prepared in accordance with such order, receive his sig- nature. It is the duty of this officer to sub- mit yearly to Congress an estimate of the amount of money which will be required for the department during the ensuing fiscal year, (commencing with July,) and also to present an account of the expenditures which have actually been made for the deimrtment from the time of the last annual estimate. His most important and difficult duty is the regu- lation and supervision of the expenses of the department, and the general management of its monetary affairs. It is his business, too, to pay over, or to have paid, all the revenue of tho deparment into the treasury of the United States, on the books of which it is entered to the credit of the post-office, as an offset to the dcb'tt created by the annual ap- propriation. Besides performing these du- ties, the Postmaster-General must decide npon the official fonns of all the papers to be prepared by his more than ?)0,000 subor- dinates; must direct in what manner accounts are to be kept and rendered ; and, in short, must exercise a general supervision over all the business, often complicated and involved, of the entire post-office department. Bureaux of the General Post-Officc. — The bureaux or offices into which the general post- office is divided for the sake of facilitating its business have already been mentioned. Of these, the first named, or contract office, has as- signed to it, as its proper duty, the arrangement of the mail service, the making of mail con- tracts, the location of distributing offices, the supervision of the post roads, kc. The appoint- ment office has exclusive direction of matters relating to the establishment and discontin- uance of post-offices, changes of sites and names, appointments and removals of post- masters, and the giving of instructions to these last named functionaries. The miscel- laneous affairs of the department, also, are projierly under the management of this bu- reau. The /jjawcc office has the supervision and management of all the financial business which is not attended to by the auditor. Its Iiead, the third assistant postmaster-general, has charge also of the dead-letter office, of the issuing of stamps for the prepayment of post- ages, and of the accounts connected with their issue. The inspcctio7i office examines the registers rendered by postmasters of the time of the arrival and departure of the mails ; inquires into all delinquencies of mail contractors, postmasters, t be given, and a register of sucli failures and tlie alleged excuses must be kept by the postmaster at Whose office they occur. A contractor is bound to supply all offices within eighty rods of his route, even though they be established after the date of his coti- tract, without additional pay ; and he is re- quired in all cases to carry the entire mail, any leaving behind of the mail bags subjecting him to a line, to be deducted, as are atl the fines he may incur, from his contract pay. Contractors on special routes, if their route yield the sum specified, receive that sum, if not, they must bear the loss; if it yield more, they only receive the stipulated compensation. Other rules relative to the transport of the mail, not specially relating to contractors, worthy of particular mention, are the follow- ing : (a.) The mail cannot be bome upon a road ■which has not been declared a post road, ex- cept in certain well understood cases ; {0.) a member of Congress can have no interest in any mail contract ; (c.) the mail can be can-ied only by free white persons, a fine of S20 being imposed on the contractor for every violation of the regulation; (. >^ exceeding three ounces in weight, the annexed rates per quarteri t g are to he paid quarterly in advance. These rates only apply where. S i E .= the paper is sent from the office of publication to actual and bona := ^ ■| S e c fide ^subscribers. fi H n IS £ S Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. Cents. 25 15 10 5 21 11 50 30 20 10 5 2i » 300 " 1,000 "■ 75 45 30 15 71 3? » l.OUO " 2,000 « 100 60 40 20 lo" 5 " 2 000 " 4,000 " 125 75 50 25 12^ ^T « 4 (100 ' 150 90 60 30 15 71 rlRKCTJONS. 1st. Weekly Papers, only when sent as above stated, are to be delivered free in the county where they axe published, and this although conveyed in the mail over 25 miles. 2d. Newspapers cont.iining not over 300 square inches, are to be charged one quarter the above rates. 3d. Publishers of newsjiapers are allowed exchange free of postage, one copy of each number only; and this privilege extends to newspapers published in Canada. 4th. The weight of newspapers must be taken or determined when they are in a dry state. 5lh. Postmasters are not entitled to receive newspapers free of postage under their franking privilege. 6th. Payment in advance does not entitle the party paying to any deduction from the above rates. Mates on Transient Newspapers and other Mailable Printed Mattel Note.— For each additional ounce or fractional part of an ounce, beyond the ten ounces embraced iu this taWe, an additional rate must be charged. g ^ |c4 6 s o If rt > > O S; 6 6 > O B c oo' >- > o "2 • O Rate Cts. 9. 18 27 g Is > o Katf Cts. 1 2 3 4 5 Rate Ct8. 2 4 6 8 10 Rat? Cts. 3 C 9 12 15 Rate Ct«. 4 8 12 16 20 Rat' eta. 5 10 15 20 25 Kate Cts. a 12 18 24 30 Rate Cts. 7 14 21 28 35 Rnti- Cia. 8 16 24 Rate Cta. ](k 20 " ],.5O0 " 2..')0n " 30 '■ 2,500 " 3,500 " 32 36 1 40 " 3..500 40 45 1 50 POST-OFFICE UNITED STATES. 359 DIRECTIONS. 1st. On every transient newspaper, unsealed circular, handbill, cngraviiii;, pamphlet, periodical, magazine, book, and every other descripliou of printed matter, the above rates must in all cases be pre-paid according to the weij^ht. fT'id. Whenever any printed matter on which the postage is required to be prw-paid, shall, through the inat- tention of postmasters or otherwise, bo sent without pre-pajraent, the same shall be charged with double the above rates. 3d. Bound books and parcels of printed matter not weighing over 32 ounces, shall be deemed mailable mutlcr. Periodicals published at intervals not exceeding three months, and sent from the oflice of publication, to actual iona/i/e subscribers, are to be charged with one half the rates mentioned in the last of the above tables, and pro-payment of a quarter postage; thereon tnust in all ca3<;s bo required. Periodicals published at ijUervals of more than three months are charged with the full rate, which must be pre-paid. In case there is ou or in any newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, or other printed matter, or paper connected therewith, any manuscript of any kind by whicli information shall be iisked for, or communicated in writing. or by marks or signs, the said newspaper, periodical, pamphlet, or other printed matter, becomes subject to letter postage ; and it is the duty of the postm.aster to remove the wrappers and envelopes from all printed matter and pamphlets not charged with letter postage, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there is upon or connected with it any such printed matter, or in such package any matter or thing which would authorize or require the charge of a higher rate of postage thereon. Jiates of Foreign Postage. — The rates of postage between the United States and Great Britain are determined by the postal treaty of May, 1849. Previous to this treaty, the British government enjoyed a monopoly of the sea-postage between this country and Europe. Even letters conveyed across the sea in our own vessels could not be delivered or posted in Great Britain, without the pre- payment to that countr}^ of the entire sea- postage. The postal treaty has totally changed this objectionable state of affairs; and the rev- enue derived from sea-letters, amounting an- nually to about §1,000,000, instead of going wholly to one, is now divided between the two governments. The rates of postage, as estab- lished by the treat}-, are as follows : The entire postage between any office in the United States, (California and Oregon except- ed,) and any other in Great Britain or Ireland, is twenty-four cents, for a letter not weighing more than half an ounce ; forty-eight for one exceeding that weight ; ninety-six, if the •weight exceed an ounce, but not two ounces ; the rate being doubled after the first ounce. The postage may be left unpaid ; if paid, all that is due must be given at once, as fractional out of Europe, which have to pass in their transit through Great Britain, must, if they are to be transported in an English steamer, have the Uniten, at the rate of one cent per letter. If there be no paper in the town, or if the list, be refused, tlie postmaster must post up, in a conspicuous |)lace, a manuscript list of the letters in question. Ihe Franking Privilege. — Certain citizens and offiqers of government are entitled to free- dom of postage on their letters and ])ackets: among tlu-se are Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Taylor, any person Avho has been President of the United states, the Vice-President, members of Congcofis, and delegates from territories, tlie governors of states, the three assistant post- masters-general, and certain postmasters, each, however, under given resti'ictions. Besides these, publishers of newspapers, periodicals, etc., not exceeding Ifi oz. in weight, may ex- change with each other, po.stage free. The franking privilege is purely personal : it travels with its possessor, and can be exercised only in one place at the same time. Franks cannot be left behind on envelopes for letters to be written by another person ; yet this rule is perpetually violated, without reflection, by members of Congress. Postmasters, whose yearly receipts do not exceed $200, can frank letters to publishers of newspapers, as tlieir agent, for the agency being taken for granted by the appearance of the frank. The free matter sent to and from Washington, during the last two years, would have realized $1,7^<5,- 920, at the present rates, and $4,240,820 at the rates in force a year ago; and this not counting newspapers, etc. This abuse of the privilege requires legislative action. Lost Letters, d'c. — Money or any valuable property transmitted by the mail, is at the risk of the owner. If a letter is lost, the de- partment will make every effort to recover it, and to punish any one who has been the cause of the loss. To assist it in its efforts to do so, the loser should forward to Washington all the particulars which he can collect respecting th# mailing of the letter, etc. Shouhl not the let- ter or money be recovered after all, there is no remedy ; the courts have frequently decided in favor of the department, and there is only in certain cases a remedy against the post- master. The postmaster is liable for the loss, if it can be proved that it was sustained in consequence of his negligence. Lxpcnses and Receipts of the Department.—' The entire expenditure of the last year, as given in the Postmaster-General's late report, (Dec^ 1851,) amounted to $6,278,401; but this in- cludes a payment made to Great Britain, and a payment under an award. The ordinary ex- penditure was .$6,024,560. Tlie receipts dur- ing the same period amounted to $6,78t'i,40;? ; of which $5,;>6!),242 were derived from letter (including foreign) postage and stamps sold, and $1,085,130 from postage on newspapers, periodicals, etc. Allowance must be made here for tlie sum payable to Britain, and for that for additional appropriations. Tliese al- lowances made, the ordinary revenues are $0,551,077, being an increase of $?. 27 60 2 39 118 3 12 66 15 28 15 13 17 5 7 17 I 5 16 16 49 13 28 45 17 18 1 1 697 62' 146 171 55 1 95 72 77i 104 87 137 137 93 2341 94 62 41 66S 355 Vermont 382 Massachusetts 585 Khode Island 17 15 22 10 74 Connt'cticut 65 69' 74 45 3.39 3671 527 8 9 35 79 163 303 537 12 95 418 58" 22 150 751 103 658 560 285 308 53 271 302 97 2,319 60 Delaware 394 1,790 Maryland and District of Columbia .37 72 93 337 Virifinia 92 28 18 57 8 49 46 25 12 33 43 58 218 48 58 84 54 32 24 7 1 2 2 171 65 31 88 9 101 74 35 37 303 96 118 153 22 123 90 36 1.296 North Carolina '785 South Carolina 484 658 Florida 105 Alabama 580 Mississippi 553 Louisiana 218 .53! 211 328 Texas 331 47 178 82| 127: 469 85, 116 363 3.V3 360 565 69 112 272 135 200 439 145| 203 498 82 97i 320 310 760 669 Michigan 1,610 544 896 Illinois 1,026 592 87 31 5 1 4 84 231 477 59 J 1 2 160 6 1 2 10 19 294 34 1 o 16 31 2022 3279 4086 8369 19,796 Appendix III.— State^nent of the number of Post-offices and length of Post-roads in the United States, the annual amount paid for Mail Transportation, and of Receipts and Expenditures of the Post-office Department at periods of five years, from 1*790 to 1835, inclusive. TEARS 'o S S5 t a. a 1790 75 453 903 1,558 2,300 3,000 4,.500 5,{)77 8,450 10.770 1,875 13,207 20 817 31,076 36,406 43,748 7-2,492 94,0.52 115,176 142,774 22,081 00 7.5,359 00 128,644 00 239,635 00 327,966 00 487,779 00 782,425 00 785,016 00 1,272,156 00 1,533,222 00 37,9.35 00 160.020 00 280.804 Oil 42i;373 00 551,684 00 1.043,0(1,-1 00 1,111 9-J7 00 1,316,5'.'-) 00 l,91'.l,300 on 3.152,376 00 32140 00 1795 ISIKJ 117.893 00 213.994 00 180.) .377,31 i7 00 ISilO 49.1.969 00 181.5 748,121 00 1821 1,Ilill,9-20 00 1825 1,2:9,043 00 1830 1,9.59.109 00 1835 2.585,108 00 J. Marron, Third Assistant Postmaster-General, Post-office Department, Nov. 28, 1851. POST SYSTEM ANCIENT. 363 POST SYSTEM— ANctENT.— One of the most important steps taken by Cyrus, -when he had subjugated the kingdom of Rabylon, was to create an establishment similar to cur modern posts, by whieh the most speetiy in- telligence was conveyed throughout the whole extent of his vast empire. Between Sardis, the capital of Lydia, and Lusa, the residence of the I'ersian king, there are computed to have been one liundred and eleven houses. The distance of the road has been estimated at l.'?,400 Greek stadia, nearly equal to 1,;M(j geographical miles. From the errors of tran- scribers, however, as appears from a note to Macpherson, there is some apparent disagree- ment upon this point, and commentators have consequently been much puzzled in reconciling the remote distances by which the houses were separated. We may regard the inference which has resulted, that some of the stages are evidently omitted, as a legitimate one, though we may not conceive fully the advantages re- sulting from the fact as conducive to any very important end. Italy appears to have been the cradle of the system of posts. Constituted principally with the view of obtaining intelligence from the army, under the Emperor Augustus, it was in the most flourishing condition, and the couriers employed were remarkable for their extraordinary swiftness. Dispatches from Sclavonia were received by Augustus in four days, and Tiberius is said to have indignantly thrown away all dispatches that were more than twenty days from Asia, fifteen from Eu- rope, ten from Africa, five from Sclavonia, and three from any part of Italy. Such was the expedition to which the ancients were accus- tomed. The privacy of letters was so much respected, that the breaking of a seal was, by the criminal code of Milan, punished with death. During the ninth century, messengers who travelled on horseback existed in Germany, France, and Italy, devoted exclusively to the government service. The establishment, however, seems to have been of but short duration. In the East carrier pigeons are used. They became known in Eurojie through the Crusa- ders, but seem never to have been introduced to any extent in more recent years. The carrier pigeon is a native of the East. An actual post system, says Leiber, was established by the Sultan Mouredden Mahrnood, who died in llTl, in which pigeons were the messengers. It was extended and improved by the Caliph Ahmed Abraser-Lidiv- Allah of Bagdad, who died in 1225. When that city fell into the hands of the Mongols in 1258, this flying post was destroyed by them. The manner of using them is by placing a particular kind of silk paper, called bird paper, lengthwise under one •wing, and fastened with a pin to a feather, the point of the pia being turned from the body. They have been known to accomplish a distance of upwards of one thousand p.ira- sangs, more than 2,70n English miles, in a day. According to the elder Pliny, Decius Brutus sent dispatches from Modena by pigeons. They were in much later times employed by the merchants of Paris and Amsterdam to convey the course of exchange and the prices of stocks from one city to the other. And in our day, the velocity of their movements has much anticipated those of the steam engine. Part of the post system of the Great Mogul is conducted by means of pigeons. They are kept in several places for the conveyance of letters on extraordinary occasions, and they carry them from one end of that immense em- pire to another. The Dutch within Seizes h.ave resorted to the same vehicles. The Con- sul at Alexandretta is said by Tavernier to have been accustomed to send news daily to Aleppo in five hours' time by means of pi- geons, though these two places are three days' journey apart on horseback. Pedestrian messengers were maintained by the University of Paris in the beginning of the thirteenth century, who, at certain times, took charge of money and letters for the stu- dents, collected in that city from almost all parts of Europe. Posts, upon the authority of Lewis Hornick, were first settled in Germany by the Count de Taxis, at his own expense, in acknowledg- ment of which the Emperor Mathias in 1G16 gave him in fief the charge of postmaster un- der him and his successors. This point, how- ever, is not very clearly established. In 1295, throughout Cambula, in the prov- ince of Cathay, two days' journey from the ocean, inns were established at proper dis- tances, where horses, provisions, and lodgings were kept for the khan's ambassadors and messengers, and ferry boats were stationed also at the rivers and lakes. By these means letters were conveyed at the rate of from 200 to 250 miles in a day. On the road from Cuzco to Quito messen- gers were found placed at short distances from each other, when the Spaniards discovered Peru in 1527. The orders of the Inca were transmitted by them with remarkable speed. About 1740 the Turks commenced the es- tablishment of posts after the manner of Christendom, throughout their entire domin- ions. It was generally expected that they would operate very advantageously to their commerce, independent of the large addition which would be made to the sultan's revenue, which, in consequence of the late wars with Russia, had become greatly impaired. We see very clearly, therefore, that in an age far removed from the one in which we live, the benefits to be derived from this system judiciously administered had forcibly impress- ed themselves upon the minds of all people of all nations. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive 364 POST SYSTEM ANCIENT. a state of society in wliich an approach to : civilization and refinement will not originate I an establisiinu-nt like this. Mr. Ellis, in his " Polynesian Researches," says, that though the natives of the Sandwich Islands have not so far advanced in civilization as to have a i regular post, a native seldom makes a journey | across the island, and scarcely a canoe passes from oi]e island to another, without conveying a number of letters. The system of posts in England has attained j to a very great perfection, and it is remark- j able to observe the many changes through ; which it has passed from its infancy, so far as ] we have been instructed, to the present time, i King Edwaid introduced an establishment of | riders with post horses, to be changed every twenty miles, during the war with Scotland in 1480. By handing letters and packets from ^ one to another, they were forwarded 200 miles in the course of two days, apparently : the farthest extent of the establishment. This mode of conveyance was taken from one France had adopted a short time previously, j neither of which tended to the public accom- ] modation, or bad any connection with com- 1 merce. We can only regard them, therefore, as the rudiments of an establishment, consti- tuting, as it has well been said, the most essen- tial accommodation ever given to commerce and friendly intercourse. It may not be uninteresting to many of our readers to trace the gradual growth and ex- tension of this branch of the public service in a country like England, where, as is clearly evident, it has been carried to as high a state of perfection as in any other country on the face of the globe. Considerations of econo- my have always failed to exercise the same influence with the English nation, when op- posed to great national objects, to which, in our country, it seems the bent and policy of the people to give them. Republican sim- plicity is not at variance with grand designs, conceived for the general benefit, and tending to the establishment of a great national end. In 1631, William Frizell and others obtained a grant of the office of Postmaster for foreign parts in reversion. King James, it would ap- pear, had previously erected this office, but previous to this appointment private under- takers only conveyed letters to and from for- eign parts. Subsequently, however, it was strictly enjoined that none but the foreign postmasters would presume to exercise any part of that office. A running post was established by King Charles, in l();j.5, between Loudon and Edin- burgh, to go and come in six days, and to take all such letters as should be directed to any post-town in or near the road. By-posts were also required to be placed at different Eoints, to bring in and carry out letters from incoln, Hull, and other phices. The postage was fixed at 2d. the single letter, if under 80 miles ; 4(Z. between 80 and 140 miles ; Qd. if above 140 miles, and upon the borders of Scotland, and in Scotland, Sd., and proportion- ally for double letters and packets. Unless to such places as the king's post did not go, messengers were not permitted to cairy let- ters, except such as were common known car- riers with a letter to a friend. Notwithstanding King'_^Charles's proclama- tion, letter carriers appear to have been still in use in 1G37, between England and France. An agreement was formed between the heads of these two nations, by which the route was made from Dover to Calais, and thence to Paris by Bologne, Abbeville, and Amiens. All private posts were prohibited, and a re- newal made of the former declaration of the several rates of postage as exhibited under the year 1635. The postage of England, Ireland and Scot- land was farmed by the Council of State to John Manley, Esq., in 1652, for £10,000 year- ly. Under this settlement the rate of postage varied but slightly from that of 1635. A new general post-office for the Common- wealth of the three kingdoms was erected by the Protector and his Parliament in 1656. The regulations by which it was governed were confirmed at the restoration of Charles the Second. By act of Parliament, in 1660, the rates of postage for England and Ireland were slightly modified. The revenue for the year amount- ed to £21,500. In 1676, Sir William Petty, considered to have been well versed in the theory of com- merce, is said to have written his political arithmetic. In his remarks upon the system of posts, he computes the postage of letters from the year 1636 to 1676 as having in- creased from one to twenty. "The very post- age of letters costs the people," he says, " £50,000 per annum, farmed at much less." The penny post was established in London and its suburbs about 1583, by a man whom history has handed down to us as an uphol- sterer by trade, named Murray, who after- wards assigned it to one Dockwra, who car- ried it on successfully for a number of years, till a claim was laid to it by the goveriunent as interfering with the general post-office, which was part of the crown revenue. Dock- wra, in consequence, had a yearly pension of £200 settled on him for life.* In 1685, the revenue of the general post- office, estimated at .£65,000 per annum, was settled by the Parliament upon James the Second, to be his private estate, and never to ♦ A writer in Rees' Cyclopaedia, vol. 20, Art. "Post," says, "The penny post was first si't up in London in or about the year 1683 by a private un- dertaker, to whoso assif^ns government allowed a yearly pension of £im u year for lile, in lieu of the revenue arising from it." PENNSYLVANIA — IT9 EARLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. 365 be accounted for by him, as is the case with all public revenues. We have noticed thus for the regular in- crease of the revenue derived from this source, and the fartiier we advance the more rapid ■will its L^rowth and development be made to appear. In a printed letter to a member of rarliamenl concerning the debts of the na- tion, published in 1701, the net revenue of the postofBce for the year 1699 is said to Iiave been £90,504 10s. Qd. It was still at this time a part of the king's private rev- enue. The correspondence of Scotland was found unable at tliis time to support itself, and King William, in consequence, made a grant of the whole revenue to Sir William Sinclair, with a pension of .£300 a year. Finding it to oper- ate disadvantageously to his interest. Sir Wil- liam gave up the grant. The revenue arising to the government became soon after, how- ever, ver}- considerable. One general post-office, as well as one gen- eral postiuaster, was appointed for the United Kingdom in 1711, and all former laws re- pealed. The chief letter offices were located at Dubliu, Edinburgh, New- York, and the West Indies. The postage on letters was in- creased, and the revenue, including the penny post, amounted to £111,461 lls.lOd. Eleven years after this, from an abstract of the public debts by Archibald Hutcheson, Esq., it appears that The gross amount of the P 0. annual revenue was £201,804 1 8 To be deducted for frank cov- ers to letters £3-3,397 12 3 Expense of man- agement 70,396 1 5 £103,793 13 8 Net produce for 1722 £98,010 8 Up to this time members of Parliament and other privileged persons were accustomed to frank letters by signing their names on the corners of blank covers. To this manner of ranking there seems to have been many ob- jection.-, apart from its being subject to forg- ery. Of one fact there appeal's to be no doubt, that the revenues of the office were greatly injured from its operation. It was discovered, among other things, that the ser- vants of members would solicit and receive from their masters large quantities of these franks, and would then dispose of them to persons who made a business of openly sell- ing them in the streets. It was therefore enacted, that after the 1st of May, 1764, " no letters should be exempted from postage but such a^ nut exceeded 2 oz. in weight, sent to any part of Great Britain or Ireland during the ses.i!-iii of Parliament, or within forty days before, or forty days after, any summons or prorogation of the same, the vhole of the superscription being in the handwriting of a member of the House of Lords or Commons." The forgery of franks was, by the same act, rendered punishable by transportation for seven years. The postage of franked letters, on an aver- age of several years, was equal to £170,000 a year, as appeared from an examination pre- vious to the passage of this act Under the new regulation a great portion of this large amount was added to the revenue. The gross revenue of the post-office this year amounted to £281, .535. As we have seen, it was farmed in the year 16G4 for £21,500; and twenty years earher it was estimated at only .£5,000. The increase of commerce, and the increased facility and dispatch in the conveyance of let- ters, necessarily promoted the increase of cor- respondence. The rates of postage were increased in 1765, and ships bringing letters were obliged to de- liver them at the post-office. The postmaster- general was empowered to establish penny posts in any part of the kingdom he thought proper, and it was made felony to be found guilty of the embezzlement of letters, or of committing a robbery upon the mail. PENNSYLVANIA.— Its Early Histoet, .\XD Progress m PorULAXiox, Commerce, Trade, Manufactures, Agriculture, Edu- c.vTiox, etc. — Pennsylvania is the only state in the Union which bears, and transmits to future ages, the name of a private individual. It is known that the natural modesty of William Penn earnestly declined the honor of having his name latinized into that of a great Ameri can province ; but Charles II. of England in- sisted upon Pennsylvania, as being the most beautiful and appropriate name that could then be devised. It must be admitted, how- ever, that the territory in question has now lost much of the sylvan character that it must have possessed in the days of Charles II. However great Penn's obligations may have been to the " merry monarch" for the honor conveyed in the name Pennsylvania, it is quite certain that the .soil of the territory ceded to Penn, by Charles II., was far from being a gift William Penn inherited from his father, Admiral Penn, who acquired some distinction as commander of the English fleet at the conquest of Jamaica, and in the subsequent war with the Dutch, a large fortune, to •which he added remarkable abilities, both natural and acquired. His education, however, was somewhat irregular, owing to circumstances resulting from his stubborn inflexibility of purpose in all things, and particularly in re- gard to his religious principles. While a .stu- dent at Oxford he imbibed the principles of the Quakers, and he is said to have been expelled from the University " because he would per- 366 PENNSYLVANIA — ITS EARLT HISTORY AND PROGRESS. sist in pulling from the backs of his feliow- students those popish and unnecessary badges, their gowns." Among other things which Penn inherited from his fiitlier — and this was, in the end, his greatest inheritance — was a claim against the government, of £16,000, of which the Admiral had been plundered at the shutting up of the Exchequer. This claim, for which there was | little hope of ever getting any thing, (as j Charles 11. Avas notoriously extravagant, pro- fligate, always in want of money, and, like all such men and monarch?, slow iu paying debts,) was the real cause of Penn's coming to America, though the reiterated persecu- tions and imprisonments to which his pecu- liar religious notions exposed him may have i had some influence. Penn, as a last chance of j getting any thing for his claim, proposed to i accept a grant of American territory, which was at that time very abundant, and not par- 1 ticularly valuable. To obtain, however, even ' such a liquidation of the claim as this, re- quired some tact and exertion. Penn was fortunate in having the support of the Duke of York, who had always been the particular friend of the late Admiral, his [ father, and who was always an admirer of the principles of non-resistance, though not the Quakerism, of the son. William Penn him- self, though mild, gentle, and anti-bellicose, was far from unskilful, as his biographers tell us, in the arts of a courtier, which he prac- tised, in the present case, with double energy and effect in his guise of drab-colored Quaker {)lainness. After the usual vexations and de- ays of all suitors for governmont favor or jus- tice, he finally succeeded, and on the 4th of March, IGSl, in the thirty-seventh year of his age, was constituted, by a royal charter, " sovereign of a great American province called Pennsylvania " The charter created him " true and absolute lord" of Pennsylvania, with property in the soil, and ample powers of government, with the exception, that " the advice and consent of the freemen of the f)rovince" were necessary to the enactment of aws. There were also some other exceptions which were common to all, or to the most of the other provinces. At the time of Penn's receiving his charter there were already within the limits of Penn- sylvania quite a number of pettlernents. At the mouth of the Schuylkill dwelt a large number of Swedes and Dutch, and the English had settled along the west bank of the Dela- ware, under grants from the governors of Kew-York. Pennsylvania was colonized by the Swedes nearly forty years before William Penn re- ceived his grant of the territory from Charles II. As early as 1043, the Swedes had erect- ed a fort on the island of Tinlcum, in the Del- aware river, a few miles below Philadelpliia ; and this island also was chosen by their gov- ernor, John Priutz, as the place of his resi- dence. The first Swedish settlement in America was that formed by the colony sent out by Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden, in 1638, on Christiana Creek, near Wilming- ton. From this place, in order to preserve their ascendency over the Dutch, wlio were jealous of them, and looked upon them as in- truders, they had extended their settlements in various directions, until finally the whole territory occupied by them extended from Cape Henlopen to the falls of the Delaware, opposite Trenton, and to this tract of country they gave the name of Xew-Sweden. The first work of Penn was to conciliate the Swedes. Accordingly he commenced by send- ing among them the royal proclamation, an- nouncing the recent grant to him, along with a proclamation of his own, in which he assured his new subjects that they should " live free under laws of their own making." Penn's ob- ject in coming to America was not gain or power altogether, for his ambition did not stop at such objects. He had a higher and nobler aim — that of opening an asylum in the New World, where those deprived of civil and religious liberty in the Old might find a peaceful home. To induce emigration, he published a flat- tering account of the province, and offered to sell lauds to settlers at the rate of one hun- dred acres for $10.* Three ships filled with emigrants, mostly Quakers, left England for America the sanie year in which the charter was granted, 1681. The first vessel took out William Markham, as agent, proprietor, and deputy-governor. Only one of these vessels arrived safe, one having been blown off to the West Indies, and another was frozen up in the Delaware. Markham carried out with himself three commissioners, together with a plan of a city which Penn proposed to build, and a letter of friendship from Penn to the Indians, whom he addressed as " brethren." In the following year, 1682, Penn drew up what he called a '-Frame of Government" and a code of laws, which were to be submitted to the colonists for their approval. His " Frame of Government" Penn pronounced "extraor- dinary," because of the " matter of liberty and privilege" which it contained ; and because, he further states, of its leaving to himself and his successors " no power of doing mischief — that the will of one man may not liinder the good of the whole country." By this " frame" or constitution of Penn, the executive author- ity and the proposal of all laws were to be vested iu a council of 72 jiersons, elected by freemen for three years, and one third of them to go out of office aniuially. The proprietary • The lands were, however, subject to a'perpetual qait-rontof about 25 mills on each acre; and the purchasers were also to hold lots in a city to be laid out. PENN'SYLVAXIA ITS EAKLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. 367 or his fleputy ■\^as to preside over this council, and have a triple vote. All laws passed b}- this council were to be submitted to an as- sembly of fiom 200 to 500 members, chosen by the people. At first the entire body of freemen composed this assembly. Penu also obtained from the Duke of York, "who claimed some territories on the west bank of tiie Di'laware, a quit-claim to Pennsyl- vania, and a grant of a circle of territory of twelve miles around Newcastle, together with all the territory now embraced in the state of Delaware. Having made these aiiangements, he set sail from England in September, 1682, with one hundred emigrants. Twenty-three other ships followed him in the same year, and all arrived safely. Penn landed at Newcastle with only seventy of his emigrants, thu'ty having died of small-pox on the passage. The number of people then in Pennsylvania was between two and three thousand — all, as Penn says, " a plain, stout, industrious peo pie," and the land abounding in all that " an Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob would be^ well contented with." The first business of Penn after his arrrival was to call together the members of the first Assembly of the prov- ince. Instead of an attendance of the entire body of the freemen of the different counties, asPenn's "Frame of Government" proposed, there came only seventy-two delegates from the people of the entire province, bearing a petition to Penn that they might be considered as constituting both council and assembly. The reasons assigned for this entire disregard of the "Frame of Government" were " the fewness of the people, their inability in estate, and unskil- fulness in matters of government." Penn, there- fore, to meet these difficulties, remodelled his " Frame of Government," so that the assem- bly was to consist of thirty-six members only ; and the council, of three members from each county ; also he himself, or his deputy, when presitling, was no longer restricted to a triple vote, as before. Several enactments were made. One natu- ralized the Dutch and Swedish settlers; an- other made every freeholder and tax-payer a freeman, with therightof voting and holding office: "faith in Christ," though, was an indis- pensable qualification. Toleration was ex- tended to all who believed in the existence of God, whom they were allowed to worship after their own manner, except that none were allowed to labor on the Sab'iath. Tliis prom- ised toleration, however, was not extended to the Roman Catholics, at least in the early days of the colony.* The offenses expressly prohibited and se- verely punished were, " drinking healths, prizes, stage-plays, cards, dice, May-game-^, masques, revels." The criminal code was mild, murder being the only crime punishable * See Ilildrcih's Hist, of U. S., p. jG. with death. County courts were established for the administration of justice, with trial by jury. Tiie right of primogeniture was only partially abriigated, the oldest son being al- lowed, as in New-England, a double share of all his father's lands. All the laws regarding property, crimes, and the rights of citizens, comprised a code, called the " Great Law ;" and there was a sjiecial provision, that the substance of all the laws should be taught in all the schools — an idea that it would be well to adopt at the present day. A knowledge of the laws of our own country is indispensable, and in all of our schools a correct idea of the substance of them might, and ought to be imparted to the pupils. The idea that a pupil cannot leara any thing about laws except in a law-school, is only ridiculous. Pupils are often inquisitive regarding the law on various subjects, and they are generally put off, by being told that when they are a little older they can study law. William Penn's idea of this matter, in 1682, wiis the correct one, and we would like to see it adopted at the present day. It would be a most salutary reform in our schools if William Penn's idea could be adopted. After thus establishing the government and laws of the province, Penn hastened to New- castle to confer with Lord Baltimore regard- ing the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. Baltimore's charter extended to the 40th de- gree of north latitude, while that of Penn fixed, as the southern boundary of Pennsyl- vania, a line running due west from a point on the Delaware, 12 miles above Newcastle, which point was supposed to be about the 40th parallel. Astronomical observations taken by the two parties proved that the 40th parallel crossed the Delaware above the junction of the Schuylkill, thus rendering the two charters irreconcilable. The dispute be- tween Penn and Baltimore resulted in a down- right quarrel, which was not settled during the lift-time of either party. Penn's great desire was to acquire for Pennsylvania a por- tion of Chesapeake bay. Soon after his visit to Lord Baltimore, at Newcastle, Penn held his famous interview wirh the Indians, under the great elm of Shakamaxon, commemorated by the pencil of West. The spot is now the site of Kensing- ton, one of the suburbs of Philadelphia. Here the chiefs of the Delawares, with their armed warriors, met Peun and his unarmed asso- ciates, the latter all clad in the simple Quaker garb, which the simple Indians regarded as the habiliments of peace. Penn gave them the stipulated price for their lands, and estab- lished with them peace and friendship. A few months after, in 1683, Penn pur- chased of the Swedes a tract of land at the confluence of the Delaware and Schuylkill, disvegarding entirely the pretensions of Lord Baltimore, and immediately proceeded to lay 368 PENNSYLVANIA ITS EARLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. out the city of riiilaJelphia. New settlers from England soon arrived, and at the end of the year 82 houses were erected. Many of the first settlers at Philadelphia dwelt in caves dug in the banks of the Delaware, until bouses could be built. During the year 1683, Penn convoked the Assembly of the province at Philadelphia. It provided for a revenue of £2,000, for the expenses of the government in part, to be raised Vjy a tax on spirits. It also establislied an orpljan's court, and appointed three officers in each county, called "peacemakers," to set- tle disputes and prevent law-suits. He caused a large mansion-house to be erected for his residence, on the banks of the Delaware, op- posite Burlington, some 20 miles above Phila- delphia. In August, 1684, Penn left for England, appointing five commissioners of the provin- cial council as a provincial court, with Nicholas Moore for chief justice. This was the su preme court of law. The executive adminis- tration was committed to the council, of which Thomas Lloyd was appointed president. At Penn's departure, the province contained 20 settled townships, and 7,000 inhabitants, of ■which 2,000 were in the city of Philadelphia. English Quaker emigrants, and also some Dutch and German Quakers, converts made by Penn and Barclay on the continent, con tinned to arrive. It was by a party of Ger- man Quakers that Germantown was settled. During Penn's absence in England, violent dissensions arose between the council and the assembly ; the latter, contrary to the " Frame of Government," assumed the right of sug- ' gesting laws, a right expressly given to the governor and council alone. The assembly strove fonstantly to enlarge its powers, and resorted to the most violent measures. j\Ioore, | the chief justice, and also a member of the assembly, was expelled from it for opposing | its usurpations, and impeached for arbitrary conduct in office ; and his secretary also was imprisoned lor refusing to give up the records. To put an end to these difficulties, Penn intrusted the executive authority to five commissioners, of whom Moore and Lloyd were two, the latter being the president. Lloyd, it seems, sowed dissensions among the colonists, and got them to belii-ve that Penn had enriched liimself at their expense. Penn denied tiie charge, and comphiin<3d of the conduct of the assembl}'^ and of Lloyd, who finally resigned his office. Penn tlu;n ap- pointed John Bl:ickwell as lieutenant-governor of the province, with all the executive autho- rity. Blackwell was very unpopular, and a year of violent discords followed. To restore peace, Perm placed the executive autliority in the hands of the council again. (Feb. 1690.) In 1687, a printing press, tlie lliird in America, was set up at Pliiladelphia. In 1G89, Penn established a public high-school, with a charter. In the same year, James II,, Penn's great patron and firm friend, was driven from his throne ; and Penn was twice arrested, in England, on a charge of treason- able correspondence with the fugitive king, but was discharged for want of proof. He now again began to think of returning to America, and of building a new city on the banks of the Susquehanna. In 1601, Penn was again accused, and com- pelled to keep himself concealed. In 1692 his provincial government was taken from him, and transferred to Governor Fletcher, of New-York, who, in 1693, united Pennsylvania and Delaware, and extended his authority over both. In 1691, the suspicions against Penn being removed, Pennsylvania was re- stored to him, with all his rights. The chief instigator of the movements against Penn, which led to the depriving him of his provin- cial government, was one George Keith, a Scotch Quaker, who renounced his Quakerism, embraced the Church of England, and com- menced a violent opposition against his former Quaker friends. Besides declaring Quakerism inconsistent with the exercise of political au- thority, he also preached abolition doctrines in the streets of Philadelphia, declaring that negro slavery'' was inconsistent with the prin- ciples of good government. Bradford, the only printer then in Pennsylvania, was called to an account for giving countenance to the movements of Keith ; and to escape further difficulties, after obtaining his discharge, he removed his press and types to New- York city — the first printing press there erected. Keith went to England soon after, (1692,) and b}' his representations induced the Privy Coun- cil to deprive Penn of his government. Penn arrived a second time in America on the loth of December, 1699, and found the colony in a state of d'sorder. The people were dissatisfied, and demanded further priv- ileges. Philadelphia was then suffering greatly from the ravages of yellow fever. The prov- ince he found, however, greatly improved. Penn granted a new " Frame of Government" to the people, conferring on them greater powers. The council was abolij^hed, and the power of legisliition vested in the governor, and an assembly chosen annually. Voters were required to have a freehold of fifty acres of land, or A166 worth of personal property. Nothing, however, would satisfy the people of the lower counties, now Delaware, but secession, or separation from Pennsylvania, which took place in 1T03. The same gov- ernor, however, continued to preside over both, Delaware being separate only in legislation. Penn, immediately after granting this last charter, returned (l7nl) to England, where a project had been started by the English minis- ters to suppress all the proprietary govern- ments in America. It would be interesting to pursue the career of Penn in England ; but PENNSYLVANIA — ITS EAUtV HISTORY AND rROQRESS. 3G9 Tre must be brief. Pcnn died in England in 17] 8, leaving hia interests in Pennsylvania and Delaware to his sons, John, Thomas, and Richard Penn, who managed the provinces, principally by deputies, down to the lime of the American Revolution, at which time the commonwealth of Pennsylvania purchased all their claims in the province for about half a million of dollars. At the time of tlie death of Penn, the pop- ulation of Pennsylvania was increasing, from emigration, at the rate of five or six thousand annually. Tlie principal product of tlie prov- ince was wheat, which was exported in con siderable quantities to Spain, Portugal, and the West Indies. Lands tiien sold at ft 1.3 per hudred. acres, the proprietors always reserving for themselves, out of every purcliase, a tenth part of the best lands, under the name of manors, as their private propi'rty. In 1741, Philadelphia contained 12,000 inhabitants. Of tlie early commerce of Pen isylvania we know but little. The first trade was that carried on with the Indians in skins and furs, and the first product of the soil was tobacco, of which the province exported, in l(')8S-9, fourteen cargoes ; but the competition of Maryland and Virginia caused the Pennsyl- vanians to abandon the cultivation of tobacco for that of wheat. The trade of the province was greatly injured by the war between Eng- land and Franco, continuing from 1688 to 1697. It caused much distress and poverty in the colony, in which money was so scarce, that in Philadelphia, it is said, " even pieces of tin and lead were current for small change." From 1697 to 1776, the trade of Pennsyl- vania appears to have increased slowly. There ■was, however, in almost every year during this long period of seventy-nine years, a vast excess of imports over exports. During the ■wars between England, France, and Spain, the depredations of privateers almo-t entirely in- ten'upted the foreign trade of the province ; besides, when these depredations were absent, the trade suffered from heavy exactions made on all vessels entering the Delaware. The exports in 1697 amounted to £3,347. We compile the following table, to give some idea of the progress of the trade of Pennsylvania from 1697 to 1774: ,. -~% Average Exports of Average Imports of Pennsjlvania Penmylvania £ £ £ £ 1697 to 1707 1,477 to 5,-220 2 997 to IS.-IM 1707 to 1717 38 10 5,19.1 5.SS1 to a^.oo:. 17I7t.> 17-27 4,0.-)7 to l-2,8-23 15 9 :V2 lo IJ^'i'".) 1727to 17.37 7,434to21.9 9 '29,799 to G1,.5I3 17:i7tol747 7,446 to 17,158 11.91ri to 91.010 1747 to 17)7 3,S32 to 38,527 75.3:3i» lo 245,044 1757 10 1 67 14,190 to 39, '70 168 426 lo 7(17,998 1767 to 1774 20,111 to 69,011 134,831 to 728,744 During the period of 79 years, embraced in the above table, there were 29 years of ■war between England, France, and Spain, VOL. II. together with an almost constant warfare car- ried on with the Indians of the western fron- tiers, which also embarrassed trade. From 1776 to 1783, Pennsylvania had but little or no foreign trade. It was then, however, not idle. Its citizens were among the foremost in the glorious struggle for independence, aid- ing it by their example, their money, and their personal services. The first bank established in the United States was the Bank of Pennsylvania, open- ed at Philadelphia on the 17th of July, 1780, with a capital of £300,000— its special object being to supply the American army with provisions. This bank continued un- til the Bank of North America went into operation in 1782, which latter continued until the United States Bank commenced operations in 1791. Paper money, how- ever, was first manufactured in Pennsylva- nia, in the year 1722, under Governor Keith. A " paper money loan system " was invent- ed by him, and loan offices were established in every count}". Bills to the amount of •$1.50,000 were issued in 1723. In 1730, the money was found to be so much depre- ciated, that further issues were suspended. At the close of the Revolutionary War, in 1783, the trade of the colonies revived. Commercial relations ■n'ere entered into with most of the European nations, and the resources of the country began a rapid development. The wars commenced by France, in 1792, with the other European powers, and which were continued till the abdication of x^apoleon, in 1814, affected our commerce considerably. Our foreign trade flourished beyond all precedent, and large fortunes were made by hundreds of our citizens, in consequence. Peunsylv'ania shared largely in this prosperity. Large importations were made from China and India into Philadelphia for re-exportation to European markets. Our ships enjoyed the carr^'ing trade of the world. The pop- ulation of Philadelphia in 1790 was 42,000. The following table shows the progress of the foreign trade of Pennsylvania, from 1791 to 1850:— i^. Exports. Imports. 1791.... T ?3,436,093 1792 3,820,662 1793 6,958,836 1794 6,643,092 1795 11,518,260 1796 17,513,866 1797 11,446,291 1798 8.915,463 1799 12,431,967 1800 11,949,679 1801 17,438,1 93 1802 12,677,475 1803 7,525,710 1804 11,030.157 1805 13,762,252 24 370 PENNSYLVANIA ITS EARLT HISTORY AND PROGRESS. Exports. Imports. 1806 17,514,712 1807 10,864,7-14 1808 4,013,330 1809 9,049,241 1810 10,993,398 1811 9,56(»,117 1812 5,973,750 1813 3,577,117 1814 • 1815 4,593,919 1810 7,196,246 1817 8,735,592 1818 8,759,402 1819 6,293,788 1820 5,743,549 1821 7,391,767 8,158,922 1822 9,047,802 11,874,170 1823 9,617,192 13,096,770 1824 9,364,893 11,865,531 1825 11,269,981 15,041,797 1826 8,331,722 13,551,779 1827 7,575,833 11,212,935 1828 6,051,480 12,884,408 1829 4,089,935 10,100,152 1830 4,291,793 8,702,122 1831 5,513,713 12,124,083 1832 3,516,006 10,678,358 1833 4,078,951 10,451,250 1834 8,989,746 10,479,2GS~ 1835 3,739,275 12,389,937 1836 3,971,555 15,068,233 1837 3.841,599 11,680,111 1838 3,477,151 9,300,371 1839 5,299,415 15,050,715 1840 6,820,145 8,464,882 1841 6,152,501 10,346,698 1842 3,776,727 7,385,858 1843 2,071,945 2,760,630 1844 3,535,256 7,219,267 1845 3,574,363 8,159,227 1850 4,501,606 12,006,154 1851 [Not yet published.] We shall continue this paper under tlie heads of population, mineral resources, manu- factures, commerce, internal improvements, banks, finances, judiciary, scliools and col- leges, die, bringing each down to the present time. Popvlation. — The following table will show the progressive movenifiit of the popu- lation of Pennsylvauia, from 1790 to 1850: Date of Census. Total Population Decennial Incroaso. 1790... .. 434.373 1800... .. 602,365 167,992 38.6 percent. 1810... .. 810,091 207,720 34.4 1820... ..1,049,458 239,367 29.5 1830... ..1,348,233 298,775 28.4 1840... ..1,724,033 375,800 27.8 1850... -.2,314,897 690,804 84.2 The following is the population of the prin- cipal cities of Pennsylvania for 1850: Philadelphia 408,815 Reading 15,748 Lancaster 12,369 Pittsburg 50,519 Alleghany 21,262 "We omit all places whose population is less than 10,000. The area of Pennsylvania, in square miles, is 46,000, giving a population of 50.25 to the square mile. Mineral Resources. — The mineral wealth of Pennsylvania is very great, consisting of an inexhaustible supply of coal, iron and salt. Its immense coal regions form its most inter- esting and important mineral feature. Bitu- minous coal, of an excellent quality, is found almost every where in the state, west of the Alleghany mountains, and in the south part of the state, east of the mountains. The anthra- ciie coal region, with some few exceptions, is bounded on the northwest by the north branch of the Susquehanna, extending in a northeast direction over 00 miles, and divided into the southern, middle and northern coal- fields. Tlie great deposits of anthracite coal, in Pennsylvauia, have an area of about 975 square miles, or 024,000 acres. The deposits in some places are from 50 to 60 feet thick. The southern anthracite coal basin of Penn- sylvania is sixty miles long by two broad, with an aggregate thickness of 100 feet. In- deed, 30 out of the 54 counties of the state are, in whole or in part, based upon coal. The tiiiekest coal deposits in England are only 30 feet thick.* The bituminous coal region of Pennsylvania has an area of 21,000 squai-e miles, or 1 3,440,000 acres. The coal mines of Pennsylvania area source of inexhaustible wealth. They are more valu- able than the gold mines of California; and if Pennsylvania had nothing else, her coal mines alone would make her rich. The working of these mines may be dated from 1820. The quantity dug and sent to market since that tune amounts to 28,998,280 tons. The pro- gress made in the working of these mines is sliown by the following statement: There were dug, In 1820 365 tons. " 1825 34.896 " " 1830 174,734 « '• 1835 675,103 " " 1840 867,045 " " 1845 2,002,877 " " 1850 3,371,255 " The business may be considered as still in its infancy. What will be the demand for coal from those mines, in 20 years from this * llitchcock's Geology, p. 62. PENNSYLVANIA ITS EARLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. 371 time, when it is probable that there will be at least 20 steam vessels consuming coal to one now? Last year, the coal taken from the mines of Pennsylvania was sold for ^IG,- 000.000. ]\'ext to coal stands iron among the min- eral products of Pennsylvania. Pennsyl- vania now produces as much iron as did the whole of (Jreat Britain in 1820, and during the last ten years the quantity of Pennysl- vania iron has doubled. I'ennsylvania now produces as much iron as France ; more than Russia and Sweden iniited, and more than all Germany.* To have some idea of the abundance of iron in Pennsylvania wo have onljf^ to consider the fact ihat, of the 02 counties of that state, 45 contain iron works, and the remaining 17 abound in iron and coal. It is estimated that Pennsyl- vania makes one half of all the iron j)ro- ducedin the United States. The total num- ber of iron works of all kinds in the state is 604 ; the capital invested in lands., buildings and machinery, is ^20,502,070 ; the num- ber of men employed, 30,103, and the num- bej of horses, 13,502. The fuel used by all these works cost, in 1847, $4,879,884. One and a half millions of cords of wood are con- sumed annually by these works, thus clear- ing of timber, 37,000 acres yearly, or 48 square miles. It is estimated that this does not exceed one fourth the ability of the state to furnish wood annually for ever. As the subject of iron manufactures in Pennsylvania is at this present time a matter of much interest, the iron manufacturers of that state making complaint of a want of adequate protection from the general gov- ernment, and ascribing all their failures to this cause alone, we give the following table, showing the number of iron works that have been built in the state since 1840, and the number that have failed since that date. It will show the progress of the iron manu- facturing business in Pennsylvania during the last 10 years: Built. Failed. 1840 135 1841 2 1842 20 20 1843 7 7 1844 21 11 1845 30 3 1846 53 4 1847 25 24 1848 17 37 1849 10 41 1850 7 22 1851 — — The amount of iron manufactured in Penn- sylvania since 1847, is as follows: * See Memorial of Pennsylvania Iron Manufac- turers to Congress, 1849. 1847 389,350 tons. 1849 253,370 " 1850 198,813 " 1851 I50,0U0 " From this, it appears that -the manufacture has diminished more than 50 percent, dur- ing the last three years. I3eside3 iron, there is in Pennsylvania an extensive copper and /eml foi-mation, recently discovered near the Scliuylkill river, about twenty miles from Phihnlolpliia. These mines have been successfully worked during the past year. The copper ore yields 20 per cent, of pure copper, and the lead ore, 75 per cent, of pure lead. With the lead ore, there is also found silver ore, yielding sil- ver about .s35 to the ton. These mines of copper, silver and lead, are very promising. Manufactures. — As tlie returns of the last U. S. census are not yet published in full, we cannot give a complete account of the man- ufactures of Pennsylvania. Mr. Kennedy, superintendent of the census, at Washing- ton, has furnished only a general report of the facts relating to a few of the most im- portant manufactures, from which we com- pile the following table, showing the present state of some of the more important manu- factures of Pennsylvania : MA.NUFACTURES OF TEXXSYLVANIA, 1850. Capital invested. V-»'"e ofprod. Handi* employed. Cotton goods .54,528,92.5. . .$5,.?2).262 7.663 Woollen goods 3,00-),064 .... 5.321,866 5,726 Pig iron ^,570,425.. . . 7,071,513 9.294 Iron castiDgs. . 3,422,924 5,354,881 4,783 The principal manufacturing places of Pennsylvania are Pittsburg and Philadel- phia. Of the first of these cities, we can give the state of manufactures at the present time with sufficient accuracy. There are in Pittsburg 13 rolling mills, employing 2,500 hands, and a capital of -$5,000,000. These mills consume 00,000 tons cf i)ig metal, and jiroduee bar iron and nails to the amount of $4,000,000 annually. There are also thirty large foundries, and several smaller ones, em- ploying 2,500 hands, and a capital of .s2,000- UOO. They consume 20,000 tons of pig metal, and yield articles amounting to -$2,' OO.OUO annually. There are two establishments for manufacturing locks, latches, cotree-mills, scales, and other articles of iron, employing 500 hands, and a capital of .$250,000. These two establishments consume aimually 1,200 tons of metal, converting it into goods worth .s3,000,000. Pittsburg also has five large cotton factories and several smaller ones, emidoying 1,500 hands — capital .$1,500,000, and producing jn-oduet.'^, out of 15,000 bales of cotton annually consumed, worth $1,5lO,- 000. There are also eight flint-glass manufac- tories in Pittsburg, employing five hundred 372 PENNSYLVANIA ITS EARLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. hands, a capital of SSOO.OOO, and producing, ' out of 150 tons of load, and 2o() tons of, pearl-ashes, various articles of glassware, worth annually s-100,000. There are also' seven ])hial furnaces, and 12 window-glass manufactories, employing 600 hands, a cap- ital of ?25O,000, and yielding products to the amount of 8600,000 annually. One soda-ash manufactory employs 75 men, and produces annually 1,500 tons. One copper- smelting establishment produces annually 600 tons of refined copper, worth $250,000. One copper-rolling mill yields copper sheath- ing worth $150,000 annually. Five white lead factories produce, annually, with a cap- ital of $150,000, 150,000 kegs of lead, worth §200,000. There are also many factories of the smaller sizes of iron, and several estab- lishments for the manufacture of axes, hatchets, spring steel, steel springs, axles, anvils, vises, saws of all kinds, gun barrels, shovels, spades, forks, hoes, tacks, brads, &c. etc. It is estimated that the full value of all the manufactures of Pittsburg does not fall short of $50,000,000. Commerce. — The exports to foreign coun- tries from Pennsylvania amounted, in 1850, to $4,501,006, and the imports to $12,066,154. In 1841, the exports amounted to $5,152,501, and the imports to $10,346,698. The amount of domestic produce exported in 1850 was ^4,049,464. Internal Improvements. — Pennsylvania has 28 railroads, varying from 4 to 174 miles in I length, and making in all a line of 918 miles.! This does not include some that are yet incom- plete. The entire cost of these roads was $35,401, OSn. The principal canal of Pennsylvania is the Pennsylvania Canal, the eastern branch of Avhich extends from Columbia, on the Susque- hanna, to Hollidaysburg, at the foot of the AUeghauies, a distance of 172 miles. This branch is connected by a railroad passing over the mountains with the western branch of the canal, extending from Johnstown to Pittsburg, 104 miles, making the whole length of the canal 276 miles. A canal exonds from the Pennsylvania Canal, at the mouth of the Ju- niata, to Cumberland, 39 miles, where it con- nects with the North and West Branch canals. The West Branch Canal extends from North- umberland, along the west of the Susqu''- hanna river, 75 nnles, to Farrandsville, near the bituminous coal region. The Norih HiMnch division extends from NorthunilKrland, 73 miles, to a little above Wilkesbarre. The Delaware division of tlie Pennsylvania Canal extends from tide-water at Bristol, twenty miles above Philadelphia, to Kaston, at the mouth of the Lehigh, where it joins lln! navi- gation of the Lehigh company, extending to the coal region, 25 miles. The Schuylidll navigation commences at the Fairmount Dam, near Pliiladelphia, and extends to Port Car- bon, the licart of the coal region. There is also the L^nion Canal, which extends from the Schuylkill, near Reading, to iliddletown, on the Susquehanna, 82 miles. It has a branch 23 miles long on Swatara Creek, which leads to the coal region. The Susquehanna, or Tide-water Canal, extends from Wrightsville, opposite Columbia, to Havrede-Grace, in Jlaryland, a distance of 45 miles, connecting the Pennsylvania Canal with the tide-water of Chesapeake Bay. Hanks. — The first experiment of paper currency made in Pennsylvania was in 1722, when the ])rovince issued bills to the anmunt of £15,u00. No loans were made but on laud security, or plate deposited in the loan oftlce. Borrowers were obliged to pay five per cent.; and the bills of the province were made a legal tender in all payments, on pain of co7i- flscativr/ the debt, or forfeiting the commodity. Penalties were also imposed on all persons 1 who presumed lo make any bargain or sale , on chiaper terms, in case of being paid in 1 gold or silver. One eighth of the public debts ■■ thus created was to be annually paid. AVe I do not propose to give the history of banking in Pennsylvania, but merely to state the pre- sent condition in general terms of the banks of the state. Banking, like everything else, has progressed rapidly in Pennsylvania. It had in November, 1850, no less than 54 bank- ing institutions, or one for each county in the state. These 54 banks iiave a capital of $19,125,477. and a circulation of $12,072,88S. The tax paid on dividends in 1850 amounted to $153,877, and the tax on corporation stocks to $70,008. Banking operations in Pennsyl- vania have not fluctuated much since 1842, in which year also the banking capital was $19,127,677. Last year, a])plications were made to the Legislature of Pennsylvania for an increase of capital to the amount of $4,- 900,000, which includes some new banks. BANKS IN PENNSYLV R.anks. Philadelphia,.. . . Bristol, Brownsville Carlisle, Chambersburg,.. Cliester, Columliia Danville, Doylestown,. . . . Easton, Erie Germantown,. . . Gettysburg, .... Hanover, Ilarrisburg, llonesdale Lancaster, ANIA IN JANUARY, 1852. Capital. 15 $10,518,600 1 92,220 1 175,000 1 22,500 1 205,470 1 155,640 1 307,300 1 105,770 1 60,000 2 550,000 1 101,890 ] 152,000 1 123,873 1 30,000 2 350,000 1 100,000 4 955,000 PENNSYLVANIA ITS EARLY HISTORY AND PROGRESS. 373 Banks. LeV>annn, 1 Mi(kllctown, 1 NoiTistown 1 Northumberland, ... 1 PittsbiirjT 4 Pottsville 1 Reailii)j>: 1 Schuylkill Haven,... 1 Washin'^ton 1 Wa} nesburg, 1 Westchester 1 Wilkesbarre 1 Williamport 1 York, 2 Capital. 80,320 100,00(1 38-1,000 160,000 2,618,543 199,120 300,000 100,000 120,tiOO 100,01)0 225,000 85,330 100,000 320,000 Total, 54 banks, with $18,966,351 capital. New-York, with less than one third more of population, has 218 bank?, with $58,497,345 capital ; Mas.iachusett?, with half the popnla- tion, 137 banks, and 843,350,000 capital. We are indebted to the Bankers' Magazine for the figures. ■ Financea. — According to a report made to the Legislature of Pennsylvania, by the Au- ditor-General, in January, 1851, the total pub- lic debt of the state was 'then 840,677,214 68. Of this debt, all of which is funded but §912,570, there are $200,000 bearing 4j per cent, interest; ?38.009,817bearing 5 per cent. ; and $2,387,396 bearing 6 per cent, interest. The productive property owned by the state is as follows : Stock in incorporated companies,. $1,907,948 Pennsylvania railroads and canals, 29,204,787 Total productive property,. .