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. 
 
Quevedo and El Buscon. 
 
 (Preliminary chapters to form part of the introduction to a 
 critical edition, with vocabulary and notes, of ElBuscon.) 
 
 Submitted by R. Selden Rose, in partial satisfaction of the 
 requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 
 
 

 
 i 
 
There are reatrons why, in apite of various re-editions, the 
 Buscon has never been adequately studied; in many parts it is re- 
 pellent and it is difficult everywhere. But there are cogent reasons 
 why it should be treated more exhaustively and heroically than 
 heretofore, riefly they are those: ...... 
 
 (1). If, as it seems reasonable to suppose, the fundamental cause 
 for for the birth of the picaresque novel was satire and realism, 
 then thia type of atory reaches its greatest height with the Buscon . 
 Pablos is the last of his race in Spanish literature. Lazarillo de 
 Manranares and Gregorip Guadafia serve only to 3how that the auto- 
 biegraphically inclined rogue had died with Pablos .They are unworthy 
 of his company and of Lazarillo's and Guzman's, 
 
 f2).The Buscon is representative of Qaevedo in his best satirical 
 period; perhaps it would be more accurate to say at tsli height of 
 his first satirical period .Before 161? politics and the acionce of 
 government had not come to dominate his writings. It is the companion 
 piece to the Sueflos . so closely does it resemble them in style, 
 lenguage and subject matter. 
 
 (3). A satirical work ipBO facto must throw new light upon the 
 objects of its satire. In the Bascon the target for Quevedo's ahots 
 are types which were peculiarly the creation of his OT/n period and 
 others which are the common property of all periods. Even more 
 valuable, perhaps, than sketches of types in sharp relief ia a clean- 
 cut picture of the general level of society as seen from beneath. 
 
 $4) . In the preparation of a new text I have had the opportunity 
 
 to use material which heretofore had not been available. 
 
 - 
 
B8*X 
 
 
 
Tho great majority of Quevedo's works existed in manuscript 
 form for a considerable period before they were sent to press. 
 It is shown in another part of this introduction that Qaevedo 
 wrote the Buscon in his early youth, probably prior to 1608. There- 
 fore a period of at least eighteen years had elapsed before the 
 appearance of what we are forced to accept as the first edition. 
 Such was the case with the Sueftos . ;:uevedo v/rote in preparing the 
 edition of 163tl of the Jur;uetes de la ITifiez : "Yo eaoribi mas ha 
 de veinte alios los que llaraan sueftos mios.Tuve felicidad en dar 
 traslados a los amigos, mas no me falto cordura para oonooer cue 
 en la forma que estaban no eran sufribles a la lmprenta."In 1610 
 uevedo applied for permission to publish a collection of his 
 satirioal works, but it was refused him. No edition of a satirical 
 work of his in rose is extant prior to the Busoon of 1626,rfthough 
 it is quite possible that some few of them , notably the Cartas del 
 Caballero de Ijx Tanp.z.n r had been printed before this elate. (In tho 
 Carta Bidicula de Die,p;o Monfar .Paz y Itelia, Sales 3spanola3 1,416, 
 they appear in a list of books nuovamente impresos .The date of the 
 Carta Ridicula is December 4,1621 .The earliest edition extant of 
 the Cartas del Caballero de Is Tenaza is of 1627.) Of the extremely 
 fruitful period to 161£ there were published prior to 1626 only 
 soattered dedicatory verses in the preliminaries to other volumes 
 and in collections such as Pedro Rspinosa's Floges de Poetas Ilastre a 
 de ^spafla f Valladolid 1605). The great body of his satirical ..orka 
 in prose presumably circulated only in manuscript^and in ouch form 
 that /uevedo himself confessed tha they were not fit to print. For 
 
 the 3usoon we have no such statement as has been quoted above touching 
 
 'Jr 
 
 the Sueftos, but it must be borne in mind that «fchst«^s J fcat«rie«t was 
 
y 
 
 forced .from /uevedo by the appearance of the 16;:7 (Saragoza and 
 
 Barcelona) unrevised editions of the Pesvelos Soflolientes y Ver - 
 
 Dades Sofladas , These editions undoubtedly represent a genuine 
 
 but unauthorized version of the frueflos . 
 