$31,112,735 The total amount of interest paid by the state annually on its liabilities, is about ?2,- 201,700. The total receipts of the sta'e, from all sources and available means, in 1850, were $5,634,338; and tlie total exjienditures for the same year, $4,569,053. Some of the principal items of expendi- ture of the state in 1850 were as follows: public improvements, $1,488,799; expenses of government, $272,899 ; common school.s, $213,728; interest, $2,004,700; charitable in- stitutions, $62,267 ; pensions and gratuitie.s, $17,277 ; military expenses, $16,282; com- missioners of sinking fund, $318,864; peni- tentiaries, §19,283 ; damages on public works, §28,068. Some of the chief sources of income were : Tax on real and personal estate, $1,317,821 ; canal and railroad tolls, $1,713,848; tax on bank dividends and corporation stocks, §300,- 000; retailer,^' licenses, §171,062; tavern li- censes, $107,427; auction duties, §44,898; tax on writs, wills, deeds, ttc, §45,409; auction commissions, $18,673 ; tax on certain offices, §14,047 ; military fines, §12,952; bro- kers' licenses, §10,228 ; other licenses, §21.323 collateral inherent tax, §102,295; loans, §270 000. Judiciary. — By the amended constitution now in force, all judges in Pennsylvania are elected by the people. The juclges of the Supreme Court are chosen at large for a term of fifteen years; and the judges of the sev- eral courts of Common Pleas and other courts of record, and ail other judges, are elected by the electors of the districts over which they preside, for a term of ten years. The asso- ciate ju.stices of the Common Pleas hold office five years. All judges are liable to re moval for lack of good behavior; and the governor, with two thirds of each branch of the legislature, can remove a judge for reason- al^le cause, short of sufficient grounds for im- peachment. The salary of a judge of the Supreme Court is $1,600; that of a judge of the Dis- trict Courts, §2,000 ; and of the Courts of Common Pleas, from $1,600 to §2,600. There are four District Courts, invested with the civil jurisdiction of the Common Pleas in all cases exceeding a certain amount. Sc/iools and Colleger. — The common school system in Penn.sylvania is complete. The fol- lowing are the statistics for 1850: Whole number of common schools in the state, 8,844 Average number of months of teaching, 5.1 Number of teachers, male and female, 11,241 Average wages, per month, of male teachers, §l7 20 Average wages, per month, of female teachers, §10 15 Number of male scholars,. . .242,621 Number of female scholars,.. 189, 181 Number learning German,. . . 11,041 Cost of teaching each scholar, per month §1 44 Amount of school tax levied, §795,401 State appropriation, $159,367 Entire expense of schools, in- cluding instruction, school- houses, repairs, fuel, and contingencies, §926,44Y Regular animal state appro- priation, §200,000 Colleges, high-schools, and academies, in Pennsylvania, are numerous. The University of Pennsylvania was founded in Pliiladelphia, in 1755. Its foundatii'n may be said to have been laid by Dr. Franklin, in 1742, who about that time projected an -academy and free school, which became presently a college, and finally the University of Penn.sylvania, which at present has 7 professors, but only 88 stu- dents. Its president is John Ludlow, D.D. Dickinson College, at Carlisle, was founded in 374 PniLADELPIIIA COMMERCE. 1783: it has 8 professors and 119 students; president, Jesse T. Peck, D.D. Jefferson Col- lege, at C.inonsburg, was founded in 1802 : it has 8 professors and lOV students; president, A. B. Brown D.D. Washington College, at Washington, in the western part of the state, ■was founded in 180G: it has 8 profe.ssors and 189 students; president, James Clark, D.D. Alleghany College is at Meadville : it was established in 1817, and has 7 professors and 100 students ; president, J. Barker, D.D. Penn- sylvania College is at Gettysburg, and has 7 professors and 64 students; founded in 18.32 ; presitlent, H. L. Baugher. Lafayette College, at Eastou, was established in 1832, and has 7 professors and 82 students; president, Geo. Junkin, D.D. Marshall College, at Mercers- burg, was founded in 1835, and has 6 ^jrofes-' sors and 58 students ; president, J. W. Nevin, D.D. Pennsylvania has, we believe, but one law- school, that of Dickinson College. It has seven theological seminaries, of different Pro- testant denominations. It has four medical schools, all in Philadelphia. The oldest of these is the Medical Department of the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania, the oldest medical school in America. It was founded by the efforts of Drs. Shippen and Morgan, two emi- nent physicians in Philadelphia, before the Revolution. It has 7 professors and 450 stu- dents. It graduated, since its commencement, 5,316 students. Jefferson Medical College, founded in 1824, has 7 professors, 514 stu- dents, and has 2,036 graduates. The Medical Department of Pennsylvania College was founded in 1838. It has 7 professors, 176 stu- dents, and 73 graduates. The Philadelphia College of Medicine has 7 professors, 75 stu- dents, and 250 graduates. We regret that we have not more ample statistics to offer on the subject of education in Pennsylvania, and on other subjects. The comjilete returns of the last United States census are yet unpublished. In 1840, there ■were, in a population of 1,724,033 persons, 33,940 white persons, over 20 years of age, who could neither read nor write. 'J'he figures of the census of 1850 will probably show a more favorable result. A(jricuUnral Produda. — Penusy 1 vania ranks fourth in the Union in respect to the extent of her improved land ; New-York having 12,285,- 077 acres of improved land ; Virginia, 10,150,- 106; Ohio, 9,730,650; and Pennsylvania, 8,619,631 acres. Georgia ranks next. The large 'extent of mountain lands in Pennsylva- nia restricts very much her agricultural area. Some portions of the state, particvilarly the northern and western, are very thinly inhab- ited, although the lantls are good. Pennsyl- vania, however, occupies no mean position in respect to agriculture, 'when comparing the value of her farming implements and machinery ■with those of other states. Those of New-York are estimated at $22,217,563 ; Pennsylvania, $14,931,093; Ohio, ?12,716,- 153; Louisiana, 811,326,310; Virginia, $7,- 021,658. The value of the hve stock of Penn- sylvania is 842,146,711; the state in this respect being in advance of all others, except New-York and Ohio. Wheat — Pennsylvania produces more wheat than any other state of the Union; its yield, in J 850, being 15,482,- 191 bushels. Oiiio produced 14,967,056; Vir- ginia, 14,516,950; and New-York, 13,073,357 bushels. Indian Corn — Pennsylvania pro- duced, in 1850, more than New-York, by about 2,000,000 bushels ; but not more than one third as much as Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois, Indiana,Tennessee, and Missouri, the six great- est Indian corn-growing states. The amount for Pennsylvania is 19,707,702 bushels. Tobacco. — Pennsylvania produced, in 1850, 857,619 lbs. IFoo/— 4,784,367 lbs. Wine — 23,839 gallons. i^M^cr— 40,554,741 lbs. Cheese — 2,395,279 lbs. //a^— 1,826,265 tons. Flax- seed— i?.fi'l1 bushels. Maple Sugar— 2,118,- 044 lbs. These figures are derived from the census of 1850. PHILADELPHIA.— ComiERCE.— The fol- lowing statement shows the value of the im- ports annually into the port of Philadelphia, and the duties accruing to the United States, from 1830 to 1851, inclusive. They have been carefully prepared from official documents : "i'ears. Value of Imports. Duties. 1830 .$9,525,893 $3,537,516 10 1831 11,673,755 4,372,525 98 1832 10,048,195 3,500,292 50 1833. 11,153,757 2,985,095 50 1834. 10,686,078 2,110,477 32 1835 11,868,529 2,501,621 43 1836 16,116,625 3,146,458 43 1837. 10,130,838 1,820,993 21 1838. 10,417,815 2,109,955 30 1839. 11,753,589 2,884,984 16 1840 8,624,484 1,517,206 70 1841. 9,948,598 1,983,681 64 1842. 6,201,177 1,812.8-12 82 1843. 4,916,635 1,437,837 84 1844 8,310,865 2,981.573 15 1845 7,491,497 2,370,515 71 1846 8,308,015 2,608,068 16 1847 12,153,937 2.904,748 9*7 1848 10,700,865 2,767,459 13 1849 10,160,479 2,694.245 34 1850 13,381,759 3,412,239 68 1851 12,795,440 3,673,123 80 The foUo^wing is an official statement of the amount and value of the exports from Phila- delphia to foreign iiort.s during the year end- ing the 30th September last: Flour, barrels 30-1,812 $1,393.58'? Rye Flour, barrels 13,-341 45,292 Corn Meal, barrels 71,883 210,004 PITTSBURG. 3l5 Bread, barrels 10,1'79 ". kegs 11,983 Wheat, bushels 842,221 Corn, bushels 609,176 Other Grain, bushels. . . Bark, hhds 5,591 Cotton, bales 2,072 Coal, tons 13,827 Dried Fish, cwt 3.257 Pickled Fisli, barrels.. ,, 1,243 Sperm Oil, gallons 12,989 Whale Oil, gallons 132 802 Sperm Cantlle.s, lbs 45,076 Manufactures of Wool. Tar and Pitcl), barrels. 1,612 ) r.osin, barrels 14,040 \ Beef, barrels 7,442 [ Tallow, lbs 587,002 J Pork, barrels 6,887 ' Hams, lbs 677,6.50 Lard, lbs 3,268,090 Butter, lbs 5,770,973 | Cheese, lbs 168,04^) Potatoes, bushels 3,834 Apples, barrels 250 Rice, tierces 3,374 Tobacco, leaf, hhds 621 Beer, gallons 10.431) Porter and Cider, doz.. 3,373 ) Candles, lbs 788,021 [ Soap, lbs 883,992) Iron Manufactures Drugs Domestic, pkgs 4,539 Books Paper Paints Vinegar, gallons 35,460 Furniture 1 Tobacco, manufac, lbs. 218,166 Gunpowder, lbs.. .' 97.300 Nails, lbs 413,624 68,174 369,326 392,490 36,246 129.907 113,963 65,802 8,678 5,588 16,486 69,732 15,423 162,036 25,271 136,061 436,611 76,794 2,723 736 72,098 73,152 8,250 138,548 216,750 49,778 247,113 4,107 12,119 2,641 3,676 20,042 38,142 13,021 13,742 11834 23,795 183."> 21.0.38 1K30 27,429 1837 17,276 1838 14,211 1839 24527 1S4I) 36,471 18U 26,866 1845 17,098 1840 l'.l.730 1847 2(1,407 1848 15.537 1H49 26,536 18.50 25,054 1851 10,505 Corn Meal. 1831 brls. 45,432 18.32 50,328 1833 51.903 18.34 50,018 1835 50.869 1836 42.798 1837 63,8i'3 1838 64,002 1839 73,800 1840 89.486 1841 108,822 1842 brls. 97,884 1843 106,484 1844 101.356 1845 11.5.101 1846 144,857 1847 300,531 1843 140,014 1S49 91,319 1850 94.334 1851 65,385 Mlieat. 1831 bush. 61,282, 1832 2,258 1835 2.903 1839 37,831 1840 280,047 1841 56,.'i71 1842 87,953 1843 32,235 1844 bush. 23,375 1845 86,C89 1846 24.5,136 1H47 .52.3.538 1848 207,092 1849 177,312 1850 205,670 1851 225,201 Corn. 1831 bush. 43.293 1832 48,8.59 1833 66.708 1834 31,626 1835 25,457 1836 19,117 1837 21,486 18.38 17,087 1839 17.117 1840 76,749 1841 80,266 1842 bush. 83,772 1843 74,613 1844 110,068 1845 1292-^6 1846 279,820 1847 1,11)2,210 1848 817.150 1849 906,823 1850 602,680 1851 554,545 EXPORTS BRE.VDSTUFFS FROM PHILADELPHIA, FROM 1831 TO 1852. We have prepared the following t.able, showing the exports of wheat and rye flour, corn meal, wheat and corn, from this port annually, for the last twenty years : Wheat Flour. 1831 brls. 2.59,785 1832 151,917 1833 132,022 1834 87.905 1835 96.098 1836 67,113 1837 33.680 1838 69,622 1839 191,380 1840 284,774 18-11 195,555 1842 brls. 161,866 1843 128,517 )814 106,433 1845 20).9.-)6 1846 306,610 1847 4-20.684 1848 170,507 1819 220,786 1850 83,024 1851 299,466 Rye Flour. 11831 brls. 8,433 1832 13,040 1833 27,939 1842 brls. 22.530 1843 22,303 1844 21.904 ANNUAL ARRIVALS AT PHILADELPHIA. The following table shows the number of vessels which arrived at this port annually from 1835 to 1851, inclusive. It will be that the increase has been very rapid of late years ; Years. Foreign. 1835 429 1S36 421 1837 409 1838 464 1839 521 1840 4.56 ■ 1841 504 1842 454 1843 372 1844 472 184.5 387 1846 459 1847 ('57 1848, 542 1849 585 1850 518 1851 576 PITTSBURG. — With its dependencies of Coastwise. Total 3,573 4,002 3,764 4,185 7,476 8,185 10,860 11,344 11,188 11,709 9,706 10,162 9,246 9,750 7,973 8,427 7,659 8,031 7,717 8,189 8,029 8,416 6,018 6,477 18,069 18,726 23,921 24,463 24,594 2.5.169 27,035 27,553 26,484 27,060 B16 PITTSBURG INDUSTRY. Birmingliam, Sligo, Allegbany City, and the like, wliicli lie across the Moiiongaliehi and Alleghany rivers, the population of Pittsburg is said to range between 60,000 and 80,000. The iron works are more extensive, perhaps, than those of any other city in the Union. There are eleven rolling mills in and about Pittsburg, of which eight are capable of pro- ducing 4,000 tons each of manufactured iron, annually, and employ about 150 hands to the mill. This iron is of a superior quality, and is used for boilers, axles, wire, sheets, and the like. The pig metal is supplied principally from the charcoal furnaces along the river. Something like 75,000 tons of pig metal is consumed a year, between the mills and foundries. The manufacture of glass is car- ried on extensively. Besides fourteen estab- lishments, the work of which is known as country glass, there are seven flint glass fac- tories in the vicinity, six for window glass, five for green glass, and one for black glass. These employ twenty -five or thirty men each, and more than a million of dollars is invested. Kail factories are also numerous, and upon a large scale. One has a capacity of 2,000 kegs per week, and others are nearly equal to it. The demand is greater than the sup- pi}', and the orders extend from Buffalo to New-Orleans. It is estimated that sixty steamers will be built at Pitttburg the pre- sent year. The trade with the lakes has doubled itself every year since 1844, owing to the facilities of communicating through the two great ave- nues to Erie and to Cleveland. Table of some of the principal articles of exports and imports, via canal, in 1846 and 1847. EXPORTS. 1847. 184C. Cotton, lbs 1,056,138 1,000,971 Hemp 3,311,618 1,287,886 Tobacco, leaf. 14,777,059 24,696,742 Groceries 1,978,822 1,571,889 Hardware, cutlery.. 246,887 239,353 ^T'P'^T- o-oSi- 2,675,341 " castmgs 2o0,910 ) ' ' " blooms 13,836 333,702 " cast steel 549,416 319,736 Lead 188,078 325,085 Nails and spikes 51,760 82,732 Bacon 12,713,427 21,661,236 Beef, pork 41,225 19,620 Butter 747,645 800,265 Flour, barrels 297,940 156.412 Lard, lard oil, lbs. - . 5,319,378 2,929,286 Tallow 62,946 291,313 IMPORTS. Ar/riciiUural. 1847. 184G. Not specified, lbs... 1,257,620 871,500 Oats, bushels 21,360 19,080 Leather, lbs 312,239 386,225 Coffee, lbs 9,927,005 Dry goods, lbs 23,201,074 Groceries 7,833,925 ""Clbs."."."!:! 14.501,693 Coffee, lbs 384,966 Iron, pig, lbs 21,979,353 " castings 124,662 " blooms 14,942,390 " barand sheet.. 4,397,268 Nails and spikes 15,886,711 Fish, lbs 5,977,891 'k. 10,920,993 12,651,818 6,923,856 10,522,463 429,139 i 15,410,661 13,890,707 2,833,879 575,402 bris. 19,600 '^ ►C5 0000000 •s 0000000 CJ IC rt CO <■■£ iS o ■^ 'S £- C 00 •<*< (M CI S-4 (N C rH Cl • >< s ' Tj-H "M '^ -.J .^ 0000 • • • • ■50-3 > • • 10 Ci • -* co" ^ a 000 • • • € - >. 000 • • • C > 00 VO • • • tH of r-T • • • C5 ^ en 0000000 s> ^ c c U5 j:^ >0 05 !M 10 C^ G5 cs 10 •* >o « 01 .-1 z S: 05 C' rn 0000000 S .-1 CO CO -^i 00 Tj( C5 ■a C3 CO 1-1 t-H (M C^ IS i a :^ : : : a ^ §liH-l S" 5p-?: ii c s =3 K^ " ' t^Sf^MO &a In addition to her numerous establishments, Pittsburg has some twenty to twenty-five foundries in successful operation, in the man- ufactare of cannon, cotton presses, sugar mills, ploughs, and the like. PITTSBURG INDUSTRY.— Thirteen roll- ing mills. Capital .?5,000,000— 2,500 hands. Consume 60,000 tons of pig metal, and pro- duce bar iron and nails amounting to ?4,000,- 000 annunlly. Thirty large foundries, with several smaller ones. Capital in all ?2,000,000— 2,500 hands. Consimie 20,000 tons pig metal, and yield an- nual articles amounting to §52,000,000. Two establishments for manufacturing PLANK-ROADS. B11 large cotton factories and several ones. Capital 81,500,000—1,500 locks, laicbes, coffee mills, scales, and other I iron castings. Capital ^250,000 — employing! 500 liantls. Consume 1,'200 tons metal, pro- ducing goods amounting to ^300,000 aunu- ally. Pive smaller Lauds. Consume 15,000 bales of cotton, and return yarns, sheeting, batting, ifcc, to upwards of 81,500,000. Eight flint glass manufactories. Capital §300,000 — 500 bands. Consuming 150 tons of lead and 200 tons pearlash ; and producing various articles of glassware, amounting to $400,000 annually. Seven vial furnaces and eleven window glass manufoctories. Capital $250,000, em- ploying COO hands, and producing .$600,000 annually. One soda ash manufactory, producing 1,500 tons annually — '75 hands One copper smelting establishment, produ- cing 600 tons refined copper annually, valued at 8380 per ton, and amounting to S250,000. One copper rolling mill in operation, pro- ducing oOO tons sheeting and brazier's copper, amounting to ?150,000 annually. Five white lead factories. Capital §150,000. Produce 150,000 kegs annually, worth $200,000— employing 60 hands. There are also a number of mnnufactories of the smaller sizes of iron, several extensive manufactories of axes, hatchets, ttc, and spring steel, steel springs, axes, anvils, vises, mill, cross-cut, and other saws, gun barrels, shovels, ejjades, forks, hoes, cut tacks, brads, ense of conducting the affairs of a plank road from this city to the mountains woul 1 be em- braced in the salary of a treasurer or general supervisor, the gate-keepers, overseers and la- borers requisite to keep the road in order. The most striking feature of the plank-road system, that distinguishes it from the railroad, is, that the first avails itself of the independent, pre- existing animal power for the purpose of trans- portation, while the last substitutes mechanical agency for the same end. Now, if the question were raised in manu- facturing countries, like Great Britain and the eastern states, (where the construction and management of machinery is the business of a large class of the population, and where horse power is used only to a limited extent,) as to the advantages of the two modes of transpor- tation, the decision would undoubtedly be in favor of the machine ; but in South Carolina we are seeking the best modes of transporta- tion for our great agricultural staple, and it is a question of some importance how far the public interest will be promoted bysubstituting machinery ,when it would not lessen the amount of animal power required for the purposes of production. From the great amount of plough- ing necessary to the growth of a cotton crop, there is no country in the world which em- ploys so much of animal power, in proportion to the weight of the staple product, as in oiu: cotton growing states. In the growth of cot- ton, ploughing is continually needed from January and February, when the land is broken up, to August, when tlie crop is laid by, and the fruit begins to open ; on an average, a horse or mule is employed for every eight bales of cotton, or ton and a half of product In grain and grass growing countries, a farmer puts in thirty acres of wheat with one horse, wiiich yields from fifteen to twenty bushels to the acre, or .Se.OOO lbs., about fifteen tons of product to the horse. The article of hay will greatly exceed this, and probably reach forty tons of product to the horse. In hilly countries, plank- roads are more necessary and advantageous than in flat ones and it is not at all necessary to procure so low a grade as one in fifty ; one in sixteen is in very common use, and one in ten may be used to great advantage. If the hill sides only of the upper districts were planked, it would ef- 380 PLANK-ROADS. feet a saving, afford great relief, and prove j more economical in the end, than the usual repairs bestowed upon tliem. Many persons suppose, that in our sandy country a double track will be required. In a few instances, where the sand is very light, it may be, but this is a rare occurrence. King and Meeting streets were beds of loose sand previous to planking the sides of these thorougii fares, but now, since the lieavy -wagons are confined to the plank-road, the middle portions of the streets have become so solid as to make a good surface for fast driving, and to admit of a heavily loaded wagon passing off and on the plauk-road, with little or no inconvenience. For the various as well as most approved modes of building plank-roads,reference should be made to Gislispie's Manual of the princi- ples and practice of road building. He gives eight feet as the most approved width, and requires 160,000 feet of lumber to a mile. The cost is variously estimated at from §1,000 to §2,400 a mile. The grading in iiilly countries constitutes a heavy item. A road from Charles- ton to Abbeville would be about 160 miles long. The grading would necessarily be light, and with lumber at ?6, it could be completed, with a track nine feet wide, for -Sl.VOO, at the outside .$1,800, a mile, which cost will include engineering, gate, houses, <&c. From my ex- perience in such matters, I am satisfied that, by the aid of steam saw mills, a contractor could lay down his timber on the line, for the first 1,50 miles, at $4 50 per 1,000 feet. With persons who have not reflected on the subject, the first objection which seems to urge itself against plank-roads, compared with rail- roads, is tlie immense amount of lumber re- quired in their construction. Tliis objection is easily met by the fact, that they do not re- quire more timber than is used in the construc- tion of a railroad, while the durability of the timber for use is twice as great in a plank as in a railroad. The material for the former will remain and do service as long as a wag- on wheel will pass smoothly over it, wliile, on the latter, tlie safety of rapidly moving and heavy machinery requires that the timber should be removed on the first symptom of decay. Tiie average durability of plankroads is from nine to ten years ; and if the air is ex- cluded from the sills, tliey will last from fifteen to twenty years. Others, again, may urge that plank-roads could not thrive or be supported in the vicin- ity of the railroad. We refer such persons to the fact, that there are now upwards of 5,000 wagons per ammm, that pass the Six-Mile House, coming to Charleston; tliat cotton and other produce is hauled sixty miles to town in wagons, and sometimes from Blackville, ninety miles. On a good plank-road, a single iiiule will haul a cord of wood thirty miles in a day ; and a team of four mules will bring to town 4,000 feet of lumber, from sixty miles up the country, in two days. This will make it a profitable business to cut lumber and fire- wood, and bring it to town from a large range of country. How much the present wagon trade will he increased by plank-roads, is a fruitful and interesting theme for speculation. I am fully persuaded that the first twenty miles will pay from the present traffic; and that, by its own influence, it will create other branches of trade, which will daily increase its income. It will draw trade from the private avenues ou both sides of it, and every mile added to its length will increase the ratio of its profit. "Wood, turpentin<^, and lumber will furnish the busi- ness of the first fifty miles, after which will come the trade from the vicinity of Orange- burg. When the road shall have reached the rich agricultural districts of Edgefield, New- bury, and Abbeville, its capacity for business will be tested with the products of a populous and wealthy portion of our state. The fiicili- ties for economical transportation will be so apparent, that there are few who will not avail themselves of them. The advantages above set forth are so apparent, that, we think, they ought to convince the most skeptical that there will be a travel ou it equivalent to at least 12,000 wagons, 150 miles each in a year, which, at four cents a mile, will amount to §76,800 tolls, without taking into considera- tion the carriages, buggies, and horsemen that will use it. The effect on Charleston would be, to bring back, with a tenfold increase, that important wagon trade which once gave value to King street; and to all the other property in the northern part of our city, an impulse might be expected which would, in a short period, ex- tend the buildings of King and Meeting streets to, and even beyond, the new limits of our city. All doubts, if any exist, as to the benefit the community at large would derive, or as to the profit wliich capital would yield, if invested in such works in our state, I think, will be re- moved by a knowledge of what the state of New- York is doing. There the whole country is traversed by canals and railroads ; yet we see Macadamized roads being converted into plank-roads, and plank-roads by the side of railroads are paying ten per cent, after lay- ing by eight per cent, for the renewal of plank- ing. We could quote many instances where plank-roads are regularly paying twenty to twenty-five per cent, on the capital invested. One of these companies in New-York, in its report to the legislature, states that 83,000 wagons passed over the road in one year. Allowing that each team carried an equivalent to fifteen bales of cotton, they would all have carried 1,245,000 bales, which is more than all the machinery of the South Carolina railroad could carry in two years. So great is the ex- pansive power of these roads, that the whole PLANK-ROADS. 381 business of the year might be crowded into one \ Maeadnmizing is but a temporary ■work ; for, month, and not affect its operation in the slight- est degree. It is certain that the animal power necessary to the prncUiction of a cotton crop is fully ade- quate to its transportation to market, over a plank-road, a distance of 200 or 250 miles. In unless the operation of relating with broken stone id kept up, the carriage wheels will soon cut througii in the mud. That street, in the widened portion, is thirtyfeet between the curb- stones, and twenty-four feet in the old narrow part. A phmk-road, eigliteen feet wide, laid one trip, every horse or mule could carry the i in the centre and properly arched, with result ofhis own labor to market,which method, Macadamized edges next to the curbstone, in two or three weeks, would dispose of the j would be more durable, cost much less, and crop. In no well-managed plantation would answer quite as well, if not better, than the this seriously interfere with the economy of ju- present method. Its noiseless operations ren- dicious agriculture. But let us suppose, in ' der it far preferable to stone paving, for a order to compensate for any loss of time, that the planter puts his owu provender on the wagon for the trip, and gets- his thirty-two bales of cotton to market with no outlay but for tolls, (say ?8,) for 200 miles ; suppose, fur business street. It is l^ped that the time is not far distant when South Carolina will get tired of keeping up the state road, and be willing to give it to a company who will construct plank surface ther, that to meet his expenses, he takes a re upon it, and render it one of the useful improve turn load of 12,500 pounds, at 30 cents a hun- j ments of the age. dred. This would pay his tolls both ways, A half million of dollars expended by our and leave him §21 50 clear profit. The same city in thus extending her business to remote •would cost him on 200 miles of railroad, in parts of the state, would truly be sowing seeds freight on his cotton, at least $1 25 per bale, of prosperity, which would yield rich harvests or S-tO ; this, added to the $21 50 earned by j for all time to come. the return trip, over and above tolls, and we ■ I am indebted for a large share of the in- have a saving of §01 50 by three weeks' use of i formation contained in this essay, to the report a team, which would have to be fed at home, ; of A. A. Dexter, Esq., civil engineer, of Mont- if not employed upon the road. The return i gomery, Alabama, -nhich I would commend to every individual who feels an interest in the subject. 1 have used both his figures and language, where I have found them to answer my purpose.* * The positions taken by Mr. Gregg in favor of plank-roads, as against railroads, have been contro- verted by a writer in the Charleston Courier, who says : " It is difficult to find an instance in which the construction of a railroad has not benofitcd tlie agri- Icads of sugar, coffee, molasses, salt, iron, and other sorts of merchandise, would not always Bupply a full back load, but it is presumed that such facilities for transportation would lead to the improvement of land, by the use of lime, gypsum, and other stimulants of the soil. Oys- ter shells, five and a half tons to the load, would be a good retmn load for a back country planter. To make the work complete, such roads cultural interests of the country within wagoning dis- 1 ,. o ,, , 1111 111 tance of its line, as well as the towns at its termini. leadmg from the country should be extended ^j^ q^^.„,^ tells u^ that railroads add, comparatively, to the wharves ; for a team could not haul more but little value to the agricultural districts through which they pass. Let that gentleman inquire of the farmers and planters hving along the ra;lroads of the . !■ • ii - 1 IT United fc>tates, if they do not consider their lands to m better Conthtion tjian tbey are generally , j^ave been enhanced in value by those works, and we promise him that their answers will bring him to doubt somewhat the soundness ofhis doctrines. AVc are to learn, for the first time, from this lecture, that rail- roads are only profitable to stockholders, wli in located on great thoroughfares for travel. An examination of the business done on nineteen twentieths of the than a half load over a stone-paved street, and not even that, unless the pavements were kept found to be, after a few years' wear. I have nothing to say against paving our streets with : stone, for I believe it to be the only sure mode of finally exterminating the yellow fever from our city. But there can be no doubt that a good plank-road leading from our railroad to ! ^'^"•''f^.j"';'?"]^;/'^^^] t^J^^^--^^^^^ """^'""t of the o ' 1111 i- c It -L I trade IS for short journeys, and m some instances the the wharves and wholesale portion of the city, I ^ame may be said of the freighting business, showinu, would reduce the cost of dray age on heavy j conclusively, that the great dies at the extreme ends articles at least one half Those who are well ' "f ^^^ •'"•'s furnish but a certain portion ply the necessary density of popula- tion. This has been pre-eminently the case with railroads and canals. The increased value of property along the Eiie canal was more than sufficient to pay for its construction, and this increase was occasioned by the de- mand brought about by the influx of popula- tion. PLA^NK-ROADS.— The following, taken from a recent repoit of 0. G. Gates, Secretary of the Kentucky Board of Improvements, con- tains valuable and interesting information to those interested in road im|irovements: 1. The system of plank-roads, which origin- ated in Russia, has since been adopted iu Canada, and iu many of our northern states entirely superseded tlie Macadam and Telford rock or gravel roads. The great success and value of the plank-road consists in the cheap- PAPER MANUFACTURE IN THE UNITED STATES. 883 ness, in ease of draft, in speed, and in comfort to passengers. 2. The approved mode of construction thereof is as follows : For a single track the planks (of pine, hemlock, oak, red elm, black walnut, or sweet gum) should be eight feet long, and from three to four inches thick ; they should be laid across the road at right angles soon penetrates the grain of the plank, until, with the woody fibres and the deposit on the road, a tough elastic covering is formed, where- by the plank is saved from the further wear. Experience teaches that one half the wear and tear of seven years occurs in the first year. Therefore, it is a matter of great im- portance on these roads to have small toUage, to its line. These planks are to rest on two i in order to invite such an amount of travel as longitudinal sills or sleepers, each four inches square, bedded in the earth to their full thick- ness. The earth should be fully kept up to the planks at every point, in order to prevent confined air resting in any vacant space be- neath the planks. No pin or spike is needed to confine the plank to the sleepers, their weight being sufficient to keep them firm. There should be placed on the upper surface a coating of sand an inch thick. There should be provided for a single track turn-out places — and to effect this, an earthern road must be bauked up ten or twelve feet wide on one side, and two or three on the other ; each em- bankment should be made flush with the ends of the plank, and thence sloping outward so as to carry off the water, as perfect drainage is the great secret in the construction of any kind of road. The plank should be laid even, with part thereof projecting two or three inches beyond the general line of the road, in order to prevent ruts made by wheels at the junction of the plank and each turn-out. And if the bed on which the planks are to be laid is a new one, it would be better to be travelled one season before they are laid down. One track, with the supplementary earth road thus formed, will be sufficient for all ordinary travel. And, if the tonnage trans- ported on the road be chiefly in one direction, the track should be laid on that side of the road which will enable the loaded teams to keep it, and thereby force the unloaded ones to do all the turning out. 3. To make a double track, all that is need- ed will be to make two tracks each eight feet wide, or one sixteen feet wide. The former is preferred. For the sixteen feet track, three or five longitudinal sills are required, each to be four by six inches, and laid edgewise and im- bedded in trenches six inches deep. These timbers should be from fifteen to twenty feet long. Great advantage is obtained in the con- struction of the double track with long plank, by giving the road bed a slight convexity of two or three inches in the centre, and spring- ing the plank down to the outside sills, and attaching them thereto by half inch spikes or nails three inches long. 4. The duration of plank-roads is from eight to twelve years; this matter, however, de- Eends entirely upon decay from rot, and not y the surface wear of the plank. The sand which is spread upon the track when finished, protects the wood from the shoe soles of the horses, (which causj most of the wear,) and will promote their wearing out instead of rotting. 5. The cost of the plank-road greatly de- pends on its locality. 13ut it will be found the following estimate will approximate to an ave- rage valuation, to wit ; For one mile of road with a single track, (made with plank eight feet wide and three inches thick,) will require 1 26,7 20 feet board measure of jilank, and of sills 4 by 4, 14,080, making in all of lumber 140,800 feet, and cost- ing say five dollars per thousand, would equal the sum of seven hundred and four dollars. The laying and grading will cost from thirty cents to a dollar per rod, or from ninety-six dollars to three hundred and twenty dollars per mile. The earth- work, sluices, bridges, and contingencies, admit of no average esti- mate. Therefore, without them, and one hun- dred dollars per mile for engineering superin- tendence, and one hundred dollara for gate houses, we have the total cost per mile from one thousand to one thousand two hundred and twenty-four dollars. PAPER MANUFACTURE IN THE UNI- TED STATES.— We have, on a previous occasion, adverted to the importance of this branch of our industry, so rapidly being car- ried to perfection in our country. In 1846, the capital employed in the manufacture was estimated at $18,000,00 0. There were 700 mills, producing annually $1'7,000,000 in pa- per, and employing 100,000 persons of all ages. Cost of stock used, viz., rags, old rope, waste cotton, etc., $8,000,000, without refer- ence to the quantity of soda, pearl and pot- ash, coloring matter, coal, iron, wood, oil, sizing, etc., valued at $2,000,000 more. Wa- ges of workmen in the business, |6 to $9 per week. In reference to writing paper, Mr. Cist, of Cincinnati, publishes some curious particu- lars : Cap, as applied to paper, is of modern use entirely, at least in certain parts of the Uni- ted States. Not more than thirty years since I was familiar with the phrase foolscap, and I distinctly recollect how "cap," its abbrevia- tion, grated on my ear, upon first hearing it, as much so as " pike," for turnpike, does yet. The question is thus shifted to what is the origin Of the phrase foolscap, as applied to writing paper, which has borne this name so long, that its origin is lost to most persons. The kings of England, from Edward I., if 884 PAPER MAXUFACTURE IX THE TXITED STATES. not e.irlier, granted various monopolies, either for the Piipport of the government, or to en- rich f:\vorites. One of these -was the exclu- sive right to manufacture paper granted by the first Charles. On the finer kinds, as a species of notice of the monopoly, the royal arms of England formed the water-mark. Vast sums were of course made upon this ex- clusive privilege to make and vend an article in such general use. All these monopolies were swept away by the parliament which brought Charles to the scaffold •, and in this particular case, by way of showing their contempt for the monarch, they directed the royal arms to be taken from the paper, as they had already been from sign-posts, public halls, &c., substitutmg a fool, with his cap and bells, as the effigy. This was done in 1G49. Most of the manuscripts written between that period and 1660 bear, accordingly, as a water-mark, a fool wearing the dress described as his costume in the court of the British mon- archs, Cromwell, when made Lord Protect- or, changed the water-mark by substituting a dragon. gra«ping in his claws arrows of fire, and afterward put'ing his coat of arms in its place. This still occasionally appears. Charles 11., at the Restoration, replaced the royal arms, and enlarged the size of the sheet, which was much smaller than we see in modern days. In England, paper of the size which the Rump Piirliameiit ordered for their journals, bearing the foolscap efligy, is still in exist- ence ; and the title, as in many other things, is still retained for ordinary writing- paper, centuries after the reason for it has ceased, and now .serves, as it will serve for ages, to desiicnate all writing paper in ordinary use, as distinguished from paper designed to be fuldcil in the form of letters. This lance in the elasticity, in the potency, of in lustry — unfett^'red, uncon- trolled, free — in the production of national wealth and prosperity, and an unlimited dis- trust of their own powers of directing, estab- lishing or promoting this industry !* When it is asked. Which have been (he most prospei'ous countries in the world ? it must be answered (other tilings being (qual, or, even often, very far from equal) — the freent. In a despotic country, men will not aim to accumulate, but rather to hoard what they have. There can be no enterprise, if an arbi- trary government may interfere in its results and appropriate them to itself, either by e.x- traordinary taxation, or — as in Turkey and Russia, and many eastern countries — by cun- ningly devised laws, or even by open violence. Remove the securities and bulwarks of prop- erty, and it ceases to be valuable. The interest of the slave, the serf or the villein, is to squander what he has ratlicr than to add to it. Hence, the low state of industry where men find themselves in this condition. It is not difficult to determine the true sources of national prosperity, though the most egregious errors have been made ia doing it. Why has one nation advanced for- ward to wealth and power, while another — and a neighbor — jias remained stationary or declined? How can the extraordinary pro- gress of the United States, within the short period of its history, unparalleled in the annals of man, be accounted for upon satis- factory jirinciples ? We answer, without qualification, the in- dustry of this country — though the exceptions are not few or unimporrant — has, in every period, been free. Without this, it were in vain that an empire of wealth lay buried in the bosom of the continent awaiting the hand to develop it There would be no such hand, as Spanish America has shown. We say, her industry has been free, which supposes a legitimate, sound and liberal gov- ernment, multiplying, in no instance, restraints, without an honest conviction they are for the public weal. The error of policy, once clear- ly pointed out, has almost always been fol- lowed immediately by its removal, if not in whole, yet in part. One may hope for such a country an ultimate perfection, from the constant application of the principles of a sound political system. But this will not be to say every thing, though it be much, that oiu- country is free. The people themselves, who are to prosper from freedom, must be an industrious and an enterprising people. The African, when re- leased from the dominion of a master, becomes the double slave of intloleuce and want. As much depends upon rrtcr.s as upon political in- stitutions. The United States have been peo- pled by the Anglo-Saxon, whose indomitable spirit, is broken by no toil nor labor, and whose enterprise and activity are baffled by no combination of dilHculties, dangers and ob- structions. This has been the ruling element • If we seem trencliiiig upon party trroiind, the lished, severnl months ngo, a very stronsr article in reader will give us credit for fairness in having pub- 1 our pages, advocating the protective system. 392 RTCE HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. of our population, and the other elements have grailually assimilated themselves to it. The Sjiaiiiards inhabited a garden spot at home, and tliey sought a paradise in America. At a time tlieir northern neiglibors were strug- gling witli ieebergs, a prolific soil yielded them wealth, with only the labor of taking it away. Yet, where is the empire which this people have established upon the American contment ? There must be a free government and an enterprising people, but there must, also, be a soil, climate and country, favorable enough and extensive enough to operate upon. In these, the United States have been signally blessed. Our climate is adapted to every branch of industry and enterprise. We in- clude the ice cutters of New-England, the fur catchers of Oregon, the sugar and cotton grow- ers of Florida and Texas. Without so various, and yet so advantageous, a distribution of cli- mate, a nation could not thus advance. In the I'egions of Siberia, or upon the equatoiial line, the Anglo-Saxon, with all his free laws, could do but little. Though the climate, too, be as favorable as Italy and as genial as Switz- erland, and the soil rocky, sterile or exhausted, the results must again be diflerent. Our soil is virgin, prolific almost in spontaneous pro- ducts. And yet, because of such a soil, and ■without our other advantages, Ireland has been hopelessly beggared ! Finally, the coun- try must be capacious and susceptible of in- definite extension : and what country like ours in this respect ? Fancy the original thir- teen states to contain all the territory over ■which our population could ever have spread. Yet Russia has a territory as unlimited as. ours, and Brazil one very nearly so. All of these conditions must be combined to make a great and a flourishing people. No one of them, singly, can do it. It is not that emigrants have been pouring in upon us from all the world ; that we have been prolific and augmenting, in an uncom- mon ratio, by natural means — that any claim is now set up. Mere population is, in itself, no element of pro.sperity and wealth. A de- clining country may contiiuially grow more populous, and a ruined one — as we have seen a notable instance of, in Ireland — may stock the world with its swarms of emigrants, and yet augment, each year, its home population. Population often comes when it is not wanted and where it is not wanted. It never ceasea to cnme wiiere it is wanted. Legislators need never stimulate it. In all old countiies its in- crease should be restrained, rather than en- couraged. In now countries it will augment a8 fast — taking long periods into consideration — as it is wanted, and in obedience to its own peculiar laws. Though the United States had double its present po[)ulation, it does not follow there would be double the wealth and prosperity. Certainly, a tenfold augmentation of popula- tion would not be followed by a tenfold pros- perity. Numbers and population are but an item, and the least imijortant one, in estimat- ing a nation's position and power in the world. The best j)opulation may not exist in just proportion to tiie means of support, and na- tional decline ensues. It is sufficient here to remark, with Malthus, "That a permanent in- crease of population is a powerful and neces- sary element of increasing demand, will be most readily allowed ; but that the increase of population alone, or, more properly, the pressure of the population hard agamst the limits of subsistence, does not furnish an effect- ive stimulus to tlie continued increase of wealth, is not only evident in theory, but is confirmed by universal experience. It is ob- vious, then, in theory, that an increase of pop- ulation, when an additional quantity of labor is not wanted, will soon be checked by want of employment, and the scanty support of those employed will not furnish the re- quired stimulus to an increase of wealth, pro- portioned to the power of production." Having shown the intimate relationship subsisting between political economy and gov- ernment, and how the doctrines of the one should influence the action of the other, and the two combined the industry and prosperity of a nation, but little can remain to be said. Every circumstance, we have seen, which can give intensity to the laws of natural pro- gress, has been constantly in operation in the United States, throughout every period of its history, and remains still in undiminished force. Let us be content with the results which have been achieved, and which as clear- ly indicate others, yet more brilliant, in the future. The industry of our people needs no monitors, as to its best mode of application under every possible circumstance — and, least of all, monitors made out of stuff such as our politicians usually are. As intelligence is generally diflused throughout the masses, they will perceive and admit this, and the one cry, every where heard, shall be, "Let its alone I" • Diftiise, then, knowledge throughout the length and breadth of this great country — ftiultiply the means of information — send the Schoolmaster into every hovel — dot every hill jvith the school-house and the college — let the |)ress, without intermission, night and day, bour forth its steady streams of light — foster ecience and the arts — let the civilizing and godlike influences of machinery uninterrupt- edly extend ; then will the future of our country open, boundless and great, beyond all loxample, beyond all compare, and countless ages bless its mission, and acknowledge its glorious dominion. RICE — History and Statistics of. — The state of South Carolina, small in territory, n population, and in relative weight in the scale of the Union, is blest with a most delightful RICE HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. B9i climate, regarding^ tosretlicr all the seasons, aiui in the po-sussion of the elements of great and lasting wealth. In the pnuluctiou of her two great staples, her agriculture exercises an important influ- ence over the comfort and well-bting of man- kimi. With the various manufactures of cot- ton wool, the greater portion of tlie human race are clotlmd. With tlie manufactured or prepared rice, tlie greater j)ortion of the hu- man race are fed — as an article cither of oc- casional diet or of daily subsistence. Rice was known and cultivated in the East from time immemorial. Whenever that hith- erto sealed book, the Ciiinese empire, shall be opened to the inspection of mankind, we may learn something more of its early history and culture ; at present we only know from the books that a large proportion of the in- habitants of that ancient dominioii subsist upon it, and we arc told that it is grown sometimes by transplanting on the shores of the rivers, sometimes on rafts covered with earth, and floating on lakes and rivers ; that in some parts of China two crops are made fronj the same ground in one year, one ripen- ing in Ma)', the other in October or Novem- ber ; that the seeds are there white and ob- long, but vary in size and form ; that a small spot of ground is inclosed by an embankment lightly ploughed and harrowed, and the grain, previously steeped in dung diluted with ani- mal water, is then sown thickly on it ; a thin sheet of water is immediately brought over it, either by a stream or chain pump. When the plants are six or seven inclies high, they are transplanted in furrows made by the plough, so as to stand about a foot apart every way. Water is then brought over them, anil kept on till the crop begins to ripen, when it is withheld ; so that when the harvest arrives, the field is quite dry. In Japan, Ceylon; and Java, aquatic rice is cultivated nearly in the same manner. To this grain the Chinese and Hindoos owe their early civilization. An im- mense population io those and the surround- ing countries is now dependent on the rice crops ; and when these tail, thousands perish of hunger.* BOTANICAL DESCRIPTION. Class Ilcxandra ; ORDiiR Dlgi/nla ; nat. or- der Gramina. Oryza Saliva — Native of Ethiopia — culti- vated in tropical countries very abundantly. • The Chinese, who pay the greatest attention to tho cultivation of rice, miinure thoir lands with all sorts of filth, dung, &c. In order to make the rico grow the bettor, they are careful, in certain places where they sow, to hury bolls of hoijg' hair or any other sort of hair, which, according to them, gives strength and vigor to the land, and makes the rice better; those whose busi- ness it is to shave the head are very careful in saving the liSir till the inhabitants of those parts come to purchase it for about a half-penny per pound, carry- ing it away in bags, and you may often see barks loaded with nothing else. When the plant begins to ear, if the land be wa- tered with .spring water, they mix quickliiiie with it, pretending that it kills worms and insects, destroys ■weeds, and gives a warmth to the ground very much tending to make it fruitful, (a) (a) Du Ualde's History of China, (17-11,) p. 109. "Account, geographical, statistical and historical, of Orissa proper, or Cuttach," a territory in India, lying on the river Hoogly and the sea. (A) Rice is the great article of produce, and conse- quently of food, throughout Orissu proper. lu the I'erguiinalis, north of the Byterini, it is almost the sole object of agricultural labor. The grain is in geii- t eral large and nutritious, but coarse, and is consid- i^red interior to the average produce of Bengal and liehar. 1 The crops of Cuttach are called Sared and Beali. i Of these, the first and principal one is sown in May and .Tune, and reaped in from the middle of Novem- ber lo January, (a second crop rare.) The second in importance, called the Beali, is sown about the samo time on the liighfr lands, and reaped from end of August to end of September. Also an inferior description of rice, winch is sown in low, marshy spots, at the opcmiug of the cold v/ea- ; Iher, and by frequent transplantation and irrigation is rendered tit for cutting in the following April. The cultivation of the latter sort, which is called Dalo, takes place chiefly in the Pergunnabs, between Khunda, the Chilka lake, and the sea. "The ^'oomla, or Himalaya Paddy, or Mountain Rice, received from Mr. Hodgson, re.sident at Nepal, appears to be of the same kind as a sample (compris- ing five varieties) sent to the Society of Arts, in \i*i\, by Dr. Wallach. (r) " The high rice is nearly of the same quality as the latter kind," (East India rice inferior,) being dark- colored, opaque, smd not at all calculated for the English market. After being cut down, the Malsi rice is stacked on the field and left to become heated and to ferment six or eight days, after which the stacks are pulled to pieees, and the grain separated from the straw by shaking tlie sheaf and beating it a few times on the ground, is winnowed by being shaken to the wind from a shallow platter made of mat and bamboo, and dried in the sun. The grain thus treated is called hukwa, and is much liked. Another mode is to beat out the rice with a long stick as it lays upon the ground. All the gr.ain in the valley is separated from the straw on the field, and carried home, after being winnowed, in bags and baskets. It is reajied with a sickle. The Chasa is made thus : The rice in husk (dhan) being steeped in water for a day and night, is roasted for a short time on a stone or large tile heated for tho purpose; when thus parboiled, and while still soft, it is thrown into the wooden mortar and bruised into thin fiat cakes, in which state, having been sep- arated from the husks and dried, it is sold in the shops and eaten by the people. A native of Nepal, or of Hengal and liehar, will be satisfied to live on this substance alone for many days together ; a small quantity of SiiJitir (unimrified, partially crys- tallized sugar) added, gives it a most siateful relish to the rarely stimulated palates of these poor and primitive people. Kuti, (JVeicori.) the machine for converting the dhan into eatable rice, by husking it, is the same as that for making Hurki from bricks, hence called the Dhcnki. (d) (A) "Asiatic Researches." or Transactions of the Asiatic Society in Hernial, pp. 15, 171. (c) " Report of the London Society of Arts " Jour- nal of the Asiatic Society for 183G, vol. v., pp. 3G6- 3G8. (d) " Report of the London Society of Arts." Jour- nal of the Asiatic Society for 1836, vol. v. pp. 962, 963. 394 KICE — HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. as well as in some of the warmer parts of Eu rope, in proumia for the most part artificially inuiulatod. Animal — flowers in midsummer. Root fihrous ; Herb f^rassy, about four or five feet hiyh, lii^ht green, smooth ; leaves linear, narrow, tajier-pointed. SUpula long, abrupt, jaffged, crowning the very long striated sheath. Panicle terminal, much branched, many, flowered, nearly erect, .slightly spread- ing ; its branches angular, rough. Flowerx, when closed, obovate, oblique, or most gib- bous at one side ; their corolla somewhat hairy, Captain Cbarles AVilkes, of the U. S. Navy, the in- telligent and able commander of the recent exploring expeditiim, informs me that, except at Manilla, no specimens of rice were obtained by the expedition, the crops not being in a state to furnish specimens. He has obligingly furnished the following remarks : *' In Br.izils you have the result of Mr. Brackenridge's actual observation; he was horticuUurii-t to the ex- pedition. I may add that the rice of Brazil, as an article of commerce, is not esteemed in comparison with our best rice, and does not keep well ; this is also the case with the rices of the Philippine Islands. Of the latter you have an account handed me for you by Mr. Rich, our botanist, which he obtaiued from the best authorities. Speaking well the Spanish lan- gua.;e, he was enabled to obt.ain much iuCormation, and had much intercourse with several distinguished gentlemen of Manilla, who are well acquainted with this branch of cultivation. " Instead of Ihe word Faddy being applied to Mountiin Rice exclusively, as Loudon has it, in the Philippine Islands and at Singapore they apply it to all rice with the husk on ; this I found invariably their practice. The rice fields of the Philippine Is- lands, the Water rice, both before and after it is growing, yield a large supply of fish for the inhabit- ants ; some, it is said, mucli over a pound in weight, and a foot in length ! The only mode they have of cleaning the rice of the husk is to beat it in a wooden mortar by hand ; this each family does for itself, it being sold as Paddy. "All the aquatic kinds are planted in July and August by hand, and are reaped in Deeeniber. The Upland rice comes much sooner to maturity, and is much esteemed, though they do not raise any great quantity. " Near Singapore there are no rice fields yet, the country is belter adapted for sugar ; it is imported from Cochin China and China. We have had no op- portunity of getting the information you desire, rela- tive lo the rices of Sumatra and Java. The spe- cimens of rice obtained at Manilla are small, and not in such a state as to bo preserved for usefulness. Any description of those mentioned by Mr. Rich may be obtained from our Consul at ^hlnilla immediately after the crop is gathered; it will afford me pleasure to be instrumental in procuring such as you may de- sire." In Brazil, fc) toward the base of the Organ Moun- tains, where the country is rich and flat, the cultiva- tion of rice is carried on to a considerable extent. At one place, on the banks of a small river, we observed not less than seventy acres sown with rice. Till) following, appareu'ly, was the mode of cultiva- ting it there : Dykes or dams, in breadth three or four feet, inclosed from two to three acres. These inclosureg were either square or oblong, as suited the nature of the ground, which had been ploughed, tnnde fine and level, with several furrows or runs through the centre of each, for the purpose of drain- ing tlie surface. In the dykes were two or more gaiis (c) D.Brackenridge, horticulturist attached to the U. S. Exploring Expedition, under the command of Cbarles \rilkcs, Esq. U. S. Navy. minutely granulated or dotted. Aw7i straight, rough, various in length. Rice : A plant cultivated in the East, in America, North and South ; in Africa, Spain, Italy, and Tiedmont. Its stalk not unlike that of wheat, but fuller of joints, and with leaves resembling those of the leek. It branches into several stems, at the top of which the grain grows in clusters, and each is terminated with a beard, and inclosed in a yellow rough husk. When stripped of this, the seed appears to be oval in shape, of a or sluices, to flood or let off the water at will The young rice plants, when we saw them, were from two to three inches high ; tlie ground was moist to satu- r,,tion, but not flooded. We were told that v/ater would be let on in a few days, and allowed to re- main till the plants were in flower. The soil was a deefN rich, black earth. This culture on the part of the Brazilians resembles very much that of the Westphaliaus. Several patches of rice were seen at the Sandwich Isliinds, near Honolulu. The varieties of rice cultivated at the Philippine Islands (/) are very numerous; the natives discin- guisli tliem by the size and shajie of the grain. The following are some of the most esteemed varieties : Binamhan^ — With the leaves slightly hairy, glumes whitish, grows to the height of five feet, tlowcrs in December. Aquatic. Lnmiujo — Greatly resembles the above, is more ex- tensively cultivated, particularly in Batangas, where it is the principal article of food among the inhabit- ants of the coast. jMalngcquit — This variety derives its name from its becoming very glutinous after boiling; it is much used by the natives in making sweet and fancy dish- es, but is considered uiiwholescme ; it is also used in making a whitewash, (g) which is remarkable for its brilliancy and for withstanding rain, &c. Aquatic. Hoiitol Cn/)«(/»— Common in Ilocos, where it is cul- tivated, both upland and in water. It produces a large grain, and is therefore mucli valued, but it baa rather a rough taste. l)uma!i—or early rice. This variety is raised in the uplands exclusively, and derives its name from ripening i:s grain three months from planting; the seed is rather broader and shorter than the other varieties ; it is not extensively cultivated, as birds and insects are very destructive to it. Q'linanda — With smooth leaves. This variety is held in great estimation by the people of Batangas, as they saj- it swells more in boiling than any other variety. It is sown in May and gathered in October. Upland. Bu/oUnn — This variety lias very hairy glumes ; it is not held in much esteem by the natives, but is culti- vated on account of its not being so liable lo the at- tacks of insects and diseases as most of the other upland varieties. jVal'iircijuit — Smooth Irtives, glumes red ; in all the above they arc whitish. It possesses all the qualities of the aquatic variety of the same name, that of be- coming very glutinous after boiling, &c. This rice is said to be a remedy for worms in liorses, soaked in water with the husk on. It is given mixed with honey anle among vegetables, IS palatalile, nu- the large gram rice .so successfully produced ■ tritious and light. When boiled, rice is increased by Colonel Ward.* I in bulk some iSO per cent., and in weight over 100 2 A commingling of the grain, arising i p<^r cent. For dyspeptics there is no vegetable so from a careless selection, or a neglect of se- 1 "'"J^^/,"]j,.,„,,/„st 7JrM,;.-Mix a spoonful of butter lection ot seed — and two or more of the } with some hot hommony, very thoroughly, and fore sam th the other, etc. 3. A corruption or deterioration of the grain, arising from utter neglect and e.x and bakequiclvly. — f'avi. Jhwtkcr liicc Bread.— llaye a bucket for the spe- cial purpose ; mix overnight .some hommony, or the eyes of the ri'-e, boiled soft, witli milk and rice tlour, posiire of the seed to the vicissitudes of ; having added s.alt, (/.«., into a stiff batter, so that weather from year to year, or the being jit will just pour; set it where it will not get warm, covered so deep in either earth or water as (fl)Fice flour is obtained by pounding into powder not to have vegetated for years. m a hand mortar the requisite .[u.-intiiy of milled /^.fii ■ 1 1. ii ir 1 i I)- A- 1 rice. Two iiuarts of rice will make nearly three Of this last, the Volunteer liice aftords ex- \l^^^^^^ ^} ,ig'^^_ ^his is the best way to prepare it amples, viz.: the red grain having the same for immediate use; if kept, it soon becomes acid. It is sometimes ground by the mills. This keeps very well, but the rice cannot be so completely pul- * See Report of Committee on Rice to the State verized when ground. It is prepared thus at the Agricultural Society of South Carolina, 1843, for Col. New-York steam rice mill, and packed in barrels tor ■Ward's account of this grain, I exportation. RICE — HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. 397 By this grain a large portion of the hu- man race actually subsist, iiml it is believed it may be yet more universally consumed. It ia a vegetable which undergoes no very material change, from change of climate. When put up ,for exportation, it deterio- rates less than any other grain orbreadstuif whatever, and when cleaned and brushed in the best manner, it will keep sutHeiently eweet and sound during the longest voyage. Indeed, rough rice, or rice in its primi- tive state, before the chaff or husk has been removed, may be kept fresh and sweet for years ; even should it, for a moment, have Deen immersed in water, the sun's warm rays, and a little dry air, eifectually \>ve- serve it for a long time. One hour is suffi- cient to reduce a bushel of rough rice (one lialf) to a state fit for cooking ; and the only instrument requisite is simply a wooden mortar and pestle. Professor Liebig, in a note to his admira- ble and valued work on Chemistry, as ap- plied to agriculture and physiology, p. 98, furnishes a chemical analysis of rice, in terms substantially the same as those in ■which the same analysis by Braconnot is given by Berzelius. According to the an- alysis of Braconnot, A?in. de Cftim. et de P/ii/s. t. iv. p. 370, this grain is thus con- stituted : Carolina Rice. Piedmont Rice. Water 5.00 7.00 Starch 85.07 83.80 Parenchyma -i.SO 4.80 Glutten 3.G0 3.00^ Uncrystallizable sugar. -.0.29 0.05^ Gummy matter approach- I ingto starch 0.71 0.10 Oil 0.13 0.25 Phosphate of lime 0. 1 3 0.40 99.73 100.00 with traces of muriate of potash, phos- phate of potash, acetic aci.l, sulphur, and lime, and potash united to a vegetable alkali. which injures it ; in the morniti',' stir it, pour it into tho pan, and i!ct it to htilic—Onllnu'int. Hi GritliUm for Hrcal;fn.sl.—'M\x. a tliia hatter with milk and rice tlour, ad'aini; salt, q. .s., have your «nd- dle-iron liot, grease it with lard, pour some batter on, spread it thin, turn it and brown it on both sides. Rice G/uc— There is also a very good glue made from rice, by boiliuc; the ground ri<^o in soft water till it .icauires the eonsistimcy of a thin jelly.— En':y. Am. This is one of the best cemouts for china-ware, shell.*, &c. starch from /iice.— This is said to be finer, whiter, and better, inasmuch as a given quantity will go farther than that produced from wheat. The man- ufacturers, however, allege that the material is too costly to justify their usinj it in making starch. Moreover, the difficulty of separating it from the gluten contained in this grain, is an obstacle in the way of its use. It is to be hoped that some of our chemists will yet discover a more ready and certain method of completing this process. Vauquelin was unable to detect any saccharine matter in rice. — 2'hom.ion's Or- gan'ic Chemistry, p. 883. EaUI.Y iNTROnrCTIOM AND ClILTl.'RE. As early as the year 1060, the facilities afforded by the character of the low country of Carolina for the cultivati(m of this seed, were remarked by agents of the English interestc'l in the settlement and improve- ment of the now world.