 In the discussion of the manuscript material used in the preparation & 
 
 of this text of the Buscon it will be proved that there existed 
 
 likewise an earlier and unauthorized te but none the less genuine 
 
 version of the Buscon , 
 
 The first indication of th<-> existenco of reliable manuscript 
 
 variants came from marginal notes made by Fernandez-Guorra in his 
 
 own copy of the text of the Buscon as published in his edition of 
 
 the Qbras Commie tas de "uevedo . Here he had noted only such variants 
 
 as he had thought essential to to the correction of tho text;Lut 
 
 to the first paragraph of Parte II,Ca;o,Tiii he had added the 
 
 following note: "Ei preoioso manuscrito que tengo a la vista varia 
 
 notableanente en todo este parrnfc;"but the variants were not noted 
 
 in detail here . But tfcanks to his diligenoe the variants of this 
 
 invaluable manuscript have been noted elsewhere with painstaking 
 
 minuteness,* They are preserved among Ferfcandez-Guerra's papers in 
 
 ^..Santander under this title, "El Buscon tVari antes que resultau de xm 
 * 
 
 precioso manuscrito de los primeros aflos del siglo xvii que posee 
 el distinguldo j?oeta sevillano Juan Jose Bueno." 
 
 Evidently before relinquishing the Juan Jose Bueno manuscript 
 Pernandez-Guerra had transcribe tho variants with great care, 
 noting e*«tt gueso for hueso,Ha for o. prlesa for prisa and vice- 
 versa, truxeron for trajeron .and even significant punctuation, Saoh 
 great respect was due to the importance that he attaohed to this 
 manuscript. This inference is supported by his allusions to it in 
 the marginal notes referred to above; for example at the word vaeloo3 
 (Parte I, Cap, xii.) ho wrote: "El manuscrito que estimo por original 
 
H 
 
 dice vueloos"; and again in the same chapter at the word chaondaa , 
 
 "En el original se lee cachondas,"In the bibliographical note preliminar" 
 
 to his text of the Buscon he had added the following: "Pero sobre 
 
 todo me he valido de an excelente manuscrito.regalo que antes de 
 
 16: ft debio de hacer el mismo uevedo a algun insigne prooer.y que 
 
 generoaamente me ha franqaeado el elegante poeta sevillano D. Juan 
 
 Jose Bueno;" but he gives no reason to substantiate his assertion AM*'* 
 
 dates from earlier than 1624. The last bit of information we have 
 
 is a letter from Juan Jose $uono to Fernandez-Guerra in which he 
 
 writos that before forwarding tho manuscript he is having it bounds 
 
 A then there follows a description of the projected binding. 
 
 As Fernandez-Guerra nowhere definitely states that the manu- 
 script is either4fsigne ; or in fuevedo's hand.triting one hesitates 
 to affirm that it is the original , nor is there any external evidence 
 to substantiate the assertion that it has the authority that would 
 naturally belong to it were it in rorlity a personal present from 
 
 vedo himself. The internal evidence doeB not deny the possibility 
 that in reality this was the c?ise, nor does it indiote it. 
 
 It !■ time to examine the variants themselves. Do they appear 
 to have beon taken from a version of the 3uscon that antedated the 
 fisat edition of 1626(2aragoza) ; or are they merely interpolations 
 and emendations to a copy of the printed edition ? 
 
 (1). Among them are a great number that £ remarkable for their 
 irroverence and even blasphemy .For example: fl) .Page 1, note 7-8: 
 "Eatuve caBado con Aldonza de San f»edro,hiju de Diego de San Juan 
 y nieta de Andres de San Cristobal. Sospeohabase en el pueblo que 
 no era criHtiana vioja.aunque ella por los nombres fttt y sobrenombres 
 de sua paaados quiao esforzar que era desoiendente do la Gloria." 
 (2) .Page 12, notes 5,12. are two^allusions to religious orders: 
 