* In less than forty year.'i from that time, the swamp seed was actually introduced and successfully culti- vated in South Carolina. It happened thus, by accidont.f Land- grave Thomas Smith, or Smyth, as honest •lohn Arehdale wrote the name, on a visit to the East, before coming to this country, had observed the plant and some of Ihe circum- stances attending its culture. After settling in Carolina, it occurred to him that the low grounds and climate of the country were ad- mirably adapted to this culture. Earnest in this o])inion, and desirous of an ojiportunity to test its value by experien-l,l'6'2, " Louisiana " 3,766,541 " Georgia " i;3,417,2U9 " South Carolina " 66,897,244 " As it is only in tide-water swamps that this grain can be culivatcd to advantage, and therefore only iu such lands that the culture will probably be extended, the sys- tem of culture j>ursued on the tide-lands of Carolina only will be detailed. The swamp and marsh lands in this region, when in a state of nature, were overllowed by the tides in ordinary times. In the time ol spring tides, they might have been found covered at high water to the depth of from twelve to twenty inches. When reclaimed they are furnished with a sufficient dam to exclude the tide-water, and a trunk, or framed culvert, furnished with a door at each end swinging upon long levers, which are attached to sturdy uprights, so as to admit or exclude the tide at pleasure — retain or discharge it, after being admitted. The large inclosure is subdivided b}- cross- banks, or dams, into fields of convenient Eize, containing variously from fourteen to twenty-two acres. In constructing the banks, large ditches, five to eight feet wide, are excavated to the depth of five feet, leav- ing between the ditch and bank a margin of twelve feet or more. These serve to drain the field. From one of these ditches to another, in one direction, and at the dis- tance of ?)li to 50 feet apart, are cut smaller ditches or drains, eighteen inches wide, and three feet deep. Thus thorough ly reclaimed, and completely drained, the Bwamp, if well seeded, will produce abun- dantly from the first. The following re- marks, however, will be luiderstood as ap- plying to old land, from the surface of which stum])S and marsh have entirely, or for the most part, disappeared. In this con- dition are now found most of the lands in the rice-growing region. Fields, as they become exhausted by long-continued crop ping, are revived by manuring with rice straw and tailings, or by turning under the spontaneous growth of a dry fallow for one or more years.* * Southern Agriculturist, N. S., vol. iii. p. 243. Mount Arena, JVov. 8, 1843. Col. R. F. W. Allston : Your queries respectiug the varieties of rice, &c., remind nie of my promise to give you the result of EOiiie of my experiments with riee straw and tailiiigri, as manure to rice land. Whenever they have heen put upon my fields which had been makini; small crops, the clTect has been satislaetory, and it has be- come a part of the system of my plantation. In tlie month of Novtmber, lS:i!), 1 caused ths stubble of two tields, one fifteen, the other ten acres, to be listed four feet apart, and parallel with the Preparation — The land is ploughed, or dug with the hoe, as early in the winter as eaa be ; if before Christmas, the stubble is turn- drains ; after wliich a furrow was made on each side with a large plough ; the land unbroken in the centre was then drawn upon tlie beds with hoes ; during tho time of threshing, the straw and tailings were carried in a large flat, and each load wa< distributed between the beds of one acre, until the whole was covered. In this state tliey were left until the last week in .June, when all the volunteer rice and grass was hood down, and the beds reversed with plou'jhg and completed with hoes. The ditches and drains were then cleaned, and the fields were planted iu peas, set in chops about a foot apart ; tlie laud was in good order, and the )ieas grew luxuriantly, and made a tino crop; no volunteer rice, and as little grass as possible was allowed to go to seed. In the first week of April, the vines were cut down, and the beds levelled with ploughs and hoes. This was very easily done, as the lanil wiis dry and re- markably loose. They were then trenched in the usual way thirteen inches from centre to centre — two bushels and twelve quarts of rice were jdaiited to each acre, and the seed was well covered with earth. During the cultiv.ition, the common plan was pur sued, i. e. sprout, point, long, and lay-by tlow — two hoeings between point and long flow, two alter, and one jiicking in the water. The crop was well saved, and produced within a fraction of seventy-three bushels to the acre. The straw and chafl' of this rice was of a much brighter color than any other made upon the jilautation, and the'grain was of superior quality. 1970 bushels of rough rice, made from lanl treated in the manner described, was poviuded at the Oeorgetown steam mill last winter, and turned out— Tierces, 009 lbs, net. 98,1.57 lbs. prime rice, 5 barrels middling, and 3 ditto small, with 193 ditto flour. I cannot say what had been made upon these fields for the three or four previous years, but on reference to the plantation book, where an account had been kept, I found the average crop from them to have been thirty-three bushels and a fraction to the acre. In some of my fields I have planted oats upon the beds, one and sometimes two rows, and these have, ia some instances, been followed by potato slips, which succeed remarkably well, and, it may be worthy of notice, keep fully as well, if not belter than those made upon high land. Although the rice thus made received as much wort as is usually bestowed under the best cultivation, yet it was not bestowed from its seeming to require it. but from tlie fact of its being convenient to do so, in turn with other fields of the plantation. I believe as much might have been mado with two workings, a3 the gra.ss had been so completely destroyed, .niid the land so thoroughly opened previously, that but little remained to be effected by the hoes. From subse- quent observation, this land is much more easily cul- tivated, and with proper care some years must elapse before the volunteer rice and viirious grasses regain their standing. Which of the three means employed in this plan is of the most im|)ortanee, is to be determined — thoroughly breaking the soil, with the destruction of volunteer rice and grass seed, change of crop and cul- ture, or the application of the rice-straw. The work laid out in this manner ought not to be considered as .iltogether additional, but very inurh as given in advance, and at a time well suited to it — as when tho rice planting season arrives, it will be found, as before remarked, to require very little more— after which its state of preparation for a good crop will far exceed any condition that could be brought jiboiU by the means at cnminand during the winter sea.son. From the observations which I liave made since my atteodion was first drawn to this matter, it ap- 400 RICE HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. ed under— if later, the stubble is burned off. The land is then covered with water during any warm changes of weather in winter, and exposed to the frost when it is colder. In March the tield is kept dry, the drains are cleansed, the upturned clods are broken, and the whole levelled with the harrow or hoe. The Held is trenched in a direction across the drains, with a hoe made for the purpose, to open a trench of from 3 to 5 inches in width. The trenches or seed-fur- rows will be 13, 14, or 15 inches apart from centre to centre. In April, and until the middle of May, the rice is sown in these trenches, say 2^ bushels of seed to the acre of 45,000 square feet. Dry Culture. — The seed is covered lightly with a light board attached to a hoe handle, and the field is inundated from 4 to 6 days, just long enough to swell the grain, and pre- pare it to sprout. As soon as it is sprouted, and the plants become perceptible, like so many needle-points above ground, the water is again put on f.ir 4 or 6 days, accordiug to the warmth of the atmosphere. With wafer cover. — The more common practice now, in the neighborhood of the writer, is not to cover the seed with earth, but to " clay"* it first, and after sowing, to pears that it would be profitable for such persons as plant weak or impoverished land, to subject one fifth of the quantity annually planted to this mode of treatment. From the increase which might be ob- tained in the first crop, a considerable return, if not all, would be made for the loss of a rice-crop on the land for one year, and the balance, if any, would be soon made up by the succeeding crops — besides the advantage gained from the increased fertility of the fields for some years, the enhanced value of tlieir pro- duction from the superior (juality of the grain, and the diminished labor during tlie cultivation of the BUcceedins crops. Impoverished rice land is particularly susceptible of improvement from manure, as may be often seen when fields are so situated as to receive the washini;s. by rain, of adjacent corn or potato fields annually manured with rice straw; and it is more lasting in its effect tlian might be supposed, as is proved by the marked difference in rice growing in fields where cattle-pens or feeding-troughs had been placed, often many years before. With great regard, Edward T. Heriot. * The process of " claying" rice was introduced Bomewl\ere about the year 1800, by that judicious, practical man, and observant, experienced planter, Captain John II. Allslon, of Prince George, Winyaw. It may be tlms described : Take two large tubs, say the two halves of a hogshead; fill one with water three fourths full, add to it three or four baskets or more of good red clay ; stir it well >mtil tlie clay is dissolved and the water has taken up a sulllciency of it to feel clammy between the fingers. Pour off this water into the other tub, into which also measure as much seed lice as the tub will hold without wasting; elir it about until every grain has be(Mi wetted by the clayed water, taking care to pause every now and then for the purpose of skimming off the grass seed nnd light rice, which rise to the top and float on the surface. Then dip out llie seed rice in sieves, allow- ing the water to drip back into the tub, and spread it in the barn to dry for the next day's sowing. Put more seed into the tub, and, when requisite, a fresh supply of clayed water, prepared as before, and so on. flood the land forthwith, making the "sprout" and " point" water one and the same. The mctliod first metitioned is the best for early planting, though the labor required is greater. After the season is sufficiently advanced for the grain to germinate quickly, the "open" planting, less laborious, is equally certain, and by some persons is considered more certain to procure a regular and even stand. In all his early planting, tliat is, until the middle of April, the writer allows three busliels of " clayed "' seed to the acre. His trenches are fourteen inches apart from centre to centre, and five inches wide — the seed is scattered in the trench. He uses tlie water freely. When the plant is five or six weeks old, the earth is stirred with the hoe; in ten days more the hoe is again used, and the "long water" put on for two weeks or thereabout ; deep the first four days, then gradually di- minished, until the plant, somewhat recovered from the exhaustion occasioned by its rapid growth under water, stands up erect, and be- gins to throw out a new root ; the water i3 then drawn. About eight days after, when the field is quite dry, a very deep hoeing is given, and the plant left undisturbed until it is prepared to form a joint ; so soon as this is apparent, the field receives a light dressing with the narrowest hoe, and is " laid by," that i.s, the "joint water" is put on to remain until the grain is matured, which is usually two months from this time. A few days before cutting, the water is run off, and the ditches washed out by the succeeding tide. The rice is cut with a sickle, (task, one quarter of an acre to the hand, to cut and carry,) and laid carefully across the stubble to cure, till the succeeding day. The dew off, it is then bound in sheaves of convenient size, just as wheat is, and packed in large floats, bearing five to seven acres, to be conveyed to the barn-yard. There it is stacked temporarily in small ricks, and when thoroughly cured, put away in large stacks made to contain from 200 to 400 bushels each when threshed. The threshing is performed, almost univer- salljr, by a labor-saving machine ; and the grain is cleaned and prepared for market by means of the pounding-raill. Water Culture ; or " sixty days system."* — The advantage of this preparation is that the grain, furnished on its exterior husk with a liairy furze, re- tains about it (after being dried sufficiently to be handled in the sowing) particles of the tenacious clay; this, on the grain in the trenches being reached by the water with which the field is flooded imme- diately after sowing, makes it adhere to the earth, and of course prevents the seed from floating. * Reduced to a system )iy Mr. Archibald Ligetll, of Winyaw, who has politely furnished this synopsis. Mr. ij. thinks, and very jiroperly, that the practice of making rice with water altogether is a vicious one, and should be resorted to only where the land is in such bad order, that the labor of planting would not be compensated by any other. RICE — TIISTORT AND STATISTICS OF. 401 Tlie land i? nowed soon after harvest, for the purpose of s]iroiitinif the vohintet'r and pcat- tereil rice, utitil the winter sets in; it ia then dried and kept dry. As early as practicable, the stubble is burned off. Tlie ditches and drains are well cleansed at conveitii-nt times, and the land is turned Lite — a short time pre- vious to plantitii^. After tiiis the ]irep;iration is as usual — the trenches are fourteiri inches" apart from centre to centre, and aie opened four inches wide. The seed, after being " clayed," is scattered in the trenches, allow- ing two bushels and twelve quarts to tlie acre. The water is put on so as to cover all tin; hills, and kept so until the sprout of the rice is green, and the blade well opened ; or until rhe rice begin-; to float. The water is then slacked down, until the tops of the plants show out on the level land, not regarding the low places. At this level it is held until the low places come out ; it is then raised gratlually evcy three or four days, until about si.\ inches deep on the level parts of the field ; at this it is held — observing to freshen the water every other night. As soon as the plant is suffi- ciently strong, the water is slacked down quite low, the hoe is dragged through between the trenches, and the hands pick out the long grass, weeds, and rushes. The water is then forthwith returned up to the same mark as before. This working sliould be given about ten days before drying the field, as, soon after it is done, the plant puts out new roots, by which it is sustained and prevented frouj " checking" when the water is drawn. In drawing this water, the condition of the plant must guide the judgment. In ordinary sea- sons, the first planting may be dried in forty- five or sixty (lays, the last planting in forty to fifty days, whenever about that period the plant is putting out a new root, anil always early enough to allow it thirty days' dry growth at least before forming the second joint. Seven days after the water is drawn, the field is hoed very deep, and, if the land is stiff, the sods are turned over, or it is "back- sodded ;" in a fortnight after, it is hoed again, if practicable. As soon as the plant has formed a second joint, and tlie hollow is per- ceptible, the last, or "joint-water" is put on to the same depth as before, and never raised until the rice begins to shoot forth the ear.f * Various distances, from twelve to sixteen inches, have been tried by Mr. L., and ho lias det-ided upon fourteen inches as the best. The writer's exiierience confirms this decision. t The following note is found in 2<1 Vol. Ramsay's Hist, of S. Carolina, p. 200 : " South CaroMna i.^ indebted to Gideon Diipont, of St. James, Goose Creek, for the water culture of rice; he was an exi)erienced planter, ol discerament and soundjudgnieiit, who after repeated trials ascertained its practicability. "In the year 1783, he petitioned the legislature of the state on the suliject. A committee of fire was appointed to confer with him. To them he freely VOL. II. Value of the Rice Crop. — Tlie value of the rice crop, as derived from examining tlie actual net revenue of six different planters for ten years, from 1830 to 1840, has been equal to 8140 per annum to the hand, that is, only taking into account the efficient force of the respective plantations. The price of rice for the same time averaged as follows : In 1830 $2 .5-8 In 1831 li 3-8 In 183-2 2 13-16 In 1833 2 5-8 la 1834 3 3-16 communicated his method, relying upon the gene- rosity of the public. The state treasury being then empty, the committee could only recf.mmi-nd grant- ing him a patent. This he declined. His method is now in general use in river swamp lands, and has been the means of enriching thousands, though to this day his own faniily have reaped no benefit what- ever from the communication of his discovery. Thomas Bee, now Federal Judge fur the district of South C.irolina, was one of the above committee ; and on his authority these particulars are stated." The last summer I instituted au inquiry to ascertain whether any of the family of Gideon Dupont were living, and could furnish me with an account of the water culture alluded to as the result of their ances- tor's experience and observation. The inquiry was fruitless ; none of the family of Gideon Dupont could be traced in this state. I noticed the memorandum of the historian no fur- ther until coming to Columbia. Hero, through the kind attention of the Clerk of the House, I have ob- tained from the journals of the House of 1784, not only a confirmation of the fact that a committee was appointed to consider the subject, but also the report of the committee inclosed, of which the following is a copy : " In the Senate, jMardt 18(A, 1784. The committee to whom Mr. Gideon Dupont's peti- tion was referred, REPORT: That they have considered the same, and are of opinion that, every encouragement ought to be held out for the improvement m agriculture, and the staple commodities of this state. Mr. Dupon-, intends to make two experiments the ensuing crop to prove the practicability of his under- taking, viz., one in River Swamp, at the planta- tion of Colonel Morton Wilkinson, and the other iu Ulack ^^wamp, at the plantation of Mr. John Ueas. Your oomniittee therefore recommend that Colonel Morton Wilkinson, Roger P. Saunders, Efq.. and Mr. John De.ns, be appointed commissioners to attend the snid experiments, and if they should be carried into effect, and will be of general utility, and shall certify the same under their hands and seals, to the General .\.ssembly, that then the said Mr. Dupont be entitled to a liberal reward." From the journals of the succeeding year, it does not ajipear that thi-* commission ever reported on the subject. It may be presumed that Mr. Dupont'a method of cultivating rice without the use of the hoe, and with water only, did not, upon further test, prove to be of as great general utility as he himself supposed. In new land, just chared of wood and dr.iined, a good crop of rice can be made tkc first %ear without the use of the hoe;(rt) but under no other circumstances that I am aware of, except, perhaps, after a good fallow, which, if properly treated, re- stores the soil almost to its primitive purity. (fl) The writer has made such crops repeatedly, be- tween the years 18.'8 and 1836, when clearing new laud, with a comparatively small labomig force, 2G 402 RICE — niSTORT AKD STATISTICS OF. In 1835 3 1-4 1 pressed liard against. The rods on their parS In 1836 3 7-16 were each furui;-hed at bottom with a sort of In 1837 3 11-16 shoe, protruding a little beyond tlie tube for the purpose of marking and opening the trench into which the seed was to be conveyed by its corresponding tube. Although a little too complicated, it was, upon the whole, a complete and interesting labor-saviug machine. Drawn by a good horse, over ground in high Inl838 4 1-17 InlS39 2 1-2 beinff an average for that time of 83 1-8. During the past season, 1842, the price was low, owing partly to the want of demand for roufh rice, which caused an undue quantity | tilth, and managed by a skilful and judicious of clean rice to be forced upon the market at , hand, the drill plough would trench seed from the same time — partly to the increased pro- eight to twelve acres of ground in the day, in duction arising from a favorable harvest, but | proportion nearly as it was furnished with a principally to the low ]irice of breadstuffs , less or greater number of trenching shoes and generally, and the depressed state of trade tubes. It was used successfully by the im- all over "the world, and the low standartl value , porter, and, more or less, by several planters affixed to almost every thing, by a return to a ; on the Waccamaw and Pee Dee, up to the bank issue, based upon a specie currency — the 1 year of his death, (1821,) since which time it only safe and permanent basis. I has been entirely abandoned. This result is To those planters somewhat in debt, who •■ supposed to be owing, not to the fact that the have been met in the full career of habitual plough was not found to be highly useful, so expenditure, by the late and present low , much as to this, that to use it successfully, it prices of produce, they have proved seriously embarrassing. Low prices, if they continue pei-mancnt, so as to effect a corresponding graduation in price of ail the usual objects of expenditure. equired more minute attention and judgment than could be calculated on among the field laborers of that day. The writer is inclined to the opinion that the drill plough will again be introduced, and successfully used in rice are doubtless favorable to the lasting pros | planting.'-" Indeed, he has himself ordered perity of the country. If this be true, our j the importation of an improved one from planters will not complain. The sooner they i Scotland, to be accompanied by a laborer and their society can accommodate themselves I who is familiar with its use. One of these to the new condition of things, that is, buy | ploughs, used by the importer, havins: fom* less, and endeavor to make more fur sale, the sooner will those whose business it is to sup- ply them graduate their prices to the reduced tubes, would, on long beds, trench and sow ten acres in a day. Another, furnished with six tubes, cnuld accomplish fifteen acres under standard ; and their renewed prosperity, if it 1 like circumstances, in the same time. be less sudden aud ostentatious, will not be the less sure and permanent for that, nor the less gratefully acknowledged. Drill Plough. — Somewhere about the year 1812, the late Dr. Robert Nesbit, returning from a visit to his native country, Scotland, introduced an implement in the economy of rice-planting which excited no little interest among the planters in his neighborhood. It A simple trenching plough, furnished with coulters for opening two or three trenclu-s at a time, has been used with advantage on light soils, but it has not been generally adopted. Thrashing Mill. — The same gentleman. Dr. Nesbit, who was as much distiuguished by bis general intelligence and scientific ingenu- ity as lie was noted for skill and success in the practice of his profession, imported and ■was called the Drill Plough. Its offices and used upon his plantation, in the year 1811, the uses were to open the trenches and deposit Scotch thrashing mill. His motive jwwer the seed, which it was found to do very well was the wind. When the wind was fresh and when managed with care, to the saving of so much labor. The drill plough was borne by a carriage on two wheels, very much resembling in size the weather fur, this machine would thrash and winnow five hundred bu:-hel3 in a day. Among the various attempts of the several inventors in this country to improve upon the and height au ordinary dr.iy, and was lira An j wheat thrasher so as to niake it available for by one horse between shafts. It consisted, j rice, none met wiih permanent success until generally, of a long box parallel with the the year IS'dO, when was produced a ma- axlc and above it, into which the given quan- ; chine, the beaters of which were shod with tity of seed grain was placed and locked up. i sheet iron, and serrated with iron wire. From this box the grain was distributed by The principle to which is owing the superi- raeans of regulators into and through tin . tube'" descendin"' nearly to the eartli, at the , o- •.• n i -^ • . • i ^i » Luuo., u<...Li.iiuni„ iii-iv jr . * Since writing the above, it IS ascertained that required distance irom eacli other lor ])laiUing. | ^p. Francis M. Weston, of VVaccimiuw, v.\\o has These tubes or cylinders were guided in their ■ just rerurned troin Knglaiid, has ordered for impor- de-cent and sustained in their respective .,o- i t»ti"u an imi)rovcil drill plough, which, on iis arrival . . ! 1 I- • c \ «„.,,, :. > .1 ) m this country, will bo lelt some time at the Acricul- Sitions. by rods of iron fixed firmly into the , ^,,^0! Hepositorv of J. D. Legare, for the inspection frame, but so as to yield to an obstacle when J of planters. nicE — insTonr akd statistics of. 403 ority of this invention, is that, ^\-hilc revolv- ing with increai^ed rapithty, (000 to 800 llie niiniUe,) by means of the teeth uitii wliieh the beaters are furnished it combs off the grain from the numerous footstalks of which tlie ear of rice is composed. The invention, ■whicli is now in very general use, yielding, when worked by animal power, from two to three hundred bushels per day, ant! when pro- pelled by steam, 450 to 700 bushels each, ia due to the ingenuity and mechanism of Cal- vin Emmons, of New-York.* To the liberal • The following is a li?t of patents obtained by citi- zens of .South Carolina, together with the KmuionR of New- York, for their rcspeetivo inventions orimprovc- monts of a 'J'hras/iinir Mac/iinc. There are no mod- els for these to bo found, and only three are illus- trjitcd by drawings. The originals were doubtle.ss destroyed by the fire of the loth December, 1830; and those marked thus + have not beon restored: tBenjamiu ?. Uort, George- town, P. C patent 21st Feb., 1812 tEliasB. Uort, Charleston, S.C. " 18th " 1828 t(!alvin Emmons, New-York.. " 17th April, 1828 tJehiel nutt-,Georgetown,S.C. " 'JOth May, 1830 Calvin KmniODS " 27th July, l^^'-O ■William Emmons » TthKeb., 183' \Y. Mathews, Charleston, S. C. " 27th Aug., 1835 Here follows a description, by Mr. Emmons, of his machine of lt!31, with liis improvements ihereon : New-York, 10th Sept., 1843. To R. F. W. Allston, Esq. Dear Sir -.—Your letter of the 3d August is re- ceived. My rice-thrasher, when I first introduced it into your state in the winter of 1830-31, was con- structed as follows, viz. : a rectangular frame, across and near the one end of which was iilaced, in suit- able boxes, an iron .shaft, on which shaft were hung circular heads, or wheels, to the periphery of which circular heads, and parrallel with the said shaft, were attached, by joints or hinges, six-tnothed beaters, tlie length of which beaters being nearly equal to the width of the frame in the clear. 3 he teeth of every second beater ranging alternately wiih the spaces be- tween the teeth of the othirs; the teeth were made of 5-ll)ths iron rod, one and a half inches long, and set in the beaters 5-bths of an inch apart from centre to centre of each tooth. This centriiugal force caus- ing the said toothed beaters, when revolving, to ex- tend themselves as far from tho axis .is the joints by which they are secured will permit, and thus when in motion forming a cylinder. Underneath the beaters was placed a circular frame or bed, formed of slats parallel with the axis of the cylinder, the front eilge of which frame, wlicro the grain is received, being raised nearly to the height of the axis o*'lhe cylinder ; directly in front of which is placed a pair of feeing rollers, to which the sheaf-rice was conveyed by a revolving feeding-apron, the bands of the sheaves being previously cut. The required speed of a cylinder of 18 inches diam- eter was found to be about 7<0 to 8(;0 revolutions per minute — much over that speed would break the rice, or much under would not Ihrash so perfi ctly 1 clean. They feed at about 60 feet per minute The principal improvements and alterations which | I subsequently a'^opted, are the using of cast-steel ^ teeth two inches long, of S-Sths rod, flattened and I hardened at the outer end.«, ("iron teeth having too i rapidly worn away by the action of the rice upon I them, land steel platesin the concave bed, which plates project .3-4ths of an inch above the surface of th.T i bed and incline towards the feeding rollers, about 30 degrees from the radius; and which I found to i protect the bed from too rapidly wearing as before, and to aid in separating the foot stalk. Also, as the feeding apron was found to wear out I ! enterprise and public spirit of General .Tames Hamilton are the planters of rice indebted for the first tiiorough test of the powers of lliis machine, and for the subsequent early notoriety of its successful operation.* Jfil/iiiff. — Although it is recorded that planters early in tlie 18th century cleaned tiieir rice by mills worked by horses or o.\en, I yet tiiis could not have been the case gene- i '•ally, till about the middle of that century. [ Even toward the y)eriod of the war, hand- mortars were still extensively used. The method was. that each male laborer j had three pecks of rough rice in a mortar, ' and each female two pecks, to pound before day or sunrise ; and the same at ni^ht, after t finishing the ordinary task in the field. The pounding was done in wooden mortars, made of the common pitch pine, to contain a bushel or less; tiie pestle was made of light-wood, or the heart of pine seasoned ; the process was conducted on the floor of a largi^ barn prepared for the purpose. The rough rice was sometimes ground by being passed be- tween wooden blocks twenty inches in diam- eter by six inches thick, worked by hiind. The mills early in use, and propelled by animal power, were tlie pecker-machine, so called from the striking resemblance of the pestle when in action to the bill of the wood- pecker, and the cog-mill, both of which liave been entirely superseded bj' the iiiii)roved pounding mill, propelled by water or steam. Between the years 1780 and 1790, the first water-mill was erected by Mr. Lucas, the elder, to whom solely the credit of the inven- tion is understood to be due. It is to be regretted that the family of Mr. Lucas liave not favored us with more full and accurate notes of their ancestor's early inge- nuity and skill as a millwright. His son too rapidly by the roughness of the rice, an inclined feeding-board was substituted. I'.y steam power the machines have each thrashed 700 bushels per day, tli.ugh ordinarily from 450 to 5011 bushels per day each, and by horse power, as you well know, much less. I was first induced to introduce the machine in the rice-planting districts, by the urgent solicitation of General .Janus flamilton, who bad seen a model or hand machine an agent of mine had in Saviumah, (Georgia, and which (jcneral Hamilton had taken over to his plantation near that city, and with the operation of which he was so well pleased that he at once sent me a bale of i ice in the sheaf, that I might furllier exi)eriment with it here; and wrote me, offering every facility for trjnng the experiment by animal power on his plantation, if I would bring out a machine and driving gear the following fall or win- ter, to which I acceded ; and after the erection of which machine, (ien-ral Hamilton invited the neigh- boring planters to witness the experiment, the result of which proved satisfactory. My patent is dated 27lhJuly, 1829. Very respectfully yours, CAI.VIN EM.MONS, 80 White street, Sew- York. ♦ See in the Drawing Department of the I'nited States Patent Ofliee an iUuslratiou of Mr. Emmons' patent, dated 27th of July, 1829. 404 RICE HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. Jonathan, inheriting the father's mechanical 1 turn and skill, constructed on Cooper river, in 1801, the first toll mill for cleaning rice. He yielded at length to the invitations of the British government, and transported his im- provements to England, where he himself passed the remainder of his days. His son, Jonathan, now living, sliipped in 1823 the first load of rough rice which was exported from this country. 1'he tirst water-mill built by Mr. Lucas was in the year 1787, for Mr. Bowman, on a reserve at his Peach Island plantation, on the river Santee. The next, on the same river, was on the reserve at \Va>ho plantation, for Mrs. Middleton, afterwards Mrs. General T. Pinckney. About the same time, or soon after, a water mill was put up on a reserve on Win- yaw bay, for General Peter liorry. Also for Colonel William Allston,on the reserve at his Fairfield plantation on the river Waccamaw. In the year 1791-2, Mr. Lucas built on Santee tlie first tide-mill, for Mr. Andrew Johnston, on his plantation called Millbrook. In a year or two after, the same indefati- gable and ingenious mechanic erected on Cooper river an improved tide-mill, being furnished with rolling screen, elevators, pack- ers, (fee, at the plantation of Mr. Henry Lau- rens, called Mepkiu.* * The first toll-mill built in this country was "Mid- dleburg Mill," on Cooper river, which was finished in 1801, by J. I.ucas, the sou. The first Brushing Screen used was put into that mill iu 18U3. The patent granted Mr. Jonathan Lucas by the British Cjovernmeat expired three or lour years ago. One of the most important advantanges se- cured to Mr. Lucas, was getting the duty on paddy reduced in England to 2s. 6d. per bushel. Steam was first applied to rice-mills in the year 1817, by Mr. Lucas and Mr. Norton. The first cargo of paddy was shipped to England in 1823, by .J. Lucas, jun. In that year, the export of rice from this state was equal to 90,000 barrels, while in 18-l'i it had reached 130,u00 barrels. Among the numerous patents recorded at AVash- ington lor hulling giiiin, wheat and rice, the follow- ing are noted as being associated with the names of citizens of ?outh Carolina, viz. : Winiiowing. ■Screen Pendulum — Lewis Duprc,South Carolina, 1st April, 18u7. Hulling and cleaning rice — Jonathan Lucas, jun., 12lh July, 1S08. Hulling and poundiug husks— Jacob Read, S. C, gth June, ieo9. Hulling rice and polishing — Jonathan liUcas, jun., Cth November. 1819. Hulling rice by steam — John L. Norton, IGtli De- cember, lfS23. Hulling rice— John Raveuel, 17th May, 1828. Hulling rice — Asa Nourse, South Caiolina, 19th July. IS-it". Hulling rice— Asa Nourse, South Carolina, tid April, 18-9. Hulling rice and separating grain — Peter Brough- tou, South Carolina, .5111 August, 1831. The models and plans illustrating these inven- tions r<«spectively, were douhtless destroyed by the Are of 1830, and have not been since restored. There is a mill on Savannah river, (.Mr. t;ibboi\"s,) carrying eleven pestles, which, as Ilcamed from him- Upon these, the mills erected at a later day have been improvements in construction chiefly. Some stibslantial improvements are said to ha^e been introduceil recently by David Kidd, a machinist from Scotland, of very high character for ingenuity and practi- cal ability. He is himself one of tlie best millers, practically, in the state. In the preparation of rice, much depends upon the grinding of the rough. In North- umberland, England, are the best quarries of stone for this purpose. In this process, as in that of brushing and polishing the grain after pounding, there has been latterly a de- cided improvement, owing mainly to the ob- servation and genius of the millwright just named. At present almost every planter of four hundred acres and upward, is provided with a tide-water or steam-pounding mill for pre- paring his own crops for market. There are also a number of toll-mills in the state, nearly sufficient for preparing all the rough rice which is not pounded at the plan- tations. In Georgetown, beside various tide-mills on the neighboring plantations, which pound on toll more or less, there is a very good steam-mill owned by Mr. Benjamin King. To 3,000 bu.shelsof fiur') rough rice this mill I ■will yield of prime j 144^ barrels. rice for market J Of middling 7 Of small rice 6 " Of flour 320 bushels.* self, can pound fourteen barrels the tide. The pestles are shod with cast iron about one foot in length, and secured to the wood by a long bolt driven from the bottom, and fastened by a screw and nut. The mortars are of cast iron, weighing GOO lbs., cast by Allaire, of New-York, and cost §30.~ They are con- structed to contain five bushels of rough. * Georgetown, Nov. IGth, 1843. To CoL. R. V. ^Y. Allston : Siu : — I have received your communication, rc- ([uesting information in relation to the prc]ianition of rouuh rice for market, and have to say, that three thousand bushels, fair quality, have turned out at the steam rice-mill here, one hundred and lorty-four and a half barrels prime rice, and seven barrels mid- dling, and si.\ barrels small rice, and three hundred and twenty bushels Hour. The time of pounding, with twenty pestles, sixty hours. I would remark, that rice thrashed on floors with Hails turns out much better than mill thrashed. Your obedient servant, BENJAMIN KING. Charleston, 21st Nov., 1843. To CoL. R. F. W. Allston : Dear Sir : — In reply to your favor of 14th ult., I beg to say that the following is, to the best of my belief, an accurate statement of the turn out from my mill of 2,000 bushels of what I consider prime ough rice. To your first incjuiry — 1. In what time will this quantity be preparing? One day. 2. How many tierces weighing GOO lbs. net ? 105. 3. How many of second quality ? None. 4. Jlow many of middUng rice V Two barrels. HICE — HISTOUY AND STATISTICS OF. 40fe In Chavleaton and its vicinity there are numerous tide-mills and several steam-mill!* ; the chief a'jd most successful of the latter 5. How many bushels of small rico ? Twenty bushels. 6. How many bushels of rice flour? Two hundred and City. With great respect, I remain j our ob't servant, A. W. OIIISOLM. P. S. — The above statement is made from rout;h rice thrashed with the flail. Kice done by a thrashinjr mill would take from one bushel to one and a half more, owing to the quanlity of straw and foot stalk Dot being taken out properly before sent to the mill. A. VV. C. Results of three different parrels pounded at C/Usolm'g JIM, 1843. 1. 3,100 bushels of rough rice from Waccaraaw, thrashed liy mi//, made 142 barrels of whole rice of COO net. '.i barrels middling. 3 barrels small. 330 bushels flour. 2. 3,000 bushels of rou^h rice from Sandy Island, thrashed Inj flail, nian cleaning three barrels per hour to the four machine?. * Since the above was published, it is "scertained that Mr. Nowell has applied a steam engine to his miU. 406 KICE IIISTOUY AND STATISTICS OF. Of good to fair rice 45 5v bbln. lbs. Of broken rice (middling?). 16 129 U4 521 Of small rice or chits (20.31 bushels).. 2 510 Of flour or douse (3S1.21 bushels).. 15,630 lbs. In the mill erected by Mr. Napier, on Oooper river, "wire cards" are used instead of pestles for cleaning the grain. This mode of preparing rice imparts a slightly bluish tinge to the grain, though it is supposed to keep longer than rice prepared in the ordinary way. Rice thus prepared will not command as high a price per cwt. as that from the pes- tle of similar quality, but it is said to be the interest of the planter to patronize the "cards," inasmuch as the yield in whole rice from a givcu quautitj' of rough is invariably greater, the offal being less. In the year 1842-3, this mill prepared seven thousand barrels, and seems to have given satisfaction to patrons. The trial of Mr. Deas' rice, from Sautee, is selected as the fair test of this mill, 1,950 bushels. At the same rate 3,000 bushels of prime rough rice will yield in— Tierces 600 lbs. Prime rice for market 144 In middling rice 868.85 lbs. In small rice 1,323.23 " In flour 226 bushels. Recently an ingenious methoil of lifting the pestles has been invented by Mr. S. K. Wil- liams, of the city of Charleston, to be used in substitution of the lever ("lilter") described in ilr. Lucas's mill. One advantage of this invention is said to be the greater rapidity ■with which the pestles, themselves lighter, may be driven without interfering or " slam- ming." Another, that a system of pestles and mortars may be more compactly ar- ranged in circular form, and may be moved by a less power. The invention is called "The Spiral Shaft Rice Mill." As it has never yet been actu- ally tested, nothing more can be said of it here. Process of Preparation. — The stones which are used for grinding rice should be five to six feet two inches diameter, and eighteen inches thick at llie centre. Tiierc is said to be a (]uarry in Northumberland, af- fording stones of such excellent substance, that they will grind rough rice enough for packing one thousand barrels without being taken up. The whole process of preparation may be described generally as follows : From a shed or Convenient storeroom attached to tlie mill- Louse, the rough rice is taken, by means of elevators, (i. e. a system of small tin buckets attacheil to a long revolving band of leather,) up to the highest a|)artment iu the building, to be passed through a sand-screen revolving nearly horizontally, which, in sifting out the grit and small grain vice, separates also all foreign bodies, and such heads of rice as were not duly thrashed. From the sand-screen the sifted rough of large size is conveyed directly to the stones on the same floor, where the husk is broken and ground off, thence to a wind-fan below, where the chaff is separated and blown off. The grain is now deposited in a long bin, placed over the pestle-shaft, and correspond- ing in length with it, whence the ground rice is delivered by wooden conductors into the mortars on the ground floor — ten, twelve, fourteen, or twenty-four in number, as the power applied may justify.* These mortars, improved by Mr. Kidd's design, are construct- ed beautifully of four pieces of the heart of pine, seasoned. They are in figure a little more than a semi-ellipsoid, and are made to contain four and a half bushels of ground rice each. The pestles, also constructed of the heart of pine, and corresponding in number and po- sition with the mortars, are sheathed at foot with sheet iron, partially perforated in many places from within by some blunt instrument, so as to resemble, on a very coarse scale, the rough surface of a grater. They are intend- ed to weigh each 240 to 280 lbs. or there- about, are lifted by levers six feet long at- tached (two feet out) to the large pestle-sliaft, and make from forty-four to forty-eight strokes in a minute. A mortar of rice is dis- posed of, or sufliciently pounded, in one hour and forty minutes to two hours. The grain thus pounded is again elevated to the upper floor, to bo passed through a long horizontal rolling-screen, slightly depressed at one end, where, by means of a system of wire-sieves, gr.ading coarser and coarser towards the lower end, are sef)arated, first the flour, second the " small rice," (the eyes atul smaller particles of tlie broken grains,) third the " middling rice," or the smaller and the halfbroken grains, fourth and last the " prime rice," the larger and chiefly unbroken grains, which fall through the largest wire, and forthwith descend to the " polishing" or " brushing screen" below, whence it descends thtough a fixn into the barrel on the first floor, where it is packed, and the preparation is completed. ■[■ The head rice, or largest grains of all, together with the rough, unbroken by the stones, pass- es off at the lower end of the screen, to bo pounded over. The " brushinc/ .tc^rfoi" consists of a vertical cylinder or drum, two feet in diameter, by from four and a lialf to six feet in height, to the surface of which are attached, vertically, shreds of sheop skin closely packed ; this * It la understood that Mr. Lucas's mill drives 28 p eslles, and Mr. Chisolm's 30. t Mr. Chi^olm has constructed in his mill a second -screen for polishing, throngh wluch the rice from the brushing screen is passed on its way down to tlia barrel. RICE HISTORY AND STATISTICS OF. 401 2,352 '.'8 5,006 15,318 12.897 1.007 29,094 4,830 19,082 10 2114 20,745 1843 1,737 1,791 7,304 9,009 1,408 6,447 18,883 4,303 8 042 28,()-18 12,531 1819 ISM 1S.-.1 3,333 2,870 980 90 2,537 1,538 2,716 5,757 4,3-'S 17,427 5.753 9,9-il 28,058 3,955 10.203 32,132 15,237 15,435 8,232 9,420 26,754 4,287 11,469 24,304 15,003 17,807 4,156 5.301 15,728 2,777 6.784 27,618 18,513 Total.. 144,103 100.400 12S,8liI 127,009 10.5,.590 Talue.. 2,744,418 2,331,824 2,569,31)2 2.031,557 2,170,927 Pr. tierce. $.9.03 23.22 19.90 23.00 20.50 The greatest increase since 1842 has been to Prussia, Belgium, the Hanse towns, and Holland, under the influence of the modified duties upon that article, adopted in 1838. through the influeuce of our minister, the late Mr. Whcaton, at the Court of Berlin. The export to England has declined, notwith- standing that the price per tierce has been lower. It is difficult, however, for our rice planters to contend against the cheap rice of the East Indies, in those years when freights are cheap. The extra demand of England for food last year induced a larger import of rice than ever, ami she apparently outbid Prussia for it, and she took less directly from the south, owing to the high freights. The Hanse towns and Belgium are the avenues into the Customs Union, and through them and Prussia were last year sent 24,622 tierces, worth $615,550, agamst of .§16.453 in 1833, when the crop was larger. The revenues of the Customs Union increased by this modification of the duties upou rice, and the result so favorable to the incomes of the German governments participating in those revenues, were emi- nently calculated to promote further reforms in the same direction. The following embraces general remarks in relation to rice for a series of years : QUANTITIES AND VALUE OF RICE EXPORTED FROM THE UNITiD STATES. 1833 144.103 1839 71,319 1840 1(il,ti6l) 1842 114,017 1844 134.715 1845 118,621 1846 124,007 1847 144,427 1848 100,407 1849 128.861 1650 127,069 1851 105,500 Value Value pr S;2,744,4I8 $19 1,721,819 24 1.942,076 19 1,907,337 !6 2,182,463 16 2,160,456 18 2,.564 091 30 3.00:),896 24 2.33I.S24 23 2,.509,362 19 2,031,557 23 2,170,937 20. RICE-PLANTING.— By the mail which conveys this, I transmit you a copy of Col. J. J. Ward's report on the cultivation of the rice crop, from which your correspondent, whose name has escaped "me, (his letter being mis- placed in Columbia,) may derive some notions useful to him in his proposed essay at rice - planting. I have no experience of "inland planting" myself. In the desire to serve your friend, I applied to several gentlemen, habitually culti- vating inland swamp, for the systems practised by them respectively. I have to regret that none of them, as yet, have found it convenient or thought proper to favor mc, by keeping to their promises. Information is seldom obtained from the planters in any other way than by conversa- tion. I desired to be more accurate, by fur- nishing their own statements ; but as the season is advancing, I will not longer withhold the impression as to their mode of culture, made on my mind by their several verbal communi- cations. It is chiefly this, that they all approach as near, and practise as closely as circumstances will permit, the systems most approved among the planters on Tidewater swamp. "Where the water flows or ebbs, and there is consequently a command of water, the sys- tem is such in the main as described in my memoir, and also recently and in detail by my friend Col. Wai'd, in the report I send you. As your correspondent will not have the benefit of such command of water, but must use it, I presume, from a "reserve," I will venture to indicate what would be my own course under similar circumstances. I should select new land, as it is free from grass, and grass is the greatest enemy to rice in inland swamp; water is the only means by which it can be effectually subdued, year by year, and the inland planter has not the' neces- sary command of water. After clearing the land as well as one would for any other crop — or in case of land already cleared, after ploughing it up early for the frost to act upon it, ami draining it well, with drains (18 inches by 3 feet) 75 feet apart; then, when about to plant, levelling the surface with the harrow and the hoe, I would trench it with a very narrow hoe, placing the trenches at the distance of 12 inches one from the other, and sow the rice carefully, in a " string,"' i. e., a3 thin (but regular) as possible ; cover it as other seed, and if it be not likely to liave rain uj)on it in a day or two, I would flow it just to cover the land for six days; but if rain be plenty, I would not flow until the plant is seen, here and there, gener.illy coming through the earth ; (this, in fine weather, will be seen in 12 to 15 days;) the binls will then be very troublesome, if uncovered with water, destroying a great deal. The land should then be covered with 412 RICE-PLANTING. ■water ("point flow") 6 inches deep, if old land. In cai ilie trenches with the rice plants ; (these the hoe cannot reach, and they will only come up by the root when the earth is soft with water ;) then draw the ■water off gradually. The plant is then putting out new roots. Whilst they are still short, and as soon as the land is dry, say in 8 days, hoe it deep with hoes not wider than 4^ inches, (4 is better;) the new roots will easily penetrate the broken soil, and the plants will flourish. In 16 to 20 days more, hoe it again, but very light, so as to level the uneven sur- face, and to cut every spear of grass, picking out by hand what the hoe cannot reach. Thus effectually cleaned, the rice may be " laid by" in 2 or 3 days; it will then be "jointing," or nearly so. The water should now (after at least 30 days of dry growth for April rice) be put on again full six inches, until the head shoots out; then it may be raised higher with impunity, and will be a stay to the tall plant machinists here could furnish pai'ticulars.— Col. AlhtoH of S. a N.B. — From the " point flow," he will be good enough to pursue, as nearly as he can, the method described by J. J. Ward, in his re- port from where it is marked, taking care to- substitute a five inch hoe for his " six inch." Report on Eice Culture. — Tour com- mittee beg leave to report what in their opin- ion is the best mode of cultivating rice. It is scarcely necessary to observe that the land should be in good order ; that is, that the banks and trunks should be in such condition as to keep the water within or without the fields, as circumstances may render necessary ; the drains ought to be thirty-seven and a half feet apart, and at least three feet deep and eighteen inches wide ; the size of the fields to be deter- mined to a great extent by the force employed ; with a strong force they can be of much larger dimensions than with a smaller. It is evi- dently important that every part of the field should be as nearly as possible in the same condition, as regards hoeing, Ac, when the water is put on ; otherwise, from the different state of the plant, one portion would require different treatment from another, which, of course, is impossible. Perhaps inattention in this respect has produced more mischief than might at first sight appear. During the win- ter the land ought to be well turned, either by the jjlough or hoe. As planting time approaches, the land should be v/ell mashed, and laid off in hold trenches, with a four inch " trenching in times of heavy wind. When the plant is in ; hoe," thirteen inches from centre to centre ; the bloom it should by no means be disturbed for any purpose. In 00 days after jointing, the grain is gen erally ripe for the sickle; the weather or season may have the effect to retard or ad- vance it a day or two; the water should then be drawn off, and the reapers set to work. In Carolina, the sickle or "reap hook" is used, with which each hand will cut a half acre in the day, then tie in sheaves, and stock in the field what was cut the day before. The task with us is to cut \ of an acre early in the morning ; then, when the dew is off, tie and carry to the barn-yard the ^ of an acre •which was cut the day before, supposing the sun to have been shining duly. I think that in inland it would be better also to give the like task, especially the first year, viz: cut \ an acre, tie, (" bind,") and carry ^, or stock it in the fi'jld, if dry, so as to get done handling tlie rice before the night dews wet it. The thrashing out is laborious; this, as well as thi! pounding or cleaning, is done here by niacliinery, some account of which may be found in my memoir, and also in the pamphlet alreaily referred to. This machinery is expen- sive : the first will cost from $3,000 to §7,000 —the other from $10,000 to $18,000. The seed is to be carefully sowed, at the rate of from two and a half to three bushels the acre, according to the oriler the land may be in ; the greater quantity to be used when it is not in the best state of preparation. There are dif- ferent opinions on the subject of covering the seed ; on low and gummy lands, the " open planting" is the best; but when the soil is well prepared, a careful covering is to be pre- ferred. The sprout water is then jnit on, and remains until the grain " pips," which will take place, according to the weather, itc, in from three to six days ; the water is then taken off, and the land kept as dry as possible, until you can see the rice the whole length of a row across the bed, coming out in fine spires, which is frequently called tlie " neeiUe state;" ihe point flow is then put on and retained from three to nine days, or as long as it can be kept on without weakening the ])lant so nuKhasto cause it to fall wlu^n the water is taken from it. This is especially important, as the grass being young is more effectually destroyed than at any later stage of the crop. As soon as the rice is strong enough, whicli will depend on circumstances, a light lioeing shoukl be given it, with a six inch " rice hoc." About twelve days after this first hoeing, it should be well stirred with the "six inch hoe" RICE-PLANTING. 413 again, and allow two or tbree days (sbonld the | •weather be drv) for tlic svm to kill the grass disturbed by the hoe. "The long water " is then put on, and the rice to be overtopped for three or four days; the trai^h whicli will float up must be carefully ruked on the banks. By this deep flow not only is the tras^h removed, but the insects with which the rice is infested are for the time completely destroyed. The ■water is then gradually slackened to about six inches deep on the general level. A notch must be made on the trunk or elsewhere, and the water kept as near the same level as can be, for from twelve to twenty-three day.s, ac- cording to the quality of the land; the heavy land requiring tlie longest water ; (the water, however, should not be taken off on the fif- teenth day, as from the state of the plant at that time it is apt to " fox.") The water is then to be gradually slackened off, to prevent the rice from falling in the low parts of the field, it being weak from the greater depth of the water ; and this points out the great im- portance of bringing the surface of every field as nearly as may be to a level, as in the lower spots the rice is often materially injured, and in the high places the grass is not destroyed. When the water is off the surface, the trunks are to be thrown open, and the land again kept as dry as possible. During this flow, or rather about the time of slacking off, as what grass may have escaped the hoe will have grown rapidly, it is advisable to " turn " the hands in and pull it out. As soon as the land is sufficiently dry, it is to be dug as deep as practicable, with a four inch rice hoe, to enable the roots of the plants to spread with greater facility. In about twenty-two days after the " long water," the fourth and last hoeing should be given with a four inch hoe, and should be very light, merely to level the clods left from the digging, and to destroy the young grass, particular care being taken not to injure or disturb the roots of the plant. A day or two after this hoeing, the " lay by" water should be put on, about the same depth, or perhaps a little deeper than the " long water" notcli ; lower or higher according to the growth of the rice. Care should be taken, when the rice begins to round, that the water should not get over the fork. It is to be noticed that as soon as the weaker portion of the rice gains sufficient strength, the water is to be run through the field every " tide," which should be regularly attended to until the crop is ready for the hook. "When circumstances re- quire or will admit of the "open planting," the seed ought to be well clayed before sow- ing. Tiic water is then put gradually on, and kej)t on until the rice is in the "green fork ;" it is tlan tlrie-^ 7.38 Chloride of calcium, " I e Chloride of potassium, " | Lime and magnesia, " J 4. Of Coarse Rice Flour from th Bulk. — It gives, on burning, a bulky, porous asli =11.23 percent. Corrected statement, =11.831 per cent. Compositio7i of 100 parts of this residuum, as follows : Silica, with traces of combined potassa. 69.27 Phosjiliate of hine, with traces of piios- phate of mngnesia 28.94 Phosphate of potassa (rich in this) salt) ( Carbonate of p«tassa, in traces Sulphate of potassa. Lime and magnesia, Chloriile of calcium, Chloride of potassium, y- 6.79 100.00 KICE — ANALYSIS OF, ETC. 415 6.— Of the Husk, C0NrMo>fLY called Chaff, or Offal. — Burns, -with little or no flame, into a perfectly white, silicious skele- ton of the husk. In weight it equals 13.07 per cent Composition o/lOO parts of this residuum, as follows : Silica 97.551 Phospliate of lime, with traces of alu- mina and oxides of iron and man- ganese 1.023 Carbonate of lime 0.294 Phosphate of potassa "l « Sulphateofpotassa, in traces 1^ 1 1<59 Chloride of potassium, " j-a Carbonate of potassa, " j a 100.000 6. — Of the Rice Straw.— Burns into an ash which is a semi-fused, glassy fiit. It weighs 12.-122 per cent Composition of 100 parts, as follows : Silica 84.75 Potassa, with probable traces of soda, combined with the above silica 8.69 Phosphate of lime, with traces of ox- ide of iron and manganese 2.00 Carbonate of lime 2.00 Alumina, in traces. • -• ^ Phosphate of potassa.. j Carbonate of potassa.. i^andloss 2.56 Sulphate of potassa Chloride of potassium. J 100.00 7. — Rice Soil, from "Waverlet Island. Silica, with fine saud, one third of which is feldspathic and slightly magnesian or talcose; and contains alumina, with from 2 to 4 per cent, of potassa, mingled with soda and magnesia 47.75 Alumina, partly combined with humic acid 12.35 Peroxide of iron, (combined with hu- mus,) with decided traces of phos- phate of lime (bone-earth) 4.15 Carbonate of lime, with traces of mag- nesia 0.40 "Water of absorption. . . . 8.50 ) oo qo Humus (organic matter) 23.50 ) Chloride of calcium. . 1 Sulphate of lime. ... 1 Sulphate of magnesia J- and loss 1.35 Sulphate of potassa. . | Chloride of sodium. ... J 100.00 8. — Rice Soil feom Matanzas on the Mai.v. Silica, with fine sand as above 00.50 Alumina, partly combined with humic acid 8.15 Peroxide of iron, combined with hu- mus, with decided traces of phos- phate of lime 3.00 Carbonate of lime, with traces of mag- nesia 0.85 Water of absorption . 9.00 ) „ ,, , p, Humus 18.50 [•••'■ '"^^ Ciilorides of calcium and of sodium. ) , .- Suljjhates nearly as above >• ' ^"^'^ } 101.00 Since rice culture is likely to be extensively adopted before very long in the low, river, and bottom lands of Mississippi and Louisiana, we deem the preservation of this matter impor- tant The reader will find great advantage from consulting Col. AUston's paper above re- ferred to, and, as containing additional valua- ble particulars, we introduce some remarks made by Mr. Ruffin, in hia late agricultural survey of South Carolina: General Description of the Tide Swamps in their Natural State. — The great body of alluvial swamp lands on the Waccamaw and Peedee rivers, and subject to their tides, are of similar general character to all other swamps formed by the alluvium of fresh tide waters. In South Carolim, and generally elsewhere, the soil being wholly formed by matter deposited by the rivers and by the remains of plants which died and rot- ted where they grew, these lands are necessa- rily composed very largely of vegetable mat- ter, mostly decomposed ; and so far as that composition may serve, they were as rich as lands could be, and of an unknown depth of soil. Their earthy parts are mostly of fine clay, such as could remain long suspended in water, and which has been mostly brought by the long course and turbid current of the Peedee. Of course, rivers flowing through calcareous regions, and washing down fertile and well-constituted soils, must have also brought down much calcareous matter inter- mixed with the clayey, and serving to fix and retain the great and enduring fertility which tliese lands have exhibited unner the long continued and increasing drafts made by in- cessant rice culture. Still there cannot be near enough of lime in these soils ; and there is a still greater deficiency of the ingredient of silicious sand necessary for a properly con- stituted soil of the best productive power. The rise and level of the tides have neces sarily fixed the final elevation and grade of .surface of all such lands. The earthy matters brought down the river by its floods would continue to be deposited on the marshes, and wherever else the water was most tranquil, until such deposited earth reached to the le- vel of the height of tide water. The lower the surface was at any previous time before this height, the more water, loaded with ma- terials for alluvium, would be over it, and the more it would receive of the tribute. And when, by such additions, the surface had risen to the full height of ordinary high tide, it woukl no more be covered, except on rare oc- casions, and of Course its increase would al- most cease. Thus, there was for ages a con- 41G EICE — ANALYSIS OF, ETC. stant tendency of the waters to raise all the i lower parts the fastest, and to make the lower equal in height to the highest And when this was done as nearly as might be over any certain extent, the operation ceased there, and was continued lower down toward tlie sea. Thus, the alluvial lauds formed by the de- posits of tide rivers necessarily have surfaces very nearly level. The only general and slight exceptions are seen in the channels of small creeks, or " slues" as they are called, which are needed to give discharge to the re- treating waters, the rapidity of the motion of which serves to keep such passages open and deeper ; and also that the land next the river- side is generally higher than that farthest off, and next to the high lands. The cause of the latter effect is also obvious in this, that the water first leaving the more rapid coarse of the river, and spreading over the swamp, must necessarily deposit most of its suspended earthy matter first, and carries only the lighter portions to the more remote ground. How- ever, the slope thus made is so gradual, that the difference of elevation is very slight be- tween parts of the same swamp. This gene- ral evenness of surface is in a remarkable de- gree favorable to rice culture, which requii-es overflowing the crop at a depth as nearly equal as possible. The trees forming the natural growth and dense cover of such lands are of great size and vigor — principally of tupelo gum, ash and cypress; the undergrowth of cane, and nu- merous perennial or annual vines and water grasses, serving in summer to make a dense thicket. The earth, always saturated witli water, is rendered firm only by its close and deep mat of roots of every description, and but for this would be a quagmire in its natu- ral state, and the more so in proportion to the excess of decomposed vegetable matter in the marshy soil. Also, according to the large quantity and excess of vegetable matter, will be the subsequent sinking of tlie land, after draining and cultivation. The excess of ve- getable matter in any soil, over and above all that is cliemically combined with the soil, is liable to rot and waste away. And such must be the case, sooner or later, on all tide marshes, the drying and cultivation of which produces the conmiencement of rotting, which the be- fore continual wet state of the earth prevented. All the tide swamps are not capable of be- ing properly subjected to rice culture. There must be a sufficient " pitch of tide," or ordi- nary variation between the levels of high and low tides, to enable the lands to be, at any desired time, either quickly flooded, or as quickly to have the overflowing water dis- charged. The latter object is ojiposcd more and more by the freslicts the higher the rivers are ascended, so that the upper tide lands are from tliis cause too precarious for rice culture. Again, salt or even brackish water is fatal to rice; and therefore the usually fresh water tide lands near the sea are as much iu danger of "salts ;" that is, of the water, when needed for flowing the crop, being contaminated by salt, owing to a dry season and a scant supply of river water from above. Thus, omitting the upper tide lands, too much endangered by the river being swollen by rains, and the low- er lands, too much endangered by salt tides in dry seasons, there renuiins on all the rivers but an intermediate body of tide lands fit and safe for rice culture. The General Mode of Embankixg, Drain- ing AND Clearing Tide Swami's for Rice Culture.* — "When a body of new tide swamp on the Waccamaw or Peedee was to be brought under rice culture, the first process has been to cut down and clear oft' all the trees and undergrowth of bushes, cane, (or reeds,) &c., along the course desitned for the outer embankment, for the width of about fifty yards, or such distance as would prevent the subsequent cutting down of the remain- ing large trees injuring the works. In making this clearing, care is taken to leave untouched a margin next to the river-side ; which ought to be, but rarely has been, as wide as from fifty to eighty feet, varying according to the irregularity of the water-line. The trees, &c., cut from the cleared space, are moved inward among the standing trees, or far enough to be out of the way both of the outer embankment and the main ditch witiiin and next to it The site of the outer embankment is then de- termined precisely ; and along the centre of its intended base there is dug a ditch 3 feet deep, 3 feet wide at top, and as much or nearly so at bottom. This digging is for two purposes: first, and princijially, to remove all stumps and roots of trees from below the bot- tom of the future outer embankment, which, if left, would, in subsequent time, by their rotting, cause leaks to be produced ; secondly, the earth dug out of this central ditch is laid regularly and closely just outside of its edge, and forms a bank sufHeient to exclude the or- dinary high tides from covering the land, and troubling materially the main operations which are to follow, for thoroughly embanking and clearing the land. Through this first low bank, at a suitable (utlet, there is put in one of the ordinary tide-trunks, such as will serve afterward for one in the finished embankment, and which will serve sufliciently to exclude the high tides, and at low tide to discharge * For tlie substance nnd for all that may be of any value in the following statonient niul description of rice culture and management, 1 am indebted to ver- bal information, which I derived in convorsalion Trilh practical and judicious rico planters, and principally from Dr. Edward lleriot and John 11. Allston, Esq., ill regard to the subject in general, and as to the more usual modes of culture and management of rice; and to Messrs. Stephen Ford and S. C. Ford, in regnrd to " Leggett's" and the " All-Water" plans of flooding and cultirution, as practised on Black rivei. niCE ANALYSIS OF, ETC. 417 any accumulation of water in tlie area, from rains !^i)riiig8, or leakai^e of tlie low bank. Wlioti carryiiij^ around tliis fir^t ditcli and eliglit emliaiiknient, idljhe low places wliicli serve as outlets of ^niall creeks or "slues" are omitted at first. "Wlieu all the other parts arc tinislud, these lower parts are undertaken, for wiiicb a different and more laborious procedure is necessary. For the length across each such slue, two parallel lines of strong stakes or piles are driven per pendicularly and deeply into the nnid, and the lines wider out from the designed large enibanknient than its two base lines — "String-pieces," or long horizontal tlmbei's, are placed outside of and against these up- right stakes, 2 to 3 feet lower tlian tlie de- signed iieight of the bank ; and these string pieces kept m place, and made to brace and sujiport the lines of stakes, by upright and much stronger and longer piles driven at, in- tervals of -t or 5 feet outsitle of the string- pieces, and opposite to each otlier across the intended embankment; and as high as its top is to be raised, cap or cro.ss pieces, made of round cypress poles 6 or 8 inches through, extend frnm each of these piles to its oppo- site pile, securing them in place, and the wliole structure together, by mortises in the cap pieces held by tenons on the jwsts. The embankment is then made within this frame- work, fully as high as the general level of the small bank, if it be not convenient then to complete the full intended size at once at these low places. The central ditch being completed, with its bank anrl the trunk fixed, (its bottom, as in all cases, being even with lowest tide,) the inner and outer lines of the base of the out- siele embankment are staked off, which is usually not more than 12 feet wide, (and Boinetimes less,) for a designed height of 5 feet. It ought to be 15 feet, or tlirice as much as tlie heiglit, at least. Within the inside base line of the embankment, stake off another line parallel to it, and 15 feet distant, if the soil be stiff, or 20 feet if light and j)orous, which space is for the inner mar- gin. This width is for the river-side, or ex- posed pai'ts of the embankment. If along narrow creeks or cross-banks, the inner mar- gin need not be more than 10 to 15 feet. Along the inside of this margin is laid off the main ditch, 8 feet wide and 5 deep, with sides nearly perpendicular.* ■ 't of this ditch all stumps, roots and burietl bodies of trees should be entirely removed. But ihis is imt often faithfully done; nor is the ditch always dug 5 feet deep. The earth dug out should be thrown by the ditchers as far as they can toward the site for the embankment. Afterward, when it has stood long enough to be in good condition, or is neither too wet nor fiio dry, this earth is thrown by women and other inferior hands totirst fill the central ditch, and tluii to build up the enilumkinent; kee]iing the earth neaily widiin tlie liiiiits of the base. After standing long enough to be somewhat consolidated, the siiiesof the bank are trimmed to their proper elope, making the embankment 5 feet high, generally, 3 feet wide at top, and as before stated 12 feet (or more) at, bottom. The rise of ordinary tide is 1 to 5 feet;"- spring tides 12 to 15 inches more. The general level of higher land at first usually above common high tide. If the main parallel ditch does not furnish earth enough to make the bank everywhere, the deficiencies are supplied by digging earth where it can be best spared from the wide outside margin; but care should be taken, if this course can be ever justifiable, at least not to dig any thing nearer than 15 feet from the outside base line of the embankment. Unfortunately this care has been in general practice but little regarded. Generally, too little margin was left at first ; and nearly all which was left at first has been since cut away to heighten the embankment, so as to leave it exposed to the winds and waves, and requiring enormous annual labor and expense to oppose the destructive action of storms upon the embankment. In beginning to bring in any one body of marsh, no matter how large, it is sometimes better to carry the first operations, already described, around the whole, (except the land side, of course,) although the subsequent entire clearing of the forest may require a long time for completion. Of so much of the land as is designed to be cultivated the first year, after the above described opera- tions, all the cane, bushes, and smallest trees are cut down, then the smaller size only of larger trees, which are lopjied, and the bodies cut into lengths of 12 or 15 feet, leaving from 5 to 7 of the largest trees standing in each half acre. At a dry time the next spring, and with a good wind, fire is put to the wind- ward side. The effect is according to cir- cumstances; but it is deemed "a good burn" if all is consumed except the logs. If there is much cane, it serves so well as fuel, that the fire is much more effectual; iu other cases nmch less. The remaining logs are heaped and burnt when convenient ; but by some persons often left scattered on the ground for years. The large trees left stand- irg are afterward killed by belting, or taken out for timber as needed for use. The land cleared should be divided into fields of convenient shape and size, and each •This is wronjr. A wider ditcli, with well-.sloped I * The greatist rise of tide low down the river — sides, would stimd much better, and need less clear- the least highest up — and in proportion between the iug out uud subsotiueiit rejair. J extremes. VOL. II. 27 418 RICE ANALYSIS OF, ETC. one be separated from the next by cross embankments, and surrounded, except on the sides wliero joining the high land, by large ditches parallel to the cross embankment. These embankments, being only to keep out of one field the water admitted into another, need not be more than 7 or 8 feet wide at base, and 3 feet high ; or 2 feet less higli than the outer or main embankment. If, however, they could be as large it would be better ; as then a breach in and overflow of the outer embankment might be kept from overflowing all but the firet field. The ditches furnishing earth to make them need not be more than sufficient for that purpose, or 5 feet wide and 4 to 5 deep. The margin between the bank and the ditches is 10 to 15 feet wide. Each field thus separately em- banked and ditched should discharge and receive its water by a separate trunk con- necting with the river or creek. Or if it be a back field not joining such natural outlet, then into a canal confined within two banks, and discharging through a trunk into the river. However, when such a canal is needed (as is usual) for navigation to the barns, etc., as on many plantations, then it is dug 15 feet or more, with margins say 10 feet wide, and in time becomes sometimes 20 to 25 feet, by its sides falling in, and successive elear- ings. There is no trunk in such case to ex- clude the tide ; and therefore the two banks on the sides must be high and strong enough for that purpose. Sometimes, however, the navigable canal, instead of being always open to the river, is separated from it at its outlet by a flood-gate, wide enough to pass the largest flats used in transporting the crops. This is the better plan, where the canal is long, as it protects the banks on each side of it. In laying off the land into separately em- banked divisions, or fields, regard ought es- pecially to be had to having the surface of each one as nearly equal in level as possible, so that it may be flowed and drained equally. This consideration should have most influence In shaping the fields. As to the proper size, if the level be alike, that depends much on the amount of v»'orking force ; as no one separately embanked division ought to be larger than the hands can finish any one oper- ation upon in one day. Twenty acres make a very good quantity for the size of trunk used. The tide trunks used are well planned and constructed for this purpose. The trunk is 1 feet wide by 2 deep. Both ends are cut slop- ing, so tliat the bottom of the opening extends 1 inch fartlier out than the top. The valve or door to close the end, hangs from upright arms rising 10 or 12 feetfronr the bottom, by long mortises in the arms, or Jiinges far above the trunk, and closes it by the mere pressure of the water, when higher that side of the bank than on the other. The other end of the trunk has a like valve. But a great improve- raeut in the trunk, which has not been very long introduced here from Savannah, is to haVe each gate to be raised by sliding upward, (as a flood-gate does,) as well as to swing open by pressure of water from' the opposite end. Thus, a valve can be hoisted by sliding up, by use of a lever, when the tide is pressing the valve to the aperture ; whereas, were it merely to open by its hinges, it could not be done until after the fall of the tide on that side, or higher rise of the water on the opposite side. This simple improvement is of great con- venience and utility. "When thus embanked, wide ditched, and as yet but very imperfectly cleared, the land is put the next season under rice culture. The then still remaining higher level of the surface, and the open, loose, and permeable texture of the soil, filled as it is with roots and other undecomposed vegetable matter, make this slight drainage sufficient at first, and perhaps for some years after. As the surface subse- quently' becomes lower, and more compact, by decomposition, settling, and tillage, more close and perfect drainage will be needed. And the natural drains furnished by the former beds of ci'ooked creeks and small " leads" are deepened, and side, or "spring" ditches will then be required, and should be cut 3 or 4 feet wide, along the foot of all the high lands, whence springs ooze out. Afterward, when farther drainage is found wanting, straight drains are cut in each field, 20 to 24 inches wide and 3 feet deep, parallel to the longest straight side of each field, and to each other, discharging at each end into main ditches, and either 300 or 150 feet apart, according to the wants of the land. After another or more crops, the intervals left between these narrow drains are split in two by other similar drains ; and again, when needed, others made in like manner to subdivide the laud, until these parallel drains are at every 75 feet apart, as IS usual lower down Waccamaw island, where the freshets have less effect to flood and low tides more effect to drain, or at 37^ feet, as usual higher up the rivers. The working acre is not the same size, of 4,S40 square yards; but, as marked and estimated in all culture in lower South Carolina, is a space of 300 feet by 150, or 5,000 square yards. And thence, the drainage at 75 yards is technically called " qututer draining," and that at 37.^ yards aa "half quarter draining.'" "When the drains are very long, it is usually best to intersect them at right angles, by cross-drains, at dis- tances of 3 and 4 half acres apart. "With making all tliese, the general and usual plan of draining is complete ; and thereafter, the planter has but to iireserve and keep in per- fectly good condition for operation, his em- bankments, ditches, and flood-gates, or tide trunks. And to do this requires continued RICE CULTURE OF, ETC. 410 care, and annual and groat labor, which are increased greatly according to the amount of omissions or defects of the early construction of the embankment, or retaining of sufficient outside margin. Regularly every winter, or as earty as may be in spring, all the drains are cleared out, and such of the main ditches as require it; and the mud from the latter used to partially repair the waste of the ad- jacent banks. The farther waste and defects of the banks, made necessarily by decomposi- tion of the vegetable portion of the earth itself, or by its being washed away by the waves of the rivei', or of the " flows" dashed against the banks, are repaired by earth from the most convenient places— and generally (and destructively for the future) by cutting away the outside margin, until none is left, and the whole force of the breaking waves is thus allowed to be spent upon the embank- ment on the river-side. The consequences of this very general error will be again brought into view. When a considerable leak has been made through, the bank is cut through at that place down to the leak, and the passage carefully stopped. Wlien an old bank has by neglect become generally leaky, or admitting oozing water, it is " split" or " centre ditched." A. narrow ditch is dug lengthwise along its middle, and down below the leaks, and the opened space is then filled up by " slush," or the soft mud obtained by clearing out the ditches. A better filling material for such a central ditch is used by some persons in the purest sand they can obtain. This prevents the burrowing of snakes, crawfish and other small animals, &c., &c. RICE — Culture ov, Etc. — " Rice is an aquatic plant, and naturally, it may be in- ferred, its growth was on land .always under water, or saturated with it whenever not al- gether covered. And under culture, and even when in other than its native region, doubtless rice would prefer the continuance of water. But other needs than the mere supply of food for the plants have to be provided for, which require a dry condition of the soil, at some periods. And fortunately, rice is so hardy that it will grow either under water or on dry land, and with violent alternations of these opposite conditions. It is necessary that the land should be dry to prepare for and plant the crop — also for the purpose of removing weeds, which, being native to the soil and climate, are therefore more hardy than the cultivated crop — and again to reap and remove the matured crop. Bui it would seem to be the general principle of the culture, that the growing rice should be kept covered with water as much as is consistent with eftecting the foregoing objects ; and with another im- portant exception to indulging its aquatic na- ture and preference, which exception is, to avoid too sudden and thorough changes from the wet to the dry condition, or rather from the effects of those conditions." PRErARATIo^f OF Land and Ploughixg — " The flooding and drying of the rice land, when new, is conducted much in the same manner as in after time ; but the preparation for and tillage must vary, according to the state of the land and its wants, while the stumps, roots, and other 8uperabunse tiiat the latter was ni more than a common crop, even if the former were an extraordinary one, and hence making it a safe basis to make calcu- latinns upon. Are thi're not, among your readers, some Carolinians and Georgians, who would be able to enlighten the public on the mode of cul- ture, cost of it, and the probable results 'i I am persuailed that the suuthfrn part of the United States, by a proper direction of labor and ca[)ital, could monopolize the supply of rice as it now does of cotton, and thus add another strong item to the strong influences she now possesses on the con:merce and destiny of the world, and render her institu- tions more safe and her property more pro- fitable. Could the vast quantities of rich marsh lands that exist on our Atlantic and Gulf coasts be converted into rice fields, a very extensive opening would be made for an additional application of slave labor, and con- sequent security and advantage to our section of the country. Buc the cultivation of the low-land rice need not be confined to the coasts and marshes of the Atlantic, the Gulf and the Mississippi. Throughout the south there are tens of thousands of acres susceptible of bfing flooded by springs and perennial streams, far in the interior, and capable of producing the most heavy crops of rice at the smallest cost, either for land preparation or culture, and in portions of the country the most healthful and inviting. The mode of cultivating rice in China, noticed in the Patent Office Report for 1847, page 173, is peculiarly applicable to the in- terior of a great part of the southern country. The large fiats along small streams, capable of being dammetl and thrown over large tracts of lands, and the springs that so gener- ally issue from the hills that border these flats that may so easily be turned upon them, reud'tr flooding, in many places, a work of the smallest possible cost, and of the utmost safety and security. RICE ESTATE OF GOV. ATKEN, OF S. C. — While upon the subject of rice, we cannot refrain from introducing, from the American Agriculturist, the sketch of a visit, by Solon Robinson, Ey hand, or rather head, where a little head-work of another kind would take it up out of the boat by elevators. The straw is consumed almost as fast as thrashed. And here the saving of labor in getting wood, as well as the savuig of labor RICE ESTATE OF OOY. ATKEN, OF S. C. 425 in stacking the straw and hauling manure, must be taken into acrount, as an ofYset to tlie loss of manure in burning the straw. The rice, for seed, is alwaj's thrashed by hand, as experience has taught that the vitality of a considerable portion is injured in the thrashing-machines, ll /.v jn'ed: 1. The seed is sown dry in the fields, where the plants are to grow to matuiity. At Se- ringapatam it is called the Uarra hulta, or Puneji ; in Malabar, Podi-iidha. 2. The seed is made to germinate before it is sown; this is known at Seringapatam as the Jllola hutta, in Malabar as Clutuwclha. 3. The seed is sown thickly in a seed bed, and the plants when a fo(jt high are transplanted into the fields, where they are to remain until harvest ; at Seringapatam this is called nati, in Malabar iiearra. The cultivation differing in each of these modes, it will be most intelligible to consider them separately. It must also be observed that there are two distinct crops of rice usually raised annually: one being sown just previously to the rains, and the other during the dry weather. In Mysore, the first is known as the Haiuu crop, and the second as the Ccfrwcrop; by which names, for the sake of brevity, 1 shall distin- guish them. The Caru crops in Mysore, according to the time of sowing, are known by three n.uiies. If the seed is sown at the most favorable season, it is called Camba Caru; but if, from want of power in laborers or cattle, some is sown too early and some too late, the first is called 7\da Caru, and the second Maysha Caru. These variations cause a deficiency of from 30 to 50 per cent, in the crop, the produce of the JIaiym and Cumba Caru crops is nearly the same. Dry Scrd Sairlin/.—Fvr the Ilaiuu crop this is regulated by the time of the setting in 430 RICE CULTURE IN THE EAST INDIES. of the rains. In Mysore, three days previ- ously to the first sowing, about the middle of February, the soil is softened by being wa- tered. It is then ploughed twice a month until the end of May. After the fourtli ploughing, manure, obtained either from the cow-house or city, is put on. After the fifth ploughing, if rain does not fall, the field must be watered, and three days subsequently the seed is sown broad-cast, and covered by the sixth ploughing. Any rain falling during the thirty days immediately succeeding the sow- ing, is allowed to run off through an opening in the inclosing bank. If much rain falls at this time, the crop is considerably injured. If no rains have occurred during those thirty days, the field is kept constantly inundated until the crop is lipe ; but if there have been occasional sliowers, the inundation is not com- menced until the forty-fifth day. Weeding, loosening the soil, thinning where too thick, and transplanting to where the crop is too thin, is performed thrice. First, betwe"en the forty-fifth and fiftieth day, and again in twenty and thirty-five days from the first weeding. Rice which ripens in five and a half months must be inundated on the twentieth day ; and the weedings must be on the same day, and twice again at intervals of ten days. The ploughing season for the Cumha Cam, when dry seed is used, commences about the 21st August, and the seed is sown about the middle of December. In the Mai/sha Cam, when diy seed is sown, the ploughing begins in the last week of March, and the seed is sown after the first week of April. Dry seed is never used for the Tula Cam. In some places of Dinajpoor the seed is dibbled ; a few seeds being dropped into holes, made about a span apart. This is the mode usually adopted for inserting the Gohyn, or upland rice, by the Ncpaulese. Mr. Campbell states, "that there is proba- bly one third of the valley lands annually under the cultivation of this variety of rice. It is sown during the latter half of April and the early part of May, and reaped diu'lng the last week of August and the whole of Sep- tember. In Iho cultivation of Gohya, the greatest possible attention is paid to the prep- aration of the soil, by reducing it to a great degree of fineness, as well as by the exhibi- tion of manure, and by previous exposure of the land to the fertilizing influences of water, air, and frost. Wliether tlie Gohya succeeds a vetch crop, a crop of touli. or another Gohya crop, the land to be sown with it in spring is delved, pulverized, and watered (if practica- ble) during- the winter months of Dccomber and January. In addition to this, it lias, when suitable to the soil, a coating of the black, earthy manure, laid on during the winter, and, when the cultivator can procure it, one of artificial manure immediately pre- vious to the sowing. Early in April, the ma- nure previously collected in small heaps on the field is spread over it, and about the mid- dle of the month a light delving is given; which, followed by careful pulverization, seiwes to mix the manure with the soil, to keep the former close to the surface, and to render the field a dead level Immediately the land is thus prepared, (not some days af- ter, but simultaneously with the preparation,) the seed unmoistened is put in the ground by the fingers, and in rows six or eight inches apart, the sowers covering up the seed as they advance by drawing the hand over each transverse row of seed put in the ground. The Gohya sower squats on his or her hams, with a small basket of the seed placed on the ground between the knees, and, using the forefinger and thumb of both hands, deposits the seed, grain by grain, or two grains to- gether, at regular distances in the ground, commencing laterally at the utmost reach of the hands, and moving backwards after each row of six seeds is completed, and the hands have been quickly drawn along the row for the purpose of covering them in. Noth- ing can be more advantageous for quick and equal vegetation than this process; the seed getting a bed in moist, freshly turned up, and finely powdered soil, not one grain of it be- ing left uncovered, nor one grain deeper set in the soil than its neighbors. The after culture of Gohya is as carefully and laboriously gone through as its sowing. So soon as it is well above ground, the soil is loosened at the roots of each row, by means of the small one hand hoe, and any weeds which may have sprung up with it are care- fully removed. This hand-hoeing and weed- ing is usually repeated three or four times, and occasionally five or six times during the growth of the crop. So universal is this effi- cient and careful cultivation throughout the valley, and so essential is it considered for the procuring of a full crop, that the cultivator who leaves his Gohya uuhoed and unweeded is looked upon as a ruined sluggard : often repeated weeding and hoeing is considered as indispensable to this crop as flooding to the malsi and toulis. "The more you weed and hoe the Gohya," say tile cultivators, " the heavier will be the returns of Dhau, and the greater the produce of chaul, or edible rice, from it."' Not only the straw and ear are increased in size by it, but the more you hoe and weed, the tliinner is the husk of the grain compared witli its nutritious part. Witli the exception of the indigo cultivation in Tirhoot, and that of the poppy in Debar generall}', I have never seen the culture of the Gohya rice in Nepaul sur- passed in efficiency, aiul I believe it is but rarely equalled in any part of Jndia ; yet the crop is inferior to the transplanted rice, wiiich neither wants nor receives a tithe of this care, RICE CULTURE IN THE EAST INDIES. 431 and is rarely Tvceded in very wet seasong. The reaping, thrashing, and drying of the Gohya are ]iorformed as on the transphiiited rice, llukwa is made from it also, but in small quantities. It is of a whitish yellow color in the ear, the touri is of a brigliter yel- low, and the malsi darlc brown or blackish. The Gohya is considered very nutritious and wholesome.* In Nepaul, from thirty seers to one maund are sown per biggah, and the average pro- duce is fifty niaunds.f Fifteen cutcha seer of rice is the quantity of seed sown in the northern parts of Bengal upon a cutcha biggah (1-8 of an acre) of land. I Germixated Seed Soavixg. — In Mysore, if this mode is adopted for the Hainu crop, the ploughings occur between the third weeks of June and the same period in July. The ploughing is repeated four times, each at right angles to the preceding, and the fields during the time inundated. The field is then ma- nured, immediately ploughed afifdi time,and the mud smoothened with the laborer's feet. The water is drawn off, so as to leave its depth not more than an inch, and the sprouted seed sown. It requires no process to cover it. During the first twenty-four days the field is •watered every alternate day, and then inun- dated until the crop is ripe. The weedings ai-e on the twenty-fifth, thirty-fifth, and fifti- eth davs. The seed is prepared by being kept under water in a vessel for three days ; it is then mixed with an equal quantity of decayed cow-duog.g and laid in a heap in the house, entirely sheltered from the wind and covered •with straw and mats. At Joomla, in Nepaul, the covering used is a mixture of earth and manure. At the end of three days, sprouts three inches long are thrown out, and it is then fit for sowing. Tliis mode of cultivation is more trouble- some than the former, and the produce is not greater, but it allows a crop of pulse to be previously obtained from the same ground, and requires only three fourths the^quantity of seed. Transplanted Rice is cultivated in two modes, viz., Barrdagy or dry plants, and Nir'agy or wet plants. || Low lauds are re- quired for eacli. For the Barraagy in the Mainu crop, the ground is worked at the time and in the manner as for the dry seed crop. In the last week of May the maimre is put on, the seed sown very thick, and cov- ered with the plough ; one tenth of a biggah of • Trans. Agri-IIort. See. vol. iv. pp. 1-2-2, 124. t Ibid. vol. iv. p. 79. t Tenuaiit, liid. Rcc. vol. ii. p. 185. § About Mundium thoy also add fresh plants of Phlomis £sc«/en(,i,(l{oxb.,) there caUedTuj/iOaySopii. II The transplanting system is called JSi'aduffa in South Malabaj". seed is allowqd in Puraniya for every biggah that is to be planted. Xo rain occurring be- fore the eighth day, water is given, and again in a fortnight ; but if tliere are shewcrs, these are unnecessary. From the forty-fifth to the sixtieth day, tlie plants continue fit for re- moval, to facilitate which, tlie field is inunda- ted for five days before. For their reception, the field, inundated all the time, is ploughed four times in eight weeks, commencing in the first week of June. Manure is added before the fourtli ploughing ; after this, the surface is levelled with tlie foot, the .seedhngsare plant- ed, from three to five being placed togeth- er, and an interval of a span allowed be-- tween every two little tufts. The water is let oS" for a day, but the land is subsequently kept flooded. The weedings are performed on the twentieth, thirty-fifth, and forty -fifth days after the transplantation. In Mysore, for the Tula Cant, sprouted seed is sown about the 10th of October, the plough- ing having commenced a mouth before. The Cimiba Cam sprouted seed is sown about the Ist of January ; the ploughing having taken place in the previous month. The ploughing for the Maysha Cam sprouted seed com- mences in the second week of April, and the sowiug in the same period of May. When sprouted seed is sown in Mysore, one bushel aud four and a half gallons are allotted to an acre, and an average produce is rather better than thirty-one bushels. About Madura, the quantity of seed sown is larger, varying from three pecks to more than one bushel, and the advantage is sliown by the increased produce. This was from forty- seven to fifty-nine bushels, being invariably the largest where most seed was sown.'* Tkansi'laxtixg. — When this mode of culti- vation is adopted, the rice is sown very thick . in a small space of manured ground ; and when the plants have attained the heiglit of six or eight inches, it is ready for transplantation, A field overflooded lias to be ploughed until the surface is converted into a sufticient mud, and to this the plants are removed fi'ora the seed-bed. One or two are dropped together in a place, and this is repeated at equal dis- tances all over the field, which appears a mere sheet of water. To secure the plants sinking in their proper position to the bottom, each has its roots enveloped in a ball of clay. Such crops, says Dr. Tennant, though tedious in preparation, generally remunerate for the extra trouble.f The progress of vegetation in Behar is so rapid, that the first harvest arrives in two paonths after planting the rice as above de- scribed; the second is reajjed in Xovember, and having been planted in August, may be grown on the same field as its predecessor. The * Buchanan's Mysore,!. 140. t Ind. Ucc. ii. 128. 432 RICE CULTURE IN THE EAST INDIES. eecoud crop gro-wn is a fine species of rice, and constilutes the most valuable crop ; and upon its success ti.e well-being of the farmer and of the country greatly depends. In Mysore, for the transplanted Hainu crop tlie gr(»iind is ploughed dry thrice between the middle of February and the middle of March. About the 24th of May the field is inundated, and ploughed four times in the fifteen following days. After the last ploughing, the surface is levelled with the foot, the seed sown very thick, and dung sprinkled over it. The water is let off ; but on the third, sixth, and ninth days water is again given, and as often let off, not being allowed to stagnate. On the twelfth day the water is let on, and allowed to remain until the plants are fit for removing, which is about thirty days after sowing. The cultiva- tion of the field into which they are trans- planted is the same as fur the Barraagy. By this mode, the field into which the seedlings are transplanted is enabled to pro- duce previously a crop of pulse. Otherwise, the produce is not more than that obtained from seed sown where the plants are to re- main. Nor is it stated by Dr. Buchanan that it is sujJerior to the less troublesome mode of germinating the seed. Ithas the advantage of insuring a more regular plant, but its regu- lated distances are of less consequence, since hoeing is not required in a field constantly under water. Twenty times the seed sown is an average crop. In Mysore the Cumba Cam transplanted rice is cultivated only as wet seedlings, idragy. About the 16th of November the ploughiugs commence, and the seed is sown by the last day of December. The fields on which this crop is ripened are begun to be ploughed about the 1st of December, and the transplanting commences about the 29th of January. The Tula Cam transplanted rice is sown nir'agy in the third week of October, and is trans- planted within a month after. Tlie Maysha Cam transplanted rice is also sown riir'ayy, after the first week of May, and in about a month the seedlings are transplanted. The regular Cam crop of tlie transplanted cultivation does not interfere with a preceding crop of pulse ; but this is last when, from want of laborers, &c., the early or late seasons are adopted. The various modes of cultivating rice give the farmer the great advantage of being able to cultivate the same land with fewer hands and less cattle than if there were only one seed time and one harvest, the labor being divided over a great part of the year.* In the vicinity of Pali-ghat, in South Mala- bar, the land appropriate for the production of rice is called Dhanmu :_ south, and each mile of northern territory has expended upon railroads on tlie average about thirty times as much as each mile of southern territory ! Whilst this state of things has existed, the relative commerce of the two sections has re- mained as follows: In 1 846, the exports of northern growth and manufactures, (and much of these manufactm-es were from southern materials,) were ? '7,331,290; whilst the ex-/ ports of southern produce, cotton, tobaccc^ and western railroad improvement, if they rice, naval stores, &c., were $74,000,000, <^r ' three times as much. In 1847, the southern exports were $102,000,000, against the nor- thern 848,000,000; in 1848, -$98,000,000, against the northern $34,000,000; in 18^9, $99,000,000, against $32,000,000. Thkse facts are conclusive in evidence, that the rpiil- road inferiority of the southern states is mot the result of inferiority in commercial and transportable commodities and wealth. \ A comparison of particular states will shc^, too, most conclusively, that not the mep-e denseness of population has influenced rail- road construction. Thus Ohio is denser than the average of New-England, and has but one third to one half the extent of railroadsj Indiana, and parts of Michigan, are as dens4 as Vermont. Kentucky and Tennessee both exceed the density of Maine, which has nearly 211 miles actually constructed, whilst Ken- tucky and "Tennessee toe/ether have not so much ; or, to compare even the southern At lantic states with each other, Georgia, with one million of population, has twice or three tim es the extent of railroads contained in all the states of the southwest, and south Carolina has more than Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi, Alabama and Arkansas, actually constructed,, though her population is not one third so great as theirs ! Will it be said that the people of New- England and the north are more migratory in their habits, more extensively addicted to travel, tlian the people of the south and the west? Tills may be true, but for no neces- sary reason, as the statistics of the Georgia and Carolina roads already evince; and, indeed, the experience of the north itself con firms our judgment. Time was when loco- motion was as tardy and as interrupted at the north as it is here, and the disposition for travel did not then exist. Wh(;n the Boston and Lowell road was proposed, the commissioners, basing their esti mates ujjon the extent of travel then existing, supposed that 37,500 passengers might be carried annually. This high figure was thought by many absurd. Ten years after- wards this road carried 400,880 passengers per mile. The Jefferson Railroad, Indiaua, $8,004 iii per mile— CO miles. cost road was estimated at 23,500 passengers ; in 1S4G it reached 470,319. The Eastern road claimed 121,000 ; it has reached nearly 1,000,- 000 ! The Fitchliurg road, based upon the results up to 1845, had calculated upon 72,000 passengers per annum. The number immediately reached 327,034. Thus the travelling propensities of Massachusetts did not create their roads, but the roads created theoe propensities.* Where, then, are the obstacles to southern do not exist in the want of merchantable pro- ducts for a market — in the density and ex- tent of population — in travelling propensities, or other sufficient facilities of transport ? Can such obstacles exist at all among a people who have within themselves, for a large part of the year, abundance of negro labor appli- cable to the construction of roads at cheap expense, abundance of timber to be had with- out cost, abundance of public lands ready to be donated, and which will, in some instances, contribute half the expense of construction — a level country requiring little grading, and no right of way to be purchased, an immense consideration in other quarters ? There is not a people upon the face of the earth who can, at so cheap an expense, checker every section of their fertile territory with the iron bands of travel and of commerce, or hear in every part of their limits the shrill pipe of the loco- motive. The importance of speedy, cheap, and un- interrupted communication between the peo- ple of the same, or of neighboring states, is felt in the cheapening of commodities, and, of course, in the increase of tlieir consumption and production; in the enlargement of the area tributary to their great towns, and in the extension of the benefits of these towns ; in the diversification of labor and employ- Uient ; the promotion of commerce ; the re- * Snfcty of Railroads. — The chief cause of the popularity of railroads as instruments of travel, is tlieir safety. No other conveyance can compare with them, not oven private carriages. There were in operation, January 1st, !849, in Massachusetts, and the adjoining states, 1,259 miles of railroad ; and in 18-iy, (as far as reported,) there were transported on these roads 19,474,203 passengers williin six years ; there were 22 passengers killed— 53 em- ployees, and 42 other persons — in all, 117. In Eng- land it is estimated that the chances of a man's losing his life in travelling 300 miles is as 217,i^7i) to I ; and that out of 400,000packagcs of merchandise ( nly 1 is lost. By a return made to the English legislalurc, we find a statement made of accidc^nts which had occurred in England, Ireland and Scotland, for half a year. Ninety persons had been killed ; of these, thirteen died from causes which the parties deceased could not have averted. Fifty-seven had died from mispo nduet or carelessness on the part of the de- ceased themselves. Ninety-nine had also been wound cd ; and the whole uumher of passengers had been, during the half year, no fewer than 20,330,492 l)ersons. These facts illustrate very fully the safety of this mode of travel. RAILROADS ADDRESS. 437 moval of prejudices; the strengtbening of bonds of harmony and peace, — the realization of greater security and strength during actual war ! In a republican government more than in any other in the world, these arguments should be held irresistible and conclusive in favor of such speedy, cheap, and uninterrupted commuiiicati^in. It is curious to reflect upon the tardy pro- gress which the world has made in the means of transport and conveyance, until within the experience of the present generation of men. Only eighty years ago, in proud old Eugland, the traveller, Arthur Young, bewailed the "perils" of her best turnpikes. " Let me most seriously caution all travellers who maj' accidentally propose to travel this terrible country, to avoid it as thej' would the devil, for, a thousand to one, they break their necks or their limbs by overthrows or breakings down." "This is a paved road infamously bad ; any person would imagine the people of the country had made it with a view to immediate destruction, for the breadth is only sufficient for one carriage ; consequently it is cut at once into ruts," irt^ or may not be beneficially interested. III. In the third class are the roads of Mas- 444 RAILROADS ADDRESS. sachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania.Yirginia, South Caroliua, aud Georgia, all of which, in tapping the resources of the west iu a greater or less degree, are drawiug upon the resources hitherto controlled by New-Orleans, and may thus be considered antagonistic roads, to that extent, though the last three are exercising beneficial tendencies upon the whole south. We begin with the first class, and take the states iu the order in which we have named them : 1. Kentucky, which has at present but the short road connecting Louisville, Frankfort, and Lexington, proposes to extend this road so as to intersect the Virginia road at Guyan- dotte on the one hand, and on the other hand, to connect at the Ohio with the Indianapolis and Madison Railroad, whose ultimate desti- nation is on Lake Michigan. More lately a proposition is in discussion for the construc- tion of a road to the city of Nashville, and thence to Memphis, or more directly to the latter point. A convention has been called to determine upon the practicability of this road. In behalf of the road it has been ably urged : " The railroads of New-York hold Cincin- nati at present within their influence; and, operating from that point, New- York, by drawiug trade in the opposite direction, is sapping the prosperity of Louisville. An extension of a Memphis and Nashville road to Louisville will hold trade to its original direction, and, by maintaining Louisville against the otherwise ruinous influence of Cincinnati, preserve the prosperity of Louis- ville, as part and parcel of the prosperity of New-Orleans. All the trade on the north side of the road from Memphis to Nashville will be caught on its rails and whirled ott' to New-Orleans. " On every consideration, it may be conclu- ded that this Louisville and New-Orleans Railroad — a road of 3*70 miles, in reality, though a road of TOO miles in result — is the first, as it is the best, in the policy of New- Orleans. " Louisville, situated at a point where much of the business of the upper country must, for a great part of the year, take the rails, on its way to New-Orleans, will necessarily be- come, under the influence of this road, the greatest city on the Ohio. The road to Mem- phis being tlie only means of preventing a change in the direction of trade from Cincin- nati, will compel that city to ])ay tribute to Louisville ; whereas, without this road, busi- ness following the direction of New-Yt)rk, Louisville, absorbed into a system, in which, taking the part of an extremity which trade flows/rom, rather than a centre M'hich trade flows to, must inevitably dwindle into a tiib- utary to Cincinnati. The importance of this road to Louisville is, perha])s, eveu greater than to New-Orleans." 2. Tennessee having, iu course of construc- tion, or nearly completed, her road from Chat- tanooga to Nashville, to connect with the Charleston and Savannah railroads, and anoth- er road from the same point to Knoxville, in- tended to be continued to Abingdon, intersect- ing there the Abingdon and Lynchburg or East Tennessee and Yirginia railroad, whose terminus is Richmond, and extending still farther to the north-east, to intersect the Bal- timore and "Wheeling road, proposes in addi- tion the roads we have referred to as connect- ing Nashville or Memphis with Louisville, and a road from Chattanooga to the city of Memphis. This last road has been advocated in New-Orleans, as one greatly to her interest in arresting the trade of North Alabama and Middle Tennessee from its present direction to the Atlantic sea-board, and a very hand- some subscription was received from its citi- zens. Whether the road will have that eftect or not, may admit of some question. It would seem, at the worst, that the road oft'ers but the choice of markets to the planters of those sections, who otherwise, from the difficulties of reaching the Mississippi River, might al- ways take the cars to Charleston in prefer- ence. It would seem, also, to be the policy of New- Orleans, that every railroad from the Atlantic sea-board penetrating the valley, should find its terminus invariably at the river. 3. Arkansas. — This now prosperous and thriving state, with a population of 209,641, and a crop of 100,000 bales of cotton, has not within her limits a single mile of railroad. A citizen of Memphis has proposed two roads for the people of Arkansas, which we have understood meet with great favor in that state. 1st. — A road from opposite Memphis to St. Francis, with two branches from that point, one into the heart of Missouri to Erie, on the Osage river, and the other to Little Rock, the capital of the state. 2d. — A road from Little Rock to Lagrange, on the south- western extremity of Arkansas, to connect with a road at that point extending to Nat- chez, Miss. These roads form a system for Arkansas which nuist exei't an extraordinary influence in developing her resources, and putting her far iu advance of her present po- sitiou in this era of progress. The arguments in their favor are thus strongly summed up by Mr. Hewson : "The road from Memphis to the Osage must form the basis of a system of roads. Though only some two liuudred and fifty miles long, it suggests, indeed will force, junctions, extensions, brandies, to an extent much greater than its own. The branch from St. Francis to Little Rock, the first link in a southern route to the Pacific, will be 90 miles long. A branch road west- ward from Elizabeth will open up the coun- try to the head waters of White River. A northeasterly branch from Jackson, or Canton RAILROADS — ADDRESS. 445 in Arkansas, will penetrate the great mineral district of Missouri. A connection at Erie, or some otlier point in the valley of the Osage, will tap the St. Louis ' Pacific Railroad ' on its route easterly. This Osage road must, necessarily, be the parent of all these. It will, therefore, identify New-Orleans with the great future — lying within and without the state of Missouri. Traversing a country teeming with industrial resources — coal, lead, zinc, copper, iron — it will make New-Orleans the market of the greatest manufacturing city in the Mississippi valley, namely, the city of Memphis, when acted on Vjy this road . This road may be said to be not so much a work of development as of creation — the creation, however, of an unequalled, and still more of an unassailable, commercial great- ness. But even now the farmers in the valleys of White River and of Arkansas River are crying, like Sterne's starling, ' I can't get out.' Gentlemen of New-Orleans, pray help those thrifty fellows to bring grist to your mill. 1,200,000 dollars will, most likely, build a railroad from Memphis to Little Rock. A land donation from the government — obtainable for the asking — may be made to yield (and the sales should be made on the condition of settlement) at least 500,000 dollars ; Arkansas and Memphis will subscribe 300,000 dollars; and surely you, gentlemen, are sufficiently interested in this road to subscribe the balance — 400,000 dol- lars. You will not trouble yourselves in the matter? But better things are to be hoped of you. An untamed earthquake tore those Arkansas and Missouri riches from the bow- els of the earth for you ; speak the word, and a tamed, a harnessed earthquake shall lay them at your feet. "A railroad from Natchez, by way of Red River to Little Rock, recommends itself to the support of New-Orleans, by the influence it must exert on the development of the whole of northern Louisiana and southern Arkansas; and above all, in the advancement of the present incipient state, inhabited chiefly by that interesting people, the Choctaws. This road defines a system of roads that, un- der its fostering influence, will spring up immediately on its completion : it bends sufli- cientlj' westward to unlock the trade of north- western Texas by a branch road : it runs far enough towards the borders of Arkansas to insure a future extension to the upper Ar- kansas, in the territory of the Cherokees and Creeks: and in conjunction with a Memphis and Little Rock road, its upper bend runs sufficiently westward to place the starting point oi a southern route to the Pacific on the borders of Texas." 4 Mississippi. — With only the short road which connects Jackson withVicksburg, which has been lately extended to Brandon, now in operation throughout her limits,* Mississippi proj)()sos to extend that road still further to the Alabama line, and thence to Montgomery, and also to connect Jack.son with Holly Springs on the one hand, through the richest portions of her territory, and on the other with New-Orleans by whatever route shall appear most advantageous. She also is con- tributing largely to the construction of a road through her eastern limits which has its terminus at Mobile. Of the New-Orleans and Mobile termini we shall hereafter speak. A committee of the citizens of Yicksburg reports to the convention which lately assem- bled in New-Orleans, in regard to the Alabama road : " This road is to extend from Jackson, Mis- sissippi, to Montgomery, and will connect at Selma with the Alabama and Tennessee River Railroad, by which, and the roads now under contract and in contemplation, a continuous railway communication will be opened through Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio, with the lakes — and through Tennes,see and Virginia with all the Atlantic and Northern states, and at Mont- gomery will connect with the railroads run- ning east through Alabama, Georgia and South Carolina. It will pass, in the state of Mississippi, entirely through the counties of Rankin, Scott, Newton and Lauderdale ; and in Alabama, before it reaches Selma, one of the termini of the Alabama and Tennessee River Railroad, it will pass through Sumter, Marengo, Perry and Dallas counties. Nearly all of these and the contiguous counties, both north and south, now haul in wagons their cotton and other articles of export to the Tombigbee and Alabama rivers, and ship them thence to Mobile. The counties of Sum- ter, Marengo, Perry, Green and Dallas, pro- duce annually about one hundred and fifty thousand bales of cotton, all of which now goes to Mobile, but much of whicli will prob- ably be turned to New-Orleans by means of this road. In fact, nearly all the products of East Mississippi and Western Alabama, and their supplies for that region of country, will probably find their way upon this road, and the branch extending througli the northeast- ern part of Mississippi. The southern route then will become the great thoroughfare of northern and eastern travel. It will de- velop the mineral resources of North Alaba- ma Its rich and inexhaustible mines of iron are now worked in spite of the difficulties of getting to a market, and it will create and open a way to trade, the vast extent of which cannot be too highly estim.ated. We think it within bounds to assert that 200,000 bales of cotton will probably come over this road, and the branch extending through the northeast- * The few otiier very short roads are scarcely worth mentioning. 446 RAILROADS — ADDRESS. era portion of Mississippi to New-Orleana, not one bale of which now ever reaches it. Detailed estimates, made by an engineer who has surveyed the route from Brandon to the Alabama line, of the amount required for tlie completion of the road that far, are in our possession, and may be set down in round numbers at one million of dollars. If New- Orkans wfre to pay the whole cost of building the road that fur, it would return to her in the increase of trade alone, without estimating the other advantages, a handsome profit upon the investment. But there are inducements to render the stock of this road valuable, that are not ]iresented by any other railroad in the United States. From Jackson to Bran- don — fourteen miles and a half — the road is completed, and in profitable operation. These foul teen and a half miles, with the cars, loco- motives, fixtures, depots, town lots, J Manchester to Wilmington, (to be built). . . 148 7^ Wilmington to New-Vork, (built) 594 29^- 1,497 76 6. Texas. — We are not aware of any rail- roads at present completed in Texas, though, considering the fertility of many parts of that state, the interruption in the navigation of its rivers, and the growing population, there would seem to be a necessity for her imme- diate action. The people of New- York are already controlling the trade of Texas by her * The friends of the road say: " We have no dis- position to disparage, in the least, the importance or the profitableness of the Memphis and Charleston road; we regard it as an enterprise which is de- manded by the wants of the country, and one which promises to remunerate its owners. Our only object is to expose the folly of the pretensions which it makes to the patronage of New-Orleans capital. And first, as to the claim set up in favor of this road, on the ground of its being a part of the most direct route between New-Orleans and New-York. The Memphis and Charleston read, we have just seen, intersects the Nashville and Chattanooga road at Crow Creek, which is forty miles west of Chattanooga, From that point, the route, cast, is by tlie way of Dalton, and thence, north, by the Daltou and Kuox- ville railroad. It is probable, however, that a road ■ivill be chartered and built from Chattanooga to Cleveland, on the Kast Tennessee road, which would save a distance of forty miles, by cutting off the angle made in running down to Dalton. We will allow that road to be built, and it will then be seen that the two routes from New-Orleans to New- York, the one by the way of Memphis, and the other by the way of Mobile, and thenco, by the Mobile and Girard road, through West Point and Atlanta, will intersect each other at Cleveland, on the Kast Ten- nessee railroad. From that point to New-York, the route is the same to both. In estimating the com- parative distance of the two routes, therefore, we have only to take into consideration the distance from Cleveland to New-Orleans. From Cleveland to Memphis, the distance is 351 miles, and allowing (Jov. Jones' rates, twenty-five miles per hour, the time required is fourteen hours. From Memphis to New-Orleans, (iov Jones allows two days and twelve hours, making the entire tune from Cleveland to New-Orleans, three days and two hours. We will now estimate the time over the Mobile and Girard railroad, and through West Point, Atlnnta, and Dalton. From New-Orleans to Mobile Bay, fifteen' hours ; fnrai Mobile Bay to Columbus, nine hours ; from Columbus to Cleveland, Tenn., ten and a half hours, making the total time one day and ten and a half hours — a difference of forty hours in favor of the lower route ! A difference, which, apart from the greater safety and certainty of the lower route, would always command the mail and the great body of the through travel." RAILROADS ADDRESS. 449 gulf ports. A route for a road has been ex- amined by Colonel Johnson, from Lavaca Bay to El Paso, on the LTpper Rio Grande. We are confident that these surveys, when com- pleted, will show that the southern route for a railroad connecting the Gulf of Mexico with the Gulf of California, extending from Gal- veston or Lavaca Bay, by El Paso, is far pre- ferable to the northern route through Missouri. It is shorter, and the country is so uniform, rising by regular gradations from the gulf on the east to the summit of the table-lauds of the Gila, and declining by equally regular gradations to the Pacific coast, that the cost of constructing a railroad on this route will scarcely amount to two thirds of the cost on the northern route. Texas has a deep interest in connecting herself with the great public works of the United States, and she has public domain enough to build more roads than are in all New-England. A grand trunk road from Austin, with branches to Houston and Gal- veston, passing in the vicinities of Montgom- ery, Washington, Sau Augustine, Nacogdoches, would enter Louisiana in about the same par- allel of latitude with Alexandria, and connect with the proposed road from thence to New- Orleans. In the other direction, her roads should radiate towards New-Mexico and the valleys of the Pacific. The committee have been instructed, particularly and urgently, to invite the coiiperation of Texas. A railroad from Brazos, Texas, across to Harrisburg, on the Buffalo Bayou of the Bay of Galveston, is commenced, and 20 miles contracted to be finished this year. Efforts are being made to connect San Antonio with the coast. Other roads with great merits might be constructed from Houston to Red River, near the head of the Trinity, and south- westwardly through Columbus and Seguin to San Augustine. The San Antonio and Gulf road has already been chartered, and $150,000 subscribed towards its construction. 7. 3IissoHri. — The people of Missouri al- ready di-ij)lay a degree of energy and enter- prise in nuitters of railroad construction, which place them on a level with the most advanced states of the Union. There are now two pro- jects before the Legislature, one to authorize the Pacific Railroail, with a capital of ."j' 1,500,- 000, and the Hannibal and St. Joseph's Rail- road, with a capital of $4,500,000. Total, $9,000,000, of which .$600,000 is to be raised by state credit. The last bill has become a law. The St. Louis and Cincinnati Railroad is another great project, towards which the city of St. Louis has subscribed 6500,000. Other roads, it is believed, are projected in thedirec- tion of Arkansas. 8. Lonisiana. — Here, fellow-citizens, would be the proper place to introduce some remarks upon the proposed railroad enterprises in Louisiana, which are now attracting so large a VOL. II. ' portion of the public attention, and which gave rise to the late Jackson and Opelousas R;iilroad Conventions, were it not that the committee deem it desirable to postpone that sul)ject to the closing pages of this ])amphlet, where it can be treated as a suliject complete in itself, but only capable of being thoroughly under- stood after a familiarity with the details of manjf other matters coimected with the rail- roads of the Great West and the Atlantic sea- board. II. The second clas.i of roads, in which it has been held that New-Orleans has but a secondary interest, are the roads of Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio. So far as these roads are seeking an Atlantic terminus, they militate against the interest of New-Orleans ; but so far as they are employed in developing the resources of the northwest, increasing popula- tion and traffic, may be made a part of our own proposed system of works, they are, or may become, of positive benefit to her and to Mobile, perhaps even in a very high degree. 1. Ohio. — There are four great lines con- structed east and west through the state. There are four lines completed, or in progress, from north to south. These roads are : The Cincinnati and Sandusky, completed 218 miles; Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Columbus, 203 miles completed ; the Sandusky, Mans- field, Newark, and Portsmouth line, 221 miles compU^tcd or in progress ; Cleveland and Wellsville line, 88 miles, constructing ; Cincin- nati and Belpre line, 20-4 miles, in the state, constructing ; Ohio Central line to the Indiana line, 243 miles, in the state; the Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad to the Indiana line, 263 miles, in the state ; Lake Shore line, 165 miles. Total, 23 roads, 1,705 miles; of which 572 miles are completed, and 748 are in construc- tion. The Cincinnati and St. Louis road will pass in its greatest extent through the states of Indiana and Illinois. Most of these roads, in addition to the great canals to the lakes,, are engaged in conducting trade to the east. Several of them, however, will conncjct with the roads contemplated from the southwest. The following is tlie position of the St. Louis and Cincinnati Railroad : " Several years ago, a charter was granted by the state of Indiana, incorporating a com- pany to construct a railroad from Yincennes to Cincinnati. This charter Wiis ratified and adopted by the state of Ohio. Subscriptions of stock to this road, including the amount to be taken by the city of Cincinnati, have al- ready been obtained to the amount of about two millions of dollars. The surveys have been nearly completed, over a most favorable route ; and we believe the lettings of contracts on the eastern end of the line have already been made. At all events, the subscriptions already obtained insure the early completion of the road, beyond a shadow of a doubt. Two years ago, the Legislature of Illinois refused 29 450 RAILROADS ADDRESS. the right of way to this road through the state; consequeutly, the Indiana cliarter only embraced the road" from Vincennes to Cincin- nati. But at the late session of the Illinois Legislature more reasonable counsels pre- vailed, and a charter was granted for the con- tinuation of the road from Vincennes to Illinois town. The length of the road from here to Vincennes will be less than 150 miles, and from Vincennes to Cincinnati about 180 miles, making the entire distance by the road from here to Cincinnati less than 330 miles. It is believed that the entire road can be built in the most substantial manner, at a cost of about $20,000 per mile, which would give six mil- lions six hundred thousand dollars as the ag- gregate cost of the entire road." 2. Indiana. — The following is very nearly a correct list of the railroads of Indiana, and shows very favorably for the enterprise and wealth of that state : Com- Con- Length, pleted. Btructing. Madison and Indianapolis 88 88 — Shelby ville and Edinburgh 16 IG — <• Kniahtstown.. 26 26 — Rushville and Shelbyville 19 19 — Indianapolis and Bellelontaine. 83 28 55 New-Albany and Salem lno 27 73 Jeffcrsonville 66 8 58 Lafayctto and Indianapolis ... . 61 — 61 Peru and Indiasapolis 70 — 70 Crawfordsville and Lafayette.. . 26 — 26 Evans ville and Illinois 50 — 50 Lawrenceburg and Indianapolis 87 — 87 Junction 38 — 38 Terre Haute and Richmond.. ..141 — 141 Richmond and Newcastle 50 — 50 Martinsville and Franklin 20 — 20 Southern Michigan 100 — 100 Ricluiioud and Ohio 4 — 4 Cincinnati and St. Louis 160 — 100 1,205 212 993 3. Illinois. — Through this state it is pro- posed to extend the Mobile and Ohio Railroad to the shores of Lake Michigan. A point in Illinois, upon the Ohio river, is claimed as the centre of the Union, and an effort is being made to divert the terminus of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad from Cairo to that point. A [ great central railroad is projected through the state from the Oiiio to Lake Michigan, with several branches ; and Congress has appropri- ated 2,500,000 acres of land in aid of the work. " This road is part of that great chain of railroads of which the Erie Railroad is the first great link. The extension of the Michi- gan and Southern Railroad will connect Dun- kirk, New-York, with Chicago, and parts of this connection are already constructed. III. The third class of roads, aid on tlie five lines, to tide water, a sum greater by $8,410,000, or nearly seven limes greater ; and, if we remember that the tolls nre now very mui'h le.ss than then, we can safely estimate that the trade, west of the AUeghanies, with the Atlantic slope, was ten times greater in 1850 than in 1835. Considerable quantities of goods now pass over Lake Champlain to New York, and over the railroad to Boston ; and the Pennsylvania Railroad, already 174 miles, will open another route to the West. 6. Distances on Northern and Southern Routes. — As computed from Cincinnati, the distances to the ocean are as loUows : — To Richmond, by Virginia improvement.', 823 miles ; to Baltimore, by Wheeling road, &.C., 941 ; to I'hilahelphia, by Pennsylvania improvements, 907 miles; to New- York, by Erie Canal, 1,030 miles; to New-Orleans, 1,611 miles. In a comparison, says Mr. Flagg, of New-York, between New-Orleans and New-York from Cincinnati, there is a difference of 500 miles in favor of New-York ; yet, on the untaxed waters of the Ohio and the Mississippi, a barrel of flour is carried 1..500 miles in a flat boat for 50 cents, being less than the toll charged by the slates of Ohio and New-York on 613 miles of canals, besides the sum re- quired to remunerate the person for transporting the barrel for 1,000 miles, and the inconvenience and delay occasioned by 1,239 feet of lockage. The charge of transit on the Ohio river, by steamboats, is about half a cent per ton per mile. The disadvantages of the New-Orleans route are set forth by Mr. CaboU, of Virginia, many of which are capable of being removed, and all are, no doubt, greatly exaggerated. The dangers of Mississippi naviga- tion, and higliiT rates of insurance thereon — storms and hurricanes of Culf of .Mexicb — injurious effect of New-Orleans climate on produce, &c, lie says the mercantile men of Richmond had better pay 2 cents per Cost. $7,143,789 12,381,824 20,323,581 14,609,152 7,227,400 Revenue, 1850- $2,926,817 1,550,555 1,063,9.50 2,896.042 1,387,000 Expense. $420,000 996.592 513,412 1,005 948 800,000 Surplus. $2,506,817 553,963 545,538 1,890,094 587,000 $61,745,746 7,903,701 $9,724,364 1,417,571 $3,735,952 607,549 $6,083,412 810,022 452 RAILROADS ADDRESS. load along the railways. On arriving at the] canal, the pieces are united, 80 as to form a continuous boat, -wbich being launched, the transport is continued on the ■water. On arriving at the railway, the boat is again re- solved into its segments, which, as before, are transferred to the railway trucks, and trans- ported to the next canal station by locomotive engines." 