"Parecia oon esto y con 3^a>^a»t a»ft larga y la sotana y el boneton 
 
 r 
 
 teatino lanudo" ; and referring to the scant liklihood of their being 
 cata in Cabra'e household: " ue H* tiene esto de refitorio de gero- 
 nimos para que so orien aqui ?" (3). Page 23, note 10: The rafianes 
 in the Venta de Yiveroa arge the priest to 3eat himself at the table 
 saying'/'Pesia diez, la Igle3ia ha de ser la priraera.f 4) .Page 37,notel0: 
 the landlady at Aloala "Bendeoia lac ollas, y al espumar hacia 
 Graces eon el oaoharon. Yo pienso que las conjunaba para aaoarles 
 los espiritus ya ue no ttBlfU) CRrne."(5), Page64» note 16: M Y nueatras 
 
 tas eran como el Mosias, quo nunca venian y las aguordabamos 
 aiompre,"' 6) ?age 70, note 3:"Sent*ronse a comer, en cabecera el de- 
 mandador.diciendo: La Iglesia en me^or lugar; sientese, padre, ^cho 
 la bendiclon ni tio, y como estaba heoho a oantiguar 8palda8,pare- 
 oian mas amegos de azotes que de cruces." (7). Page 10£, note 7: No 
 hallando remeclio contra el granizo,"iondoso sin eantidad oerca de 
 morir San Feteban" is much milder in the printed version: " viendose 
 cerca de morir aln tener cosa de santidad ni aun de bondad," Page 
 130, note 3: speaking of strolling rlayers and their wives, "que estos 
 son de los que dijera algun bcllaco que cumplen el preceto de San 
 Pablo de tener mujer como si no las tuviosen^'s also milder in the 
 printed version, "se pudo deoir que tienen mujeres oono si no las 
 tuviesen,torciendo la sentoncia en malicia."f 9)Page 136, note/L:"Al- 
 zadas las manos y estendidos los brazos a lo serafioo,recibiendo las 
 llagas. n (10), rage 137. note 5: n Hablaba como saoerdote que dioe lae 
 palabras de la conaagracion" in the printed versions is merely: "Ha- 
 blaba tan bajo." 
 
 The first variant cited above furnishes a clue to the other nine, 
 i.e. that the manuscript reading is the original one and that in the 
 preparation of the work for tho press there was mnoh that had to 
 be stricken out in order to avoid the ban of the censor. The editions 
 
•Mi 
 
 
b 
 
 state that Aldonza in order to mantain that she was "oristiana vieja" 
 declared that she was a descendant of the Roman Triumvirate. The 
 argument that she brings to bear is hardly an effective one .The se- 
 cond triumvirate was formed forty-three years before the beginning 
 of the christian era. On the other hand the manuscript reading aayB 
 that Aldonza cited as her forefathers a San Pedro, a San Juan and 
 finally/^. 3an Criatobal.and claimed from them that she was a deacon- 
 fliante de la Gloria^ Cf course v.e may account for Aldonzas lack of 
 logic by her illiteracy, but is it not more probable that the manu- 
 script reading is the original one and that the substitute in the 
 printe version is a sop to the censor ? uevedo, moreover, was not 
 
 one to shrink from irreverence S»-4ker^«r. If the attacks of the 
 /t 
 
 T ribunal do la Justa Venganza are not sufficient evidence of this ten- 
 dency there are still passages in the Busoon that attest it ,£04, "Te- 
 ned, haesped, que no soy Kcce Homo M ?ear that the censor might 
 refuse hie permission to print has made a hopeless hodge-podge of the 
 Sue no de Ian Calaveras " through the substitution of Jupiter for the 
 Allmighty of the original version. It may be added that the variants 
 cited above in both 3tyle and wit are eminently characteristic of 
 the youthful Quevedo. 
 
 II. Several of the manuscript variants are noteworthy for the exuber- 
 ance cf an imagination run riot in the early style of the Quevedo 
 of the Promaticas and of the first three Puefios . Many of these ho - v o 
 lir**K struck .out of the first edition. 
 
 (1). Page 2, note 5: impreflaba $vb\AfiWlfc\&B con pantorrillas pos- 
 tizaa.Y con no tratarla nadie quo se le cubriese pelo, solas las 
 oalvas ae la oubria, pofque haoia cabelleras,poblaba quijadas con 
 dientes: al fin vlvia de <«#&*****• hombres y era remendona do cuerpos. 
 