4. Baltimore has projected a great line of •western railway to the left bank of the Ohio, near Wheeling. The road is already com- pleted to Cumberland, and is being vigorously pressed towards its ultimate terminus. 5. Virginia has aroused herself in the general rivalry of the times, and garners her. resources for the great canal she has pro- jected, for the connection of the James River aud Rich 111 oud with the waters of the Ohio. It will touch the Ohio at a favorable point for navigation, and destroy the competition of northern routes during the winter season, when tiieir works are arrested. &. canal-boat at Columbus, Ohio, says Governor Floyd, laden with pork, hemp, tobacco, or iron, would greatly prefer going to Norfolk upon this canal, to passing through the lakes and the Erie Canal, to New- York, if the market was as good at one place as the other, for the simple reason, that the distance would be greatly shorter, and the navigation much safer from interruption by ice, and from the dangers of the lake. It is plain, therefore, that such trade as would prefer water- carriage, and as now reaches New-York, from the heart of Ohio, would find its way through Virginia by means of her canal, It is now completed to Buchanan, 19-i miles, leaving a distance of 174 miles to be consti"ucted to the great Falls of the Kanawha. " The Virginia and Tennessee Railroad will, when completed, form one link in a chain of road from New-York to Mobile and New- Orleans, most of which is already determined upon, and over which will pass a greater amount of travel than this country has ever witnessed. It is the great line which must convey the travel to and from California, from the northern, middle, and partly from the southern states, and over which much of the commerce intended for the Pacific by the Tehuantepec route will likewise be trans- ported. It is worthy of all aid from the commonwealth. When it shall be completed to the Tennessee line, it will have penetrated a country of higher capabilities and greater extent than that through which the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad now passes to Cumberland And should the Central Railroad decide to go to Cincinnati by Guyandotte instead of to Louisville, then the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad will form a common stem for a branch either from New river, through Giles, I Mercer, and Tazewell, to Lexington, Kentucky, j or from Abingdon, through the county of ! Russell, to the same city. The advantages of this connection I developed sufficiently at i length in my last annual message, and there- ton to Richmoad than come free to New-Orleans, because of climate, rates of drayage, storage, insurance, commission, &c. ; aud even freights from New-Orleans, which are oltbn 50 per cent, higher than from Rich- mond. Tliis is the Virginia account of it. The rates of tolls upon New- York canals, on western produce, are 2, 3, and 4 mills per mile on each thou- sand pounds. 7. Tonnage New-Yorh and Erie Canal. Tide-water. 1836 696.347 1817 011,781 1838 040,481 1839 602.128 1840 669.012 1841 774.344 1842 600,676 1843 836,801 Goinj; from Tidewati-r. Total. 133,790 830,143 122,130 733,911 142,808 783,289 142.035 744,103 129.580 798.592 102,715 937,059 123,294 789,970 143,595 980,456 1844 1845 1840 1847 1H48 1849 1850 ...2,033 Arrivir.gat Going from Tide-wiUer, Tide water. Total. 1,019,034 176,737 1,19.5.831 1.204,943 195.000 1,399,943 l,3r>2,319 213,815 1.575,134 1,744 283 288,267 2,032.550 1 447.905 32<1.557 1.777,462 1,579.946 315.550 1,895,496 2,033,803 418,370 2,452,223 In a report of the Erie Canal appears a table, showing the cost, to the road, of transport upon northern roads per ton per mile, from which we extract the following:— Boston and Worcester road, 9 mills per ton per mile ; l-itcbburg road, 9 4-10 mills ; cost of train per mile, 93 to 66 cents, with useful load of 102 or 103 tons. The cost on Western road, with grades of 83 feet, li cents per ton per milo; cost of train per mile, 83 cents, with useful load of .52i tons. The Reading road, its managers assert, can carry coal at a cost of 6 mills Ihe ton, their train being fully lo.idod both ways. The Baltimore and Ohio road contracfod at 1} centa per ton per mile, while their ordinary traffic was costing over 2.i cents per ton. " It is no doubt true, with a large business, and under experienced management, average loads of 100 to 150 tons may be carried, heavy grades excepted, at a speed of ten miles an hour, and a cost of 5 to 8 mills per mile per ton, rejecting the interest on investment.'' " Flour is now taken from Detroit to Ogdcnsburg for 30 cents per bbl. ; from Og- densburg to Boston, 380 miles by railroad, at 8 mills per ton per mile, will bo 33 cents more, making 60 cents cost without ilividends. liy the Krie Oanal last year the average charges were— Detroit to Buffalo, 12 cents j Buffalo to Albany, 54 cents; Hudson Kiver, 10 cents: in all, 76 cents. The Hudson and Buffalo Railroad, it is estimated, will take flour from Detroit to New-York at 54 cents. The average charge per ton, through, on the Erie Canal last year, varied from §4 44 to $0 94. By Ihe enlarged canal it is proposed to bring this down to .'52 40 per ton through !"— [See the Statistics of the Erie Canal, in that valuable work, the Jiailroad Journal, New-York, which, as a magazine of information upon such points as these, every man in this age of steam should have.] RAILROADS — ADDRESS. 453 fore deem it unneccpsavy to repent tliem here. 1 cent railroarl in the world." Wc have hccn There was a mistake made in the state's eub- 1 deceived. Had all been well, New-Orleans scription to this work, which ought to be would have grown with the growth _of the rectified, and which I earnestly recommend to be done at once. " Should the Central Railroad reach Cin- cinnati, it will form the shortest line of road between that great city and tide-water, and will, of course, command an immense amount both of trade and travel. It is a truly great work, and will be ultimately productive of great benefits to the state." Towards their fellow-citizens of Louisiana west, as St. Louis, and Cincinnati, and B<).«ton, have grown; and we should have had a popu- lation of 200,000 or 2.50,000, and received in produce already .$300,000,000 per annum.* Ask yourselves, however, what are the facts? How many buildings are now untenanted in New-Orleans ?f Within a few days we have seen a tributary region slip away, which gave us 100,000 bales of cotton, and 100,000 to 200,000 bales promise to go in the same di- and of New-Orleans, in particular, the Com- rection ! Thus our receipts will be diminished mittee feel that they have an important duty i at least one third or one half, and what will to discharge. Situated at the mouth of the i be tlie value of the rent-rolls of New-Orleans? largest river in tlie world, with its thousands of miles of tributaries connecting with the most fertile, and wealthj--, and thriving regions that the sun has ever shone upon; besides being, in her own agricultural facilities, one of the most favored states in the Union, the Let properly look to its position of peril! Real estate cannot survive the broken sceptre of trade. It cannot escape to other places like personal property. With trade it lives, and without trade it perishes. To the grip- ing, penurious, and usurious holder of bonds progress of Louisiana has been but slow in ! and mortgages, and lots, and tenements, and comparison with many of her sisters, whilst ! enormous rent-rolls, dreading a little public New-Orleans, which was once the proud em porium and mart of the immense empire of the west, sees her trade taken away by piece-meal, by a host of sleepless rivals, until her rank is fast passing away from her, and the grass threatens to grow again in her once crowded thoroughfares. expenditure more than the Asiatic cholera — if such men there be among us, which God forbid — we would say in the language of Holy Writ: " Let him that thinketh that he stands, take heed lest he fall." What then must be done for New-Orleans? She must, by a ivise and liberal stroke of Fellow-citizens, had New-Orleans been ivn^^ policy, regain a part, if not the whole, of the to herself, she could not now be occupying a position of so much hazard; and the humili- ation of such appeals as we are making to you would never have been necessary. In the day of her pride and her power, she deemed that the Deity had lent her armor, and that, the child of fortune and of destiny, she must be for ever invulnerable. Already the evil trade she has supinely lost, and open neio sources of opulence and power, xchichare abun- dant all around her. She can do this by changing and modifying her laws bearing un- equalty or hardly upon capital and enterprise ; by cheapening her system of government ; by affording greater facilities and pjrcsenting less r~estrictio7is to commerce; by establishing ING TO THE WEST, AND THE NORTH, AND THE time has come, and her enemies mock at her, niamfactures, opening steamship lijiesto Eu and at the doom which her apathy is threat- rope, and cojiducting a foreign im2-)ort trade; ening to bring upon her. With a position the arid finally, a7id what is of first i7nportarice, most favored in the world, New-Orleans ^^nd shoidd precede every other effort, by muni- should have been the queen of the south and ficent ArruoFRi.\TioNS to railroads branch- the west, elected by the unanimoxis voices of subjects whom she had conciliated and attach- ed to herself by the liberality of her spirit and the extent of her enterprise. Instead of this, she has preferred to sit in her isolation, without sympathy or cooperation in the works of her neighbors. It is thus that these neigh- bors, on their way to the seaboard, leave her without one parting symptom of regi-et. We have been deceived, fellow-citizens, by the voices of those among us, who, without any permanent interest in the city, or only in- terested to abstract the most out of it to be expended abroad, or to build up mammoth estates by rapacious exactions, have continu- 1 ^"^ ally, and upon all occasions, been crying out | 4tii that ''All is leelir' " Let us eat, drink, and I 5th be merry ; the old father of waters is garnering ^j^ for us wealth unbounded, and is altogether the greatest and cheapest and most magnifi- 1 * RBLATIVB GROWTH OF NEW-ORLKANS AND THE WEST. In the last ten years the west has more than doubled its population, whilst New-Orlraus has not increased more than 25 or 31) per cent. The average increase of produce at New-Orleans has not doubled in ten years, though the products of the west, as the receipts at Boston, New-York, &.C., show, have quin- tupled. t NO. vacant houses in 2nd municipality, MARCH, 1S51. 1 St Ward 39 2nd .45 .•■■8 .17 .34 .23 .73 Total. .299 454 RAILROADS ADDRESS. EAST, FROM A TERMINU3 AT HER CENTRE, OR I FROM TERMINI ON SUCH INTERIOR STREAMS AND RIVERS AS ARE NECKSSARILY TRIBUTARY TO HER. Now is the accepted time for action. To- morroto will be too late ! The concern of this committee is, however, entirely at present witli railroads ; and Laving discussed, with some elaboration, the various routes connecting the south, the east, and the ■west, their duties will be performed by a re- ference to the routes now in projection in Louisiana, with the view of connecting her with her neighbor states, and more particu- larly with the great lines of public works ra- diating through every section of the Union. These routes are — 1. The New-Orleans and Jackson (Missis- sippi) Railioad, with an ultimate destination to Holly Springs, Tennessee, Kentucky, and the Ohio river. 2. The Hew- Orleans and Opelousas Rail- road, with an ultimate destination in Texas, New- Mexico, and as far westward as the de- mands of population or of industry may war- rant. I. And, first, of the New-Orleans and Jack son Railroad. This road has been advocated in Louisiana and Mississippi upon grounds ■which entitle it to the highest fiivor, and seve- ral conventions have been held for promoting its construction. A most favorable charter has been procured in Mississippi, authorizing the counties on the Ime to subscribe for stock by taxation ; and a similar charter, it is thought, will be obtained from the Legislature of Louisiana, which meets in January next. Meanwhile a company has been formed, and nearly half a million of dollars in stock has been promised. The following is the report of the Committee on plans and projects of said road : "A large majority of the Connnittee have the honor to report, that two general plans for the connection of New-Orleans via Jack- son, with the great systems of railroads now under construction, and projected, in Missis- sippi, Alabama, and Tennessee, have been presented. By one plan, it is proposed to construct a contiiuious railroad from New-Orleans to Jackson ; by the other, a railroad from Madi sonville to Jack.son, and thence to a connection with New-Orleans by steam ferry-boats being used for bringing the trains of railroad cars down the Chefuncte river, and across Lake Pontcliartrain to the landing of the Pontchar- traiii Railroad. The distance from New-Orleans to Jackson, via I'ontcharlrain Railroad, Lake Pontcliar- train and M'-idisonville, is 173 miles, of which distance about 80 miles will be steam- ferry. By the located line of tlie old Nashville Rail- road the distance is 192 miles. By a route recently surveyed by Mr. Phelps, passing above Lake'Maurijjas, the distance ■will be about 200 miles ; and by a proposed line up the river, to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, the distance from New-Orleans to Jackson will be about 213 miles. The latter route avoids difficult swamps, expensive drawbridges across navigable riv- ers, and passes through a fertile aad well-im- proved country. Estimating 30 miles per hour for passenger trains, on a level and straight railroad, the time of passing over each of the routes will be as follows : 1st. By the Pontchartrain Railroad, steam- ferry, and Madisonville route — 8 hours 15 minutes. 2d. By the old Nashville Raihoad — 6 hours 2-1 minutes. Sd. By the line above Lake Mauripas — 6 hours 40 minutes ; and by the route near Baton Rouge — 7 hours 5 minutes. The majority of the committee are of opinion that the road via Baton Rouge may be constructed in the most substantial man- ner from New-Orleans to Jackson for two millions of dollars, and that the shorter lines would not cost materially less. The cost of the road from the state line of Louisiana to the town of Jackson will be the same on either route, and may be estimated separately at one million of dollars. The majority of the committee are strenu- ously opposed to any interruption of a con- tinuous railroad communication between New- Orleans and neighboring states. The time I allotted to the committee will not permit a I report in detail; but the majority ieel well assured that, on a simple statement of the case, the convention will not hesitate in adopt- ing an unbroken line of railroad communica- tion. On behalf of the majority, Glenuy Bukke, Chairman." II. The New-Orleans and Opelousas Rail- road. — The proceedings of the convention on this road, and which gave rise to the jiresent committee, will be found reported in detail in the number of De Row's Review for August, 1851, ;u the jiroceediugs of the other conven- tions are published in previous numbers. The number of delegates was large, comprising the wealth of the slate, and the enthusiasm throughout the country is beyond all prece- dent. The construction of these two roads is, then, the first great matter upon which the people of Louisiana anil New-Orleans must be engaged to regain their lost position, and acquire that rank in the atVairs of the nation which nature seems to have marked out for them. By the one our city will be connected with that great and growing region of Texas, which is destiued to be the empire state of the oouth, and the trade of which will com- pensate for many losses incurred by us in RAILROADS ADDRESS. 455 other quarters. Ta the progress of population the road will be exteiukHl further, aiul still further to the westward, until, in less than a generation, it is no chimera to suppose it with a tenniuHf: upon the I'acific, and couductiufj; the commerce of the two hemispheres ! The grand conception of such a road is worthy of America; and judging from tlie great conven- tions that have been held in its advocjicy, it is an itloa that has taken too deep hold u])on the public mind ever Ui be eradicated. Tiie Jackson road, ( n the other hand, in seeking to connect us with the northwestern states and the great lakes, and with New- England and the north, through the North- Alabama, Tennessee, and Virginia improve- ments, is another great work entirely worthy of New-Orleans. This road will greatly facilitate, cheapen, and render safe travel in either direction, as will appear from the fol- lowing statistics : NEW-ORLEANS IMPROVEMENTS. 1. EASTERN ROUTE. Miles. N. 0. to Jackson 212 " Columbus via Branch 322 " Gunter's Landing, Tennessee River 452 " Knoxville 600 " White Sulphur Springs. . . ... ., 770 From the White Sulphur to Richmond, Washington, or Baltimore, about 200 miles by roads already completed ; say then in all, from New-Orleans to Balti- more 1000 (Forty hours.) 2. NORTHWESTERK AND LAKE ROUTE. Miles. N. 0. to Bonnet Carre 24 " Donaldsonville 65 " Branch to Baton Rouge 70 " State Line 110 " Jackson, (Miss.) : 212 " Tennessee Line r)S2 " Ohio River, (Cairo) 530 " Chicago 830 (Thirty-six hours.) No grades or inclinations exceeding fifteen feet per mile, nor curves of less radii tlian 10,000 feet, equal nearly to level and straight. (^Ranncy.) 3. WESTERN, TEXAS, AND CALIFORNIA ROUTE. Miles, (River.) From New-Orleans to Plaquemine CO " Opelousas llU Sabine River 210 Paso del Norte.. .710 " " Gulf of California.] 350 A distance to be attained in sixty iiours, as there are no suows to be encountered, nor Iieavj grades. The committee cannot close their labors without referring to a principle which has been lately resorted to in many quarters in the construction of railroads, and wiiicli has been recommended with much unanimity in both of the conventions which have assembled in New Orleans. The jirinciple is thus stated in the report of Mr. llobb : " Jiesulved, That a memorial be presented to the legislature of this state, jiraying the pass- age of an act providing substantially as 1- lows, viz. : That the several municipal councils of the city of New-Orleans, and the police juries of the respective parishes situated on the line of the road, be empowered to levy a special tax on the real estate lying witliin their respec- tive limits, to be called the New-Orleans and Jackson Railroad tax ; provided that no ordi- nance thus passed shall be bindirig until ap- proved by a majority of the legal voters of the locality, at a special election called for that [jurpose, and that the tax thus paid by, any individual shall entitle him to an equal amount of stock in the company."' This principle hiis been resorted to in Ken- tucky, parts of Ohio, Tennessee, Mississippi, the city of Mobile, etc , with more or less luodification, and the legality and constitu- tionality of it has been sustained in au elab- orate decision in the Supreme Court of Ken- tucky, (Talbot vs. Dent, 9 J3. Monroe's Re- ports, pp. 536, 538. 1849.) The case de- cides: "1. The legislature have constitutional au- thority to graut to town corporations power to tax the property of towns or cities, for the construction of works of internal improvement, for fiicility of access to, aud transportation to and from the town or city. 8 Leic/Ji's Rep. 120; 15 CoH. Rep. 475; Ten. Sup. Court. A railroad to a city is such a work. " 2. Taxation by a local corporation for a lo cal purpose, and tending to promote the local prosperity, is within the scope of the corpo- rate powers of city corporations, when sanc- tioned by the legislative authorit.y, though not consented to by each individual to be ati'ected thereby ; the will of a majority is to govern when it is referred to the decision of those to be affected." The advantages of such a principle are these: It throws upon real estate the onus of those improvements which most certainly and speed- ily are felt by it in au appreciation of value. It causes all such property to contribute equally ; and by the distribution of stock into small parcels, gives the whole community a direct and practical interest in the results of railroad improvements, and thus insures great- er vigilance and responsibilit3% It renders railroads practicable in quarters where, from the obstinacy or ignorance of the largest pro- prietors, they otherwise would not be, aud re- moves from the enterprising the necessity of 456 RAILROADS ADDRESS. being at the tchole expense of improvements! gi'eatly advantaj^eous to the whole public in the long rut), though, perhaps, immediately unprofitable. It is more unexceptionable than methods of state and corporation loans, or pledged credits, and does not trench upon any principle whose inviolability is essential ; since, under jiropcr regulation and limitation, there ■will b(i little or no chance of abuse. In the southwest, the large majority are land pro- prietors, and rnufit tax themselves at the same time, and in the same ^yroportiwi, that they tax others; and men are not generally so fond of the tax-collector, that they will willingly and rashbj adventure themselves within reach of his rapacious hands. Under this system, pro- perty will be altogether as safe and well guarded as under republican institutions in general. Finally, fellow-citizens, the time has come for ns to be astir in the great movements of the age, and let us meet together in one general con- ventio7i for an exchange of views and flans ; for a combitiatio7i of these, where it is practi- cable ; for a wider cooperation and a more generous rivalry ; and for heartily pledging each other a bold, vigoroits and sustained effort throughout all the future, in developing our resources and our ptower, and in strengthening the bonds of f rater n itg and of concord betiveen us. New-Orleans invites you here, and, in the awakening spirit of enterprise throughout her limits, tells you that she is in heart with you, and will do her whole duty. Appendix 1. — Insecurities and Losses on "Western Steamers. — Such has been the frightful loss of life within the past few years, and the enormous loss of property on western rivers, and so hopeless appears to be the case of all remedy, that almost any possible mode of communication would be at once preferred. Pubhc confidence has been shaken in the whole system of western boating, and men begin to feel that the chances of the bat- tle-field might rather be encountered than these. Nothing is safe, nothing secure. "We lie down at night upon a volcano, which, in an instant, may hurl death and destruction in our midst. It is idle then to say that railroads cannot compete with steam upon these rivers. Upon their very banks tlie travel, and much of the trade, would be at once taken off by such roads. Mr. Chambers, of St. Louis, furnished a year or two ago the list of steamboat accidents in twelve months, which showed 5'J steamers, or mora than one a week, destroyed ; 245 lives, and 85'JO,OoO property, exclusively of person- al effects. This was a favorable year, as the loss of life has since reached 500 or more. The dreadful experience of New-Orleans is in confirmation. How frequently, within the last few months, has the work of death been con- summated at our levees. The whole number of steamers built on westera waters, from 1S30 to 1847, says Mr. Burke, in his Report to Congress on " Boiler Explosions," is 1,915. The losses by explosions alone amount, accord- ing to the returns, (admitted to be altogether imperfect,) during the same period, to 198, or about 10 per cent. Appendix 2. — Public Lands foe Intek- NAL Improvements. — Government, by virtue of its proprietary, being benefited by the con- struction of roads, has pursued, to some ex- tent, the liberal system of donating alternate sections, ttc, in their aid. In the last two or three years many splendid donations have been made, particularly to the Central Road of Illinois, and the Mobile and Ohio road. The whole amount donated in this way, up to IB-lV, was G,G9.3,781 acres, which has since been swelled to ten or twelve millions. The aid to be obtained from public lands for railroads is special to the southern and western states, and is an element of immense consideration. Appendix 3.' — Railroad Progress in the World. — The total amount of railroads now opened in Great Britain (1851) is between sis and seven thousand miles. The total miles in the world, in 1849, was 18,656, having cost nearly $2,000,000,000. It is estimated there were at the same time, in progress of construc- tion, a further extent of 7,829 miles, the cost of which, when completed, would be £146,- 750,000. Thus, when these latter lines shall have been brought into operation, the popula- tion of Europe and the United States (for it is there only that railways have made any progress) will have completed, within the pe- riod of less than a quarter of a century, 26,- 485 miles of railway — that is to say, a great- er length than would completely surround the globe, at a cost of about £500,000,000 ster- ling. To accomplish this stupendous work, human industry must have appropriated, out of its annual savings, £20,000,000 sterling for twenty-five successive years 1 Of this prodi- gious investment the small spot of the globe which we inhabit has had a share, wiiich will form not the least striking fact in our history. Of the total length of railways in actual operation in all parts of the globe, 27 miles in every 100 are in the United Kingdom! But the proportion of the entire amount of railway capital contributed by British industry is even more remarkable. It aj^pears that of the entire amount of capital expended on the railways of the world, £54 in every £100, and of the capital to be expended on those in progress, £58 in every £100, are appropriated to British railways! In about twenty years there have been constructed nearly 7,000 miles of railroad in the United States, and those in progress will probably swell the amount 10,000 mil es The amount expended already reaches §20 0, 000,000. Of these roads 1,000 miles centre at the city of Boston, and required an outlay RAILROAES ADDRESS. 467 of S-19,221,400. Our wliole public works Constructed, iucUulino; every description in the same time, would perhaps reach $500,- 000,OOU. Great Britain, meauwhile, has built 5,000 miles, at a cost of §550,01)0,000, and projects 4,000 additional miles, swelling the aggregate to §1,000,000,000. Her great northwestern road, 428 miles in length, ex- hausted §lo4,00©,000 in its consh-uction, suf- ficient to build our way from ocean to ocean. France has expended § 1.". 7, Oi 10,000, Germany §168,000,000, Holland §;}9,000,000, and even Russia, despotic Russia, is on lier way with three stupendous routes, from St. Petersburg to Warsaw and Cracow, to Moscow, to Odessa, to connect the Volga and the Duna 1 The passengers increased ou British roads from 23,406,896 in 1843, to 57,965,070 in 1848, or more than double, and the receipts from them in the last period were £5,720,382, or about §30,000,000. The total receipts from passengers and goods had augmented in six years from £4,535,1 89 to £9,933,551, or from 20 to $50,000,000. The average cost per mile of British railways is £56,915, or §275,000, the Blackwall road having cost nearly §1,500,- 000 per mile ! Her locomotives have reached 67, and, in one instance, 70 miles the hour ; the average loss of life being, in 1847, 1 out of 2,887,(.>53 passengers carried, and in 1848, 1 in 6,428,000 ; the German roads giving only 1 in 25,000,000! ArrENDix 4. — Tehu-vntepec and Florida Peninsula Railroads. — The project of a rail- road across the Isthmus of Tehuautepec is one in which the people of the whole south and west have a direct and practical interest, higher than that of other sections of the Union. Though temporarily suspended by the difficulties in- terposed on the part of Mexico, the work should not be allowed to rest, but every effort, consistent with peace and goodwill towards Jilexico, should be brought in re- quisition ti carry it through. The road will, practically, m;i] In PrusBJa, a comprehensive system of rail- ways, to the extent of 3,200 miles, was plan- ned by the government, with its usual wis- dom and liberality ; but, up to 1845, six hun- RAILWAY SYSTEM OF EUROPE. 487 drcd and fifty-two miles only -were completed, as shown in tlie following table— the politiciil disturbances in 18-18 and 184'J having doubt- less prevented the execution of the general plan : '■ Length in iMiles. Cost. Berlin and Anhalt 93^ £726,873 Berliu and Potsdam 16 21i»,000 Berlin and Stettin 83 783,000 Berlin and Frankfort on Oder 49^- 420,000 Lower Silesian, ) 134 1,200,000 Upper Silesian.* f 49^ 630,000 Breslau and Schweidnitz 37 285,000 Magdeburg and Leipsic 67-^ 615,000 Magdeburg and Halberstadt 35^ 286,155 Dusseldorf and Elberfeld.... 16 304,170 Cologne and Aix-la-Chapelle. 52 1,425,000 Cologne and Bonn 18-4 1 3 1,000 Total 652 £7,017,198 According to this table, the average cost of the Prussian lines is about £10,000 per mile. The following table shows the length and cost of each of the lines formed in Austria : Length in Miles. Cost. Linz Gmunden Budweia. ... 119 £742,000 Emperor Ferdinand's line. .. 179 1,700,000 Vienna to Glognitz 46 1,050,000 Olmutz and Prague 151 1,853,725 Murzuschlag and Gratz 57 i not given. Total 495 £4,936,325 These lines show an average of about £11,300 per mile. The small states of Germany have execu- ted the following lines of railway, 541 miles in length, of which 371 miles belong to the government : Length in Miles. Cosf *Baden-f- 97 £1,704,036 *Brunswick and Hanover.. . . 38 209,707 *Brunswickand Oscherleben. 43 240,000 ♦Brunswick and Harzbm-g... 27^ 127,500 Hamburg to Bergatorf. lo| 191,332 AltouatoKiel 64 382,500 Leipsic to Dresden 71^- 975,000 *Saxon Bavarian 51 900,000' Taunus Railway 28 291,661 *Munich to Augsburg 37 350,000 *Loui3, Southern A Northern. 70 4,286,500 Nurembnrg and Furth. 4 17,708 Total 541 £9,676,249 • The Kovcmment baTc guaranteed 3^ per cent, to the companies. t The lilies marlced *, were executed at the expense of the gorcrnment. The average cost of these lines will be about £l9,00o per mile. After these details regarding foreign rail- way.s, our readers will scarcely give credit to the following statement regarding the ex- pense per mile of English railways : Per Mile. Black wall Railway £289,980 Croydon 80,400 Manchester and Bury 70,000 Manchester and Leeds 04,588 Manchester and Birmingham 61,624 Brighton 56,981 Manchester and Sheffield 56,316 Eastern Counties 46,355 Great Western 46,870 Southeastern 44,412 Northwestern 41,612 Le iving out the Blackwall railway, which would make an average of the expense of the preceding lines ridiculous, the average expense of the remaining ones per mile is £56,915 ! Some idea of the cause of appa- rently such profligate expenditure may be formed from the following facts : Parliamentary Expenses of the Per Mile. Blackwall Railway £14,414 Eastern Counties 886 Manchester and Birmingham 5,190 Brighton 4,806 The following sums, per mile, were paid for land : Per Mile. Manchester and Biiiningham £16,262 Ji^astern Counties 15,881 Brighton 10,105 Average per mile 14,083 So little is known in this country concern- ing foreign railways, that we were anxious to have supplied the defect by copious details respecting their histoiy and statistics, and by comparing them with our own, in reference to the cost of their construction and main- tenance, the accommodation of passengers, and their receipts and prospects ; but though we have collected much information on the subject, our restricted space will not allow ua to give it in detail. AVe shall therefore con- tent ourselves with such an abstract of the more important particulars as our limits will permit. The following table contains a gene- ral view of the railway system in Germany : 468 RAILWAY SYSTEM OF EUROPE. Eng. miles Names of the States. consirucied. Austria '< 16^ Prussia 677^ Duchy of Anhalt 311^ Kingdom of Saxony 176 Duchy of Saxe 137+ Bavaria 149 Wurteniberg 24 Grand Duchy of Baden 1 541 " Hesse Darmstadt 34| Duchy of Nassau 27 Fraukfort-on-Main 2 Electorate of Hesse " Duchy of Brunswick 73 Hanover 59 Hanseatic Towns 9 Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg 46 Holstein and Lauenberg 90 Total 2,294: Eng. miles iu jjriject. 229 403 12+ 148 43+ 3(18^ 148 3oi 43^ 14 178 154 31 l,748i Eng. miles to Eng. miles be constructed, total. 158i^ 1,103 794" 1,874 — 52 1 831 87 144 174i 632 32 204 — 195 40 118 4 182 7 80 161 374 2i IH 94i 1401 43+ 170+ 1,595 5,637 The total number of lines thus projected in all Germany is not much greater than the number now executed in England. "We have now before us a very interesting table of French railways in 1847, with the Lengtli ill kilomi'tres actually constructed. Names of the Lines. •j-St. Etienne to Anvrezieux 21.25 " to Lyons 56.69 Branch to Montand " •]• Anvrezieux to Roaune 67 .00 JThe Garde Line, Nismes, &c 92.32 Paris to St. Germaius 18.47 Atmospherical Branch 2.00 ■j-Anzin to Denain and Abscon 15.56 JMontpellier to Cette 27.35 Paris to Versailles 19.50 16.89 fBordeaux to La Teste 62.31 ,., j Mulhouts to 15.00 1- Alsace, "I s^rasburg to Basle 140 . 50 P"". Is™- I "^-^^ Paris to Rouen 131.31 Rouen to Havre 91.00 Montpellier to Nismes 52.00 ■j-Paris to Sceaux 10.45 The Northern Line 334. 90 minutest details, occupying thirteen separate columns, and showing the expense of all the different varieties of work necessary for their completion. "VVe nmst confine ourselves however, to a brief abstract* Total Expense per expense. Eng. mile. f. 2,996,503 f. 144.296 21,182,873 373,648 399,549 12,5(10,000 186.587 18,914,368 204.876 16,413,139 888,830 4,689,835 " 2,818,202 181,083 4,509,134 164.885 17,055,722 874,652 16,855,301 998,005 5,987,773 114,471 2,869,096 191.273 44,953,618 319,953 59,652,779 ' 449,531 64,589,384 494,169 56.560,316 621,-542 16,519,605 317,685 4,740,120 453,754 135,476,337 404,528 The following lines have been opened in France between 1847 and August, 1849: Kilom. Paris to Tronnerrc 185 Paris to Troyes 182 Orleans to Saumur 171 Orleans to Bourges 112 Amien.s to Boulogne I'il Marscille.s to Avignon 123 Rouen to Dieppe 70 Vierzon to Chateauroux 63 • The lines marked + are only single lines. Making about 1,360 English miles in all "France. The lines in Belgium, constructed liy the state, amount to HI 7 miles, and cost £5,945,- 148. They unite Brussels with O.'^lend, Bru- ges, Ghent. Autweip, Muline.«, Courtray, Lille, Tournay, Douay, A'alencienncs, Mons, Char leroi, Namur, Marienboiig, Liege and Aix-la- Chnpelle. In Holland there arc railways joining Am- steidam with Rey would require are absorbed in the numerous and almost co- lossal railroads building. Since 1848, the ex- tent of railroad opened for travel and trans- portation has nearly doubled, an- panies, each of which was charged with the execution of some j^articular work, and to aid them by loans of state stocks. Although this practice has fallen into so much disfavor in some of the states that the citizens have incor- porated in their constitutions articles prohibit- ing advances by their legislatures for such pur- puses, it is yet continued by others, and Vir- ginia, Tennessee, and other states are how pro- secuting expensive works, considered essential to their prosperity, by means of advances from their respective treasuries. 1 In the year 1850, Congress passed an aetj, RAILllOADS IN THE UNITED STATES. 413 after a very protracted discussion, granting to the state of Illinois about 2,700,000 acres of public lands to aid in the construction of the Central Railroad, to which allusion has been before made. This magnificent donation is reckoned by the company to which Illinois lias confided the building of the road, to be worth 8 18,000,000. This was the first instance in ■which the aid of the national government had been extended to a railroad project. But since the above grant, innumerable ap- « 0.0.2 - S ^ m o a C c.'S f S a S „£ S a § .2 <« S o c. m S Maine 315 New-Hampshire 489 Vermont 380 Massachusetts 1,089 Rhode Island 50 Connecticut 547 New- York 1,826 New -Jersey 226 Pennsylvania 1,146 Delaware 16 Maryland 376 Virginia 478 North Carolina 249 South Carolina 340 Georgia 754 Alabama 121 Mississippi 93 Louisiana 63 Texas — Tennessee 112 Kentucky 93 Ohio 828 Michigan 427 Indiana 600 Illinois 176 Missoiu-i — "Wisconsin 20 Nearly parallel to the Atlantic coast of the United States, from Maine to Alabama, runs the range of mountains known as the Alleghany or Appalachian chain. The eastern bases of these mountains are not distant from the seaboard more than a hundred miles, and they form a very formidable obstacle to the construction of railroads between the great eastern cities and the interior. In nearly all the great enterprises which have been under- taken with the view to effect such connection, great additional expense has been incurred to overcome or to penetrate this mountain bar rier. In the plan first adopted for the general system of state improvements in Pennsylvania, it was proposed to effect the crossing of the plications have been made from all the new states for cessions of land for radroad pur- poses. Whether such further aid shall be ex- tended, is now a much agitated question in American politics. Bills are pending in Con- gress, proposing to cede for these purposes about 20,000,000 acres. The following table presents, in a convenient form, some of the principal facts connected with railroads in the United States on the 1st of January, 1852: a a 127 47 59 67 32 261 745 111 774 11 125 818 385 298 129 190 273 32 748 414 1,892 915 1,409 515 421 O o< a; O < 30,000 9,280 10,312 7,800 1,306 4,674 46,000 8,320 46,000 2,120 9,356 61,352 45,000 24,500 68,000 50,722 47,156 46,431 237,321 45,600 37,680 39,964 66,243 33,809 55,405 67,380 53,924 583,188 317,964 314,120 994,499 147,544 370,791 3,097,294 489,555 2,311,786 91,535 683,035 1,421,661 868,903 668,507 905,999 771,671 606,555 517,739 212,592 1,002,625 982,405 1,980,408 397,654 988,416 851,470 682,043 805,191 ;? 19.44 34.26 30.76 127.49 112.97 79.33 67.33 58.84 50.25 43.17 62.31 23.17 19.30 27.28 15.62 15.21 12.86 11.15 .89 21.98 26.07 49.55 7.07 29.23 15.36 10.12 5.65 10,814 10,8 Alleghanies by means of inclined planes, with powerful stationary engines at their summits. The planes were built, and have been used for several years, until experience proved their operation was too slow and too expensive to maintain a successful competition with other methods of conveyance, and other improve- ments have since been furnished designed to supersede them. The railroad from Balti- more to the Ohio river is caiTied over a pas- sage in these mountains where the elevation is upwards of three thousand feet, and a part of that height is overcome by tunnels, varying in length from one sixteenth to fourfiftls of a mile. The road from New- York to Albany, along the banks of the Hudson, has three tun- 474 RAILROADS IN THE UNITED STATES. nels. The greatest work of this kind yet pro- posed in the United States is the tunnel through the Hoosick mountain, which, if executed, will be four miles in length, and fifteen hundred feet below the siuiimil of the ascent. Tlie cost is estimated at .?2,000,000. On the road from New-York to Lake Erie, tunnels have been avoided by expensive works, which overcome asceuts of 1,400 feet No authentic statement has ever been given of the capital invested in the railroads of the United States, but we have the means of forming an estimate upon which much reli- ance may be placed. The railroads in opera- tion at the beginning of tlie present year may be assumed to have cost $348,000,000. The amount invested in the lines under construc- tion, it is impossible to estimate, with even an approximation to correctness. Their cost, when completed, will be considerably less than that of an equal length of road now in operation ; for the reason that the greater number of new or unfinished lines are in the west or south, where, as has been shown, the cost of construc- tion is far below what it is in the northern and eastern states. The management of the American railroads is entirely distinct from the admiui:D PACIFIC OCEANS. machine, going at sucli a rate. In the present year, upon tlie Great Western Road in Eng- land, an averay:t' speed of forty-eight miles per hour lias been attained without stoppages ; and we learn that, for a sliort distance, over seventy miles has been reached ; and that scientific man, Dr. Lardner, would not fix the practical limit at sliort of two hundred miles an hour ! A member of Parliament declared, in opposition to the Manchester road, tliat a railroad could not enter into competition with a canal. Even with the best locomotive the average rate would be S^ miles per hour, which was slower than the canal conveyance. The Buffalo antl Albany road runs side by side with the great canal of New- York, a dis- tance of 350 miles, and has conducted such extraordinary freights and travel, that it has been ft)und necessary to build another parallel road of greater length, from Dunkirk to the city of New-York. The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad transports coal and iron at li cents per ton, which is as low as the canals, or, all things considered, as freights on western rivers. When Mr. Clinton was advocating the Erie Canal, a member of the legislature asked, inquiringly, where the water was to come from to fill up tliis great ditch ? "You need give yourself no uneasiness," said another; " the tears of the people will fill it." And yet railroads are in their infancy ; for only twenty- two years ago there was not in our broad land a single locomotive engine, says the Railroad Journal, in successful operation. In this pe- riod, freight aud travel upon them have been cheapened one half to two thirds. Cheaper modes of construction and management are adopted ; and if, in the next twenty years, any thing like the same progress takes place, river navigation will be entirely abandoned, even for the heaviest and least valuaVjle ]>ro- ducts, and the old father of waters will be- come, as some one has said, useful only to water cattle. Time is every thing — it is mono}'. Who will use even your magnificent floating palaces, which keep us seven to ten days in the passage to New-Orleans, when, on the wings of the locomotive, at as cheap an expen.se, (for tliis can be done for §^15,) in tbirty-six hours we may light upon that gay metropolis, transact our business, luulbe com- fortably ;igain on the way liome ? This, too, without danger. Why, gentleuien, our float- ing palaces are but floating yEtnas. We sleep upon the crater which is belching forth the elements of dismay aud death, and which. in a single instant, may hurl us and ours into eternity. Th(? mortality of western steamers is frightful. We were as safe among the can- non of Buena \'ista. On tlienortliern railroads not one passenger in a million is killed — on the Enghsh, not one in five millions — on tlie Ger- man, not one in twenty millions; whilst on the western rivers, the average killed will al- most be one in every three thousand ! I would almost take the bold ground, that more pas- sengers liave been destroyed in the last five years, from steamboat accitlents of ever}' sort in the west, than have been destroyed on all the railroads in the world from their first be- ginning up to the present moment. Glorious, then, have been the results of this age of railroad improvement. In the period of only twenty years, nearly three thousand millions of dollars have been expended in the world in their construction — a sum twice as great as the value of the whole slave popu- lationof all the southern states together. The annual savings from industry, which it requir- ed to do this, amounts to ^140,000,000 — equal to the whole foreign export nearly of all the native productions and wealth of our republic. Gentlemen, if we were to add together all of these great works, and stretch them forward in a continuous line, it would have a length of 26,485 miles — more than sufficient to belt this great globe. What a glorious triumph is here of huiuau art and indu.stry ! We have heard of the tap of the British drum being ans^rered from British fortification to British fortification around the globe — of the Spanish empire, on which the sun never sets — of the car of progress, rolling onward througli the world, canyiug with it all nations and jieople. Here we have a more glorious realization than either. Stretch out the links of your magni- ficent railways. Start the locomotive. Vulcan has seized, as it were, the reins of the chariot of the sun, imitating the daring rashness of Phae- ton of old. The blazing, burning, and restive steeds prance furious onward in their course — onward, and onward — yet in the check and control of the master charioteer. A speck upon the horizon, it roars and rushes on to become a speck on the opposite horizon. All nations, tongues, and kindreds look on and wonder, but the car rushes on with ter- rible and resistless energy. Thus, around and around this great globe revolves the "car of progress," carrying with it light, and life and civilization — warming up and animating the countless millions like the god of day himself in his eternal orbit. This, gentlemen, is the result of hiunan skill, and enterprise, and energy ! Truly may we exclaim in the language of Scripture, " God made man per- fect, but they have sought out many inven- tions ;" and I trust there will be no show of irreverence when I say of him, he has seized upon one of the attributes of Deity in this, that "he maketh the earth his footstool, and walks upon the wings of the wind." RAILROAD COMMUNICATION BE- TWEEN THE ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS. — PuooRKss ok American PoruL.v TION AND TeRRITOKIKS; CALIFORNIA AND ORE- GON ; Projected Communications across the Continent bv Land and Water; Panama .■vND Tehuantepec Canals and Railroads ; KAILROADS BETWEESi ATLANTIC AND TACIFIC OCEANS. 48Y Trade and Commerce of the East ; Rail- road FROM TaMPICO and NaTCHEZ TO MaZAT- LAN ; FROM Vera Cruz to Acavuixo ; from Galveston to San Dikoo; from St. Louis TO San Francisco ; from Michigan to Ore- gon ; FROM Mejipiils to San Diego ; Progrf.S3 OF Railroad Entkri-rise.* — From a period almost coeval witli the first settlement of America, we fiud the idea of a connection between tlie two great oceans was^bing its eastern and western shores, by some safe and expeditious passage, either over the peninsula or tlirough the interior of the continent, con- tinually suggested, and receiving various de- grees of consideration. The subject has as- sumed, in the present day, a new and higher degree of interest and importance, from the fact, so little to have been anticipated, that the American people, with the e.vf;raordinary energy of their democratic institutions, having filled up with a dense population all the ear- lier discovered and occupied territories, have, while yet scarce "liardened into manhood," swept across the "impassable" mountains, overspread the great valleys, and penetrated in immense numbers through the wildernesses of the Oregon, the Sacramento, and the Gila, to the very shores of the Pacific Ocean. The free and unconquerable spirit of the Puritan, the Cavalier, and the Huguenot, creates uew revolutions in the regions of the setting sun. But sixty years ago, when the first Ameri- can census was taken, the main dope of the Apalachian Mountains Avas found to be the western barrier, confining nine tenths of the population within something like three hun- dred thousand square miles of territory. The four millions of inhabitants at that time regis- tered, have swelled in this period to nearly twenty-three millions, and the three hundred thousand miles of inhabited territory to two millions of miles, excluding the late acquisi- tions of Oregon, California, and New-Mexico, embracing, by the estimation of the Land Office, eight hundred and sixty-seven thou- sand five hundred and forty-one additional souare miles ! Thus have we a people, blessed with freedom and enterprise, doubling in every generation their numbers, and occupying an empire three millions of square miles in ex- tent — scarcely less than the whole of Europe, including Russia, and wantmg oue third only of the great Russian empire, extending from the Baltic, over three continents, to the west- ern spurs of the Rocky Mountains. The sea- coasts alone of this enormous republic stretch out five thousand ojie hundred and twenty miles ; or, if we follow the irregularities of the bays and islands, thirty-three thousand * Prepared in 1849, -when the question before the country was Whitney's road against a more soutUern and central one. Texas and Loui^iana had not en- tered into competition for the route, though present- ing claims of the very highest kind, as the reader will perceive in the seq^uel. and sixty-three miles— greater, by one third than the whole circuit of the earth !* Frightful as have been the wastes to be crossed by this population, the " feet of men, and even children and tender women, have . been beating out a track," over which the heavy wagon has rattled, among crags and rocks, in dejiance of the vain obstacles of na- ture. Most wonderful of all— in the depths of the valleys, and by the streams of the rivers they have crossed, has been discovered a re- gion that realizes the fabled El Dorado, for which De Soto and Cortez and Raleigh so vainly sighed — possessing in its bowels illimit- able treasures of virgin gold, so rich and rare, as to promise to labor, almost without effort untold wealth, and to the world a supply oP the precious metals which shall exceed all that the " Orient Ind," in the days of Solo- mon or since, has yielded from its prolific bowels, or has been searched to where the " sunny fountains" of " old Afric" "Roll down their golden sands." Never in the history of mankind — not even when Columbus carried to Europe the tawny Indian, or when extravagant stories of the wealth of the Mexicans and of Peru were wafted across the ocean, or when the Crusa- ders were marching upon the East, or the 'South Sea Bubble" or the "Mississippi Scheme"' were at their height—never has been excitement wound up to a higher pitch, or expectancy been upon the keener alert. Men of all ages— of all arts, and pursuits, and professions, from all classes of society, even surrounded with the greatest comforts and highest allurements of home— have forgotten their legitimate avocations, thrown aside lu- crative posts and callings as utterly worthless, and, braving the ccean for thousands and tens of thousands of miles, or inhospitable climes, and frightful journeys through trackless wil- dernesses, in handfuls or in vast cavalcades, full of hope and enterprise, taken up their extraordinary pilgrimage to endure the fierce hardships of tlie placers of the Sacramento, and the mountain gorges, in their ceaseless search for gold ! Wonderful, wonderful is this great passion for wealth, which, like a despot, rules over our wills and controls and masters our associations and affections, and breaks up, with remorseless strokes, every link and bond and sacred connection in life ! God, by it, works out the destinies of MAN.f * Report Coast Survey, under Prof. B.-iche, 1848. + The iJpaiiiards would ajipear to have been on this California gold traclcthre« centuries ago, but destiny reserved the prize for us. We quote from the " American Keview :'' " At the same period, also, while De Soto worked his weary way amidst the mountains and among the reedy marslica of the east, and the second Pizarro 488 EA.ILROADS BETWEEN ATLAXTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS- But we Lave not time for these reflections. It is now computed (1849) tbat the whole number of persons who have reached Califor- nia, cannot vary far from twenty thousand,* and that those on the way, and to start, will, in a few months more, swell the aggrci^ate to at least fifty or sixty thousand — sufficient to form a state government. What may be the future population of this region it is now im- possible to argue; though, embracing, as it does, an area of five hundred and twenty-six thousand and seventy-eight square miles, if we give to it the average density of tivo to the square mile, the density of the Valley of the Mississippi as far back as 1810, when but few states had been formed, we would have one million of inhabitants ; or, adopting the pres- ent density of Pennsylvania, there would be abundant room for twenty millions. A similar computation being made for Oregon, which has three hundred and forty-one thousand four buudrel and sixty-three square miles, would give either seven hundred thousand or fifteen millions. It would not be an unreasonable calculation, we think, to estimate a population west of the Rocky Mountains, in the course of searched vainly for the El Dorado of the south, Vasquez Coroiiado was equally indefatigable in his search for the traditionary gulden cities and inex- haustible mines of New-Mexico and CaliloiDia. In common with De Soto and the South Amencan ex- plorers, he failed in the primary object of his expedi- tion ; failed, too, if we may fully credit the an- nounced discoveries in California, when the coveted prize of his toil was almost within his grasp. The expedition by Coronado wasundertalcen under an implicit belief iu the existence of vast treasures in the regions north of Mexico, falling within the terri- tories known as New-Mexico and California, and now constituting part of the republic of the United States. This belief was based upon accounts, somewhat vague, it is true, but all concurring in substance, and was universally entertained by the Spaniards of that day. The sea expedition on the Pacific, undertaken by Ulloa in 153'.), under the direction of Cortez, had for its object not less the discovery of the golden re- gion of the north tlian the exploration of the coast. And when, in 1540, it was resolved to send norlliwanl aland expedition upon the same search, the right of command was contested between Cortez, as Captain General of New-Spain, and Mendoza, as Viceroy of Mexico. The latter was siiccessful, and Cortez, dis- appointed and disgusted, returned to Spain. This incident will show how high w('rc the anticipations wliich the Spaniards had formed of the riches of the Califomian Kl Dorado. The documents of that pe- riod, which have been recovered from the rich liisto- rical depositories of .Spain, present us with some sin- gular illustrations of the extravagant notions then prevalent; and, although to a great extent proved by subsequent events to be unfounded, arc, never- theless, at tills time not without their interest." * Tiio number which left the T'nited States between December 14th and April 17th last, was, according to the Herald : RECAPITULATION. Total in 220 vessels, via Cape Horn 14,101 " 52 " " Chagres 3,54? " 11 « « Vera Cruz G9H " 11 " " Brazos, 765 " 3 " " <'orpu3 Christi lO.T " '2 " " San .Juan Kiver IIH " 2 " « Tampico 87 " 1 " " (;alveston 80 " 1 «t a Lavaca IS'i Total in 309 « 19,717 jone century from this, as large as ihc present population of the Union. There are causes at work to indicate tiiis. j Three years ago, as if impelled by a vision of this western progress, so soon to receive the most powerful impetus, the people of the southwest and west repaired to Memphis in one great convention. We were a delegate to that body from South Carolina, and well remember the enthusiasm which was excited by the remark of her great statesman who presided on the occasion : " In less than one generation, the west will be engaged in de- liberations to extend its connections with the Pacific, as it is now with the Atlantic, and that connection will be as intimate with the one as the other. In the end, we will com- mand the commerce of both, and this great valley become the centre of the commerce of the world." Mr. Calhoun was right, though the shadows wore cast more rapidly than even he could conceive. jl/U,000,000 annually to Holland. Sumatra, with a popula- tion of 2,000,(i(»0, exports 30,()CiO,000 pounds spices. Borneo, with 3 to 4 millions, exports gold, tin, antimony, and diamonds. The Phil- ippines have 3,500,000, producing sugar, cof- fee, indigo, hemp. Singapore is the centre of Indian trade; India contains 184,000,000 in- habitants, including Cabul and Affghanistan, Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Ceylon, etc., with a commerce of 8 150,000,000 annually. Aus- tralia is an infant, but promising, colony. Russian America, now unimportant, Manchoo Tartary, and the great Sanghalin river, 4,000 miles long, connecting with Pekin ; Japan, with 50,000,000 people and the richest pro- ducts, now almost closed to commerce ; China, 300,000,000 inhabitants, on the coast 274,000- 000, with its Chang-hee, or Shang hai, at the mouth of the mighty Yaug-tsee-lceang, 4,000 miles long, the Mississippi of China. Can it be imagined that these vast regions, 80 densely populated, have already reached the acme of their foreign trade, or is it not plausible, when better systems of intercourse are opened, jealousies removed, and civiliza- tion extended, that trade with them will be augmented two or three fold, reaching, per- haps, in the aggregate, five to eight millions of dollars ? Instead of two thousand travel- lers visiting the East, per annum, in such a contingency, would not the number reach nearer twenty thousand, which, at half the present rates of travel, would realize six or eight millions of dollars ? The question occurs again, how can we connect ourselves with the Pacific by a route so advantageous, in every respect, as will en- able us to command, if not to monopolize, its commerce, and augment it in the manner indi- cated ? And this brings us to a historical consideration of the various projects, past and j)resent, looking to a connection between the At- lantic and Pacific Oceana. In the search of a western and shorter pas- sage to India, Columbus discovered the Amer- ican continent, as the Portuguese hatl skirted along Africa and doubled the Cape for an eastern passage. The Portuguese rested in their brilliant discoveries, and in the wealth which they brought. Spain, on the contrary, still sought the nearer route, and explored the American continent in the hope of finding Bome strait or channel through it to India. She sought in vain in the extreme north ; about the Isthmus of Paniima ; along the Mex- ican coasts, and throughout the extent of all South America; finding, however, the Straits of Magellan, and ultimately, though long af- terward. Cape Horn. These were far from presenting the much desired advantage. No sooner had Cortez been securely estab- lished in Mexico, than he commenced anew the search, with the greatest minuteness, throughout all the coast. He wrote to the emperor: " I have received information as well of the riches of the country, as that, in the opinion of many navigators, there exists a strait leading to the opposite sea." He writes again : " Should we, with the Divine assist- ance, so hit upon this strait, that the naviga- tion from the spice countries (the East Indies) to the kingdom of your majesty would be- come excellent and shorter, so much so that it would be two thirds less than the jn-esent navigation, and without any danger to the ships in going or coming," etc., etc. The Spaniards appeared, at last, satisfied in this quarter, and sent out expeditions to northwest of America, in the hope of greater success there. In one of these was explored the Gulf of California, and in another Friar Marcos asserted the discovery of regions, which no one afterward could find, northwest of Mexico, beyond 35° of latitude, abounding in gold, silver, precious stones, and a civilized population !^' The final conclusion was that no navigable passage existed south of the latitude of 40°, and soon, says Mr. Greenhow, the Spanish policy maintained, " the discovery of any passage, fixcilitatiug the entrance of European vessels into the Pacific, would be deleterious to the power and interest of Spain in the New World."f About the middle of the sixteenth century, a direct commerce was opened between the Spanish East India possessions and Mexico. For the first time Europeans crossed the Pa- cific in direct voyages from Asia to America. "Large ships, called galleons, sailed annually from Acapulco to Manilla in the Philippines, and to Macao and China, laden with precious metals and European merchandise ; in return for which they brought back silks, spices and porcelain, for consumption in America, or for transportation over the Atlantic to Europe; while an extensive trade, in articles equally valuable, was carried on between I'anama and the various ports of Peru and Chili." The English now appear upon the theatre ; and, jealous of the lucrative branch of com- merce which has sprung up, the buccaniers, under Drake and Cavendish, infest the waters of the western world. To this period may be traced the ingenious fictions of a passage to the northwest, through the continent, so long credited and known, even upon the maps, as the Straits of Aidan, or of Fuca. Between the years IGOO and 17G0 the search was continued, with various interest, and I'e- sulted in the discovery of Baffin's Bay and * Was this California ? t Vide Spark's La Salle. 492 RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANd. Hudson's Straits. Near the close of the eight- ( the most glowing accounts of the expedition, eeuth century, tho Engliih, Spanish and A me- ; the scenery ami aspict of tlie country, even rican naviijators made frequent expeditions j from tlie pens of delicate females. The rigors to the norliiwest, anil their respective discove- ries became a cjuestiou of keen and lively in- terest and discussion but lately, in the settle- ment of the vcxata (piestio of Oregon. The Englisli cliapter exhibits the results of Alex- ander McKenzie, one of her citizens, who tra- versed I'ritish America, from Canada to the Pacific, being in search of au inland route across tlie continent. The Sieur de la Salle entertained the idea, as his dispatches will show, that, by following the Mississippi to its sources, a communication could be had with the waters of the Oregon and the Pacific, and the commerce of the East commanded by France, through her province of Louisiana.* Thomas Jefferson, two hundred years later, and soon after the Louisiana purchase, follow- ing the idea of La Salle, dispatched Lewis and Clarke on an expedition to the northwest, by tho way of the Mississippi, to find, if pos- sible, a route of commercial communication to the Pacific.f So much, then, for the history of this inte- resting subject, and now for the various ])ro- jects of our own day, toward the accomplish- ment of the same great end. They are either, L By Cax.\l, or IL By Railroad. Of each there are several routes proposed, with various degrees of merit, which it is our present purpose to examine. And first, as to canals. These are, 1. By the Isthmus of Panama, or Darien. 2. By the Lake of Nicaragua. 3. By the River Atrato, from the Gulf of Darien. 4. By the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Otliers, less jMaclicable, were proposed by Humboldt, but we .«hall consider now only those of Panama, Nicaragua, and Teliuantepec. \. Panama. This is the narrow neck tif land connecting the two Americas ; in the pro- vince of New Grenada ; between tiie paral- lels of S° and 11° north latitude; varying m breadtli from twenty-eiglit to forty-eight miles, and witii a population of 7,200. Tlie Andes afford many gaps, or ]iassnges, and the countrv presents no insurniountable obstacles to a ca- nal, wiiich it is estimated may be built for 840,000,000. The late conquest of California has given an interest to Panama, far greater than it has previously had. Lines of steam- ers couhtantly ply from northein poits to Clia- gres, on the Atlantic, and other lines from Pa- nama, on the Pacific, to San Francisco and Oregon. Little diflicnlty is found by passen- gers over tlie istlunus, who are conveyed more than half the way in canoes. We have seen •Vido Sparks' La Sallo. + Lewis unci Clarke's Kxpedition, Vol. I. of the climate and the rainy season have been greatly exaggerated. 2. NicARAoiA. This lake is situated be- tween 11° and 12° north latitude; its extent is large, and its navigable waters are carried to the Caribbean sea by the river San Juan — navigable during the rains, according to McCullocii, throughout its wliole extent. Four to twelve feet water is always afforded in the Rio Juan, and it is proposed to improve its navigation, or to construct a canal from the Lake Nicaragua, which is adajited to ships of largest burthen, to tlie Pacific, fifteen and three fourths miles, through a country elevated, in general, not more than nineteen feet. Tho level of the lake is one humlred and thirty- four feet above tlie Pacific, and the difference in level between the two oceans is twenty or twenty-two feet. For a canal, tliere must be one mile of tunnel, and two miles of deep cut- ting through volcanic rock, and also a great number of locks. Mr. Bailey, under direction of the state of Nicaragua, made a survey in 1837-8, and estimated the cost of a canal at about $;30,000,000. 3. Tkhuantepec. The Rio Guascecualco has its mouth in the Mexican province of Vera Cruz, seven hundretl miles from the mouth of the Mississippi river. The route across the isthmus follows tlie course of the river as far as Tarifa, at which town a canal or railroad will begin, ])as>ing into the western lakes which are dischaiged into the Pacific. The widtli of the isthmus in this part is one hun- dreti and tliirty-five miles, and its central mountainous cliain exiiibits a depression in the line of the route. For twenty-five miles a plain is formed, whose streams flow north and soutli. There are passes or gates here, sudi as ChivoJa and Taril'a The noi thwiu'd streams enter the Guascecualco — tlie southern, the Chiapa, which is discharged in the lake east of Tehuante])ec, on tlie Pacific. We have before us the survey and charts of Moro, ap- pointed in 1832 surveyor under Garay, who had obtained the ri;j;ht of way from Mexico, for fifty years, :uid the property in all the lands lor lliirty miles on either side — the pas- sage to be opened to all nations, and con^itlered neutral ground. The Spanish engineer con- ceives the wliole extent of the Guascecualco may be rendered navignble by artificial means, and witliout exorbitant cost He proposes also to remove the bar on tlie Pacific entrance, anil estimates the whole exjiense of the canal 85,000,000 francs— less tliau ^20,000,000. The late ^'icc Presitlent, George M. Dallas, strongly advocated the Teliuantepec route, in an able and elaborate paper, and suggested the importance of a clause in the treaty of peace with Mexico, securing to us for ever the right of way. The Mexicans, it is understood, RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS. 498 ■would not listen to this ; thoui);h it is likely, as they cati never hope to make the improve- ment tiiemselves, they would, upon some more suitable occasion, readily make tlie concession. In regard to the canal communication it is difHcult to pronounce an opinion. The Ame- ricans would never undertake it, we tliiuk, unless — which is hardly to be expected, at least for half a century — the territories were ours, or unless an overland conununication across our present possessions were found im- practicable. Would tlic British ? And this, too, must depend upon the chances of our rail- roati, as above hinted at. If that succeeds, of course the Isthmus canal would be unnecessary, and we opine that one would require as long to build as the other. But this is anticipating. When the American continent becomes as densely populous as Europe, these, and many other connections, may all be in successful operation together. Let us now pass to the various projected I'ailroad routes across tlie continent. They are: 1. Across Panama — the Aspinwalls'. 2. Across Tehuantepec— Mr. Hargous'. 3. Tampico to Mazatlan. 4. Natchez to Mazatlan — Mr. Patterson's. 5. Galveston to San Diego — Gen. Houston's. 6. ScLouis to San Francisco—Mr. Benton's.* 7. Lake Micliigau to Oregon and San Fran- cisco — Mr. Wiiitney's. 8. Memphis to San Diego, Monterey, or San Francisco. Of these, the first four are either wholly, or in part, through foreign territory, and the re- mainder entirely through our own. We take them in order. L Panama Railroad. — At the last session of Congress considerable excitement prevailed in regard to the proposition of Mr. Aspinwall and others to construct this road, on consider- ation of a contract from government, to carry the mails, troops, and government stores, for ten years, at $250,000 per annum. The road to be guaranteed complete in three years, and to charge Americans no more than $8 each, for passage, and $8 per ton, freight. These rates to be reduced after the first five years to §5 each, and three fourths of the road to be owned by citizens of the United States. Able speeches were made in the Senate, by Messrs. Benton, Douglass, Clayton, Webster and Dayton, in advocacy of the scheme, and by Downs, Niles, Allen, Butler, Davis and * A memorial was presented, at last Congress, to carry the mail between these two points by express, on the part of W. A. Bradley, and others, and report- ed on by Mr. Bell and Senator Kusk. We read, also, in the Railroad Journal, the memo- rial to Congress, of Bayard, praying aid in construct- ing a railroad from St. Louis, intersecting the Kio Grande, Red and Gila rivers ; and one from Dennis Keenan, Jr.. proposing a railroad and magnetic tele- graph, from Point Isabel, Texas, to the i'acific. Truly ie this an age of enterprise. Foote, in opposition. We give some extracts from tlie debate, as possessing great interest. Mr. Benton said : " It is therefore a tempo- rary road for us — not temporary for oilier na- tions — but for us it is a temporary road across the Isthmus of Panama, as a step toward the accomplishment of this great design wliich Mr. Jefferson conceived, and for the accomplish- ment of wliich I have been collecting informa- tion and studying details for thirty years ; and I intend at a projier time to bring in a bill, with those detads, for commencing the location and construction of the road. With this ex- planation of ray views of the projected route across the Isthmus of Panama, that we are to use .as a temporary route, it will be seen that the first thing we have got to do is to go about it at once — to do it immediately, or tlie whole object is lost. I am for no jiermanent road outside of ray country. I am for no perma- nent road for America, either across the Isth- mus of Darien, Tehuantepec, or any where else. I am only for a temporary measure, with respect to any route, sir ; but I take that one which can be got first, and which will an- swer our purposes better than any other. If we undertake to institute comparisons between different routes, even if we have a legal and political right to do so, why, sir, the very ob- ject for which I w.ant a road outside of our country is lost. I want it, sir, directly. I want it for present use ; and if we have to wait, why, sir, we may as well throw up the whole, and wait for our own. I have no idea, sir, of doing any thing permanent outside of our country — no idea of going into expenses, or bargains, or arrangements, which are to keep rae outside of my own country one mo- ment beyond the time that we are able to finish our road." Mr. Webster said : " I have a strong dis- position to think the measure is a proper one. The extraordinary circumstances of the coun- try call for it. Tiiere ia nothing in those circum- stances likely to make tlieni so short-lived and temporary, .as that within a year or two, or any number of years, we may justly apprehend .and consider that this work will not be necess.ary ; and I repeat again, that if there were a pro- position at the same time for the other work, if it were in as advanced a state as this, and we were to have but one, I should give the preference to the other ; and I fully believe both are to be accomplished, and still other modes of communication .are to be establish- ed across our own territory, without any oc- casion to enter the territories of other coun- tries." Mr. Clayton said : " This is to be .an Ame- rican road. It will h.ave that character abroad, do wh.at you may. American citi- zens are intrusted with the construction of it. Well, if this work is to be, and be called an American work, I desire that it should be a road worthy of the American name ; and, in 494 RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AXD rACIFIC OCEANS. mv opinion, the Amorio.in government should, ■within its constitutional sphere, siid, as far as it can, individual enterprise in making a road worthy of the American character. I do not want a road attempted there Iw individuals and carrieil an by piecemeal, commencing with a railmad of a few miles, and perhaps ending for some vears to come with a plank or a mule road. I "desire that the improvement should go on continuously and in the shortest prac- ticable time. And now allow^ me one general remark in regard to the sum to be expended. I would aid, as far as the constitutional power of the government will enable us to do it, in making a road from the Mississippi river to the Pacific, or a road across the Isth- mus of Tehuantepec, as I design to aid in the constiuction of the road proposed by this bill ; anil whatever the cost of a passage by canal or railroad across to the Pacific on either istlnnus may be, whether two millions, two and a half millions, six millions, twenty millions, or even fifty millions, I say, sir, that the wit of man cannot find any other mode of expending the same amount of money as much for the benefit of this country and of the whole human family. And I repeat that I do think that, in the middle of the nine- teenth century, it is a disgrace to tiie govern- ment that nothing has yet been attempted with success to save our commerce the dan- gerous navigation of nine thousand miles around the cape. I take the proposition now before us because it is practicable. I would not delay the work from year to year and from day to day. If we can, by expending the !«uni of two and a half millions of dollars, or less, accomplish so great an oliject, I say, foi- one, that I am willing to authorize the expenditure." The objections to the bill were strongly urged — that it was a contribution huiircctlt/ for internal improvements; that the monopoly would be in violation of the treaty with Grenada, making the passage /^er ; that the amount to be paid by government would it- self build the road; that the consideration offered by the company was inadequate ; that it would be unfortunate for the govern- ment tfi be bound down so long a time to a route far beyond our own country ; that the steamers to Chagres must enter the Carib- bean, an enemy's sea, perhaj^s, and have tlu'ir coal depots at .Jamaica; that it is far less de- sirable, and not more practicable, than the Tehuantepec route, -i, VOL. II. to the west, which, luiiting on a common trunk, in the rapid progress of southwestern extension and emigration, will in time be made to course through the newly acquired territory of Texas, and by the Mexican pro- vinces, to a terminus at Mazatlan in the Bay of California; or, taking a more norihern di- rection, by the valley of the Red and Arkansas rivers, may easily pass by the southern gorges in the Stony Mountains, and find, in the course of events, certain though slow, a more impos- ing location in the Bay of San Francisco on the Pacific." Colonel Gadsden published at the same time a map of the route. In July, 1848, Mr. Forshay published in our Review a paper upon this railroad and a map, entering into many interesting particu- lars and details. The distances and expenses he assumes as follows: 32 New-York Courier and Enquirer. 498 RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AND RACIFIC OCEANS. Mile?. Natchez to Trinity 26 Level. Trinity to Aloxandiia 54 Le\rel — one grade twenty feet per mile. Alexandria to Cotile 20 Level without obstacle. Cotile to Sabine 50 Undulating, some hills and rocks — 170 miles, §1,500,000 cost. Sabine to Sau Antonio. . .400 Undulating gently. Antonio to Rio Grande.. .150 " " — 550 miles, $5,500,000. Rio Grande to Mountains. 100 One hill, not steep. Mountains to Hot Springs. 20 Hilly between mountains. Hot Sprirjgs to Monclova.. 50 Hills, but no rocks— HO miles, $2,200,000. Monclova to 13azan 80 Between mountains. Bazan to La Joya 14 Calcareous, dusty roads. La Joya to Yeneditto. ... 34 Same — no water — easy pass, &c. Veneditto to Sanceda 22 Barren— Sanceda, finely cultivated road between mountains. Sanceda to Jarrol 16 Road rough and broken, no mountains — cultivated valley. Jarrol to Pastora 16 Dry, barren, but not rugged. Pastora to Tenago 8 Tenago to Cienaga 20 Rough and difficult. Cienaga to Obaya 18 Splendid valley. Obaya to Parras 5 " " —181 miles, §2,800,000 cost. Parras to Durango 220 Table lands. Durango to Rosario River. TO Mountainous. Rosario to Mazatlan 130 Along the river— 420 miles, ?10,000,000. Grand total, 1.491 miles, $22,000,000 cost. In dismissing these roads through 3Ie.vlcan territory, we may be allowed to express our strong preference for that by the way of Nat- chez, through Texas. New-Orleans and the southwest would be greatly benefited by its 'construction. Our preferences, however, will readily yit;ld, if some other point on the Mis.sissippi, not greatly more distant, and passing altogether through o? o a a a a a S o 3 Q o EH % o o a 13 O 1 aj o 1 il Charleston Richmoud 427 554 594 709 796 996 771 1,198 1,325 1,365 1,480 1,567 1,767 415 1,001 1,132 1,496 1,588 1,732 1,863 1,425 803 826 1,208 1,070 1,279 2,261 2,688 2,815 2,855 2,970 3,057 3,257 1,905 2,491 2,622 2,986 3,078 3,223 3,353 2,915 2,293 2,316 1 2,698 2,560 2,761 10,66ll 11,085 11,215' 11,255 11,770' 11,457 11,657 10,305 10,891 11,022 11,386 11,478 11,622 11,755 11,315 10,693 10,716 11,098 10,960 11,161 1,097 950 988 948 1,041 1,141 1,341 830 430 450 560 610 517 803 486 30C 27s 6C 21C 2,912 2,779 2,810 2,770 2,863 2,963 3,163 2,652 2,252 2 272 2^382 2,432 2,339 2,625 2,308 2,122 2,097 1,882 2,03i 1,822 8,319 8,172 8,210 8,170 8,263 8,363 8,563 8,052 7,652 7,672 7,782 7,832 7,739 8,025 7,708 7,522 7,497 7,282 7,432 7 222 658 84 747 5 85 107 94 94 239 350 604 646 883 728 605 171 219 816 528 939 2,342 2,917 Washington Baltimore rhiladelphia New-York Boston 3,005 3,085 3,570 3,094 3,094 New-Orleans Louisville Cincinnati 2,257 3,239 3,350 Wheeling 3,604 Pittsburg 3,646 Cleveland Buffalo Detroit 3,883 3,730 3,607 St. Louis 3,171 Alton Galena Chicago 3,209 3,816 3,523 Prairie du Chien 3,939 Mr. Whitney introduces testimony to prove ' the snows on his route are unimportant, pre- vail to but little depth, not every year, are dry and do not stand long ; no greater cold than in New-England, aud no greater obstruc- tions than upon the roads there. He argues that a Fouthern route must necessarily earn dividends, (a 7ion scqiiitur always,) and charge a rate of freight one cent per ton the mile against his half cent. Upon his estimates of one cent and half a cent is constructed a table,* which we have not space to give, but which shows a rate of freight varying from twenty- tlu'oe to fifty-three dollars a ton to China, ac- cording to the route and the point of depart- ure, or from one to two dollars the hundred weight. 8. Memphis R.ulroad. — By this we mean the road which our fellow-citizens of Tennessee and Arkansas are uow advocating, aud which they propose to submit to a convention of the southwestern states. The road would leave the Arkansas shore, opposite Memphis, and * Mr. Whitney's objections to Jlazatlan as a termi- nus have greater weight than tliey could have to San Diego or Francisco. The sailing time from these Eorts would be somewhat longi-r than from Colum- ia river, (.the coal depots need no( be in Oregon,) but this would be coimterbalauced bj' other advan- tages. strike across the country, perhaps to Van Buren, with branches to Little Rock, &c. From here it would follow the valley of the Arkan- tas river* and into the Indian territory along the Canadian branch of the same river. Having left the valley of the Canadian, the route would be almc st due west to Santa Fe, should there be found a mountain pass that will answer, which is nearly in the same parallel of latitude as Memphis. We know with no exactness the distance from Memphis to Santa Fe, but suppose it would not exceed nine hundred miles, as there is little detour, which is about the distance between Santa Fe and St. Louis. Explorations upon this route, with the view of a railroad, have not yet been made, though the expeditions of Mr Gregg aud others have given us many inter- esting particulars. From Santa Fe the route would be down the valley of the Del Norte, following to some extent, perhaps, that pursued by General Kearney, and described by Major Emory, which crosses somewhere about the parallel of 34° latitude to the valley of the Gila, pursu- * Tho inundated lauds of Arkansas, five millions of acres, according to Mr. Borland's report in the United States t-^enate, one seventh of the state, can be readily reclaimed. 502 RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS. ing that river to the Colorado, near its mouth in the CaUfornian Gulf, and thence across the country to Sau Diego.* The distance between Santa Fe and San Diego by the route indi- cated is also about nine hundred miles, mak- ing the whole distance from Memphis to the Pacific ocean eighteen hundred miles. Should San Francisco or Monterey be selected as the western terminus, the distance would be greater, and would be measured to some ex- tent through the as yet unexplored regions of the Utah Lake. The distance between San Diego and San Francisco is between four and five hundred miles, and the two harbors will thus compare : " The roiiT of San Diego is the most south- ern in the territory of the United States, and is of considerable extent, being in fact an arm of the sea; in length ten miles and in breadth four miles ; from being land-locked it is per- fectly secure from all winds. The entrance is narrow and easily defended, and has a suffi- cient depth of water — twenty feet at lowest tides — for large vessels. The tide rises five feet. The tongue of kelp, three miles long by a quarter of a mile broad, off the entrance of the bay, must be avoided by large vessels, but small vessels may pass through it with a strong breeze. The bank has three fathoms water upon it. During gales, this kelp is torn up and driven into the bay, where it is "trouble- some to vessels by the pressure it brings upon them, either causing them to drag their an- chors or part their cables. There are many di'awbacks to tliis harbor: tlie want of water is one of tliem ; the river wiiich furnishes the Mission with water disappears in the dry sea- son before reaching the bay, and the sur- rounding country may be called a barren "waste of sand hills. Tlie town of Sau Diego, consisting of a few adobe houses, is situated on the north side of the bay on a sand-flat, two miles wide. The mission establishment is seven miles from the town, up a valley to the northeast, and here there is a good supply of water the year round. The river in tlie rainy season discliarges a considerable quantity of water into the bay, bringing with it much sand, which has already formed a bar across False bay, rendering it useless; and well grounded fears may be entertained that it will eventually destroy this liarbor also : this occurrence, however, may be prevented at slight cost. The whole country around San Diego is composed of volcanic sand and mud mixed with scoria ; the land is unfit for culti- vation, and filled with cacti, one of tlie many evidences of the poorness of the soil ; this leaves the port of San Diego little to recom- * Major Cook, in 184G, left Santa Fe coiisidKraWy to the north, and pursued a route wliich he describep as perfectly level, with the exception only of seventy- three miles. We have uot his report before us. mend it but the uniform climate, good ajichor- age, and securitg from all winds."* The Bat ok Sax Francisco is thirty miles in length by an average of six in width ; a large portion of its southern, eastern and northern shores are bordered by extensive and wide mud flats, preventing the landing at low water of even a boat; so much so that the eastern shore may be said to be inacces- sible ibr a distance of thirty miles ; and this impediment prevents it from ever becoming useful, except by the construction of exten- sive artificial works "These obstructions reduce this extensive bay very much in size, and it becomes still more re- duced when the safety and convenience of vessels are taken into consideration ; indeed, with the deep water, cross tides and exposed situations, there are but two safe anchorages, Yerba Buena and SausaUto. The former lies on the south of the entrance, between the island and town of the same name, and is but of small extent, with mud flats, bare at low water to the channel ; it is also very much exposed to the prevailing winds, which blow at times with great violence. It is the usual, but by no means the best, anchorage, and has but a scanty supply of water — not sufficient for the population of the town or the vessels that frequent it; this, added to the rocky point on which the town is situated, will pre- vent it from ever becoming the seat of trade. The population of the town exceeds five hundred inhabitants [several thousand now,] and from its being nearer to the gold mines than Monterey, has become of late the most frequented. The bay of San Francisco is well adapted for a naval depot, or for a place for our whalers to recruit. Its possession insures to us the command of the northern Pacific and the protection of our large and extended in- tere.-ts there ; but I know of no place where the natural site of a town can be found throughout the A\'hole bay, and it appears to me extremely diflicult to select one where the locality would permit of extensive arti- ficial improvements. "f " The IIauhor of Monterev is said to re- semble the beautiful bay of Naples. It has water and capacities for the combined ships and navies of the world. The winds here never blow iiome, and tlie anchorage, there- fore, is perfectly safe.":}: Major Emory thus contrasts the two po- sitions of San Francisco and San Diego : "At present San Diego is, all things considered, • Charles Wilkes's, Commandant of Exploring Ex- pedition, Report to the National Institute, 1S49. Cap- tain Wilkes gives preference to tlie harhor at the mouth of the Columbia river ; but it i.i said, on the authority of Lieut. Ilowison of tlie navy, the harbor has entirely clu'nged since Wilkes exauiincdit. t Oajit. Wilkes, of " Exploring Expedition,'' &c. $ -Maury's letter to Mr, King. RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLANTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS. 503 perhaps one of the best harbors on the coast from Callao to Puget's SouiiJ, with a single exception, that of San Francisco. lu the opinion of some intelligent navy ofiiccrs, it is preferable even to this. The harbt)r of Sun Francisco has more water, but that of San Diego has a more uniform climate, better anchorage, and perfect seciuity from winds in any direction. However, the commercial metropolis must be at San Francisco, owing to the greater extent and superiority of the country adj;icent, watered by the rivers Sacra- mento and San Joaquin, mdcss, indeed, San Diego should be made the tenidnus of a rail- road, leading bi/ the route of the Gila to the Del JVorte, and thence to the Mississippi and the Atlantic!'^ The route from Memphis to San Diego has yet been scarcely more than reconnoitered. Mr. Gregg, in his Commerce of the Prairies, describes a journey made by him, with laden •wagons, from Vim Bureii, on the frontier of Arkansas, to Santa Fe, but with none of that minuteness which is indispensable in forming our judgment with regard to a raiJroad.f * Report of Major Emory, attached to Kearney's Expedition. T Thfft' have appeared lately in the columns of t-lie National Intelligencer, a series of ably written papers, signed " Opithlouo," upon " Trade to China," in which eminent justice is done to the claims of south- ern cities, and the full advantages of eastern trade are enumerated. We extract a passai,'e from the writer, in which he affords sume interesting particu- lars of the route from jMempliis to the Pacifu: : '' Beginning on the west bank of the Mississippi, at Memphis, we will have nearly a perfect level over the alluvial lands to the bank of the St. Francis- In the construction of this part, it may be best and cheapest to place it on piles, five or six feet above the annual overflow. From the west bank of the St. Francis to White Kivor will be over lands firm and above overflow; likewise from thence to the Arkansas, near Little Rock. It appears that Mem- phis is only about nine miles north of the 35th degree of north latitude, and Little Rock 24 miles south; but by p\irsuing the course of the 35th degree, we ■would cross the Arkansas above the mouth, and would utterly avoid the Fourche de Fave pass, near toDavillo, on Jojin Creek ; and in our due west course our route is parallel with this stream to its head, across llie Portea River, a small stream tliat emptied into the Arkansas, We will be thrown a few miles south of our direction, by a short bend in the Cana- dian Fork of the Arkansas. Wo are thea ou the plain between the Arkansas and Red River. Wo will not have a stream to obstruct our direct course until we arrive at the False W'ashita ; by crossing this stream sixty miles north of where it flows into Red River, we will pass through the southern point of the groat American desert, extending north three hundred miles, to the head of the Platte River, with no streams in our course until we reach the Rio ■Grande, about twenty miles south of Santa Fc — where, from its being near its head, is an inconsid- erable stream. And in the lands whicli contain the precious metals in so great abundance as to at- tract a trade in wagons from Missouri for many years, grading the road will develop many of these mineral resources. "From this stream, (the Rio Grande,) pursuing our direct course, we pass the heads of streams on «ach side, none of which approach so near as to cross, and arrive at the Colorado, which discharges its Major Emory's report covers the ground from Santa Fe to the San Diego; but he, too, ad- mits the hastiness of his notes, and that the best route was not always pursued. The pur- poses of that expedition besides were alto- gether niilitarij, and through an enemy's coun- try, which prevented any closeness of observa- tion. Col. Fremont, it is also understood, is now upon this line of exploratioHj^or a part of it, with a view of facilitating the project of the St. Louis Railroad. He designed cross- ing the southeastern projection, or ridge of the Rocky Mountains, above Sante Fe and Spanish Peaks, and, entering the valley of the Del Norte, trace that river to its source ; he would then cross over the Rocky Mountains at some pass there to be discovered, and "survey his last line across the continent, complete his knowledge of the country be- tween the Mississippi and the Pacific, and crown the labors of long explorations, by showing the comitry between the great river and the great sea to be inhabited by a civil- ized people, and practicable for a great road, and that on several lines, and which was the best." This exploration is one of the most important yet, and will be necessary before establishing any positive opinion in regard to a route to San Francisco from St. Louis, or indeed from any other jjoint, through some other than the " South Pass," which is in a latitude fully five degrees further north than San Francisco or St. Louis. The gov- ernment, too, it is said, are now about dis- patching Captain Stansley into the Gila val- ley, and to the Great Utah Lake, by the val- ley of Arkansas, with the view of a full and complete exploration, occupying about eight- een months."' The road from Memphis through Arkansas, Van Buren, and a great portion of the Indian Territory, judging from the nature of the lands through which it must pass, is of the most practicable character, and involving the smallest expense. The danger of overflow in eastern Arkansas can, without doubt, be ob- viated entirely, by proper levees, constructed in the northeastern part of that state. Pleavily timbered lands abound upon many ]i&xi& of the route. Our facts are too meagre, how- waters into the head of the Gulf of California — past- ing again near the southern extremity of the Great Sandy Desert, cue hundred miles in length, stretch- ing northwest, which would bo impassable, but is thus fortunately placed out of our way. And in the further pursuit of our direct course, we arrive at the head of Tule River, which discharges its waters into the bay of San Francisco, the termination of the Pacific road. Directly on our left is the river which flows to Monterey. The road will probably be constructed on the plain between these rivers, and may, with scarcely any variation, touch Monterey in its course to San Francisco, which is destined to be one of the great cities of the United States of America, and is only one degree north of the course of our road." * General Worth is on his w'ay from San Antonio- Texas, by the route of El Paso, to the Gila valley. 504 RAILROADS BETWEEN ATLAXTIC AND PACIFIC OCEANS. ever, to venture any precise calculation of ob- 1 "As regards the t-wo different routes io structions and expense. We knew that the Sauta Fe, although Missouri, for various rea- Mempbis Convention, in 1S4G, pressed the sons -which it is needless to explain here, can completion of a military road to Fort Gibson, doubtless retain the monopoly of the Santa ■which, if fully explored, -would give us all Fe trade, the route from Arkansas possesses the facts that -we want, to that point of the many advantages. Besides its being some route. There are also good lands upon a days travel shorter, it is less intersected with wreat portion of the -way, and to us it is per- 1 leneic streams, there are fewer seinch/ stretches, fectly clear, from all the facts -we can gather, atid a greater variety eif v;ood-skirted brooks. that the passage from Memphis to Santa Fe presents, to say the least, no greater ob- stacles than that from St. Louis to the So2tth or some other pass in the mountaiua Mr. Gregg left Van Buren in 1839, -with heavy -wagons. He passed along the south or main fork of the Canadian branch of the Arkansas, -which, near its sources, in the heights about Santa Fe, takes the name Colorado. He adhered closely to the river until the peaks of Angosturas -were reached, -when, for a short time, the valley of the Pe- cos -was before him. For sixty miles before reaching these peaks or narrows, the party folio-wed a plain road every -where passable for -wagons. Abrupt projecting routes, reach- ing even in height 2,000 feet, added great risk to the passage of the narrows. A better affording throughout tlie journey, very agree- able camping places. Also, the grass springs up nearly a month earlier than in Upper Missouri, .... for the rigorous winters of Missouri often prove fatal to the unaccli- mated Mexican animals, Ac."* We extract the following from the circular of the Fort Smith, Arkansas, " California Emi- grating Company," which, however, like other documents of the sort, must always be taken with " many grains of allowance :" " The route up the north fork of the Cana- dian Kiver, aslaid down by Mr. Josiah Gregg, in his ' Commerce of the Frairies,^ and lately travelled by a detachment of United States dragoons, under the command of Lieutenant Buford, to Santa Fe, leaving Santa Fe, how- ever, to the north some distance, and going road was however pointed out, passing near near Albuquerque, immediately to El Paso, the Cerro ele Tucumcari, a circular mound visible to the southward. This, on examina- tion, was found to be all that was desirable. It is to be regretted Mr. Gregg took no ob- servations of the altitudes, ;tructed in tliis or any other country, valley. Delegations were in attendance in Its path is interrupted by obstacles of the greater or less strength from the states of most stupendous character, mountains, gorges, New-York, Pennsylvania, "S'irginia, South Ca- rivers, deserts. Immense tracts for hundreds voHna, Georgia, Alabama, Texas, Louisiana, of miles of the country through which it must Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, pass are liopeless and sterile wastes. In Missouri, Illinois and Ohio. The results of scarcely any portion of its giant length have their deUberations, which were conducted advanced the traces of civilization or even harmoniously, have been given to the world, population. Fatal in the general commercial Three methods of increasing the facilities view must be the weight of these objections, of intercourse between the oceans are recom- ! unless there be found relief in the character mended to the nation by this convention : | of the termini, or in the political and military 1. A railroad across the continent, and | considerations that are involved. through the states and territories of the j Combining the political question with that Union. I of the termini, which cannot otherwise be 2. A connection by ship-canal, or railway, ' considered than on the one side the 20,000,000 though some one or more of the points that of enterprising and active producers of the have been indicated, far to the southward of United States, and on the other the 700,000,- our territories, and within the jurisdiction of 000 inhabitants of Asia and the Indian seas, Mexico and Central America. i do these relieve the matter from its otherwise 3. A military road along the Mexican I most unpromising attitude ? frontier. j Political considerations have nothing at all 1. A railroad across the Continent. — The to do with the action of individuals or of convention took the broad ground of recom- 1 companies pursuing their own ends and mending to Congress explorations and surveys I devices, and in the conflict of opinion which of all the routes designated by public opinion, 1 exists with regard to the extent of govem- and a selection of that route which is easiest ment power in constructing internal improve- of access, best calculated to subserve the ' ments, it is impossible to say how far they purposes of national defense, most conve- i may be admitted by it to influence the con- snient, most central, and which can be con- struction of the road. Could such considera- tructed upon the cheapest terms. In the tions induce a direct appropriation from the present limited information which obtains, national cofters, or a pledge of the national it was impossible to go further and commit { faith ? The right and power of donating the the convention to any one of these routes as i public lands in such a cause seems to have an indispensable condition. A marked j)re- ' been nowhere denied ; but would such dona- ference, however, was expressed, as we shall , tions be adequate to the construction and hereafter see. The action and force of the body was con- centrated upon the road itself, as necessary and proper, and within reach of the mean: operation of the road, u'respective of its com- mercial complexion ? Taking the most flivorable case that can' be presented : that population will follow the and enterprise of the American people. Upon line of the road in a broad belt of from 50 to these points there was little, if any, diversity 200 miles, and settlements keep pace with of opinion. j construction — that no portion of the road can jS'o plan of construction is recommended, be through a wilderness, since it can be said except that the public lands of the United ] of scarcely any part of the country to be tra- States constitute a legitimate and proper fund versed, it is incapable of supporting popula- for the purpose. tion and industry in any of its employments Sufficient, it is beUeved, has been said of land forms — that hundreds of thousands of enii- the necessity and propriety of greatly in- ' grants would be attracted from Europe annu- creased facilities of intercourse with the Pa- i ally as operatives, who would all become per- cific shores of the Union, and the question of I maneut settlers on the route — that a great a railroad must stand or fall on its own merits of practicabdity and consonance with the en- terprise and resources of the nation. In estimating the practicability of railroads, the considerations of length, natural obstacles to be surmounted, character of intermediate country, population and productions to be commanded, termini, are of controlling im- portance. A road to the Pacific ocean concentrates in the highest possible degree upon itself road is but a series of lesser ones, and that each of these last being necessary to the trade and travel of its own neighborhood, and capa- ble of being supported by it, the whole must, for an obvious reason, be capable of a siiuilar support — that the most which can be said against the practicability of such a road is, it is beyond and not opposed to our experience — that indications of great and valuable mineral resources upon the lines to be pursued promise vast contributions to the enterprise— that on 610 BAILROAD TO THE PACIFIC OCEA>% the most favorable routes projected tlie ob- stacles are only in limited sections, whilst the major extent may be constructed with less difficulty and expense than upon the average of American roads — that all experience shows the railroad creates the trade that supports it, and augments indefinitely the intercourse of points commanded — that in the progress of miprovement the cost of construction aud the rates of freight have progressively and regu- larly declined, and that the tendency in the same direction continues undiminished, &c. Giving their full weight to considerations of this kind — and to many of them we shall recur again — it may be doubted, upon the whole, whether they leave the matter so un- embarrassed that the practicability of a Pa- cific railroad within two or three generations cxn be demonstrated, unless the possible trade with the Pacific ocean and the East give a new turn to the discussion. From the earliest periods of the world's history the trade of the oriental seas has enriched the nations who have been so for- tunate as to control it. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the power and the glory and the maritime splendors of Tyre, and Alexandria, and Venice, and finally of Britain, who has now usurped the sceptre of them all. It is a trade that has endured and triumphed over every character of obstacle, aud from its pre Clous value perennially flourished. Neither trackless deserts, nor savage man, nor fierce storms aud rude navigation of the deep for tedious months, have disturbed its course. Nations have warred for the empire in its gift, and diplomacy exhausted upon it her highest resources. g^Can this sceptre be wrested into our hands through the instrumentality of the states upon the Pacific shores of the Union so immediately proximate to the very gates of the East, and will a railroad connection between these states and the valley of the Mississippi con- necting with the lines that already strike the Atlantic coasts effect the transfer ? The value of eastern commerce with all the world was, in 1841, according to a report made in the Senate of the United States, about §250,000,000, or, to be more specific, in imports, 8158,866,980, and in exports, $86,- 453,238, tlie balance being greatly in favor of India. The number of ships employed was l,5Sl,of an aggregate tonnage 6i)S,515. The value of this trade has been greatly increased, and may be estimated at the present time nearer 8350,000,000, requiring about 2,000 ships, of the gross value, say, $60,000,000. The commodities included in it are, in the main, of the most valuable character, being silks, teas, spices, the finer mauufactuics of cotton and wool, indigo, opium, drugs, fancy ware, precious metals — anil these are such as are capable of enduring the most expensive transportations. These articles might be in- definitely rnuHiplied to suit the wants and even the caprices of the respective parties, could there be any considerable reduction in the transit expenses. A reduction of two thirds, or even one half the distance, and a similar reduction in time, would lead to an almost unlimited extension. Many new pro- ducts would then endure transportation which are now too perishable or bulky. The travel would also be immensely increased. New markets would be opened for millions aud hundreds of millions of eastern consumers. The Sandwich Islands are but now in the infancy of their growth. There are 1,500,000 Polynesians. Celebes contains 3,000,000, and Java 5,000,000 or 6,000,000, who export $30,- 000,000 annually to Holland. Sumatra, with a population of 2,000,000, exports 30,000,000 pounds spices. Borneo, with 3,000,000 or 4,000,000, exports gold, tin, antimony and diamonds. The Philippines have 3,500,000 producers of sugar, cotfee, indigo and hemp. Singapore is the great centre of Indian trade. India contains 184,000,000, including Cabul and Affgbanistan, Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Ceylon, ttc, with a commerce of $150,000,000 annually. Australia is an infant but most promising colony. Russian America is not destitute of hope, nor the Manchoo Tartary. The 50,000,000 of Japan with their rich pro- duce are still suffered to remain almost closed entirely to commerce. The empire of China, with 350,000,000 inhabitants, we scarcely sees more of than the walls. The great rivers Shanghalin and Yang-tsee Keang, the Missis- sippi and Missouri of the eastern continent, each about 4,000 miles in length, connect the coasts with the vast and densely populous interior. Can it be imagined, then, that these im- mense regions, so thronged with human beings, most of them in high advancement, have already reached the acme of their foreign trade — or is it not plausible, that, when better systems of intercourse are opened, jealousies removed, andcivilization extended, the amount of trade conducted with them will be aug- mented several fold, reaching, perhaps, in the annual aggregate, to nearer $500,000,000 or $800,000,000, or even eventually $1,000,000,- 000? Instead of 2,000 travellers aiumally visiting the East, would not the number in such a contingency swell to 80,000, or even 50,000 ? Will this great trade prefer to its present routes a rival one across the Pacific of 4,000 or 5,000 miles, for example to Sau Francisco, there to be taken 2,000 miles upon a rail- road to the valley of the Mississippi, thence 700 to 1,000 miles by steamboat or continuous railroad to the Atlantic or gulf ports, thence for 3,000 or 4,000 miles to Europe, being a total distance of lO.-OOO or 12,000 miles, RAILROAD TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 511 against 18,000 to 20,000 at present, requiring, in the one instance, from 25 to 37 days, and in the other 110 to 100 days? Many and strong doubts may bo enter- tained even by the most sanguine, and it is not to our purpose to hazard the measure by the expression of any degree of confidence ■which the facts will not conclusively warrant. Upon the one side may be alleged the high rates of railroad transportation in com- parison witlL shipping, tlie greatly increased cost and detriment of so many transhipments, &c., &c. ; whilst upon the other, the saving in interest, and insurance, and distance will be pressed with equal force. These savings would amount, upon a reasonable estimate, to the following : interest upon the value of half the shipping discharged, viz., upon $80,000,- 000, $1,500,000 ; three months' interest in time gained, upon $300,000,000 products, $3,500,- 000; total, $5,000,000. A bonus upon this showing of |5,000,000 per annum is offered to the railroad, which amount may be reasonably charged upon the present shipping receipts of eastern com- merce. In addition to this consideration, there are many others which should be kept steadily in view. Railroad enterprises are still in their infancy, and the tariff of freights they have adopted has already been reduced to an ex- tent which does not appear to have been within the contemplation of their most enthu- siastic advocates. They are now employed in transporting, for hundreds of miles, coal, iron and granite, the heaviest and least valu- able, in proportion to bulk, of all known com- modities. A single locomotive, of American construction, will haul from 1,000 to 1,200 tons, at the rate of ten miles an hour, when twenty tons in the same time was originally considered the ultimatum. They compete with canals and run parallel with the banks of considerable water courses. Their cost of construction has been undergoing continual reduction, and is now from one third to one half less than at earlier periods. This reduc- tion is the result of improvements in the manufacture of bar iron, which sold in Liver- pool at .€l-t per ton in 1825, and is worth, in 1849, £5 5s., promising even greater reduc- tions in our own country when the process of Mr. Salter, of New-Jersey, lately patented, is set into successful action ; of depreciation in the value of labor and the interest of money ; of more economical and experienced manage- ment and rapidly progressing improvements in the power, character, and cheapness of machinery, admitting of vastly increased work in the same time ; of greatly lower require- ments in the extent, etc., of grading operations and amount of levelling necessary — immense- ly carried out by Mr. French, of Virginia, ■who, by supplying adhesion to the wheels, and reducing the weight of the engine, enables it to ascend and descend elevations uwlhout in- clined planes. "With the reduction of all these elements of railroad economy must follow greater and greater reductions of freight. The average rates upon railroads in the United States may be Aiirly stated at three cents per ton per mile, against fully six cents at a period twenty years ago. This average, for the reasons above hinted, in the next fif- teen or twenty years, or by the time a Pacific railroad could be in operation, it may be pre- sumed will fall in an equal proportion, or to one and a half cent per ton per mile, being $45 from ocean to ocean. One cent per ton is the lowest rate at which freight has yet been transported upon railroads in our country, and if we make the reduction referred to, there would be for similar freight a charge of one half cent per ton per mile, or $15 the ton from the Atlantic to the Pacific, 3,000 miles. Upon the lowest or highest of these rates a barrel of ilour, beef, or pork, could be placed upon the Pacific from the Mississippi valley, at from $1 50 to $3 00, and a bushel of corn or wheat from 25 to50cents, a hogshead of sugar from $7 to $15. The lower rates for the bulky and less valu- able products, and the higher for those of more precious character, would be a fairer estimate. It is known to be the custom now of most of our roads to make discriminations of the kind, producing their dividends from passengers and the more valuable articles, and taxing the heavier with nothing but the wear and tear of the road, and the actual cost and labor of transportation. These facts and suggestions are presented for what they are worth. If freight and mer- chandise can be transported over the route at any thing like the cost indicated by us, then the problem of the eastern trade is far less difficult of solution than might have been imagined. These costs can be demonstrated, all things considered, about the same as are at present incurred, including, of course, the freight from either terminus to Asia or to Europe. If, on the contrary, the present average of freights must always be maintained, theu the case against the railroad, so far as Europe is concerned, is too strong perhaiw to be resisted. In regard to passengers, a different ground may be taken. The saving in time for them will be from twenty to thirty days. These passengers now pay from $000 to $900. This route would not exceed $250. The induce- ments to such travel would, of necessity, be vastly augmented, and Europeans might all prefer to take it. The American trade with the East, too, will stand upon a foundation altogether more fiivor- able. This trade, including the fisheries, now reaches $25,000,000 to $30,000,000 annually. In the progress of our population and industry it is rapidly increasing, and must reach $50,- 512 RAILROAD TO THE PACIFIC OCEAX. OOO/iOO or 8Yo,000,000. A road will give to it | selves with it by some reflections, and see how an immense' stimulus. We are becomiug a ! soon it loses its imposing and formidable char- leadinc manufacturing as well as agricultural j acter. people^ and the great west, from the Alle- In about twenty years there have been con- gbany to the Pacific, can have no better avenue ' structed nearly 7,000 miles of raih'oad in the of trade with India than this, if any so good. ' United States, and those in prof/rcs.s willprob- It is believed that the Atlantic states would find an equal advantage. A. railroad is therefore presented to the ably swell the amount to 10,000 miles. The amount expended already reaches 8200,000,- 000 Of these roads 1,000 miles centre at the city of Boston, and required an outlay of §49,- people with a bonus as previously explained . . of §5,000,000 per annum in its favor, with 221,400. Our whole public works constructed, sucli carriage of freight and passengers as it is I including every description in the same time, bound to monopolize, through an immense and \ would perhaps reach 8500,000,000. Great growing region, with the whole trade of our ^ Britain meanwhile has built 5,000 miles, at a Pacific "coasts and the Atlantic at its command, , cost of 8550,000,000, and projects 4,000 addi- with the considerable profits of mail carriage I tional miles, swelling the aggregate to 81,000,- and o^overnment stores, with a large part of 000,000. Her great Northwestern road,_ 428 our rapidly gi'owing trade to India, and as ! miles in length, exhausted 8104,000,000 in its much of that of Europe as it can by competi- 1 construction, suflacient to build our way from tion induce, and superadded to all with incal- \ ocean to ocean. France has expended 8137,- culable political and military services to be i 000,000,Germany 8168,000,000, Holland 839,- conferred, and the question is asked, Can such ! OOO.OOu, and even Russia, despotic Russia, is a road be regarded expedient and proper ? on her way with three stupendous routes, from A final question remains to be decided : Is St. Petersburg to Warsaw and Cracow, to Mos- it within the reach of our enterprise ? cow, to Odessa, to connect the Volga and the The hio-hest amount which has ever yet ' Duna ! The passengers increased on British been assumed for the road is $100,000,000. j roads from 23,466,896 in 1843, to 57,965,070 The interest upon this amount, at five per , in 1848, or more than double, and the receipts cent, is 85,000,000 per annum. Wear and ] from them in the last period was £5,720,382, tear of the'road, suppose five per cent., or an | or about 830,000,000. The total receipts from entire destruction in twenty years, 85,000,000. j passengers and goods had augmented in six The working expenses of a road upon the 1 years from £4,535,189 to £9,933,551, or from gross earnings is estimated at fifty per cent, j §20,000,000 to 850,000,000, The average Therefore there must be an aggregate earning j cost per mile of British railways is £56,915, $50 000,000, paying in the last instance an 1 out of 2,887,053 passengers carried, and in avera"-e' dividend ol" 4.24 per cent. To earn ! 1848, 1 in 0,428,000 ; the German roads giv- $20,000,000 would require 100,000 passengers, j ing only 1 in 25,000,000 ! or 50.000 either way, at 8100, $10,000,000; | When railroads were first suggested in our mail and military service 82,000,000, freights j country, their originators were regarded as the $8 000 000. most desperate and chimerical of men, and But this is putting the case in the worst the most ruinous failure predicted to every possible light, since iqion no calculation is it j scheme. We have lately had the privilege of proposed that the road shall piij interest upon \ inspecting a chart made by one of these mad- its cost, that cost coming entirely out of the men, which fell still-born, and was soon for- donation of government lands to the contract ors. There would then be but the cost of repairs and working expenses to provide for. The sum of 8100,000,000, too, is based upon the estimate of 2,000 miles, and an average cost of 850,000 per mile; whereas, upon the shortest "projected route, the distance may not exceed 1,500 miles, reducing the sum to 875,- 000,000. ' Fifty thousand dollars the mile is double the average of roads already built, anci five times the minimum. The avcrar/e would give, upon the shortest line, less than 840,000,- 000. This is the most favorable possible view. But admitting the gross figure of 8 100,000,- 000, and the high estimate of 2,000 miles, is there any thing' in the idea to stagLjer the gotten, but which sketches, twenty years ago, when there were not 200 miles of successful railroads in the country, several thousand miles of routes, in various directions, and even across the mountains to the Mississippi valley, nearly every one of which has already been built, and is in succcssl'ul operation, or in course of construction. A road of 2,000 miles is a no greater project than tiiose of 400 miles made by this 7nad author on his chart twenty years ago, if half so great. Obstacles to be overcome are nothing in the progress of modern enterprise, and the rule of faith seems to have been adopted, "This is im- possible — it is therefore true !" Is there any thing that shall unfit a nation American mind ? We shall familiarize our- 1 like ours for vast and stupendous enterprise ? RAILROAD TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 513 Our territorial oxtont lias increased in twenty years, from 1,700,000 to 3,000,000 square miles; our population in fifty years, from 4,- 000,000 to 23,000,000— is doubling itself in every generation, and at the close of the cen- tury mu^t reach 70,000,000 or 80,000,000, equal almost to tlie present strength of Grent Britain, France, and Germany combined. From the island of Brazos, on the Gulf of Mexico, to the Straits of Fuca, on the northern Pacific — from the Aroostook valley to the bay of San Diego, tlie Union extends its leviathan pro- portions. The inhabitants of these extreme points, more distant apart than tJie shores of the old and new world on the usual routes of travel, are brothers and fellow-citizens, under common laws and with a common destiny. It is as though the Shetland Islands and the Bosphorus, Siberia and the Gates of Hercules, •were made the outposts of an empire which embraced the whole of Europe. For such an empire Alexander and Ca?sar died in vain, and Napoleon deluged Europe in blood. The statistics of the Union, collected by our public officers, show an annual income, re- alized from all branches of industry, amounting in 1848 to $2,323,564,756. If we were to build the road in ten years, not perhaps an impossibility, and the income of the nation were not augmented, an utter impossibility, the amount annually expended upon the road would be about one third of one per cent, upon the annual income of the country. Our very grass crop, in a single year, would stretch the iron cracks from ocean to ocean. We sunk in the Mexican war, which seems not in any ap- preciable degree to have disturbed our general wealth and prosperity, an amount altogether adequate. The expense of this road will not in any case, however, be a tax upon the resources of the nation: since very nearly the whole amount required, and eventually much more, must be realized from the sale of public lands upon its route, not otherwise capable of being brought into market for generations to come. It will be so much invited into the country or contributed to its wealth by the foreign emigrants seeking our soil. The^a^ of the nation appears to have gone forth, in any view of the matter, for the road, and for the road at once. The public mind has been aroused, and, with high thoughts, approaches a subject but a few years agt) uni- versally regarded chimerical and impossible. Every day the number of skeptics, still large, continues to decrease. Committees in both the Senate and House of Representatives of the Union have reported elaborately in favor of the road. The Legislatures of nineteen or twenty states have pronounced a similar judg- ment. Chambers of commerce and public meetings in all our leading cities have united in the movement. Leading statesmen endorse it by speeches and con-espondence. To crown VOL. II. the whole, two conventions at St. Louis and Memphis, the largest ever held in the Missis- sippi valley, embracing delegations from nearly every state in the Union, unite almost unani- mously m the commendation. Under the main point of agreement, there are, to be sure, some diversities of sentiment regarding the route to be pursued, and the mode of construction to be adopted. It will be for the general government to say how far, under the provision of the constitution, it can go in ^^ providing " for such a road, whether by donations of public lands and contracts for mail and military service, or by any other legitimate and proper aid. Does the power of the general government regarding the construction of rail- roads through the territorities stand upon other ground than in the states ? Is there power to build such a road through the territories by direct appropriations, and if so, is not all ex- perience clear against the policy of exercising it ? Can government contract for and execute great public works upon terms in any degree jis favorable as individuals or companies ? Are there not frauds in its agents, speculations, ofiicial patronage, and party proscriptions and inconstancies to be provided against, and which are capable of protracting and indefinitely postponing the execution of the work, and augmenting, without limit, its expense ? Or if the power and its exercise be left to individ- uals or companies, can there be any guarantee that the country shall not suffer by such stu- pendous rights and monopolies in their bands, and that the road will eventually and cer- tainly be built ? These matters must be left to the wisdom of Congress. "With regard to routes, the most prominent before the country are: 1. That projected by Mr. Whitney from Lake Michigan through the South Pass to the mouth of the Columbia, with a branch to San Francisco. 2. Mr. Benton's project from St. Louis to San Francisco, through some pass to be dis- covered in the mountains south of the South Pass, and near the sources of the Arkansas river. 8. The route of the St. Louis Convention , as announced in their official publications, and extending from that city through the South Pass, (fee. 4. The Texas route, from some of her sea- ports to the Paso del Norte, and thence along the Mexican boundary. 5. The route indicated and specially re- commended for survey by the Memphis Con- vention, under the following resolution : " Resolved, That in the present state of our knowledge, we fetl warranted in recommend- ing lo the particular attention of the general government for examination, as possessing special advantages, the route commencing at San Diego, on the Pacific ocean, crossing the Colorado on the west, running along the Gila 33 514 RAILROAD TO THE PACIFIC OCEAJT. river, or near it, in a direction to the Paso, del Korte, and thence across the state of Texas to its northeastern boundary, between the 32d and 33d* degrees of nortli latitude, terminating at some point on the Mississippi, between the mouth of the Ohio river and the mouth of the Red river." This route intercepts in its course the fertile regions upon Red river, the -whole of northeni Texas, Chihuahua. Coahuila, Ac, now almost entirely without a market. It leaves the Mississippi at a point always navigable by large vessels from the ocean, and is very nearly central to the whole Union, Memphis being about that central point. It is south of the Ohio river, and its tributaries from Penn- sylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Tennessee, and, on that account, within easy control of the immense tlatboat commerce of these regions. The great Mo- bile railroad, the Georgia, Carolina and Vir- ginia railroads, all strike for the Mississippi valley near these points. It is in a medium climate throughout, nor likely to be disturbed by the frosts and snows of northern regions. It is several hundred miles shorter than any other route, and can be built for greatly less expense. It has less physical obstructions, and, for the most of the way to the Paso, is through a level country, supplied with every variety and abundance of timber, fertile in soil but without access to market, peopled in half its extent, and capable of dense popula- tion for three fourths of the whole distance It is through a healthy region after leaving Red river, and connects Texas with the heart of the Union. Should the road in any part of its course necessarily cross the Gila river, the case is provided for in our treaty of purchase from Mexico. The western terminus of the road is at San Diego, described by Captain Wilkes as an arm of the sea ten miles in length, four miles in width, perfectly secure from all winds, with an entrance narrow and easily defended, and with a sufficient depth of water — twenty feet at lowest tides — for large vessels. Major Emory is of the same opinion : " San Diego is, all things considered, perhaps one of the best harbors on the coast," pdation in 1820. the year of her admission into the Union, was only 128,000. After that period, however, the attractions of the new state induced a large immigration from the older states, and her most accessible lands were rapidly set- tled. Erom 1820 to '30, the census returns show a positive increase of 181,000, or 142 per cent, in ten years. From 1830 to 1840, the positive increase was 282,000, or about 91 per cent, for the decade. The quantity of public lands entered by private occupants during ten years, from 1820 to 1830, was 1,544,000 acres— and from 1830 to 1840, was 7,048,500 acres. As snon as that portion of the state most desirable from its contiguity to the rivers which furnished the only outlet to market, was fully occupied, the sales of public lands began to de- cline, and for the ten years from 1840 to 1850 only 888,000 acres passed into private hands and became subject to taxation. The same cause served to check ihe flow of population from abroad ; and, by the census of 1850, it is found that the ratio of increase for the pre- vious ten years had fallen from 91 per cent, to about 3()f per cent, the actual gain since 1840 being 1^0,500 souls, which is 101,500 less than for the previous decade, and 500 below the increase from 1820 to 1830. Of 32 500,000 acres comprising the terri- tories of Alabama, but 15,000,000 acres were in the possession of individual owners in 1850; the residue, 11.500.000 acres — more than half the area of the state— being still in the hands of the general government. The comptroller's report for 1849 makes knowti the fict, that 12,000.000 acres only of the 15,000,000 acres of private lands are as sessed for taxes, having an average value of $3.98 per acre; thus showing that nearly two thirds of the lands of the state fiiil to yield any revenue whatever to the govern- ment. The average quantity of public lands ab- sorbed in Alabama, during the last five years, has been about 80,000 acres |)er an nuin, and this average is continually dimin- ishing. Supposing, however, these lands should be taken up hereafter at the same rate, 220 years would expire before the fede- ral tile of the lands now remaining unsold would be finally extingui-^hed. But as 15 millions of acres of these lands have already been twenty years in market without finding purchasers, the prospect of their cultivation under present circumstances is exceedingly remote. This, then, is the condition of Alabama in 1851. Rea.soning from the statistics here presented, there is good cause to apprehend that our state has reached, if she has not yet passed, her culminating point. The south Atlantic states, which have hitherto greatly contributed to swell the population and wealth of Alabama by emigration, are not only retaining their people at home, by the superior facilities of intercommunication which they have jirovided, but are thcmstdves, in turn, becoming recipients of the emigration from less favored districts. On the west, Texas, with her boundless acres of rich and productive soil, suited to all the varied products of southern agricul- ture, invites settlement at a trifling cost; and our most valuable citizens are daily leaving Alabama with their families and property, to seek homes in the valleys of the Brazos, Trinity, or Colorado. Without some power- ful counteracting agency, this evil must con- tinue to increase, eventually impoverishing the state and diminishing her population. A few years ago Georgia sought a remedy against depopulation through the establish- ment of railways, with such complete success, that she enjoys today the proud distinction of being considered the " Empire State of the South." Alabama has attained the period in her history when it becomes necessary for her also to guard against a similar evil. The rapid progress of improvements in adjoining states, not only increases the magnitude ot the danger, but renders the necessity for ex- ertion on the part of our state doubly urgent, lest that portion of herproduce which now finds an outlet at her only commercial port, Mo- bile, shall be divided among themsnlves by our enterprising neighbors, and contribute to swell the tide of their prosperity at the ex- pense of our own. As has been already stated, "the question is now settled, that a state without railways will not only fail to increase in corresponding ratio with other states possessing these improvements, but she must actually retrograde in proportion to the inducements held out by her neighboring states to attract population to themselves." The experience acquired by the practical openition of exti^nsive railway lines in various portions of the country, during the last ten years, furnishes a safe guide in examining the prospects of projected enterprises, and estimating their probable success. Although, save the application of a portion of the Internal Improvement Fund appropriated by Congress for the purpose, this state lias given no en- couragement to the construction of railways within her borders, yet individual efforts have not been wanting. The Montgomery I and West Point Railroad — the pioneer im- ! provement of Alabama — extending 85 miles RAILROADS IN ALABAMA, 631 to the Opoi-f^'ia line, after encountering nume- 1 from that city, and accommodating a rich and roiis (liflficultios, is now, tlirougli the well- populous section of the state, directed (i)ergies of \U managers, in success- East of the Alabama river, the G.irard and ful operation, and earning an income of 9 per] Mo\)ile Company has been organized, to build cent, (in its capital. In 1848, the cause of a railway from Columbus, Georgia, to Mobile improvi'iiient received a new impetus in the ! bay. Another very feasible plan for making organization of the Mobile .;nd Oi.io Railroad i this de-irable connection is now spoken of, Company, for the purpose of making a rail- \ by con-^tructing a branch of 30 miles from ■way connectiim between the gulf at Mobile | Columbus to Opelika, and using the West and the Mississippi valley at the mouth of , Point Railroad to Montgomery, from thence Ohio river. This stupendous work, the long building a road to some point on Mobile river, est in the Union under a single charier, will a few miles above the city — thus saving a be 521 miles in length when completed, traver-s- considerable expenditure, and periec tingthe inji; four states, and cr<)ssin<^ six di-{,'rees of lati- \ railway chain between Charleston, Savannah, tuiie in its course to the Oliio, where it will connect, by the Cairo aud Cliicago road, with a series of intersecting lines, embracing over two thousand miles of road already complet- ed or in progress, extendinj^ to all the states of the northwi-st. Opt-rations were com- menced in October, 1848, at the Mobile ter- and Mobile. Whichever of these two routes be ilecided upon, a large busmess will be ob- tained from through travel, and a valuable part of the state opened to cnltivation and improvement. These five principal lines, if promptly car- ried forward, would constitute for Alabama minus, and thirty-three miles of the road as good a railway system, perhaps, as could ■will be in operation in December next The Alabama aud Tennessee River Rail- road, another work of eminent value to the state, was revived under favorable auspices in 1849. and is now being prosecuted with well be devised. A large proportion of the vacant lands in the state would be traversed by them, and, in conseauence, be eagerly purchased and brought into cultivation. Her ron, coal, and marble -would remain impris- nntii inn zeal and energy. This road, extend oned in their native beds no longer, but the about 200 miles through a section of | smoke of a thousand forges would arise from Alabama rich in undeveloped mineral wealth, and isolateil from m,u-ket, will have its north- ern terminus at Gunter's Landing, on the Ten- nessee river, an>\v from its com- pletion. The effect of such a highway as this upon the advancement of its Gulf ter- minus, Mobile, cannot be over-eslimated. Her foreign and domestic trade would rap- idly increase — capital Avould flow in from abroad — her exports would be diversified — ■ her harbor would be whitened with th»^ can- vas of every nation, and she would enter at once upon a career of solid and enduring prosperity. In whatever advancement takes place in Mobile, the state at large partici- pates, m^re or less. To the planter, seeking a market for the srele of his produce, it offers increased competition and abundant means among purchasers, enabling him at all times to make ready sales, and realize the highest prices ; while, on the other hand, it furnishes him with the largest, cheapest, and most Taried market for every thing he wishes to buy. It throws into his immediate neighbor- hood a large class of consumers for the minor products of Lis plantation, for which he has at present no sale. To the inhabitants of the coal and iron districts of Alabama, it becomes a great mart from whence the products of their industry can be distributed through a large extent <)f country." While this great trunk line will intercept and gather into it- self a vast traffic from all parts of the north- west, by means of the many intersecting lines with which it will be united, the Selma and Tennessee road will fulfil similar con- ditions, in regard to the various railways of the northeast ; and thus, by a comparatively moderate outlay, the state of Ahvbama will be placed in ])rofitable connection M'ith all the grand railways through all parts of the Union. From her geographical location on the Gulf, Alabama is in an admirable position to take a- 1 vantage of tlie railways constructing in other states, and to turn the immense trade and travel which will pour over them into her own seaport, by the early completion of these two north and south lines, and the two cross lines intersecting then>. Should she seize the golden opportunity, it needs no pro- phetic ken to foresee for the state an increase of wealth as great and as rapid as has been realize Teuuessee is one milli-ou and sixiy thousaad RAILROAD THE MODILE AND OHIO ROAD. 535 dollars ; for iron rails, &c., as above, ouo mill per mile ; for cotton from Tennessee to Mo lion tliirty-five tliousaud doUai's. Average cost per mile of local work. .