(2), age 24, note 2; "Y a don Piego dieron no ae que guevoa y 
 alonea,diciendo ^ue del cabrito el guesecito, y del ave el aloncito, 
 y cue el refran lo decia. Con lo oual nosotros comimos refranes y ellos 
 ares, 
 
 (3). Page 62, note 3: "I en llegando a ese lugarcillo del diablo 
 nos reniten a la sopa y al ooche de los pabres en San I'olipe.donde 
 - di&on corrillos se haoe oonsejo de catado y guerra en pie y 
 desab. 71 y en rida nos hucon soldados oon pena por Ion olnen- 
 ,„■ si pedimos entretenirciento, nos enviun a la comediajy si 
 Tentajas.r. los jugadores. Y con < nto,comido8 de piojos y guospodao, 
 nos volvenoa on este pelo a rogar a los moros y heresies con nueetroa 
 •oexpotV 
 
 (4), Page 83, note 9: "Entro por le puurta una ©Bt< ntigua vestida 
 de bc.yota hasta loa piea.punto menos de ijrlaa Conzalo, ■ ue al nismo 
 Portugal empalagara de bayetaa." 
 
 (5). "age 03, note 12: "Hijo.tengo en las espaldas una gatera aoom- 
 pafiad? &••«,, una maneha de aceite: que en mi hato,aunque oamineis 
 4, ea&lquler j rto.nunoa saldreia do la Lamoha, que pareee que hago 
 caravanes para lechuz& y que retozo con algunoa oandilea," 
 
 (6), Tag* 97, note 13; r Topo con un licenoiado Flechilla, aiaigo 
 mio, que veni& aldoando por la oalle aba jo, con maa barroa que la 
 
 oara de un sanguino y tantos rabos quo parecla un ohirrion oon cotan , 
 
 A. 
 pulpo a nero&for que oargaba para Italia •" 
 
 (7). "age 124, note 10: w 7ioja de bien, ar:/ ^ada y 13ena de afeite, 
 
 que parecla higo enharinado, niffa si se lo preguntaban, oon bu. cara 
 
 de araeaca, entre chufa y castafta, opilada, t&rtamuda,barbada y vizca 
 
 y rorea; no le faltaba una gota para bruja. 
 
 ■ 
 
$ 
 
 (8). Page 124, note 20: "Enlucia raanoB y gargantas, aoioalaba dientes^ 
 arrancaba el vello, tenia un bebediao que llaraaba Herodes, porque 
 oon el mataba los niftos en las barrigas y haoia malparir y mal em- 
 prefiar." 
 
 III. There are passages in the manuscript which seem to indicate 
 not that it is someone else's effort to imp r ore upon the original, 
 bat whose manifest inferiority to <freh corresponding passages in the 
 first edition indicate that the printed version followed a revision 
 of the original version. 
 
 (1). Page 8, note 3: 1T Sail en uno como caballo, mojor dijera en 
 un oof re vivo, que no anduvo con peores pasos Roberto del Diablo, 
 Begun andaba. El era rucio y rodado el que iba enaima, por lo quo 
 cuia en todo. La edad no hay que tratar: vizniet03 tenia en tahonas. 
 De su rasa no se mas de que sospeoho que era ^udio, aegan era me- 
 droso y d^adicl'iado." Is not the reading of the first edition a de- 
 cided improvement upon the foregoing; " Sail en un caballo etico y 
 muatio, el oual maB de laanoo que de blen oriado, iba haoiendo raveren- 
 oias; las ancas eran de mona may sin cola, el peaoueao de caiaello 
 y mas largo, la oc.ra no tenia sino on ojo, aunque overo. Schabansele 
 de ver las penitencias , ayunas y fullerias del que le tor.ie. a cargo 
 en el aanarle la raoion." Zaragoza 16£6: "?asose la merien 
 
 (£). Page 15, note 8: da en bianco; oenamos rcuoho me- 
 
 1SJ3/. Paaoae la merienda en bianco nos y no carnero, sino un pooo 
 y la $ena ya que no se paso en del nombre del maestro, oabra 
 blanoo.se paso' en noreno: pasas asada. Hire vuesa reerced. si in- 
 y alruendras y oandil y doa ben- ventara el dlatlo tal cosa, 
 diciones, pore ue se dijese que 
 cenabamos con bendicion. 
 