$8,313 " " of rails, itc, at the present prices of iron 8,120 To build the \vhi>le road in three years, the present subscription of Mobile furnishes — For local work ^fiOO.OOO The new tax law do 1,100,000 Present subscription of Miss. do. . . .1,000,000 To bt» obtained in Mississippi this winter, after the county law is altered, dividing the stock among the tax payers '740,000 Present subscription in Tenn 150,000 To be obtained in Tennessee 910,0(i0 Kentucky 500,uOO Total 85,000,000 la this sum are included $50,000 and SlOt),000,frespectively, for depots at the Ten- nes>ee and Ohio rivers. The lands granted to this road by Congress are about 1,200,000 acres, which are esti- mated to be worth, after the road is done, three dollars per acre — mortgaged with the road to the state of Tennessee and foreign capitalists for a loan of five millions of dol- lars, for the term of twenty-five or thirty years ; they can be sold within fifteen years after the road shall be completed, and the money invested in a sinking fund for the re- demption of the bonds at maturity. It is calculated and believed that at the end of the twenty-five or thirty years, this fund will be sufficient to pay at least four fifths of the wliole loan ; the interest being paid semi an- nually from the earnings of the road. It is therefore respectfully requested that the pres ent legislature of the state of Tennessee will assist the Mobile and Ohio Railroad Company to obtain this loan of five millions of dollars on the best possible terms, by furnishing there- for state bonds to the amount of $1,035,000. The organization of the company embraces two financial and local agents, one a citizen of Mississippi for that state, and one for Ten nessce and Kentucky, to be a citizen of Ten nessee, whose duty it will be respectively to obtain the subscriptions for the stock before contracts are made, and afterwards collect the instalments, and pay the contractors from time to time for work done in their respec- tive districts. The rate of charges for passengers and freights on the Mobile road will incline to the low fare system. For passengers 2 to 3 cents per mile; for heavy, low-priced pro- ducts of fields, forests and mines, and gro- ceries, li to 3 cents per ton per mile; for mercliandise generally, 3 to 5 cents per ton bile, $1 50 to $2 50 per bale. With fixed rates of transportation, and the prices current received each day by the pas- senger trains from Charleston, Mobile and New-Orleans, the merchants of the interior can buy the entire crops of the country with- out risk ; sending on one purchase after another for quick sale— import their own goods — and, in buying and .selling constantly, in both directions, turn a profit on their capital twelve times a year. Tidal railways are the virtual extension of the city wharves throughout the land, and enable the merchants (of Nashville, for instiuice) to import and export for the country around with great facility. By the time the Mobile road can be com- pleted to the Tennessee and Ohio rivers, low pressure steam packets, built for passengers alone, will be prepared to run in connection with the road from New-Orleans to Mobile, and from St. Louis and Louisville to the Ohio terminus. The latter will be long, light and swift, drawing .so little water as to run in the lowest stages I'f the rivers. By such packets, and the railroad, passengers cau be conveyed in safety from St. Louis to Mobile in 36 hours for $12; from Louisville to Mobile in 47 hours, for $13; and from Mo- bile to or from New-Orleans, in 12 hours, for "VVheu the route from the bend of the Ten- nessee to Louisville and Cincinnati shall be completed, connecting with the Chattanoo- ga road at Nasliville, the southern travel of Louisville and Cincinnati, and of the 5,000 miles of northern and eastern railroads which centre at those cities, will come via Nash- ville. But before this shall be done, the Mo- bile road cannot fail, by its junctions with the Tennessee, Ohio and Mississippi rivers, with the central Illinois road, and, thereby, with the traffic of the railroads and lakes of the north, to have an immense business. The ease and safety it will afford for people to escape in winter, in a few hours, from the cold blasts of the north to the temperate breezes of the south, or in summer, from the heat and sickness of the south to the bracing airs of the north, will enlarge its travel, both through and ^va>/, beyond any present calculation. Based, however, upon low rates, upon one third of the passengers that now pass annu- ally up and down the Mississippi River to and from the northern states, and upon carry- ing way passengers equal to one third of the white population of the country adjoining the route, which is the first year's average ex- perience of other railroads of our country, we shall have the following direct income, viz.: From 125,000 through passengers, at $8 $1,000,000 From' 1 10,000 way pass'gers, at $2 220,000 I From t,hrough freights of merchan- 536 RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. dise, live stock, bread stuffs, rlion3 of the mad wliicli pass over low swamps may, in tlie first iu stance, be also constructed on piles and tres- tles, ;ind afterwards filled up with sand and clay, to be transported on the rails, at a mod- erate cost, from the north shore of the lakes. The Committee on Surveys have also ])ro- cured from the General Land Offiee a copy of the United St^ites Land Surveys, embraced between, and including, ranges five and eleven, from the state line to the ^Mississippi River. The government plans have been reduced to a scale of one inch to a mile by an accurate instrument, and embodied in a map of conve- nient size, on which is distinctly shown every section and fractional section of land, wliL'ther vacant or occupied. Tlie map also embraces the surveys which have been made for rail- roads, including profiles of several of the prineipal routes. Profiles and plans, on a workiug scale, of the surveys made by Mr. Waller, have been deposited by him with the chairman of the committee; also, books con- taining all his fiehl notes. The committee take great pleasure in acknowledging the skill and fidelity with which Mr. "Waller, and the gentlemen under his command, have dis- charged their duties. During the summer mouths, much sickness prevailed, both among officers and men ; but the surveys were never suspended ; and during the autumn mouths our operations were retarded by heavy rains, and the miserable condition of the swamps between the lakes and the banks of the Mississippi River. The committee beg leave to acknowledge their obligations to Maj. Ranney, fur a large amount of valuable information connected with the duties as-signed them. He lias placed at the disposal of the committee liis finished maps of the location of the old NaNhviUe rail- road to the state line, and also his maps and notes of experimental surveys reaching to the Tennessee River. These survey's were made under the personal direction of Major Ran- ney, in 1835, aided by a large and most effi- cient corps of assistants ; aud the committee find great satisfaction in stating to the Board, after a careful examination of tliese docu- ments by their chairman, that a continuous line of railroad from New-Orleans to the Ten- nessee River may be constructed with less la- bor, and with superior mechanical efficiency, than any other railroad of the same length either in America or elsewhere. The line will be very direct ; and where deflections are required, the curves may be made so gentle as to be regarded, f(jr jiractical purposes, s/ra/r//t/ lines; the dividing ridge, or, more properly, the table land, between the Gulf of Mexico and the Tennessee River, may be crossetl by grades not exceeding, in any instance, sixteen feet to the mile ; while three fourths of the line will be level, or with grades within ten feet to the mile. The superiority of this line will give to the trade of the Gulf of Mexico a vast advan- tage, in comparison with that which passes to the Atlantic over the high grades and strong curves necessarily encountered in winding a way from the western to the eastern side of the Alleghanies. An engine will transport more than double the freight from the Ten- nessee to Xew-Orleans or Mobile, and at a higher velocity, both for freight and passen- gers, than can be effected on any line of rail- road leading from the great valley to the Atlantic. Tlie length of our road should be a subject of congratulation; for while, at its farthest point, we may compete succfSsfuUy with any other commercial community, we budd up and secure an immense intermediate trade peculiarly our own, and which none can ever divert from us. The Committee on Surveys present to the Board of Directors this hasty report, embody- ing only general facts, in order that the Board may be made acquainted with the satisfactory results which have attended our investigations. Our surveyors only returned to the city on the 23(1 of December, after five months' absence on field duty. It will require a short time to bring up their office work, when the commit- tee will present a report in detail. The Com- mittee on Surveys cannot close this report, without acknowledging the satisfaction they experienced in the belief that there is no dif- ficulty of a serious character to be encoun tered in the construction of a great trunk railroad from N(!W-Orleans to the Tennessee River, where we will engraft on our stem the vast system of branches now being extended throughout the land. — Campbell's Rtport. RAILROADS IN LOUISIANX.— Baton Rouge Project. — Whereas, at the Southwest- ern Railroad Convention, held in the city of New-Orleans in the month of April. 1851, a report was made by the committee on plans and projects, in which it is stated that " the distance from New-Orleans to Jackson via Pontchartrain Railroad, Lake Pontchartrain, and Madisonville, is 173 miles, of which dis- tance about 30 miles will be steam ferry. By the located line of the old Nashville Railroad, the distance is 192 miles. By a route recently surveyed by Mr. Phelps, pas-ing above Lake Maurepas, the distance will be about 200 miles; and by a proposed line up the river to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, the distance from New-Orleans to Jackson will be about 213 miles. The latter route avoids difficult swamps, extensive draw - bridges across navigable streams, and passes through a fertile and Well improved country. The majority of the committee are of opinion that the road via Baton Rouge may be constructed iu the most 538 RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. substantial manner fiona New-Orleans to Jack- son for two n;illions of dollars, and that the shorter lines -would not cost materially les<. The cost of the road from the state line of Louisiana to the town of Jackson will be the Bame on either route, and may be estimated separately at one million of dollars!" Ami whereas the said proposed route pre- sents advantages, certainly not to be over- look (^d, in enteiing upon a vast system of in- ternal improvements, in which it iscnnfidetitly expected all the energies of tlie state and of the people of the state will be promptly and eflSciently enlisted: These advantages being — 1st. That throughout its whole course such road will pass through a densely populated and fertile country, the inhabitants whereof are not only able but willing to contribute liberally for the formation of the road. 2d. That by touching the Missis3i]>pi at the city of Baton Rouge, easy and speedy com- munication can at all seasons of the year, and under all circumstances, be had with the city of New-Orleans. 3d. That in the event of an overflow of the river Mississippi at any point between the cities of New-Orleans and Baton Rouge, a rail- road, whether passing the latter place, or diverging from the river Mississippi, so as to cross the river Amite near its entrance into lake Maurepas, or to cross the pass between lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, must be liable to destruction, or at least to great dam age ; and therefore it is highly desirable that the road now proposed to be constructed should touch the river Mississippi at a point not liable to inundation, in order that there may, under no circumstances, be any delay or interruption in tlie transportation of passengers and freights to New Orleans. 4th. That by extending the road from New- Orleans to Baton Rouge, along or near the bank of the river Mississippi to Baton Rouge, it will have the advantage of passing over the highest lands, avoiding swamps, and not liable to any obstruction or damage from overflows, not common to the other routes proposed. 5th. That the route via Baton Rouge, pass- ing from that place towards the city of Jack- son, Mississippi, over a comparatively high country, free from swamps, not traversed by large streams, and at the same time not re- quiring excavations or embankments to any considerable extent, can be constructed at less expense than one passing through a low country, where many and extensive swamps must be encountered, and several navigable streams must be bridged. 6th. That the corporation now proposed to be created, can avail itself of the work done by the Baton Rouge and Clinton Rai!roa cross on foot, but can be got over by crawling, or by light bridges. There are portions of the prairie called "trembling or floating prairies," but not to any great extent on the line, or near to where it should pass. They are principally in the southwest portion of the prairie, between Lakes Washa, Catawasha, and Little Lake des Allemands. They are, in my opinion, small ponds, which, being protected from the winds by the rank grass of the prairie, have been overgrown with weeds, until sufficiently firm to bear a man's weight. The thickness of the crust is about eighteen inches, and the water underneath about ten feet deep, with hard bottom, corresponding with the firm foundation of the prau-ie. The prairie is kept wet by the water from the lakes being driven upon it by high winds. Its luxuriant vege- tation indicates its richness ; and, if properly leveed and drained, it would be most valuable farming land. In its present condition, it is only a hunting ground for the planters and others. The route of the line is intersected by nu- merous bayous, some of which run into the lakes, and others lose themselves in the prai- rie. Up to this time, the " prairie" has been a terra incognita to most people, and repre- sented as impassable in every direction. Al- though I have been around, and across, and even under it, I am not prepared to give a full map of its surface, showing all the canals, bayous, ponds, floating ])rairies, and forests; and much more elaborate surveys should be made, to make such a map as is required. The best time for such a survey is in the winter or spring, when the reeds are burned o(f, and the mosquitoes are less abundant — and with men of iron nerves and constitution. The prairi(;, on the west side of Bayou des Allemands, is only four miles wide, and ia of the same cha- racter as on the east side. Bayou des Alle- mands, .it the points of crossing, is above three hundred feet wide, in the eastern shoot, with twenty foet deepest sounding; and two hundred and filty feet in the western shoot, with fifteen feet deepest sounding. The island is one hundred and ninety-six feet wide — firm laud, without timber. The current is afl^t'Cted by the winds, which cause a rise or fall of about two feet. From Bayou dts Al- lemands to Bayou Boeuf, is cypress swamp, on each bayou, with the prairie between. From Bayou Bceuf west, is four miles of cypress, gum, ash, and maple swamp, with good bot- tom ; thence to Bayou Lafourche, liij;h forest land, with occasional bayous. Bayou Boeuf is about one hundred and fifty feet wide, with a depth of seven to ten feet. Its current is gentle, but constantly towards Lake des Alle- mands. The waters of Lake Boeuf pass into this bayou by a canal, which imperfectly drains it. Bayou Lafourche, at Thibodeaux- ville, is 230 feet wide at sm-face of levee, and twenty-six feet deep. Throughout the route, I found marks of crevasse water, in some places over four feet, and over five in some bayous in the cypress swamps. It is the mark of the Fortier cre- vasse, and extends to the high lands of the Lafourche. There, the Cantrelle crevasse came up to the clearings of the plantations. It becomes, therefore, an important question as to the natui e of the railway ; ami, after careful inquiries and examinations, I have come to the conclusion that an embankment cannot be considered, because, not only that it would block up the waters of a crevasse on to the river plantations, but that it couhl not stand. I have particularly examined the banks of the Barrataria and of Lanou.v's canals, with a view to this subject. They are now very near the level of the prairie, although built about six feet high. The earth is melted away, or sinks down by its weight ; and it is further destroyed by water rats, otters, and alligators, which abound ; so that unless those causes can be destroyed, by complete drainage, no levee can be built which would endure long, as required for a railroad. The foundation must, therefore, be a frame-work of iron or wood, six feet above the general level of the route. Iron is too expensive for the present, and must therefore be replaced by cyjjress, which, if properly chosen from the low lands, will last The expense of constructing this portion of the road will be much heavier than farther west ; and must be estimated, at least, 815,000 a mile. This estimate wouUl have to be made at the same rate to go up the river, as the na- ture of the country betvveen the points of the river is the same as a portion of the straight line— namely, cypress swamp and prairie; and the distimce between the points, in the KAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. 641 aggresrate, would be nearly or quite equal to the straight line route. I aissume, as a mat- ter of course, tliat a straight line is the line to be chosen, if practicable. Antl I liave not Taricd from it, except for good reasons. Time has not been sufficient to make such a (Iftaileil survey as the niagnituile of the "work requires; but when it is considered that since the 2d of December, thore has been at least 25 miles measured out of 50, on which the line runs; and considering tlie difficulties of .supplying the surveying parties with pro- visions, I hope that the committee will see that the work has been puslied. Out of 27 days, I have been 20 days actively engaged in the field, and at all times engaged in the business of the survey. Mr. Tlii>mp^on has not lost a day since the 2d of December, ex- cept by circuin'^tances unavoidable; and he is still in the field, I beg leave to recom- mend him and Mr. Gillespie to your favorable notice, for perseverance and energy. I have been brief in this report, as I only arrived in the city this evening; and. of course, cannot be expected to make a full re- port, or prepare a map; but, if deoired, I will make them at a later period. To fully sati-fy the mind of the public, seve- ral routes ought to be exploied. For instance, one around the head of Lake des Allemands, which would be seven or eight miles longer than the straight line. Another route up the river, to a ri()ge about twenty miles above ihe city ; and along this ridge to the point on the Bayou lies Allemands where the straight line crosses. This will avoid much of the prairie, but lengthens the road about four miles. And another along the ridge of tbe Bayou des Fa- milies, the shores of Lake Washa, and along the Barrataria canal, to the eastern riilge of Lafouiche, which would also be longer, but would facilitate more country. I deem it proper to remark, that as the con- vention decided that a railroad should be built from Algiers to Opelousa'^, and my instruc- tions Were to run a portion of tliis line, I have not referred to a plan of a road to end on the river above New-Orleans, or to cross over to meet the Jackson Railroad, but would merely suggest tliat the expense and delay of such a road would be greater than by a. direct route to Algiers. The Mis-issippi is too un- certain in its action on its banks, and its rise and tall too great, to per.mit us to think of any construction to pass a railroad across it, or re-ship freight short of New Oileau-^. Travellers from or to the west would also prefer to make but one cro-^sing, or change of conveyance. The road must be looked at on a grand scale as the great route to the "great west," and, if po-;sible, must be kept in that direcnon. leaving the neighborhoods to join it by plank-roads or branch railroads. For this occasion, I beg leave merely to state that, in my opinion, (founded upon per- sonal examination, and from information de- riv(;d from every source — planter-!, liuntcrs, fishermen, travellers, and which all verify my own observation,) a railroad, elevated above crevasse water, can be built from Algiers to Thibodeauxville, in nearly a direct line, for about $15,000 a mile ; or, in round numbers, for the whole distance of fifty-one miles, for $300,000 ; and I congratulate you, sir, on the favorable result of this important survey. — Blanchard's Survey. RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA.— Ope- i.ousAs RoAo SuavEY KKOM Thii!odti:aux. Agreeably to your request and instructions, [ liave,wilh the assistance of Dr. W. S. Smith, surveyed that portion of the route o( the con- templated New-Orleans and Opelousas Rail- ri lad, lying between Thibodeaux and Berwick's Bay, and submit to you this, my report: We first fixeii on a point supposed to be the most ebgible for crossing Bayou La- tourche, about a quarter of a mile above the corp(»rate limits of the town of Thibodeaux, which point is 15 chains and 70 links below the upper line of the plantation of Judge (xuiiin. From thence, for nearly five miles, we directed our course so as to follow a ridge of high land, ktiowu as the Pointe aux Chcnes; at this distance tlie ridge turns so much west- ward as to be no longer available. We then turned the course a few degrees to the right hand, running through a cypress swamp two miles and a half across, striking tlie nearest point of high land on the Chucahoula ridge, riiis last mentioned swamp has a firm, liard clay bottom, with crevasse watermarks vary- ing from three to four feet, and in a few sloughs, five feet water-mark. In the sum- mer season this swamp becomes entirely dry, but now has on it water averaging one foot in depth. It is my opinion this swamp might be drained and kept moat generally dry, by making a sufficiently large canal across the Chucahoula Ridge into Bayou Tiger, at a point where the distance would be but about oni! half a mile in length. Tiietice our line curves still more to the right hand, running along the Chucahoula Ridge about four miles, and enters a cypress swani]) similar to the one last described. This swamp it crosses in a distance of three eighths of a mile, striking a low and narrow ritlge of land on the Bayou Tiger. Following this ridge, twice crossing the Bayou Tiger, at 13 miles from Lufourche, we arrived at a point on the right bank of Bayou Black, opposite the town of Tigerville. It will bo observed, also, by referring to the annexi'd sketch, that the line Huh far crosses the. Bayou Chucahoula four times ; but this bayou, as well as the Bayou I'Ours, hereafter referred to, is very small and hardly observ- 642 RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. able, being what is generally termed a dry bayou. Tlicnce from opposite Tigerville, crossing a little to the left, the line runs along the high lands of Bayou Black two miles and a half, thence curving slightly to the right across the high lands of Bayou I'Ours one mile and a ] half, and enters a cypress and tupelo gum swamp, lying between the high lands of Bayou rOurs and Bayou Boauf. This swamp has crevasse water-marks from three to four feet, and is less firm on the sur- face tlian those previously crossed on our line. At a depth of from six to twelve inches below the surface the ground is tolerably firm, being clayey, or what is here generally termed *' terre gras." The line across this swamp is a little more than two miles in length, and that near the middle crosses a small draining bayou, the bottom of which is bogi^y. Leaving this last mentioned swamp, and passing over cultivated laud, at 19 j miles from Lafourche, we arrived on the cast bank of Bayou Bccuf. This bayou is 590 feet in width, banks 8 feet above tide-water, and has a gentle current each way according to the tide; difference between ordinary high and low tides about 18 inches. The soundings across Bayou Boeuf, on our line from the east bank, and taken at a mode- rately low tide, and at nenrly equal horizontal distances, were as follows: 4 feet, 7+ feet, 12.^ feet, 15 feet, 15 leet, 15 feet, 15 feet, 15 feet, 14 feet. 10 feet ; the two extremes being about 50 feet from the banks. Thence the line continues in the same direc- tion over cultivated land a little more than half a mile, and enters a palmetto, ash, and cypress swamp, having on it but little surface water, with a very firm clayey bottom, and three feet crevasse water-mark. Crossing this swamp in a distance of about a half mile, the line enters upon the high lauds of Bayou Boeuf again. Thence the line passes over said high land, mostly in cultivation, crossing Bayou Ramos at a distance from Lafourche of 22^ miles nearly, and reaches Berwick's Bay at a distance of 2(if miles from Thibo- deau.\, of which, say 5.V miles, is through level overflowed swamp land, and the balance on high, level, and arable alluvial lands. On this route there will be required several culverts across small bayous and drains, not involving heavy expenditure, and in addition five bridges, viz. : two across Bayou Tiger, which IS GO feet wide and 8 feet deep; one across the draining bayou in the swamp be- tween Bayou rOurs and Bayou Ba-uf, which is 150 fe<;t wida, and from 1 to 3 feet deep; one across Bayou Bouuf, the cross section of which U given above; and one across Bayou Ramo.s which is SGO feet wide and (i feet deep. The country traversed on this route is all very nearly level, no portion being more than 15, nor less than 2 feet above tide-water. Consequently no cuttlngo will be required, nor embankments, except in the swamp por- tions, sufficient to elevate the road above the highest crevasse water, and in other portions to secure a good foundation. About one half of the whole length of the route is on arable land, never overflowed, and the other half on land subject to innuersion from 1 to 4 feet, in times of cxtreir.e high , water of the Mississippi river, caused by breaks of the levee in the parishes of Point Coupee and West Baton Rouge. It might be supposed that an embankment, such as it is proposed to make, would operate as a dam, causing injury to the lands above it, as well as to the work itself. Such would nut be the case, because the great area over which this crevasse water extends, and the level surface of the country in all directions, mostly a dense forest, gives to the overflow more the nature of a lake than that of freshet inundation. The culverts and bridges proposed on the route will be amply sufficient to allow the water to maintain nearly the same level on each side of the embankments. I am in possession of data sufficient to esti- mate closely on every portion of the road between Thibodcaux and Berwick's Bay. with the exception only of the bridges. The time allowed for making the survey- was not suffi- cient to permit me to bore or sound the bottom of the bayous requiring bridges, and conse- quently only an opinion can be hazarded as to their description or cost. Many engineers and others are of opinion, that the best manner of building railroads across overfl'wed swamps similar to those on this line, is on a construction of trestle work. I conceive that a more substantial and cheaper road-bed can be obtained by throwing up solid embankments of earth, aud I have estimated accordingly, giving them such a height in the swamps as to be more than one foot above the highest crevassee watermarks, and on the other land so high as to secure at all times a solid foundation. ESTIMATES, Cutting trees and clearing roadway, $ 8,600 All embankments and grading, 36,890 Lumber for mud sills aud cross ties, 32,020 Iron rails, CiS lbs. per lineal yard, spikes and chairs 112,750 Labor on superstructure, 32,100 Add 10 per cent, for contingent ex- penses and engineer's department, 22,236 Total (equal to ?9,144 per mile), . .8244,596 In afldition to the above, there must be allowed for bridges, culverts, and depots, or warehouses, a'sum which will add to the cost of the road probably not exceeding $1,200 per mile. RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. 543 Tour instructions required me to examine \ nnother route, commencing at the juuctiim of Bavou Sliaver and Baj-ou Bcuuf, and billow- ing eastward (in the south side of Jiayou Ba;uf, crossing the Bayou Ciiene ; thence on south side of Bayou Bhick, and crossing Bayou Crocodile; tlienco on or near tlie south lioun- daries of townshii) IG, ranges 14 and 15, to Bayou Black again; thence on the liigh lands of Bayou Black to a point in T. 17, R. 16, and then cro-sing over to Bayou Black aguin, near the eastern junction of it ami Biiyou Chucahoula, and thence up on tlie liigh lands of Bavou Black toThibodeaux. This last described route is certainly worthy of ciinsideratiDi) and examination, by rea>^on of its passage through a district of country ■which might afford much local business to the road ; and before any location of the road shall Lave been positively determined on, it ought to be surveyed in detail. Time was not allowed me to make this survey, as ordered in your instructions, and make out a report thereon in season to be submitted to you pre- vious to the meeting of the convention. The distance between Thibodeaux and Ber wick's Bay, by the route last described, would be between 38 and -iO miles. From previous knowledge of some portion of it, and a recent examination, without instruments, of other portions, I am of opinion that the route (with the exception of one particular locality of the extent of about two miles) is entirely prac- ticable, but would cost as much or more per mile as the more direct route, first describee!, and which is some twelve miles less in dis tance. The question then would present itself, •whether the additional local business of the longer route would justify the outlay ( f its additional first cost ol construction, and also the additional charge on all the business of the road from and beyond Berwick's Bay, in all futme time. Ou the longer route many more curves would be required than on the other, consequently less velocity in transit couFd be obtained with the same degree of safety. Those only who are practically acquainted with the working of railroads, will give due weight to this comparison. Another thing to be considered, and one, I think, of much importance, is, that the longer route, teriuinating at Bayou Shaver, would for ever preclude the proposition of crossing Berwick's Bay on a permanent bridge Most persons, I am aware, are of opinion it is not practicable to do so. In order to satisfy myself, and others who may be inclined to in- vestigate the matter, though not required by your instructions, I have taken a cross sectiuu of the bay,above the mouth of Bayou Bccuf, the result of which is shown on tlie annexeil sketch. This proves clearly to my mind that if the bottom shall be found sufficiently firm, a per- manent bridge can, and certainly will, be con- structed across the bay, sooner or later, if the road shall ever have any considerable extent or business. At first, it may })robably be advisable to cross Berwick's Bay by means of a floating bridge; and if it be so decided, then the road should be so located near the b.iy as is represented on the annexed sketch by dotted lines, in order to avoid a mud-flat ou the eastern shore of the bay. Your instructions also required me to sur- vey the mute for a branch from the main road to the town of Houtna, ii. the pari.^h of Terre- bonne. I have projected on the sketch, in dot- ted lines, two ditferent routes, either of which may be selected. The shorte>t follows over cultivated lands on B.iyou Terrebonne, lieing in length about fifteen miles, and the other over cultivated lands, mostly on Bayou Black, having a lengtii of about seventeen miles. The longest route would afford the gr-atest amount of local accs' S%trve>/. RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA.— Pro- posed RoLTE OF A Road to Opelousas and TiiXAs.* — Sir: The enthusiasm that prevails at the prcs.'nt time on the subject of railroads in our jlate, and the favor with which was received a suggestion that I advanced to seve- ral influential gentlemen of New Orleans, rel ative to a new line of direct communication by railroad between the city and the town of "SVashington in the parish of St. Landry, in- duce me to take the liberty of submitting a rough outline of the proposed route, through you, to the committee which, at the recent convention, was appointed by the president "to prepare an address, setting forth all Aicts and stati>tics they can gather on all railroad projects in which the state has a direct and immediate interest." As it appeared to be generally conceded, prior to the assembling of our convention, that the scheme of a railroad communication be- tween New-Orleans and Jackson, via Baton Rouge, had good prospects of success, and that the line of its route would be along the eastern bank of the Mississippi, pa.ssing within a few miles of a point opposite the town of Donakhonville, it occurred to me, some time since, that a very advantageous raodifii-ation might be made in the plan of communication by railroad between New-Orleans and Wash- ington advocated by Col. Payne, by means of which these two important public enterprises might be made to lend a helping hand to each other, and work in concert towards the grand result aimed at by the convention, as set forth in their resolutions — 'the equal and mutual advantage of city and countiy. Th(i proposition made by me, accordingly, was to effect a connection between the two contemplated lines through a branch to be constructed from the Jackson road to the Mississippi, opposite DonaldsonviUe, and through a steam-ferry capable of receivitig the train of cars from the Washington road at that ))oiiit. The latter road, I suggested, should run as follows: from the point on the Mississi[ipi just designated opposite Donald- son, ami on the west bank of the Lafourche, down that bayou tliree miles, thin leaving the bayou, through the Grand Bayou Piei-re part and Grand River settlements to Grand river, twenty-one miles. Grand river to be crossed by means of a bridge ; thence south westwardly to Grand Lake, nine miles; across that body of water, as across the Mississippi, by a steam-ferry ; thence to the Techc, three miles, and then following the route proposed by Col. Payne, up that stream, through Frank- * This route has had but few friendi, and has at- tracted but litile attention, and yet we liavo always boliuvcd il3 merits to be very great. — EuiToii. lin, New-Tberia, SI. Martinsville, Vermilion- ville and Opelousas, to the terminus at Wash- ington, seventy miles, — a distance, all told, of 103 miles from the point of departure on the Mississippi. In favor of the adoption of this line over any other which lias yet been proposed, and more especially over tliat proposed by Col. Payne, many considerations of great weight may be offered. As my design is only to bring the attention of the committee on the subject, I shall content myself on this occa- sion with the briefest statement of the most prominent among them. 1st. By the route suggested by me, a sav- ing of seventy-eight miles of road would be effected. 2d. Several very expensive bridges would be disf)ensed with. 3d. No deep swamps or trembling prairies would be encountered. 4th. Upon the construction of only twenty- one miles of road a direct communication could, within a few months, be established between New - Orleans and the Attakapas parishes, rendering immediately available a largely productive revenue. 5th. There would be secured to the Wash- ington road the strenuous support an 1 cooper- ation of all capitalists already enlisted in building up the Jackson road. But, however cogent and unanswerable may be these reasons, they will still be held secondary by the gentlemen of the committee who represent New-Orleans, to any addi- tional consideration, which, in as far as they are concerned, must prove conclusive. The line now recommended, through its connection with the Jackson road, may be regarded as terminating substantially and in eft'ect in the city, and its completion would, of necessity, go far towards enhaticing the prosperity' of New Orleans ; whilst it nmst be manifest that the inevitable result of the success of Colonel Payne's scheme would be the founding at Algiers of a dangerous commercial rival. Col. Payne's project will not, therefore, I feel assured, receive any encouragement from tlie moneyed men of New-Orleans, and without their support the country is entirely incompe- tent to undertake it. The route that I suggest harmonizes all interests, and should meet with equal favor on all hands. You will permit me a few additional re- marks in explanation. 1st- By the adoption of the line proposed by me, a saving of sevcnt3'-eight miles in the length of the road — sixty two miles east and sixteen west of the ISIississippi — would bo ef- fected, as already stated. Now, accepting Col. Payne's data, you will perceive that by this means alone an economy of $780,000 is realized. 2d. But a further reduction of cost would be secured by the avoidance of the necessity RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. 645 of constructing two expensive bridges, •which i road were constructed along the Bayou Ter- wuuld luive to be erected on Colonel Payne's ' rebonne, to connect with the main trunk of route ; one over the Lafourche, wliich would scarcely be built for less than $10U,00o, and another over the Bayou Bo?uf, which would call for the outlay of nearly §50,000. 3d. It should be borne in mind that it is precisely over that portion of this Algiers road, which branch must involve an expendi- ture of at least §200,000, to be added to the stupendous cost of the work, admitted by Colonel Payne's report to reach already to §1,000,000. 4th. You will observe, that at a smaller route, which lies between New-Orleana and I cost than would be required for the erection the Teche, that the nature of the country uf the two bridges already spoken of. over presents the most formidable obstacles to a the Lafourche and the Bojuf, and other bridges railway communication. I do not hesitate to required along the route, by the construction assert, from my own personal knowledge, that of twcnty-oue miles of road from the Missis- the swamps of this region will present almost insurmountable difficulties to the passage of the road, in the direction indicated by Mr. Payne, and must increase far beyond the amount stated by him [-§10,000] the average cost per mile. It is susceptible of demonstration, that by adopting tlie line advocated by me, these sev- eral reductions in the cost of the road could be effected, amounting in the aggregate to near §1,000,000, — a sura in itself more than sufficient to finish the other road its entire length. Are there any counterbalancing ad- vantages attending the selection of the Algiers route which should entitle it to the preference of the committee ? I have been able to dis- cover none which could stand the test of se- rious examination. It has indeed been ar- gued, and even assumed, that the support of the parishes of Lafourche Interior and Terre- bonne would be gained to that project of com- munication, and a good deal of influence has been assigned to the assistance which they would furnish ; but it seems to me clear that this has been done on premises unworthy of confidence. Lafourche Interior has an excellent channel of navigation open for the greater portion of the year, and at no time more than partially interrupted. To imagine that for the exclusive advantage of a dozen planters who would reside on the line of the road, as it traverses that parish, the remainder of the inhabitants could be in- duced to submit to the system of taxation upon which so much stress is laid by some enthusiasts, is perfectly visionary ; nor is it any less visionary to imagine that any consid- erable amount of Lafourche sugar would ever take this road to market, inasmuch as at that season when our crops are shipped to the city, the Lafourche planters have, for the larger portion of the time, a cheaper, safer, and more convenient communication with New-Orleans than could be furnished them by artificial outlets. Terrebonne's geographi- cal position is ditferent, and the planters of that parish unquestionably rest under such inconveniences as might lead them to sustain Mr. Payne's projected road. But it should be recollected that they could be but partially benefited, unless, as suggested by a delegate from that parish to the convention, a branch VOL. II. sippi to Grand river, there could be opened within a year, to the people of the Attakapas, a mode of cheap and easy communication with the city — Avhich could not fail to bring in at once a handsome revenue, and, at the same time, confidence in the practicability of the undertaking. If you will refer to Col. Payne's report, the committee will be competent to judge approximately of the amount of travel and freight available as a source of profit. On the other hand, the committee should not lose sight of the fact, that should the scheme of Col. Payne be adopted, it would be utterly impossible to derive the least benefit from the road until after its completion from Al- giers to the Lafourche, a distance of sixty miles, which, as I have stated, could not be done at a smaller preliminary cost (not in- cluding the bridge) than §7oO,000. In conclusion, an act of the legislature has authorized the incorporation of a company to run a railroad from the Mississippi to Grand river, and the state has liberally donated such lands as it possessed along the route ; the dif- ferent property-holders through whose posses- sions the road would pass, have also volun- teered the gratuitous cession of such lands as might be needed for the use of the road. An act has been signed for the formation of a company to build the road ; but owing to the temporary excitement created in favor of Col. Payne's project, no steps have been re- cently taken to urge this scheme before the public. But now that the question of opening a railway communication between New-Orleans and the western portion of Louisiana has been transferred from the decision of popular assemblies to the calmer and wiser judgment of a select committee of practical men, I have thought, as one of those who are inter- ested in having the merits of the route via Donaldsonville fairly tested, that I would draw up for the use of the committee a brief and incomplete sketch as is herein presented to them, being fully prepared, however, when they may deem it advisable, to lay before them a more detailed statement of my views. I am at this moment engaged in making a survey of the route adopted by the incor- porated company referred to; plaus of which 35 546 RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. survey, and of others representing the entire route as suggested, will be forwarded to the committee, should they feel disposed to in- spect them. — {By A. J. Powell.) RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA.— Peo- JECT OF A R.^ILROAD FROM VlCKSBURG, VIA MONTIOE AND ShREVEPOUT, THROUGH THE IN- TERIOR OF Texas, submitted by the Dele- gation OF Northern Louisiana. Report. — This road has been projected for the purpose of developing the nortliern part of the state of Louisiana, and the northern, eastern, and middle portions of Texas, securing their trade to the city of New-Orleans, and to add another section to a great national road. It will pass through a tier of parishes iu this state, con taining over four millions of acres of rich, fer- tile land, fully equal to the best lands in the world for the growth of cotton. Tlie whole of this land is arable, with the exception of a comparatively inconsiderable portion subject to annual inundation. These parishes now produce about 130,000 bags of cotton. With- out the aid of a railroad this amount is not likely to be increased. Indeed, nothing but the unsurpassed fertility of the soil could sus- tain their present population, in the absence of any other means for getting their produce to maiket, and obtaining their supplies, than ia afforded by small streams of water, unna- vigable for many months in the year, and which, at best, meet the demands of a very limited portion of the country in question. Take, as an illustration of this statement, the pai'ish of Caddo, which is more favorably' sit- uated for navigation than any other of the northern parishes. For several months during the year just closed the good people of this parisli have been six weeks from New-Orleans "in due course of mail." Flour has been selling at $12 per bbl. ; bacon, 16 cts. ; sugar and cot- fee, 12 and 14 cts. ; lard, 25 cts., and other family supplies in proportion. Merchants have hauled their goods from the Mississippi, iu wagons, and commenced selling them about the time their bills for the purchase of them began to fall due. Other goods, purchased for the Shreveport market, have been met at New- Orleans, shipped up the Mississippi, anil opened at various points on that river, in markets un- suiteil to their quality, and forced srdes made to sustain, if possible, tlie credit of the purcha- ser. The whole cotton crop of the parish is at this time under slielter at the gin houses, or locked up in the warehouses at Shreveport, waiting a rise in Red River. These extrava- gant prices — tliese ruinous delays — this unna- tural course of trade, and general derangement of business calculations, return upon us with the regularity of the business seasons, and must continue to recur so long as our only de- pendence is upon the uncertain navigation of Red River. Even witli all tliese disadvanta- ges, the fertility of the soil in this parish has induced its rapid settlement Tlie Indiana were removed so late as 1839, and the same year the lands were offered for sale by the government. The parish now contains six thousand slaves. Fifty thousand acres of land have been brought into cultivation ; and she will send to market this year, as the produce of her own soil, twelve thousand bags of cot- ton. Shreveport, which is marked out by its geographical position as the centre of trade, not only for this parish, but for a vast extent of country to the west of it in Texas, has a population of twenty-five hundred inhabitants, and is the secontl place in the state in point of commercial importance. The trade between Shreveport and New-Orleans already amounts to several millions. But the phxnters of Caddo parish, and the enterprising merchants of Shreveport, are struggling against adverse cir cumstauces, under the weight of which they must finally yield, unless some scheme is de- vised for their relief. There are 191,000 acres of uncultivated land in this parish, lield by private citizens, and a large amount still un- sold by the government. When a fair pro- portion of this shall have been brought iuto cultivation, Caddo pari.sh will send one hun- dred thousand bags of cotton to market. The limits of this report do not permit a detailed statistical statement of each of the parishes through which the road is projected ; and we have selected Caddo, because it is about an average parish in size, present wealth, and pro- duction — and because more favorably .'■ituated than most of the other parishes ; the ftxcts in regard to it demonstrate the absolute neces- sity of a railroad communication with tlie Mis- sissippi to its continued prosperity. Oiher pa- rishes, as Bossier, Claibourne, aud Bienville, equally fertile in lands, are still more isolated in position, and must remain almost wholly undeveloped and worthless to the state, unless aided by railroad communication. This road would speedily develop this whole region of country ; and if built, it is a very moderate and sober calculation to say, that withm six years these parishes would send New-Orleans four hundred thousand bags of cotton. But the fertility of the soil, and the trade based upon its produce, are not the only elements of wealth this road will ilevelop. Contiguous to the route are large and extensive forests of val- uable pine timber. Upon the watercourses which unite to form the D'Arbane, and tliose which empty into the Dugdemonia, and Black Lake waters, Ac, are gootl water privileges, which may be used to propel machinery. This country is not. therefore, likely to remain en- tirely rural, but extensive manufactories will spring up along the road, and add another ele- ment to the wealth arxl pros]H'rity of our state. These advantages, so feebly set forth, might be deemed sufficient to engage the attention of this Convention, and secure its favorable no ticc ; but the project looks beyond the limits RAILROADS IN" LOUISIANA. 547 of our owu state, aud proposes to penetrate the heart of Texas between the 32cl and 33d parallels of hititude, to open up the vast re- sources of tliat immense country, and .secure to ourselves tlie advantages wliich always flow from enlarged views and a liberal policy. Here are thirty organized counties, partially settled, covering as many thousand square miles, and containing not far from twenty mil- lions of acres of land. These counties produce at present about fifty thousand bags of cotton. More than half of tins is grown in six of tliese counties, most conveniently situated to the nav- igation of Red River. The other forty- ft)ur counties are engaged chiefly in the stock busi- ness, and exported during the past season not far from fifty thousand head of beef cattle, and twenty thousand head of sheep. This busmess has been found profit ible, and is rap- idly on the increase. To this may be added for peltries S200,OOG, and -SoO.OOO for bees- wax. Some of these counties are erecting mills, and alreaily produce considerable quan- tities of flour, wliich, however, is consumed in the country. To find a market, tliis flour is hauled two and three hundred miles in wag- 1 ons. Northern Texas is one of the best ! wheat growing countries on the continent. The average crop is said to be thirty bushels per acre of a very superior quality. And it IS worthy of remark, that, aided by the con- struction of the contemplated railroad, this country would put down flour in New Orleans one month earlier than it is possible for any part of the country to do from which she now draws her supplies. The importations of goods, groceries, and family supplies, into this coun- try, may be determined by the amount of their exports. The wants of this people are 80 urgent, that their purchases have no other limit than their ability to pay. In these esti mates we have confined ourselves to those counties in Texas, the northern boundary of which reaches beyond the 3'2d degree of lat- itude, and which are pretty well advanced in settlement. To our other estimates should be added, a trade carrietl on with the southern portion of the Indian nations, which now finds a channel through Red River, and amounts at present to about §200,000, and is susceptible of a large increase. If we look to the extent of this country, and its capabilities of future improvement, we shall see that it can no longer be neglected, unless we are determined to lie down in idleness and poverty, in utter disre- gard to the sources of wealth which the bounty of Providence has placed within our reach. Probably no other spot upon the globe, of the same extent, contains so large a proportion of rich and fertile land as the region of country of which we are now speaking. The road will scarcely pass over a section of land that will not reward the labor of the husbandman and contribute to its business and support. Who can calculate the future of this country, and tell what it shall be, when its productive resources shall have been fully developed by a judicious system of railways ? We have not even mentioned all the known sources of wealth which it contains. In some of the counties are extensive quarries of limestone, mines of salt, stone coal, and iron ore ; and not far beyond the western limit of the country indicated, are mountains, said to abound in the precious metals, silver, gold, and platina. Tiie natural advantages of this country are becom- ing more generally known ; and there is, in consequence, an immense tide of emigration pouring into it the present season; and not only is the number of emigrants very much in- creased, but they are of a better class, and take with them a much larger amount of negro pro- perty. So that the population, wealth, pro- duce, and trade of this country are increasing in an arithmetical ratio. A very large pro- portion of the cotton grown in these counties is sent to this city at au average cost of §4 per bag. In most of the counties the co^t of trans- porting cotton to market so far exceeds the profits of planting that it is not attempted a id should the present low prices continue and the building of tliis road be delayed a few years, planting will be abandoned, and the ne- groes removed near the Gulf iu western Texas. These people receive their supplies at the same heavy cost for transportation, and this double tax necessarily makes them veiy small consumers. There is another view which the undersigned have taken of this route. It is projected on the same line of latitude with Charleston, Montgomery, Vicksburg, Mom-oe, Shreveport, Marshall, Dallas, El Paso, and San Diego. If ever the Atlantic is connected with the Paci- fic by railway, it must be upon this line. No other route presents so few obstacles, or com bines so many advantages. It is central in geographical position, crosses the continent at the narrowest point, is far enough south to avoid the snows and frosts of winter, and far enough north to strike the rivers which empty into the Gulf at practicable crossings. It will best accommodate the ditterent parts of the country ; and to it cities and states, north, east, and south, must all come, who seek to connect themselves with the trade of California. When the connection shall have been formed between Jackson and Montgomery, this great central road will be connected with all the principal cities in the United States; ami like the great central artery of the human body, it will infuse life and vigor into every one of its branches, and animate with health the remot- est members of this great confederated body of states. The section of this route which more immediately engages the attention of the undersigned, is deemed entirely practica- ble. Steps have been taken to procure a sur- I vey of the route ; but as this has not been 1 done, we are happy to be able to lay before 548 BAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. the convention the opinion of Professor For- ehey, given in the correspondence below. " New-Oeleans, Jan. 5, 1852. " Dear Sir : " You are informed that the friends of in- ternal improvement in the northern part of Louisiana, have projected a railroad from Vicksburg across the state, by way of Mon- roe and Shreveport. Tlie information wliich has been collected, leads the friends of the road to believe that no great difficulties pre- sent themselves on the route, and that, taking the whole line together, it will be an easy one. You are also aware that, by orders of the government, a route has been surveyed, quite recently, from Lake Providence to Ful- ton, and it is understood a low estimate has been made of the cost of this road. I believe you once surveyed the route to Alexandria a little lower down than Monroe. You also have intimate |knowledge of this whole re- gion of country. " Will you be good enough to infonn me ■what is your opinion of the practicability of the proposed route ? And, if it will not trouble you too much, furnish a rougli esti- mate of the probable cost of the road ? "Have the friends of this enterprise select- ed the best route to cross the state, and de- velop the resources of the northern parishes? Or is there any better or more practicable route ? " Your early attention to this is solicited, and will much obHge the undersigned, ; nd many, the friends cf internal improvement in our state. Very respectfully, &c. " C. G. Young." "Carrollton, La., Jan. 6, 1852. "Dr. C. G. Young: " Dear Sir, — Your note of yesterday is at hand, asking my opinion in regai'd to the practicability of constructing a railroad from Shreveport, on tlie Red River, to Vicksburg, on the Mississippi, via Monroe on the Oua- chita. " The questions you ask I shall answer, as I suppose, of course, they were intended purely as a professional matter, witliout en- tering into questions regarding its utility, which are, doubtless, better understood by yourselves than I could present tliem. " I answer as to practicability, that there is on the whole route nothing approaching very near to the impracticable. " Tiiis line would be 180 miles long, and would keep within ten miles of the same parallel, namely, latitude thirty-two degrees thirty minutes, all the way. " Commencing on the east bank of Red River, opposite to Shreveport, the best route would cross the Bayou Bodcan, below the ' lake, two or three miles, and pursue a line, nearly direct, to Mindon on the Dauchete : thence deflecting a little northward, to avoid the broken lands about the head waters of the Bhick Lake Bayou, it would pursue the summit ridge nearly due east, between the waters of the D'Arbonne on the north, and the Dugdemona and Castor on the south; and without crossing a single stream large enough to hare a name, in 75 miles, would reach the Ouachita river, opposite Monroe, in precisely the same latitude with Shreve- port. " From Monroe, the best line would con- tinue eastward, not for from the township line of T. 7, 8, north, crossing the Lafourche Bayou and Bceuf River, a little south of the extreme south corner of the Bastrop Grant, the Bayou Macon, and Joe's Bayou, in the middle of T. 7, and thence run along the bank of the latter to the nearest bend of the Tensas river: along the bank of the Tensas, and across its bend, the line would cross that river at or near the north line of T. 6. and the Roundaway Bayou at Richmond, north of the mouth of Walnut Bayou ; and thence east- ward, the line would reach the river bank, on the Mississippi, at some place between Young's Point and the estate of General Dunlap — thence it would keep near the bank of the river to a point opposite Vicksburg. '•The greatest difficulties on this route are not in the construction of a railway track upon firm ground, without any considerable excavation or embankment. This may be done at the minimum, or near the minimum cost of railway construction. The abundance of timber on the way at nearly every 25ortion of the line, and the slight grades required, give ample assurance of tliis. " The true difficulties consist, first, in the bridges or crossings of several large streams ; and, second, in the character of the over- flowed region to bc^ crossed. " 1st. Tliere will be five first class bridges to be constructed on the route ; and if built in such substantial maimer as are common on similar streams, they must cost a sum equal to about six miles of road each ; and three bridges of the second class, equal each to two miles of road, which may be esti- mated in all as increasing the cost of the whole road above the minimum, a sum not less than $350,000. " The next difficulty is a much less one as to increased cost. It would require that the road sliould be built on tressel-work, through the Lafourche swamp, through Bayou Macon and Tensas swamps, a distance which I cannot venture to name without an actual survey. " But this necessity results from the direc- tion of the route, which is at riglit angles to the trend of the alluvial planes, and hence across the drainajre. Continuous embank- RAILROADS IN LOUISIANA. 549 ments cannot be coastructed without nmui- fest injury to the drainage of the country. " Trcssel-work, for elevations of 3 to feet, would increase the niiniinuui cost of the road about 20 pei" cent, per mile, for the number of miles so constructed. It is a vague estinuit-j, but I suppose that $50,000 would be a sufficient sum to meet this con- tingency. " According to this estimate, it may be as- sumed m general terms that 180 miles i-ailroad track, culverts, and stations 81,800,000 S bridges, first and second class... 