(3) . rage 16, note 3: 
 MS. "Todos mandaronme leer 
 el primer nominativo a los 
 otros ." 
 (4) .Page 16, note 17: 
 MS. "Metiala colgando de an 
 
 Zaragoza,16i 6 « "Mandaronme leer 
 el primer nomlnatlTO a los otros. 
 
 Zaragoza.1626. "Metiala col- 
 
 oordel a la olla. Dabase la olla gando de un cordel en la olla 
 
 por entendlda del toclno, 
 y noBotros corniarnos algunas 
 sospeoha8 de pernll." 
 
 (5) .Page E3,note4z 
 MS . "Un aguelo tavo vuesa 
 merced,tio de mi padre que 
 Jamas oomlo lechugasjy son 
 malas para la memoria,y mas 
 de noche; yftataa no son buenas," 
 
 (6) .Page 25, note 2: 
 MS . "Saoo todas ouantas habia, 
 y en su lugar puso piedras, 
 palos y lo que hallo y en- 
 cj.ma dos o tres yesones." 
 
 porque la dlese algun zumo por 
 los agujeros y quedase para otro 
 dia el tocino, Pareoiole despues 
 que en esto se gastaba mucho y 
 dio en solo asomar el tocino en 
 la olla." 
 
 Zaragoza.l6£6 . "Un aguelo tuvo 
 Tuesa merced,tio de mi padre, que 
 en viendo lechugas se desmayaba. 
 ;Que hombre era mas cabal'" 
 
 / 
 
 3arap:oza.lG::6 ."Saco todas cuantai 
 habia,y en su lugar puso piedras, 
 palos y lu qixe hallo. Luego se 
 proveyo"' nobro lo dicho,y enoima 
 de In suoiedad puoo hacta una 
 
 docena de yesones." 
 And when the old miser opens his saddle-bags he finds only 
 
 a yea on . but in the first edition it is a yeson untado . 
 
\ v 
 
 (7). Page 54, note 8, A sentence is muoh improved by the omission 
 of a clause. 
 
 MS ."Mas se me ha de agradecer a mi que 
 no he tenido de quien aprender virtud 
 ni a quien pareoer en ella.que al que 
 la hereda de sua aguejfoa." 
 
 Saragoza,16r6." Maa se me 
 ha de agradecer a mi, que 
 no he tenido de quien ap- 
 render virtttd.que al que 
 la hereda de sub aguelow.' 
 
 "araftosa,16r6 ." 
 
 By the omission of lo quo 
 
 the sentence becomes intelligible 
 
 (8). Page 63, note 1. 
 Jg*."Dije...que el Cid ni 
 Bernardo no habian heoho 
 lo que el .Sal to en esto 
 y diJo: n Dios que ni lo que 
 Garcia de Paredes, Julian 
 Romero ni otros hombres 
 de bien." 
 
 (9) . Page 86, note 4. 
 
 MS."Haciase soldado,y habialofc sido en "aragoza.l6?6 ."Eaoiaae sol 
 
 los alojamientoa y hasta en dado,y habialo sido,pero 
 
 la mar." malo y en partes quietas." 
 
 (lo). Page 88, note 10. 
 MS ."Paaieronme una espuela 
 en la pretina." 
 
 Zara/?oza,16£6 ." Pusieronme 
 una esquela en la pretina. 
 
 (11). Page 93, note 12. 
 
 Jg. n Sllaa se oegaron con esto y con unos Zaragoza.l6:6. ' , Ellaa 
 
 oien escudos en oro." juzgaron con esto y con un 
 
 esoudo de oro que yo saque 
 
 de los que traia,oon aohaque de dar 
 
 limosna a un pobre que me la pidio, que- 
 yo era algun oaballero." 
 
Il 
 
 (12). Page 97, note 1. 
 Mo," Ho levantaba los ojos a las Zaragoza,16£6. n Ho levantaba lq£ 
 ma,1ores,pero querialas.si." ojos a las mujeres.pero las 
 
 faldas.sf." 
 
 17. In many passages the reading of the printed version is much 
 fuller than that of the manuscript. 
 (1). Page 2,note 6. The manuscript omlts: n fto me detrendre en 
 
 deoir la penitenola que hacia .Tenia un aposento donde sola 
 ella entraba (y algunas veoes yo,que oomo era chico podia) 
 todo rodeado de calaveras que ella deoia eran para memorias 
 de la mu&rte.y otros.por vituperarla, que para voluntades 
 de la vida. Su cama estaba armada sobre sogas de ahorcado, 
 y deciame a ml:%ue piensas? Con el recuerdo desto aoonsejo 
 a los que bien ^uiero que, para que so libren dellas, vivan 
 con la barba sobre el hombro, de suerte que ni aun con rai- 
 nimos indicios se les averigue lo que hieiOrfcn." 
 
 (2). In the printed version the interview between Pablos' mother 
 
 and father is more vivid than in the manuscript. The following 
 appears in the former and not in the latter: (Page 3, note 7.) 
 "Mas dijera segun se habla encolerizado si con I03 golpes 
 que daba.no se le desensartara un rosario de muelas de difun- 
 tos quo tonia." A few linoB further on the manuscript reads: 
 "Mi madre se entro dentro" .while the printed version* "Mi 
 madre torno a oouparse en onsartar las muelas ."(note 22.) 
 (3). The following appears in the printed version and not in the 
 manuscript: (Page 6, note 4) ."jAh madre i pesame solo de que 
 algunos de los que se hallaron me dijeron no tenia que ofen- 
 derme por ello, y no les pregunte si era por la pooa edad 
 del que lo habia dioho." 
 
(4) • rage ;3» notc4 . Speaking of morisco3 the printed version adds: 
 "que hay may grande cosecha desta gente y de la qae tiene 
 cobradas narioes,que solo les faltan para oler tooino. Digo 
 esto oonfesando la macha nobleza que hay entre la gente prin- 
 cipal, qae oiorto ee macho." 
 
 i 
 
 (5). ; :age 58 .note 4, Pablof* stratagem to rob the house-keeper 
 
 is entirely omitted in the manuscript, and instead of it w« 
 have the foil owing:" Kb ta ha de ser ruin conmigo,pues lo es 
 con su :irio,'' deoia yo entre mi. ?-lla debia da decir lo mismo 
 porque chocamo8 de ombuste el uno con el otro, y por poco se 
 desoubriera la hilaza. Qoiedamos amigos oomo gatos y porros, 
 que en dospensa ea peor que gatos y perros ."How if the manu- 
 script is a later version what possible motive could there 
 have been for the omission of this episode ? On the other 
 hand there is evidence in the text of the printed version 
 
 that the episode was hastily introduced by Q uevedo. He re, after 
 
 JL 
 
 recounting th£ adventure Pablos continues: "Yo qae me vi ya 
 mal con el ama y que no la podia burlar."But this is non- 
 sense coming, as it does, upon the heels of his account of how 
 he had been able tojtake her in completely; but it does fit 
 perfectly into the manuscript version which is careful to sap 
 that the house -keeper looked upon Pablos with as much sus- 
 picion as he upon her. 
 
 (6), Page 66 .note 10 . Speaking of the porouero at his uncle's 
 feast in Segovia ablos says:"Conooilo por el - hablaido 
 con perdon - cuemo que traia en la mano." The editions add 
 "Y para andar al aso solo erro en no tralle encima de la 
 oabeza."If we assume that the manuscript is a later attempt 
 
i3 
 
 to improve upon the printed version is it probable that the 
 hypothetical author of the" improvements" would omit the 
 passage quoted above while at the same time introducing 
 certain other variants that we have already aeen£(cf.I.) 
 