350,000 20 miles tressel-work, «$:c, 50,000 Total probable cost of the road. .. $2^00,000 ' ' I nmst beg, my dear sir, that you will take these as crude opinions, based upon a very good knowledge of the country, true, but without any surveys upon the route you designate ; and I would not be willing to have these opinions arrayed against any others resulting from careful surveys in the future, made by myself or other competent engineers. " Very faithfully your obedient servant, " Caleb G. Forshey, " Civil Engineer." The government of the United States is in- terested in a most du'ect and unmistakable manner in the construction of this road. Its treaty stipulations with Mexico, and its obli- gations to protect its own citizens, require a line of military posts to be kept up on the frontiers of Texas and Mexico. Five regi- j ments of soldiers are now stationed upon [ these lines, and the number will probably be I increased tJiis winter to eight. The trans- portation of supplies to these stations will make a heavy drain upon t)ie treasury of the United States, and render indispensable a considerable increase in the appropriations for the army. From data furnished the un- dersigned from reliable sources, they have been enabled to form such estimates as to place it beyond doubt, that the mere freight and transportation of supplies to these sta- tions will cost t!ie government more than a million of dollars annually. We are aware that this statement will startle persons un- acquainted with the difficulties of the country. But the estimate is below the actual cost. The Secretary of War mentions that more than forty dollars has been paid on the trans- portation of a barrel of flour. In one instance the government engaged a man to haul sup- plies from St. Antonio to El Paso, at §16 50, who threw up the contract as a bad bargain. There are other ways in which the federal government will be i)rofited. With the fa- cilities which the road would aiibrd for con- centrating her forces, the country may give its citizens a far more efficient protection with a reduced number of soldiers. Indeed, a railroad would develop a populatitwi which, in a few years, would supersede the necessity of keeping up these stations at all. This was the effect in our own state of opening the navigation of Red River. More than this, the same population would i>ecome con- sumers of imported goods, paying duty, and thus the road will augment the revenue of the government, at the same time tliat it lessens its expenditures. The people along this road are alive to the subject. Enthusi- astic meetings have been held in many of the parishes in northern Louisiana, and the counties mentioned in Texas, in all of which the people have passed resolutions in favor of its immediate construction. In addition, large conventions have been held in Shreve- port, Monroe, Marshall, and Palestine, in which delegates representing quite a number of parishes and counties have conferred, and united in giving expression to the public sen- timent. Such is the state of feeling upon the subject, that private citizens have ofiered to donate a portion of their land to secure the building of the road. In submitting this re- port, the undersigned would conclude it by recommending the construction of this road, as important to a numerous people, inhabit- ing a large and extensive region of country, prolific in sources of wealth, situated in northern Louisiana, in middle, western, north- ern, and eastern Texas. That it is important to the city of New-Orleans, as opening a channel through which she may secure to herself almost the entire trade of the country in question — a trade which at present amounts to several millions, and which is susceptible of an indefinite increase. The interest which the undersigned feels upon this subject in- duces a pause here — to observe that the po- sition which New-Orleans now occujiies, in regard to this trade, is one of peril. Unless some artificial means be devised to facilitate and cheapen transportation to and from that portion of this country lying west of Shreve- port, its entire trade will soon be diverted into other channels. We have reason to believe that Texas will look with favor ujxjh this route. It has al- ready been mentioned that a large number of her most populous counties have held meet- ings and passed resolutions in favor of it, and instructed their representatives accordingly. We have also reason to believe that Texas will not permit her territory to be penetrated by a railroad on the east, south of the 32d degree of latitude, and she will look with in- difference upon any project that does not connect her by a direct line with the Missis- sippi river. To do this, the road must cross Red river at Shreveport, for there is no other practicable crossing for more than three hun- 550 RAILROAD CONNECTION BET'WEEN LOUISIANA AND TEXAS. dred miles. A road tbrough the extreme | northern portion of Texas, to Little Rock and Memphis, might, indeed, cross the river at Fulton. This road has already been spoken of. It is an important route, and will, no ' doubt, ultimately be built, but it can never compete for the transportation of cotton with a road running to Vicksburg. But to return. The information already given in this report, touching the nature of the country through which it shall run, shows this road to be im- portant to the city of New-Orleans, as open- ing up to her a new and abundant source, from which she may supply herself with beef, mutton, flour, and other articles of living, of a superior quality, at reduced prices, whereby she may greatly cheapen the ex- penses of living of her citizens, and reduce the price of fare at her hotels and boarding houses, which will operate to produce a rapid increase of her population, both transient and permanent. This road is important to the state of Louisiana, because it will procure tlie settlement of four millions of acres of her vacant land, and add within a few years twenty millions to the amount of her taxable property. It is important to the federal government, because it will save her half a million annually in the cost of transporting supplies to her soldiers on the frontiers of Texas and Mexico. Finally, this road is deemed important to all sections of the coun- try, as forming a part of that great central trunk which shall belt the continent, and with which all other roads on the continent must connect to perfect the system. C. G. Young, Chairman of the Delegation from Northern Louisiana. RAILROAD CONNECTION BETWEEN LOUISIANA AND TEXAS.— Louisiana and Texas Railkoad — or now New-Orleans SHALL FIND SOURCKS OF ABUNDANT WeALTII IN THE FUTURE TO ATONE FOR ALL OF HER LoSSES.* — Whilst the people of Nev/-Orleans have been casting about for a j^lank whereon to save themselves in the general shipwreck impending over the city, in 'the contests of more enterprising rivals for the commerce of the west, and have jirojected two great works of intci-nal improvement to connect them with .Jackson, Bliss., and Opelousas, it is somewhat surprising that a railroad more important, if any thing, than either in its results, and equally practicable, connectiTig some point of permanent nav'ujation on Red River iL'ith the waters of the Trinity, in Tei-as^ has been almost entirely overlooked. The first suggestion of such a road, as an inde- pendent proposition, emanated from a meet- ing of the citizens of Shreveport, but a few days ago, (see August No. Kev.) and it is impossible that any one can rise from a can- did and unprejudiced consideration of the subject, without the conviction that it is a work in which the people of this city and state have a deep and abiding interest. The grounds for assuming some point on Red River as the Louisiana terminus, rather than Opelousas, which has hitherto been suggested, are, that the road will then pass, in its whole extent, through a richer and more prolific country, will bridge the rivers at higher and less difficult points, will be less in distance to the Trinity, and through more thickly settled regions ; and, what is of more importance, ipill be protected from the competition of the guJf cities of Texas, af- ter the improvement of the rivers of that state, or the construction of any railroads she may project in the direction of her sea coast. Whether the point on Red River be Shreveport, Natchitoches, or Alexandria, or still lower down, is unimportant at present^ and must depend upon the degree of activi- ty evideneea by either of them, or upon future improvements in the navigation of the river. From any of those points cotton can be brought to New-Orleans on steam- boats the greater part of the year, should * At the time this was written, it was understood that tho Opelousas Railroad would seek a connection with Texas somewhere on the parallel of 31*^, and it was so declared in the circular for tho convention soon after held at Burlveville, Texas. We regarded the projection unfortunate from the nature of the country to he passed, and thought that a Texas road should be entertained as a separate proposition, run- ning on the parallel of ahout 32'^. In this view we visited .Shreveport, organized a mooting, and explain- ed tho views suljseciuently emhodied in tliis artii-Ie. Our action was misconstrued and misrepresented by some, and it vma said we were opposed to the Opelou- gas road. The charge was groundless, since we had previously advocated it,and it never once entered into cur head that a road from Red River would be at all antagonistic. On the contrary, Opelousas could be at once connected with it by a short road of fifty or sixty miles to Alexandria. The jui-tnoss of our viinv.s has since been sustained )iy the action of the Opelou- sas coin jpany, in changing tlieir route into Texas to a much more northwardly line, and they will with- out doubt reach Shreveport, the point otour depart- ure. How advantageous would it bo to begin from Shreveport to build west, as well as to build in the same direction from New-Orleans! livery mile west of Shreveport will bring new trade to us, and w© shall thus forestall the movcmenta wliich Galveston may be making in that quarter. Kventually, we- have little doubt, a road will be bailt from tho Mis- sissippi immediately south of Red river, where it is admitted a route exists, free from all danger of over- flow, on tho shortest lino to Texas. This road will cross tho Mississippi at that point, and connect with the Jackson road in some of its branches, and pro- duce and tiavi^l will be landed in the heart of the old Second Miuiicipality. Now. however, that the "■voted tax " makes the road a certainty, we are prepared, and so ought every good citizen to be, to unite with the present company heart and soul, and, without on& single jar, press with them a road to Opelousas and to Te.xas upon any route whatever which may \>ti decided upon. We pledge this cordially. RAILROAD CONNECTION BETWEEN LOUISIANA AND TEXAS. 551 the supply be lai^ely increased, at from 60 to 75 coiils per bale — present freights being eoinewhut liiglier. To tlu- terminus selected on Red River, a branch of the Opelousas road, on its com- pletion, would be constructed, so as to offer to travel and freight a choice of routes to New-Orleans, to be determined by their relative speed and cheapness. The jn-ojeeted road ought, for obvious reasons, to be kept as a distinct and inde- pendent proposition from that to Opelousas, though both may in the event be connect- ed. It must rest entirely upon its own merits, and is capable of an entirely isolated exist- ence. By keeping them apart, the want of success in either will by no means jeopard the other. Tliey may both be begun at the same moment, and proceed pari passu to completion. Wiiilst ])few-Orleaus is losing lier trade upon so many points, and must have in the future little reliance upon the northwest, it becomes her, if possible, to open new chan- nels of enterprise. Texas presents a virgin field, which, if she is wise, will more than compensate for all her losses. Few persons have a clear conception of the resources of Texas, and the important position she is destined to attain in the confederacy. To secure for our city an intimate commercial relationship with her would be a master- stroke of policy ; but unless it is speedily done, in the increase of the facilities of in- tercourse, Texas will have a nearer connec- tion with New- York than with Louisiana! The area of Texas is about •100,000 square miles, a territory five times as large as New- England, and as large as all the other south- ern states put together. Her immense prai- ries, alluvial bottoms and eanebrakes fur- nish an abundance of the most prolific soil for the cultivation of every southern staple. Her climate is superior to that of Louisiana or jSIlssissippi, and her forests and timbered lands altogether unrivalled. Cotton of the finest quality is an abundant product in almost every part, and with the necessary labor her annual yield will soon exceed that of any other state. In the level regions, near the coast, sugar lands exist of finest quality. Tobacco, equal to Cuban, is almost indigenous. The same of indigo. Indian corn in great profusion is gathered, two crops in the year. Wheat, superior to any in the world, can be grown Avithout practi- cal limit, and with proper mills, Texas could supply a large portion of the demands of our market. The supply of cattle is alto- gether unlimited, and already thousands of head constantly stock our markets. These are but the leading items. There is silver ore at San Saba, gold upon the Atoyac, iron in various positions, lead, copper, d'c. A salt lake is worked near the Rio Grande. Tliis splendid domain has hitherto scarce- ly attracted the attention of our people. During the independence of Texas, so much doubt and uncertainty prevailed in regard to the permanency of her government, that immigration and public wealth were not likely to thrive. To this succeeded war, and the golden hues of the California bub- ble, now dissipated, da/.zled all eyes, and reared up for Texas a rival which at once deprived her of her beaiity and attractive- ness. It is but two years since the reaction be- gan, and already the most brilliant pros- pects are opened. Immigrants of the best class, from all of the southern states, with their capital and slaves, have been pouring in a constant stream into the state. They have entered by the seaports, or overland in great caravans. In the short period of twelve months, not less than 60,000 per- sons, about half of whom are blacks, have ascended the Red river from New-Orleans, or have crossed that stream at the numer- ous crossings at and above Alexandria. "We may suppose, at least, 20,000 to have enter- ed by the Gulf ports, which would give an increase of 33 1-3 per cent, to the popula- tion in one year. The tide continues to flow, and but a few years will show the state foremost in all the south, if not in all the Union. Most of these immigrants have settled in the vicinities of the Sabine and the Trinity. This is the domain whose trade we would attract to New-Orleans, but which, by our supineness, we shall perhaps for ever lose. New-Yoi'k had scarcely a brighter or more glorious prospect before her when she pro- jected her great canal to the lakes. Yet New-Orleans will talk and sleep until this prize, too, has for ever escaped her grasp. The country between the Sabine and the Trinity rivers, which is the seat of all the recent emigration, will, in the course of a few years, produce 300,000 bales of cotton, every one of which might be diverted to New-Orleans by the construction of this Red River Railroad, but every one of which will as certainly descend the rivers to the Texas sea-ports and be carried off to New-York without such a road. Here is a business of §1,500,000 or $2,000,000 profit annually, which it is in the power of New-07'lcans to control, if she had but the enterprise of a Connecticut clock village. In addition to this there will be 100,000 barrels of flour, to say nothing of innumerable other pro- duets. The return trade will be equally lai-ge. To secure this, nothing further is needed than the eonstruetion of a railroad IGO to 175 miles in length, through an almost level and unobstructed country, and which will not require an outlay of more than $2,000,- 000. 552 RAILROAD CONNECTION BETWEEN LOUISIANA AND TEXAS. Can this money be obtained ? The prin- ciple of taxing contiguous lands is not ade- quate in any degree. Individual subscrip- tions cannot be relied njjon in sufficient amounts, such is our deficiency of capital and enterprise. There are no valuable pub- lic lands in this portion of Texas. We can conceive of but one plan of realizing the ways and means. 1. A subscription to the stock of the com- pany by the legislature of Louisiana to the extent of S.500,000. 2. A subscription on the part of the cor- poration of New-Orleans for $500,000. 3. A subscription on the part of the leg- islature of Texas for §500,000. 4. Subscriptions by individuals in Loui- siana and Texas, in money and in lands, and also by the states of Texas and Louisiana in public domain, $500,000. L A subscription by Louisiana will re- quire a new constitution, it is true ; but this our necessities loudly demand, and the peo- ple all over the state heartily desire it. If Louisiana would not see herself dwindle into one of the lowest class of states, she will have to adopt a larger and more liberal policy. She will have to do that, in fact, which almost every other state is now do- ing, to wit : subscribe liberally to great pub- lic works connecting her with her sister states. The wealth to result will far more than compensate. Individual subscriptions can effect nothing. Half a_million to the Texas road, lialf a million to the Opelousas, and the same amount to the Jackson, would be but a beginning. A wise policy would induce her to contribute double that sum in aid of the A'arious railroad projections in which her peojile have so great an interest. Past failures, whilst they make us more cau- tious, should not be the ground for present inaction. Failures are incident to the be- ginnings of all enterprises. Our sister states have not been discouraged. Alabama is granting liberallj' to the ftlobile road. Mis- sissippi proposes large subscriptions. Geor- gia gave .$3,500,000 to her roads ; Maryland "$5,000,000; Tcnnsylvania $4,500,000; New- York $4,000,000 ; Massachusetts $5,5(i0,000 ; Michigan $6,000»000; North Carolina, to one road, $2,000,000; South Carolina $1,- 000,000. Wliy then should Louisiana fold up her arms in this great age of progress ? Let any one answer. II. In regard to New-Orleans, we liave to make the same remarks. If she is to be a great commercial mart, nothing but rail- roads can now make her so. She will have to launch out millions. Taxation will not effect all that is necessary. The city credit must be restored by some means, and the city bonds issued. New-Orleans is not alone interested in roads terminating at her door. She must be liberal to all around. This is the policy of every other city. Even the smallest have expended millions. Take, in proof, the following table, showing the amount of railroad subscriptions by cities — their population and exports and imports in 1848, to and from foreign countries — ex- clusive of coin and bullion: NAMES OF CITIES. Popula- tion ill 1K48. Am't stock subscribed and expend. Average amount per head. Value of produce e.vpotled. Value uf imports. Mobile and country Savannah and country Charleston anJ country... Richmond and Petersburg. Baltimore Philadelphia New- York Boston and vicinity New-Orleans 18,800 18,70(1 H:!,(III0 3(i,IMI(i 130,(!(H' 32.5.000 45(1,(101) 225,000 122,000 2.,>-(10,0(10 155 4,:ioo,ooo i:)0 3,S(10,000 98 l-J.Oi 1(1.00(1 92 ■,'.'). 000.000 80 ■JS.OOO,()00 65 38,000,000 IfiO 5,0.!t>, 177 1 1,9-27,749 419.396 l,sili.l.'iO .s.()Sl,917 ],485.2!19 6,712.100, 3,681,412 21.5,081 8,484,738 7,129,782 5,343,643 21,277.419 5,732,333|l2,147,.584 61,947,075'53,3r)1, 1.57 94,52.5,141 16.293;'230 13,419,699 28,047.707 •2()..581()25 40,971,301' 0.3XI.429 III. Will Texas subscribe any thing, or ■will she, in fact, regard the road at all with favor? Wo think yes. Though the inte- rests of her gulf ports may be regarded as opposed, the feeling of the planting commu- nity will be in favor of the road. It will be the cheapest and best mode of reaching the lai-gest market with the greatest ea])i- tal. It will open at once immense regions to po]iudation and wealth, and enhance greatly the value of her lands. It will fur- nish he only comnnmication which Texas can ever have with the Atlaiitic states, except through the medium of the Oulf of Mexico, ibilh its storms and its detentiojis. In no other Avay can she connect herself with the great public works of the United States. In no other way can she have access to the inf terior markets of the Union in the event 0| war and the blockade of the gulf. It wil furnish the shortest and cheapest line of travel to AVashington and the north. These considerations must influence the Texas legislature. Petty local influences could not bear against them. Truth must ]irevai], and the charter may be relied uj)on. In regard to sulscrijition, llie matter is some- what different. Texas lias actually no mo- ney. IJy scaling her debt, it is thought she can save rightly $3,000,000 out of the $10, 000,000 appropriated by Congress. Could slie not be induced to exjiend half of tin's in promotion of railroads, and would not the Louisiana road have an equal claim with RAILROAD ACROSS TEHUANTEPEO. 553 nny other ? Should the other ])rojio.'^ition' prevail, i. r., to pny the whole delit, iijion the condition its nmount is expended hy the creditors on state imiirovenionts, would not the case he still stronger in our favor? IV. Out of tiie jiulilic donuiin of Louisi- ana and Texas, n large donation may he safely relied upon, and there is no douhl that holders of Texas lands on the line or route of tlie road would take lai'gc stocks, payable in labor or in lands. These lands, in the hands of the company, must at once bear a greatly appreciated value. Who will make the initial movement in this matter? Not a day is to be lost. Here is a work vastly more important to New- Orleans than the road to Jackson or to Ope- lousas, or across Tehuautejiec, important as all of these most unquestionably are. It will bring its immense trade we cannot fiave at all otherwise ; and this m.ay be said with the same propriety of no other road. Who will move? Will the people of Shreveport? No ; we fear they are not yet out of the leading strings of the "plank road;" and lieariug the grateful tinkle of wagon bells, tlioj^ are timid about the clatter of the lo- comotive! Will the people of lied Kiver, generally ? We trust so. We trust their neighbors of Texas, too, will advance the move. New-Orleans cannot be the last, unless the madness has certainly come upon her Avith which tlie inexorable gods ever inilict their victims. Let the ball once be started, and it shall only cease to roll on the shores of the Pacific. Since writing the above, we are delighted to receive the address of T. J. Chambers, candidate for governor of Texas, in which he sustains the view we have taken that Texas will cooperate. The following ex- tract will be read by every one of our citi- zens with deep interest : " I propose that the first great route shall be marked out from a point on the Rio Grande, near the head of navigation, and opposite to the great thoroughfares and highways leading into the Mexican states, so as to run thence tlirough the city of San Antonio, by Austin, tlie capital of our state, and across all our chief rivers at or near the head of navigation, to the Lmiisiana line 7iear Red River, where it would easihj be connected loith the system re- centhj projected in that state, and open a com- nncnication with the city of New- Orleans ; while it would give the whole of the interior of our state the benefit of the navigation of all our rivers, and tlirough them an easy access to any part of our coast. To this great track any number of branches might be attached, which local convenience or public policy might require ; and amongst the most important of these would be that already projected from San Antonio to the coast, and the jiortions of the main track to be thus completed would be those passing through the eastern and middle counties, to give them the benefit of the im- proved navigation of our rivers. " I propose that the other main track shall descend from El Paso on the Rio Grande, by the ciiy of Austin, nearly on a right line to Galveston Ray, with which private enterprise would connect it at various points. This route, prolonged at the other end on the same right line, would pass by Gila to San Diego on the Pacific. And I do not entertain a doubt that this is th.- shortest, best, and, indeed, the oidy practicable route for a railroad acioss the continent from our Atlantic to our Pacific coast in California. " Thus Texas holds in her grasp, not only the commerce of one half of the Mexican states, and in a great extent, the destinies of the city of New Orleans, but the control of the vast wealth which is to flow from Califor- nia and tlie Pacific ocean across to the Atlan- tic. It is for Texas to determine wltether or not the great inovement for internal improve- ments in the state of Louisiana, and the mighty capital ready to be employed to open a cominunieation with the Pacific ocean, shall be turned to her own advantage, a7id made the foicndation of a prosperity unequalled in any other country. Intelligence has lately reach- ed us that the Tehuantepec treaty has been rejected by Mexico, and it is for us to convert its failure into a most fortunate occurrence for Texas, Louisiana, aud all the southern states, by promptly adopting and vigorously prose- cuting the system of internal improvements which I have proposed. The two great rail- road routes suggested are sufficiently import- ant, in a national and military point of view, to command the cooperation of the govern- ment of the United States. But we should make the first vigorous movement ourselves, and ive shall co7nmand and control the action and cooperation of that government and of the state of Louisiana, which will seek to avail themselves of the benefits of our enterprise, by extendiiig our work beyond its limits. Rut if we measure the proposed system by a nar- rower scale, it will be found that the coniple- tiou of any portion of it will be attended with great benefit, and that one part maybe added to another with increasing advantages, until the full devclopmcut of the whole may be achieved." RAILROAD ACROSS TEHUANTEPEO. — Sm: — Your fiivors of the fith and 2'7th of February, and 2*7 th of March, are just received by the Alabama. After my report of the 14th January, and other letters from Chevela, I again addressed you from Boca del Monte, communicating the progress of the survey up to that j)eriod. This was supposed to be the latest date which would reach Minatitlan in time for the Alabama's third trip. Wo were 554 RAILROAD ACROSS TEIIUANTEPEC. in daily expectation, for a month or more, and for this cause I wrote no further. I have now to state that the survey is near- ly completed, as far as I consider necesj^ary for present purposes, and that most satisfac- tory results have been obtained. I will briefly communicate the results. Mr. Temple's survey of the river shows that he considers it navigable, at all stages, as high as Suchil, fur light draught steamers, and to Paso Sarabia, or higher, during the rainy sea- eon. He has been on the Pacific coast for a month ; and, though he has not yet made the soundings, he has no doubt about the depth of water, and considers either the Ventosa or Salina Cruz available for a harbor, the latter preferable. In fact, this cuast may be con- eidered as practicable as many or most land- locked harbors on the Atlantic ; for the pre- vailing and strong winds are from the north and off the shore, against which, of course, the land affords protection ; and though the sur- face of the water maj' be rough, and a strong 6urf breaks on the shore, yet nothing like a sea is raised, and steamers or vessels can lie in perfect safety. The southerly or south- easterly winds, which occur in certain periods of the summer, ai'e little more than sgicalls, and not at all dangerous. I do not think break-waters absolutely necessary, but event- ually some arrangements would be made for landing and receiving passengers and goods with facility. In the commencement of the enterprise, good surf-boats are all that would be necessary. I think there can be 7io doubt about the entire practicability of this coast. I will now speak of the railroad route. From the Ventosa to the foot of the moun- tains we have level plains, offering a choice of routes, plenty of stone and timber at hand, of the best quality for the structure. The cost of this portion (about thirty-five miles) will be very trifling. The ascent of the mountains by the Masahua Pass has now been surveyed, and the line run through beyond the Sarabia. The result is found to be, that a grade of forty or fifty feet per mile can be carried up the Pass, and that the difficulties are not greater than have been surmounted on roads iu the United States ; thence to the " Lomas de Xochiapa," say fifteen miles, the ground is easy or moderately broken. Through the " Lomas de Xochiapa," say ten or fifteen miles, more difficulties again occur, but they are not extraordinary ; thence ten or twelve miles farther to the Sarabia, the ground is perfectly easy. Through the forest country, from " Paso de la Puerta" to the Jaltepec, and thence through to " Jesistepec," some difficulties will be mot with, but I fancy nothing serious. Tiie fiurvey has, actually at this moment, been ex- tended from the foot of the Masahua Pass to the Sarabia, and thence Mr. Avery's party is extending it towards " Paso de la Puerta" and the Jaltepec. Mr. Williams's party have just gone down to the Jaltepec, towards Jesistepec All this will, I think, be completed in a month, and the parties nady to return by the middle or latter part of May. As Mr Avery has al- ready made a reconnoissance from ^linatitlan to Jesistepec, and found the ground to ofi'er no difficulties, 1 tio not consider an actual sur- vey necessary for present purposes, as the question is plain and the ground easy. In ad- dition, in my letter from ''Boca del Monte," I stated the expediency, in the first instance, of commencing the line on the Jaltepec. Taking the whole extent of the road into consideration, the ground is remarkably easy, and timber, stone, &c., are at hand in abun- dance ; and the right of way (so serious an item in the United States) will have cost little or nothing. No estimate can be made at pre- sent, but I think I am safe in saying that the means appropriated by the committee are ample. In relation to the lands connected with the grant, I think it safe to say, a finer tract cannot be found in the world. An immense number of invaluable produc- tions (comprehending all, or almost all, the valuable productions of tropical climates) can be raised here with the greatest facility, while the forests abound with natural productions of great value. Throw iu an enterprising population here, and the Isthnms would be- come the garden spot of the world. In relation to opening a travelling route, I think it is only necessary to establish steam- ers, connecting with the two coasts a small steamer, or steamers, on the river, and the liorse or mule transportation across would soon be supplied. Passengers can be got across the Isthmus with such means in six or seven days from Minatitlau to the Pacific. There are people on the Isthmus rtady to establisii the land communication the moment the steamers commence running; so that this part of the business will give the company no trouble. In conclusion, there can be no exaggeration in saying, that this is the route, and the one which will supersede all others ; and leaving out of consideration the value of the route, the value of the lands, and the local Wealth to be produced, would almost pay the buikiing of the railroad, antl be an immense contribution to the commerce of New Orleans. I believe, moreover, that no statement or estimate you have seen made as yet realizes the full value of this route and grant; it can scarcely be appreciated. I would say, too, that the people on the Isth- mus are all frieiuily to the utmost degree to the enterprise, and that large subscrijitions of stock can be obtained by an authorized agent. I should mention that rich beds of iron ore exist here, and that indications of silver are apparent. lleports will be made on this subject; a geological examination has been made, and such researches as could be made, with our RAILROAD COMl'KTITION. 555 means, into the natural productions of the Isthmus. I would mention officially, that I am con- vinced that Mr. Trastour's operations on the Pacific have been carried on witli great zeal and eiierj^y, and under great di.sadvanlages. Mr. Temple states that his charts are excel- lent, and perfectly reliable. I feel it ii duty to state this, as so much has been circulated to his disadvantage. I think the surveying parties will get through their work by the end of this month, and will be ready for transportation at Mma- titlanby the 15th May. Of the funds now remaining available here, there are about 8'J.50O still in Tehuantepec, $5,700 here, and $'3,000 still remaining in Vera Cruz, say-? 16 200 in all, which will be, I think, sufticient to pay the expenses of the parties, and I should think two thirds or three fourths their salaries. — I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, J. G. Barnard, Bvt. Major U. S. A. RAILROAD COMPETITION — Its Ix- FLVENCE UPON KeW-OrLKANS TrAUE. — But what is it to New-Orleans, whether Nash- ville and Louisvilh; connect themselves by railroad with Charleston ? Much in every way, but in the way to which she is perhaps most sensible, very much. In 1 849, the cars of the Western and Atlantic Railroad (Georgia), connecting Chattanooga with Savannah and with Charleston, commenced active operations on the basin of New-Orleans, in northeastern Alabama and southeastern Tennessee. Now the extent of this operation on the cotton re- ceipts of New-Orleans maybe shadowed out in the following tabular facts : EEOKIPTe OF COTTON AT TUE SEVERAL PORTS FOR 1848, 1849 AND 1850. -RBCKIPTS IN BALKS, RECEIPTS IN PER CENTAG8 1848. OF TOTAL CROr 1849. 1350. 1848. 1840. 1850. 1,094,000 197,000,. ..50.7 40.1 38.1 519,000 851,000.. ..18.6 19.0 16.8 239,000 200,000.. .. 8.3 8.8 9.8 891,000 844,000.. ..10.9 14.S 16.4 458,000 884,000 . . ..11.1 16.8 18.4 28,000 19,000.. .. 0.5 1.0 0.6 New-Orleans 1,191,000 Mobile 436,000 Other Gulf ports, 194,000 Savannah 255,000 Charleston 261,000 Other Atlantic ports 1 1,000 Total crop 3,848,000 2,729,000 2,091,000 100.0 100.0 100.0 New-Orleans has therefore lost, from the date of the opening of the Chattanooga Rail- road to the date of the last annual return of the cotton crop, 12.6 per cent, of the total crop, while Savannah and Charleston, the termini of that railroad, have gained within that time 12.8 per cent, of the total crop. It is unneces- sary to add another word to this ; the figures are a very legible writing on the wall. But tj;^ For a great many minute statistics of the railroads of the southern and -nestern states, embracing all lb9 particulars of their coustruclioB, progress, cost, freight, etc.) see the volumes of Deliow's Review, ifc'iG-52, what will New-Orleans lose when this Chat- tanooga road is extended into nortlieastern Alabama, and into the heart of Tennessee 3 Yet both extenfions are in progress, one ap- proaching to completion, and Charleston sub- sidies pushing it forward with giant strides ', Verily, this cloud above the horizon of New- Orleans is black and boding. APPEXDIX. CHICAGO— Growing Commerce of.— We sub- join a table of tliL' value of imports aud exports, from 1836 to 1843 inclusive: ARTICLES ToUl Iinpoii3 ToUl Value Import? I,s30 $325,203 90 lS-17 373,677 12 ]g'}8' 579,174 61 ]8,i9 631 1.980 26 1841) 562.106 20 lS4l"' 564,347 88 184-2 "■ 664.347 88 1843 971,849 75 1844'" 1,686.4 l(i 00 184.-, 2,'i4.3.445 73 1846 2.0-27.15I) 00 1847 . 2,641.852 52 1848'....! 8,338,639 86 Leather Mis. Exports Lemons ^^xs. $1,000 04 Lime ^^^».\ 11,()65 00 Liquors hhds and ps I 16.044 75' Merchan. and suud..pkf;s' 33,843 00 I » tons.] 32,283 11,384 4,434 1 64,817 3,162 228,635 74 Molasses 348.862 24 jjalt . 6-59,305 20 Nails... 682,211) ?'i Oil . . 785.504 23 1.543.5 19 85 l,s|:i,408 00 2.296,209 00 10,7U'J,333 40 Orauf^es. Oakum.. Oats .... Oil Cake. ...bbl bush. kKS. bbls. . .bxs. and bbls. ball's. bush. lbs. Pork aud Bacon hhds. i, " tcs CINCINNATI.— Imports, 1851-1852, (for Exports I a " bbls. see Appendix to vol. I.,) for the years ending August p^j,^ j^ ^^^^ ibs. 31st. Potatoes bbls, " X„ul ^'S ^li^tiil '""^ valine I Pim'o and P'r bj,'3. I Rye b"s'> 4 25 137.202 9 60 102,456 5 00 22,170 — 80 51,853 90 00 264,580 ARTICLES Total Imports Apples, gr bbls.i Beef Beef . tcs. Ba?','in3 pes. Barley Beans Butter bbls. Butter firk. and kgs Blooms ions.| Br.an, &c sks. Candles bxs. Com bush Corn Meal Cider bbls. Cheese cks. Cheese bxs. Cotton bales. Coffee sks. Codfish drums. Cooperage pes. Eg,'s bxs. and bbls, Flour bbls. Feathers 'I^^ Fish, sund bbls Fish kgs. and kits. Fruit, dried bush. Grease bbls.i aiass bxs Glassware pkgs. Hemp bdls. and bls.j Hides loose. Hides, green lbs. Hay bales.! Herring bxs. Hogg head Hops bales. Iron and Stool pes. a " bdls. ti " tons. Lead, pif?"- Lard bbls. i< kgs. 71,182l SI 60 §106,844 j Rosin, &c bbls. 1,609 9 OOi 14,481 Raisins bxs. 14,885 Rope, Twine, &c 142 Rice tcs- 40,447 Sugar hhds. 21,219 " bbls. 265,075 " bxs. Seed, llax bbls. " grass. « hemp. i;632 : Salt sks 196,136' " bbls. 15 00! 2 Ooi 45' 1 60' 25 00, 13,720 13 00 178,360 4,0.36, 50 00 201,800 131,0141 — oOl 66,50' 653! 2 00' ' ' C53,788i — 30 1,145 71! 89,994 14,137 10,203: 604,141 63'-i,S0O 8,640 — 40j 874 3 00 4() 12 00 241,7.53 2 40 12,776' .50 00 95.T32[ 17 00 1,627,444 431, 25 00 10,775 135,118 — GO 81,070 10.5441 4 01 42,176 511,042! 3 20 1,635,334 6,716' 12 00 80.592 20,076' 9 50 190,722 1,075 2 00 2,150 3,456 Shot k 2,622 1 Tea I'l^ 552 i Tobacco hhdt^ 24,877 1,930 44,004 36,602 18,331 54,647 54.905 9,270 .5,149 460,210 a 00 15 00 2 25 4 40 r 25 -)0 2 40 — 41 2 50 — 50 49,754 29,040 99,000 18,265 467,517 27,269 1,5.57 23,195 bale " bxs. &k Tallow bbls. Wines bbls. & i cks " bkts. & bxs. Wheat bush. Wool bales Whiskey bbls Cotton Varn pl^g*^- " bbl 93,132 33,220 04,189 8,395 4,54' l,f-43 197,86S 247,401 10,338 1,98 22,.')01 16,532,884 i!0,739 22,005 1,425 58,31 14,184 28,41 3,203 3,782 39,224 15,237 2,259 48,074 10,819 304 91,312 58,020 1,688 ]2,S10 11,469 1.906 23,060 5.930 4,482 8,322 377.0 4,562 272.788 10,.-36] 167,0021 13 00 1,117,584 29.889 192.567 232.540 27,280 22,116 49,467 1,237 465.214 43,714 337,515 991,973 25.923 543,570 18.525 29,158 49,644 56,834 16,015 94,550 2,274,992 — 60 3 Ool 28 00 00 12 00 25 00 — Oi 45 00 22 00 15 00 — 6 1 24 00 13 00 — 50 3 50 2 00 5 00 25 00 58 00 14 001 213,318 67.770 144,2-22 119,019 456 118,705 87,030 28,596 320,250 30 00 3 00 11 00 1 50 1 30 1 50 17 00 25 00 40 00 527,160 9,984 461,200 88,950 156,870 83,220 226,422 228,100 1,773,122 16,2.54 622,507 4 00 20 00 15 00 35 00 10 00 _ 60 50 00 6 75 1 50 1 75 Total Value $24,715,331 Note.— In the above, we have not included Dry Goods, Hardware. Queousware, and sundry miscel- laneous articles, which, with those mentioned, come under the head of Merchandise. It would be utterly J ,-, , I impossible to make an estimate of these articles. - ao 2,.574 Coal and Lumber are also omitted — no correct quo ii'.i 9 00 3 691.890 statement of the amount imported being obtainable, r59l' 60 00 95,460 In the above calculation we have given as nearly as 194'l07! 1 4-. 291,160 po.ssible the correct average value, and we believe 5ro78 3 75' 202,720 the aggregate is below rather than above the actual 10.111 24 00, 242,(ii;4 .54,733 3 12 171,0-10 30,047 21 00 7aG>087 amount. The value of the total imports at this port is not loss than forty niilions.— Editor of Cinciunuti P. C. Al'PKNDIX, 557 COTTON STATISTICS. Tho followiiii; tnblo has been arrnnjccd imd pub- lished by \V. P. VVrighl, Esq., Cotton Brolicr, New- York: I"* O •»■ X -^ >fl l~ c» T tC 0>S — O « OC t-^cn_.-^o OS 'i' ^^t. IJ^— T—T i-'-r — c'«r 23 53 -n" C'l oi -ra -^ — <^-t* o5^c^ *';'''t ^ ^'^ •nni-^-jo ni -' -j; co" S C-t H -TO — ■ I- « i-l C« C-5 I- O '^ <-* TO o :0 2 CO O to C:^ »0 (M QC c* 1.-0 CO (^ 'S* (?< •« «-• L-^ c:5 n ic^ c^ to :o ::-; (^ ta CO i^ G^< i- •-' O I -c c to :m c^ -«t« CD ~» -r n lo irt -- ( a; >o -T :i CO '^ :o ; l-C^-i ; CC CC -r OD r^ r-l CO CO Ci uC ^T O '-O 'O CC t ti^ "^ o o^M- I- cj ; CO l^Ci^CC CO 0^<3S I c^^^ L-f 51 t-T cf i CO lO X ■V CNI ao rl c O ^ -^ CO CO f OJ 5; »h -^ -^ -^ ^ -.^ -.^-T o 1- CO c»^ ri^ eo^oToo -r no o 'o cT r- ^ 00 y; C^ 1^ rl C( COiO »— CO-rH : : 2 5^ c» o o o :m 70 51CV :o ao S - '^ ^ ^ ;>] X f< 3i ;c Ci 00 H ■J - 00 ct ^ ,n -.-< CO .^ -. z; CI -1 p3-r Cl ■^ CTj < a S t- o -JO 2 1- XI 1/^ ;= 1-,' rr; d. ■-v" - '-' ''t K /. o ue ,' s H cc c; cf— 1 O u Og t-(j( "^ ==. oc"— cTc". uo u 22 5S2J3 CT. ^ iK 5? » VI CO 00 — 00 ■* tS.T — ^ ^r 2 Bi O ■3 :§-S H .ti 2 a. 6- 4; • 3 • - gpqfcH - J a 1 • « l~ X 3 O O <= CO 10 o c^ -^^ 1.-3 X t~ I i-l o '-"^ C5 1^ w CO c* O -r O • ■^ rH -1 O CD I -V C4 ( — -* I- 1- CO o c 00 =: •* ^ 00 ■o t- to =5^ c o in a? c; o 00 T r- U^ »-< O ■G COUNTRIES I COUNTRIES Tons Great Britain France Norway Russia , Greece NaplfcS Hamburg Belgium Cape of Good Uopp. . . . United States ... Netherlands Austria Denmark and Duchies. Papal Stale.? Canada Ceylon , Mauritius Tuscany Prussia 4,144,lli 59i,344 337,056 l50,roni 100,000, 82,053 22,770 4,080 3,-035,451 396,924 178,000| 108,978 133,402! 68,553 30,828 12,020! 27,-598 133,658 34,090 13,079 3,064 750 4,000 280 161 34 1793 4,710 1,520 683 609 125 773 977 Total 10,118.841! THE SHIPPI.NG AND TONNAGE ENTERED INWARDS AND CLEARED OUTWARDS FROM THE FOLLOW 1N6 COUNTRIES : , Entered , , Cleared , Countries Tons Vessels Tons Vessels Great Britain... 6,113,695 31,249 5,906,978 29,011 France 1,887,291 15,264 1,43(),085 13,8"- Netherlands.... 1,099,771 Hamburg 730,.59S Canada 628,399 Spain 579,475 India 406,479 Prussia 813,096 United Slates.. 4,328,639 Russia 1,323,080 Norway 77i',885 Sardinia 700,000 6S59 1,136864 4,094 729.180 1 699 63(5,407 5,206 470,973 868 522.056 4,690 823,450 .,,_, 21,643 4,3iTl,0'i2 21,805 6,401 1,177,994 6,197 7.9i)9 800,706 8,160 6,000 700,000 6,000 7,017 4,114 1,732 4,622 1,128 4,635 558 ArPENDIX. . Entered , / Cleared > Countries Tons Vessels Tons Vetefls Austria 547,228 — 562,722 — Sweden 540.902 6,707 562,394 6,347 Belgium 356.367 2.424 340,638 2,368 Kjo-pt 409.158 2,019 432,696 1,707 China 109,155 531 163,717 528 OlhfrCountiies 1,927,505 15,915 1,965,867 17,163 Totol 23,333,620 139,638 22,738,801 136,402 LIBRARIES IX THE UNITED STATES. FROM PROF. JEWETT's WORK. No. of vols. 9,505 Public School Libraries 1,552,332 227 Academies and Professional .Schools.. 320,909 142 Students' Libraries (in Colleges, &c.). 254,639 126 College " 586,912 126 Social « (Popular) 611,334 .39 State " 288.937 34 Stientiflc and Hietorical Societies 138,901 10,199 Aggregate 3,753,964 The number of Libraries, each less than 1,000 volumes 271 Volume.s in these Libraries 95,980 Number of Libraries containing each 1,000 volumes and upwards 423 Volumes in these Libraries 9,105,652 Average size 4,977 The number of volumes publi.shed from July, 1850, to July, 1851 in the United States, has been esti- mated by the publi.-iher of the " Book Trade" to have been 1,298. embracing 213,049 pages, and forming 1,176 distinct works. The following is a popular clas- sification. — J\rurton^s Literary Oazette. Novels and Tales 249 Juveniles , 52 Gift Books 32 Poetry, Hymns, &c 80 Music Hooks 43 Theology and Religion 170 History and Travels 121 Biography 96 Political 16 Commercial 12 Science 50 Natural History 8 Metaphysics 5 Mathematics IJ Classical ^ Dictionary and Languages 13 School Books 50 Orations 3 Essays H Law 43 Medicine 47 Agriculture 20 Practical Meelianics 18 Fine Arts 6 Architecture ^ Manners and Morals 18 Social Economy 15 Miscellaneous 48 POPULAR VOTE OV THE UNITED STATES SINCE 1828.— To note how nearly etiual gn^at par- ties will ho divided, we furnish the following statis- tics from the Iferald : Tears nemocrallc Whig Abolition Siafng 1828* 650,943 51 1,475 — — 1832* 687,602 .583.297 — — 1836* 76.5,068 737,526 — — 1837 81 9,2113 927.21 3 — — ia38 956.019 1,066,712 — — 1839 1,011,108 972,347 — — Wl.ig Abolition Scat'Dg 1,128,276 7,072 — 1,125,339 — 21,059 1,033,828 27,301 l.%484 983,433 £6,374 26,881 1.318,022 62,169 — 1.113.846 62,194 1,929 1.132,788 79.979 6,305 1,261,376 78,557 — l.:i60,7.52 291.342 — 1.231,368 76,578 6,0Vi 1,265.240 99,035 1,035 l,2ir9,233 78,143 3,096 Presideutial elections. Tears Democratic 1840* 1,274,197 1841 1,048,592 1842 1,133,938 1843. 1.073.157 1844* 1,372,809 1845 1,161,074 1846 1,165,432 1847 1,234,409 1848* 1,219,962 1849 1,223,371 1850 1,298,636 1851 1,397,757 POPILATION— GrovvTu of in Western States. 18-10 1841 1S42 lf44 1860'Ii) Wis 30,945 37,133 49.524 52.379 305,191 Iowa.... 43,112 51,834 09,478 90,000 192,214 111 476,183 584917 692,653 764,809 851,470 Ind 6!-6,86r. 754,232 822.598 868,175 988,416 Mich.... 212,267 248,331 284,395 308,437 397,654 Total.. 1,449,373 1,676,447 1,918,648 2,083,800 2,735,945 PRODUCTIONS OF THE WORLD. GRAIN. Quarters Great Britain 60,000,000 Austria 26,000,000 France 62.000,000 United States 118,000,000 Russia 52.0110,000 Canada 19,000,000 Spain 12.000,000 Other countries 45,500,000 Total 395,500,000 COALS. Tons Great Britain 38,000,000 United States 4,400,000 France 22.0ii0,000 Belgium 4,500,000 New South Wales 45,000 Total 08,945,000 I'RECIOUS MtTALS. United States—California 14,500,000 Brazil 7,0(0,000 Russia 3,3.50,000 Great Britain (Silver) 50,000 Australia — Asia 1,400,000 Total £6,300,000 IRON. Tons GreatBritain 1,850,000 United States — rrance 600,000 Belgium 2311,0110 Rusj^ia 150,000 Austria — Other countries .55.800 Sweden 157,000 Total lbs. 3,042,800 SILK. Austrian Italy 7,000,000 Sardinia 2,500,000 Papal States 800,001) Two Sicilies 1,200,000 Tuscany 260,000 P russia 620,000 Palonica 166,000 China — Total 12,517,000 PROVISION TRADE OF TIIK UNITED STATES, o-cr-i^-nco'*— 'S-i^2 -r I'D s^ — »c^ Ci u; o c^ o oo ^ a ;r r^ ^t M :r. — ^, *'j.* ' *-!.'•'?. ■^ trs — L- (- _ 7- ^ w -T ^ CJ^ t^o =■ -T ,-r= -1- rTi-Tc-r'); 1-c SI :i :i ':) n :^ T « f-i "5 oi — * -^ o i~ 'w cc I- CO o» o si ro o o) o ri '~^-^ -3^Cj^ao c^ *-7, n- cr, r^ 7* X — » o 0* o o ^ :r T-rcrsriTrfcrc^i-^w 'jToor; >-l C>5 US r-l ''' r-i o St o m o '^> ~ o = o r2 00 o> ro — o( = fft 3-. i- 00 o 7! C-J^SJ^O^M_;£ Xi ■* -:. •'.T^Ii.-'i ^o' c^ cT cT r-T^ cT '^ jtf r**^ i."^ ^ OC^OOCUOOwSO— '."^(©CS ^1 r-t r-i ,-^ ^ Gl 71 3« 1-1 •"* t- ^ 1 — ► 1- {, -r; ^ o -1 c. t~ 1- I- ^ -3" ■-; CI ^ -i O -T « O 'h'si ri't-!"i-.'cjd i.'i oft-' =' r^' C. OOM-*i-ICCS«OS)'CSJ « 05 rs ■* - =-. -.3 r2 JC T t~ -5; CC C3 — ' ^- ^, rr :0 -^ ^ ^, "^ ^ t-^i'f lo'atTo't- o -r"— • o w 2; — t— ^ T 04 o -r c* t- ^ CO ci^ — r~-,.^, ^ccMCJC-. ot-90 rt.ncx> — t~'^-^>i ^ *J = S O "^O 00 —* l'^ ^* C^, l^O^CS o^ = — -fftco-^i^^rsi^ooc^o— ^ aoQoonooocxiooKGQOoxoo _ (X CO I- M S 00 U3 1~ l~ c". 1.-; -js t- t~ 00 o CO rc CI 10 « =5 00 »0 '^ t- — 'O CO O; 00 3> '- 00 ^» CO t^OOCJ^m S»r-^l^t-^-— C-;^"OCO^ ■^'ft^crTi— ""ci cTco -^u* oo'c^fo" ic 5) C35 -*■ r^t ai z T t^ o -^ r-t CO O^ l^— ^^ '^'■'^ ^"^ •^i^p^'oo •^csi-i'cr-4" c^r ■-1 r- o>2-*o>SOfO-ti-i-;3i- t-OcOOO'* — — •OODW^C Ci O OL CI 1 lO CO O 10 VS I- » fo"co CC^CO 00 t: "^ CO CO CO iO CO 60 t: "0 CO CO Lo o -^ 0^ CO ^ t- f — LO -* CI -- - - ai CO \o CO -rt CI ■ C5 O f— 'o JCO'^ : 10 ;» CD CO CO t-T CO c> £ =^5?.— ":,'^ ar CO t^ CO 5> CO ^ •* "vO "SStefc'^S' co'-icrfoco'"cc'crcr2£r I 1 occo ", gj CO 00 -a* ■" 10 o ti • • lo S rtCO r-li-H COOCO C0>0 £ CO'r-; N r- —"too - og:H CO r- =0^"T — 000 r5 _o 3 2 £cscsa5»c>;bii£-iS-3S RAILWAY SYSTEM OF THE WOU[,D-1852. C.i Groat Britain and Ireland. United Sliitcs Germany France Belgium Russia Italy Spain Total . .000 i.34j> ,818 532 200 170 47 25,398 X250,OCO,000 (;6,M)0.0()() ()r,,7.'i(i,000 •10,000.000 '.),:'0fi.000 3,1)011,1100 3,000,000 448,7o(l,000 The above tab'es refer to the latest date on hand, ill OLtober, 1851, says the Be/fast Examine'. ST. I,0D1S— COMMERCE OF, 1851. Statement of Domestic Produce and Jilaniif.ictures shipped f mm the port of St. Louis destined to JVezo- Orlenns, JVutchez, Vickshurg, Memphis, JVashville, Mi/ls^ Point, Helena, and other places on the inte- rinr waters of the United States, in the year ciidino- 30th June, 1851. Flour 648,520 bbls " 2,156 sacks Wheat 112.600 <■• Oats -!lfl,624 " Barley 17,487 " Pork 1081)hd3 " 5.012 tcs " 122,943 bbls Lard 14,290 tcs '• 47.450 bbls " 19,730 kgs " 412 tons Beef suites " 4,538 bbls Bacon 24,432 csks I " 6,986tcs I Hemp 57,ieo bales i Lead 472,438 pigs " 78,6001b.br? ; Tobacco 9,210 hhds " 5,011 bxs , Refined Sugars 21,892 hbis Sugars 21,405 hhds j " ll,548bb]s I Molasses 40,510 " Whiskey 29,916 " Hides 38.490 ! Nails 38,776 kgs i Glass 6.418 bxs j Salt 16,753 bbia i Cotton yarn 6,180 bgs i Wrought Iron Manufactures 15,345 tons j Castings 30,840 " POPULATION OF AMERICAN CITIES— -pased upon the increase of population from 1840 to 1850 in the following cities. IMr. Scott, of New-York, in Huiit''s Merchant Magazine, makes a table showing TIME OF DUPLICATION OF A.MERICAN CITIES. MilwauUie 3 Chicago 31 St. Louis 4 I Manchester, N. H . . 4 { Sandu.sky City 5i I Columbus, O 6 ; Cleveland 6 I Toledo 6 I Cinciimati 6 Marietta 7 Years IndiannpoHs 1^ Pittsburg 8 Newark, N. J 8 Oswego 8 Dayton 8 New-Albany 8 Buffiilo 8i Nashville %^ Detroit 9 Zanesville 9 SCO Al'PENDIX. rwrs. Lrmisvillc 95., Worctsi.T i|i I BIadi-M)ii 0; Syracuse lo" Sprini^lield 10 l-all Hivir II) Uartlord Hi Keading 11 J New-Vurk Vi Boston 12 ■\Va.stiinirlon 12 RocIiesiiT 12 ChilliiMllie 12 Pliiladc;l|,liia l-'J Savannah 12J Portland 12; Providence 12i I>ynn 12i New-Haven 13 Columbia, S. C 13 Baltimort! 13j VVheelini? KH LowoU 14 Mobile U New-London 14 If^OO Bangor 14 Richmond 14 J Troy 14i \VilmiDi,'ton, Uel.... 15 Lancaster, Fa Ift-J Paterson 16 Bath, Mo 16 Albany Ifii York, Pa 20 Utica 24 New-Bedford 20 Loekport 27 i>chenectady 28 Newburyporl 28 Norfolk 30 Petersburg, Va 32 New-Orleans 34 Charleston, S.C 35 Portsmouth 40 Salem 42 Newport, R. 1 05 Natchez Sj PoughUecpsie 90 Hudson 100 Carlisle .;J80 GROWTH Of TOWNS IN THE UNITED STATES. Pop. (It J'op in Years New-York, with suburbs, had an average duplication of less than lo years, say Hj Albany doubled once in 15 New-Orleans 12 Washington 13 Baltimore 21 Philadelphia, and suburbs. . .20 Boston, and suburbs 23 Providence 23 Richmond 24 Worcester 18 Lancaster 40 Charleston 45 Salem 50 Alexandria 50 Cinoinna'.i CJ- Pittsburg 9 St. Louis 9 J The above cities, together 17 All but the four western 20 The four western 8 The four largest eastern 151 NEWSPAPERS, MAGAZINES, &c., PUBLISHED IN U. S — The statistics of the newspaper press form an interesting feature in the returns of the 7lh cen- sus. It appears that the whole number of newspaper.- and periodicals in the United States, on the Ist June, 1850, amounted to 2,800. Of these 2,494 were fully returned, 234 had all the facts excepting circulation given, and 72 are estimated for California, the terri- tories, and those that may have been omitted by the Assistant Marshal. Prom calculations made on the statistics returned, and ehlimates where Diey imve been omitted, it ap- pears that the aggregate circulation of those 2,800 papers and periodicals is about 5,()00,t)00, and that the entire number of copies printed annually in the United States amounts to 422,000,000. The follow- ing table will show the number of daily, weekly, monthly, and other is ues, with the average circula- tion ot each elahs: No. of copies No. Circulation, printed an'ly 03,000 050,000 5,.349 51,000 8,000 ]25,t'00 3,210 40,000 20,614 170,000 73,000 450,000 38,000 212,000 7,614 41,.500 5,537 27,500 2,411 16,000 4,292 12.500 18,713 43,000 9,457 10,000 4,198 8,800 750 125.00!' 1,565 83,000 2,000 80,000 273,391 2,1.54,300 201,076 1,741,300 12,313 413,000 201,000 1,482,000 n.-iilies .... 350 750,000 23.),000,000 'J'ri-weeklii'S .... 150 75,000 11,700,000 8emi-weeklie,s .... 125 80,000 8,320,000 Weeklies ....2,000 2,875,000 149,500,000 Senii-nionthlii's.. .. . . . . 50 300 000 7,300,000 Monlhlics .... 109 900,000 10,800,000 Quarterlies. .... 25 20,000 80,000 2,800 5,000,000 422,700,000 424 papers arc is.=;ued in Ihe New-England stales, 876 in the middle stalei*, 716 in the southern stales, and 784 in the western states. The average circulation of papers in the United States, 1,785. There is o.ie publication for every 7,101 free inhab- itants in the United States and territories. STATISTICS OF NEW-YORK,— Impouts into THK PORT OF New-Yokk, 1851 ANn 1852. Jan. I tu Aug. 31. 18.12. Ifi.'il. Brandy, i pipes 10,843 10,716 " A casks and bbls 25,449 24.660 Coal, tons 40,451 37,745 Cochineal, ceroons 1,107 1,521 Cocoa, bags 4,725 7,719 Coffee, pkgs 445,989 392,210 Cotton, bales 3!)",8o6 313,890 Duck, bales 300 570 " pieces 11,913 0,953 Earthenware, pkgs 25,004 28,119 Figs, drums, &c 14,314 50,024 Gin, pipes .3,102 3,255 Hemp, bales 47,003 42,563 " tons 268 774 Hides, bales 1,009 919 '• No 773,104 806,333 Iron— bar, tons 26,090 37,952 " pig, tons 46,390 38,598 " sheet, &c,, bdls 372,910 479,429 Indigo, cases 1,258 1,614 " ceroons 881 656 Lead,pigs 208,743 328,264 Molasses, hhds 03,264 76,263 " tierces 4,916 6,086 " bbls 31,940 36,633 Olive Oil, casks 747 1,336 " boxes and bskts 36,820 19,997 Pepper, bags 23,414 2,884 Pimento, bags 10,950 6,027 Rags, bales 26,869 24,689 Raisins, casks 1.894 8,938 '• bxs and frail.s 105,711 148,738 " drums — 900 Rice,tiorces 28,910 28,859 Rum, puncheons '. .. 1,183 996 Salt, bushels 1.315.407 1,246,579 Saltpetre, bags 28,021 13,244 ru;,'ar, hhds 157,886 133,082 tierces 3,380 1,448 " bbls 34,627 31,379 " boxes 163,157 108,(»38 " bags 59,890 141,277 Spelter, plates 54,493 82,618 Tin— Banca, &c., .slabs 25,393 13,266 '' Plates, boxes 2i6,152 230,3(>2 Tobacco, hhds 10,603 9,454 '• bales and ceroons 24,550 J 5,434 Wines, butts and pipes 1,064 963 '• hhds and ■ pipes 13,631 11,767 " i casks 28,884 37,323 '^ bbls 6,607 7,118 " boxes 44,172 53,760 Woo!,bales 11,757 37,163 E.MIGRATION INTO MASSACHUSETTS, 1851.— The Superintendent of Alien Passengers for the port of Boston, J. B. Munroe, has presented a state- ment of the foreign emigration, by which we find that the whole number arrived by water in 1850 was 30,075 The whole number arrived by land in 1850. . . 10,786 Total in 1850 40,861 In 1851, the number by water was 28,319 In 1851, the nnnd'er by land was 16,6.54 Total in 1851 45,973 Being an increase of 1851 over 18.50, by land, of 5.868 and a decrease, by water, of 756 Leaving a total increase of 5,112 Native AND Foreign Popitlation op Ma.ssachu- SKTTs. — The population of Massachusetts, inl850, ac- cording to the state census, was 994,605. Of this num- ber 200,890 were foreigners, about one lialf of whom belonged to Boston and to towns within ten miles of that city. The rapid increase of foreigners within the last ten years, and the continual inllux to this country from foreign shores, have created fears in many minds for the result of its influence upon the country and its instilulions. and have ;Uao been made the Bubject of legislntion. i DE BOW'S REVIEW VOLS. I TO XIII. ArONTHLY INDUSTEIAL AND LITERARY JOURNAL. Illustrated with Steel Engravings. COMMERCE AGRICULTURE MANUFACTURES INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS SLAVERY AND SLAVE PRODUCTS AMERICAN AND FOREIGN STATISTICS. |]ubUsl)clr illontljlg in tlje (Eitjj of ^£tD-(fi)rlcans. Terms $5 Per Annum, in advance. — Complete sets, 13 vols., may be had at the office. Advocating the interests of the South and West, the Review will not be unmindful of the great interests of Trade, Commerce and Agriculture throughout the world — Commerce in its various and multiform relations — in its History, its Laws, and its Statistics; Commercial Commodities; Regulations of Trade, interstate and international; Treaties; Foreign and Domestic ; Tarifl's, Excises and Posts; Marine Relations; Enterprises of Commerce, in Ship- ping, Canals, Rail-roads and Steam Navigation, etc. ; ^lercantile Systems, Codes, Laws and Decisions, ancient as well as Modern ; Banking, Insurance, Exchange, Partnership, Factor- age, Guaranty, Brokerage, Bankruptcy, Wreck, Salvage, Freights, Privateering, Marque and Reprisal, Piracy, Quarantine and Custom-House Regulations, etc., etc.; Commercial Literature and Biograprv. The Review is rapidly growing in circulation, and Avill exhibit many great improvements in the coming 5'ear, in size, matter and appearance. The following are its leading divisions: I. Literature. — Criticisms, notices of late books, schools, colleges, education, essays, poetry, sketches of fact and lancy, summaries of foreign and domestic news, movements at home and abroad, etc. T r. Commerce. — Its histoiy^ laws and statistics, commodities, shipping, navigation, treaties, tiirids, exports and imports, trade of tlie South and West, home and foreign trade. III. Agriculture. — Discussions upon cotton, rice, sugar, tobacco, hemp, Indian corn, wiieat, farming and planting interests, statistics, slavery and slave laws, &c. IV. Manufactures. — Progress of Manufactures in the South and West, and in the Union. V. Internal Improvements. — Canals, rail-roads, plank-roads, general inter-communica- tion South and West — in the Union and abroad. Yl. Statistics. — Complete tables upon all the above lieads — of population, resources, wealth, mortality, blacks and whites, tl*c VII. Biography of Practical Citizens, with steel jwrtraits. VIII. Advertisements of Plantations, Southern schools, colleges, watering places, fac- tories, mercantile and professional cards, agricultural machinery, etc. New-Oui.kans Chamher of Commerce, May 14th, 1846. Be it Resolved, That this Chamber highly approves of the Commercial Review, a periodical established in this city, by J. D. B.De Bov/, Esq., and recommends it to the patronace of the commercial community. Charles Brigcs, Secretary. SAMUEL .1. PETERS, President Charleston Metsca.ntile Library SociF.Tr, Feb., 1847. In exercise of the power given them by the Constitution, the Board have unanimously elected, as Honorary Members, Freeman Hunt and J. D. B. De Bov/, Esqrs. These gentlemen are entitled to wide and honorable distinction. The Ibrmer in originating the I\Terchants' Magazine ; the latter, one of our own citizens, in the laudable spirit which prompted the establishment of the Commercial Review of the South and West, and the masterly pen which he has wielded in elucidation of lhe comniercialinterests of the South, have richly earned our most grateful acknowledgments. A. O. ANDREWS, President. Charleston Chamber ok Commerce, Oct. 2G, 1846. On motion of Col. .Tames Gadsden, Resolved, tliat the Commercial Review, edited in New-Orleans by our fellow-citizen, .T. D. B. De Bow, Esq., is a work well calculati'd to exercise a most favorable influence on lhe commercial interests of the t'outh and Wert. Resolved, That the zeal and talent with which it has been commenced, and the able articles which have appeared in its page.s, (as foreshadowing on the future the promises of the past,) strongly recommend the Review to the patronage of the Southern community, and that the Chamber of Commerce of Charleston feel gratified at the opportunity of presenting to the public this testimony in its favor. W. B. HERIOT, Secretary. Cincinnati Mercantile Library Society, Jan , 1849. Resolved, As the sense of the Mercantile Library Association of Cincinnati, that De Bow's Commercial Review of the South and West supplies an important desideratum in the mercantile literature of this great i-estern valley; that the comprehensive views and practical attainments of Professor De Bow are special cualifications "for conducting such a periodical, and that this Association very cordially recommend the Com- mercial Review to general favor, and t!ie special patronage ol'our mercantile cnnimunity. I BEPARTHENTS OF THE REVIEW. The diAereut departments of the Review will be kept up faithfully from month to month, so as to preserve, in a convenient form for study or for refer- ence, everylhin? that particularly appertains to them, or that may be of value to the country. Commercial Department. — Its statistics are full ami complete upon every crop or community — the trade of every city and state of the Union, andof forei?n coun- tries'. Here are included Treaties and Tariffs, Ship- ping and Steam Navigaliun, Mercantile Laws and Decisions, Finances and Banking, Commercial Liter- ature and Biography. To Merchants and Bankers in particular these statistics are invaluable. Agricultural Department. — Every staple product of the Southern and Western Country, under this head, receives its appropriate placp, and everytliin^' tending to iheir advancement is'carefully embodied and pre- snnted. The pens of practical planter.'* are employed, who contribute their own e.xperience for tlie benefit of their fellovY-s. Tlie a^jricultural information i.s ihu.-; specially adapted to our own localities, an advantage not possessed by works published abroad, which we have been hitherto supporting. Practical and scien- tific papers upon asricullureare included from the best authorities in our country and in Europe. The cotton planter finds the most interesting monthly summaries ■if information relating to the plant— tAe estimates of crops, the mode of cultivation, extent of consumption, circumstances influencing prices, comparative tables of production and consumption, diseases affecting the growth, etc. The Sugah Planter finds a chronicle of ;dl the latest improvements at home and abroad, des- criptions of machinery, modes of culture, productions of other countries, demand and sujijily, competition, etc .; tke'latcstand best experience of planters undman- ufacturers. etc. ; reprints of leading foreign works on tugar, zrilk engravings. The IIe.->ip and Tobacco p rower, the Farmer and the Horticulturist, and, in fact, every agricultural interest, find equal .sources jof information. Manufacturing Department. — Already cotton mills are multiplying on the banks of the Ohio, in Tennessee and Kentucky, throughout Virginia, Carolina, Georgia and Alabama. In a few years more they will extend throuffh every part of the South and the West. In the infancy of our efforts we shall need the light of experience from abroad, and from each other. We must know what our neighbors are doing a^^ well as ourselve.f, and their succe,ria persona to the pages of his magazine. — Southern Literary Messenger, Rich- mond, y. De Bojc's Review. — The work is printed in a stjie creditable to the press, and its contents are such as to render it a valuable adjunct to the similar work de- voted to the commerce of tlie United States, published by Hunt, of New-York. &c. — Boston Daily Adv. Dt Bow's Review. — This periodical perlbrnis for the South and West the same otfice wliich the Jlerchants' Magazine performs for this part of the country. We learn that its circulation is rapidly increasing. The present number contains many valuable articles, among which is one by the Editor, on the " Progre.=;s of the <-ireat West." full of interesting statistical iiifoNnation and speculations. It is to the credit of the mercantile class that works of this kind find eocouragemciit among them. — If. Y. Evening Post. De Bore's Review. — We rejoice that so good a work has been established at New-Orleans, and apparently well established. It can hardly fail to secure patrons in every part of the country. — iV. Y. Tribune. De Bow's Rcviete. — This is the title of a monthly journal of trade, commerce, commercial policy, agri- culture, manufactures, internal improvements, and general literature, publislied at New-Orleans by J. D. B. Do Bow, and is well worih the attention of ihf merchant and the statesman. It is second to no oilier work of the kind in this or any other country, and must soon become authority for everything relating to matters of which it treats. We notice among its con- tributors some of the most distinguished writersin the Union. — N. Y. Herald. De Bow's Review has been upon our table for several days. This work is well worthy of atten- tion, not only in the section of country in which it is published, but at the North, as it contains a great amount of very valuable information which cannot be found elsewhere. It is properly the complement of Hunt's Magazine, and in connection with tha*- work, forms a complete record of mercantile aud commercial facts. We commend it to the notice of our readers, aud to the favor of .all who are inter- ested in the commerce of the South. — iV Y. Courier and Enquirer. Dc Bow's Review. — It abounds, as usual, 'with able .articles on the commercial, social and political ques- tions of the South and West, and in statistical in- formation. It is a work that ought to be cherished with liberality b3' the southern people, and it ought to be consulted by all statesmen, who aspire to the distinction of nationality. — Southctn Press, Wash- ington. De Boii^s Review. — It is conducted by a man of rare ciipacities aud qualifications for such a, work, as its pages abundantly attest. In addition to tho editor, it has anions' its contributors .some of th« ablest and most distinguished writers of the ScMth and AVest. — Washington Vnu>» f DE BOW'S REVIEW. "The uiulersigncil, Slembeis of Conjie.fs, take j^ietit plcasiiro in rpcoinmendiiig to their felloivcitizeiis 1>e Bow's Revikw, a work whicli lias been edited and published in New-Orleans for the last six ^cars, by J. D. I?. De Bow, and which embraces in a monthly series of numbers, the most complete and reliable facts and statistics relative to the progress and development of all the great branches of industry in the country, whether in Commerce, JgricuUure, Munu factures, or Internal Improvements ; as also the growth and progress of Population and Im- provement ; the question of Slavery in all its bearings, social and political. Slave Products, ffc. The 13 published volumes of this work constitute an invaluable library of Soutlicrn and Western Statistics, and have already become a standard authority. "■ Waskington. J). C. R. M. T. Hunter, ± n, Va. : VV. R. W. Cobb, Ala. James M. Mason, " ' T. S. Cliugnian, N. C. S. Houston, Texas. J. Thompson, Miss. Thos. J. Rusk, Texas. Wm. J. AUton, Ala. R. Barnwell, S. C. W. P. Gentry, Tcnn. A. P. Butler, " Isaac E. Morse, La. I'icrre Souir, La. Jas. A. Sudden, «. S. N. Downs, Thos. lI.Averelt, Jefierson Davis, Miss. J. A. Woodwanl, S. C. llcnry S. Foote, •' VV. F. Colcock, " Geo. E. Badger, N. C. Samp. V\'. Harris, Ala. W. P. Mangum, '• S. \V. Inge, •' VV. C. Dawson, Ga. A. (}. Brown, Miss. W. K. Sebastien, Ark. R. H. Stanton, Ky. D. L. Ynlec, Florida. Kmile !-a Sere, La. \V. M. Guinn, California. Panlns Powell, .1. VV. Jackson. J. E. Holmes, VV. McWillie, ; VV. S. Keutlierslon, I V. E. Howard, I Dan. Wallace, I T. P. Stanton, ; R. K. Meade, Andrew Ewing, I James E. Orr, j J. 'I'hnmpson, I J. G. Harris, M. J. Wellborn. J. P. Caldwell, ra. Geo. S.C. Miss. Texas. s. c. Tenn. ya. Tenn. S. C. Mies . Ala. Geo. IS.C. ^f 29 6 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. TS^wTOWtft^^" N0Vl719ry Jg. MAR 9 1970 w Id ITF^D tD-URC JUL 24l97(f H REC'D LD-Ulflr JAN 1 01973 Form L9-Series 444 umi J^-' 1'^^ CD 'tr NOV 1 1978 C 2 71978 ID-HRL 4AN 2 7 1991 uSl-LI NOV 07 i994 OATE SEIMT DimmmTm^^!^ UC SOUTHERN "^'^'°'^|,,|, imiii^^^ AA 001072 623 3 1158 00404 3385 UNIVERSITY of CALIFOPm/ AT . o ANGELES UBRARY