 (7). Another instance of the same nature as (5) occurs on page 
 100 .note 1, where the following appears in the printed 
 version and not in the manuscript 4" y a la media noche no 
 haoian sino venir presos y sol tar presos. Yo quo oi el ruido 
 al principio.penaando que eran truenos, empeoe a santiguar- 
 me y llamar a Santa Barbara; mas, viendo que olian mal, oche 
 de ver que no eran truenos de buena casta, Olian tanto,que 
 por fuerza do tenia las narices en la oama. Unos traian camaraB 
 y otros r.posentos." Naturally the introduction of this passage 
 accounts for the appearance in the printed version of the 
 puni"Yo me desculpaba con decir que en toda la noche me 
 habian dejado fterrar los ojos a puro abrir loa suyos."(Page 
 100, note 14.) . 
 
 T. In Parte I, Ca/'ltulo 2 of the B use on Pabloo roads the ?re - 
 maticu contra loo Foetus Gueros, Chirlaa y Hebonou. During 
 the journey from Alcala to Sejas he had met the verse-making 
 saoristan of Majalaonda and had been tortured by the pro- 
 ductions of his abominable muse .The Prematica is introduced 
 as a rebuke to poets of his ilk .There is good cause to believe 
 that the date of composition of the first draught of this 
 Prematica antedated the first edition of the Buaoon by a dozen 
 or more years. Fernandejr-Ouerra in his edition of the wfcrks 
 of ^;uevedo (I, p. 437.) plaoes it towt rd the end of the jnar 
 i6l3, pointing out at the same time that Cervantes in the 
 
1* 
 
 YiaJe del ?arnas o (1614) had referred to Quevedo thus: 
 
 n Ss el flagelo de poetas nemos 
 
 Y oohara a puntillazos del Parnaso 
 
 Los malos que esperamos y tenemos." 
 
 Bat the dates of the composition of the rematicas may 
 
 perhaps be put still earlier owing to the singular coincidence 
 
 vrtiich strangely enough has hitherto escaped notice, that Mateo 
 
 [ji* of) 
 Aleman in the second part of the Gasman de Alfarache inserts 
 
 a large part of Ciaovedo's Prematicas y Aranoelefr Gonerales . 
 •The inn-keopor in .''aragosa reads to Guzman (Parte II, lib .III, 
 Cap,i,BA.p,335) an Arancel de Kacedades_ «Mateo Aleman apparent- 
 ly hesitated to assume thft authorship of it saying; "Pueso 
 y trujo an libro grand® que dijo ser donde asentuba las en- 
 tredas d« los hermanos,y sacando dol unis pliegos de papel 
 qae tenia saoltos ( coinenzo a leerme unas ordenanzas.de las ouales 
 dire algunas que me oaedaron en la memorial The inn -keeper 
 then reads about half of Queveao's Promatioa jbut it is clear 
 from the context that much more was then oxtantj Guzman inter- 
 rupts him and the remainder of the Aranoel is left for the 
 following night ,f cf.BA ,p. 321, col ,l,)There cannot be the least 
 doubt thet this Arancel was Quevodo'a, because he recast it 
 later for publication in Barcelona 1628, when it appeared 
 under the title Promatioa del Ticmpo » and also because under 
 this second title it served as ground for attack by the author 
 ot the Tribunal de la Juste Venpanza . 
 
 The insertion of this paragraph has seemed neoessary in 
 view of the fact that the Juan Jose Bueno manuscript con- 
 tained variants rhieh in several instances represent another 
 and probably earlier version of the Prematioa contra afcMuia 
 
A 
 
 103 Poetaa G aero a eto. ie. the version published by Fernandez- 
 Guerra (Obras de Quevedo I, p. 437) under the title Prematioas 
 del Desengaflo oontra los - oetas Pueros Moreover there is an 
 indioation in the text of the B age on that the prematioa had al- 
 ready been passed about in manuscript form. Pablos ref ors to it 
 thus: "una prematioa que habia salido oontra olios ds uno que 
 lo fixe y ae recogio a buon vivir." (p.57.)Then before reading 
 it T'ablo Bays^Itarre el prolog© y oomenoe el primer oapitulo . 
 fp,58) How the voroion published by Fsmandaz-Suerra contains 
 a prologo of a paragraph's length. ( n Eos, el Desengaflo, eto ."or 
 ouanto henon aabido que la mayor parte del mundo,olvidada de 
 naestras verdades, ha dado en seguir la falsa seta de los postas 
 ohirles y hehenes.por ultimo jr efioar, remaidio de nuestros 
 reinos nos plugo ordenar y ordenrjmos estaS prematioas, y las 
 mand.«jnor? gunrdar a todos, so las nuostras iras y penalidad de 
 nuestra desgracia,") 
 
 The variants are these: - 
 Manuscript . %arap:o3a,l(>?,6 . 
 ( 1) .Page 68,nota8v"Pramatioa { tJPrematioa 
 
 del desengaflo." 
 ( E) .Ibid., note 10:"A malaa mujores y que los (r)." a las malas 
 
 prediquen saoando Cristos mr.^eres y que lo^ 
 
 para convartlrlos." deaengaflen del 
 
 yerro en que an- 
 dan y procuren 
 ^W convert! rlos.'' 
 
 (3), Page 59,note 3:"han pflgado (3) ."ha pegado el dioho achaoue," 
 el dioho achaque." 
 

IV 
 
 U). Page 59 .note 4:"y por (4)."y porque aquel es$a pobre." 
 
 ouanto el alglo 03ta pobre." 
 (5). Page 59,note 6:"Haoen sua (5) .*Omits:"oomo astatoaa de 
 
 damas de todos me tales Uabuoo." 
 
 oomo estatuas de IJabuco." 
 (6). Page 61, note £:"que no (6) ."que no puodan vivir sin 
 
 paodan vivir sin los tales tales poetaa." 
 
 pootas ," 
 (7). ^Otje 51, not o 6:"oasani<'nto3, ( 7) rocisainientos.y a los ciagOB" 
 
 nl began las traaaa con pa- 
 
 polea o cintaa,y a loo de 
 
 ciegos..." 
 (8). Pege 61, note 2: "quo no jucguen (Of.^que no jueguen de vorablo 
 
 del -ooablo" 
 (9). Page 61, note IE: "por abogndoa 
 
 a la hora de la muerte." (9)#"por abogados en la hora 
 
 de la iiiuorte." 
 
 YI. The Bueno manuscript assumed that there was or would be 
 a sedond part to the Buscon .There what Is now Capitulo Pri - 
 mero oi* el Libro Segundo has the oaption Libro Tercero y Ul - 
 timo de la Primera parte de la Yida del Buscon . (of ,p.83,n.l.) 
 The last sentence holds out the same promise: "Determine.... de 
 pa8arme a Indlas....a vor si mudando tierra / mejoraria ml 
 suerte;y fueme peor.como vuesa merced vera 8n"la segunda parte .'' 
 f of ,p.l4E,n5.) Throughout the printed version, on the other 
 hand, there is no allusion whatsoever to a 3econd part. Is it 
 not reasonable to suppose that at the time of the first writing 
 of the Buscon uevedo did plan to write a second part, but 
 
I 
 
 that as no second part is extant and as there is no mention 
 of it in the printed version is it not then probable that the 
 printed version is a revision of the manusoript version ? 
 
 VII • The style of the variants throughout is characteristic of 
 Quevedo; no one of them thrust into the body of the text but 
 would have the genuine ring of Quevedo, The following is an 
 example of their sentence structure: "Mo pido mas un ochavo." 
 Y respofldio un rufian:"No sino barlarase oon est© oaballero 
 delante de nosotros;aunque vontero,sabe lo que ha de haoer. 
 Dejese vuesa mereed gobernar.que en mano e3ta."Y tosiendo. 
 cogio el dinero.contolo y dijo.sobrando del que sao^mi amo 
 ouatro reales.los asio,diciendo: ,, F.sioa Iob dare de posida.y 
 a estos pioaros oon cuatro roales se les tapa la boca."(of ,p, 
 26, n. 18.) One frequently fin**whole phrases and puns that 
 
 aevedo has used elsewhere in his works. The following, perhaps, 
 are significant: 
 
 (U/Pagcjl.note 9:"i£ujer de " De los tres anemigoB que hay de 
 amigos de ouadrilla y de pooos alma/ 
 enemigos.porque hasta los tres Ilevaredes la palma, 
 del alma no los tenia por tales. "Y con valor y pruebas excelentes 
 
 Los venoeriedes voa entre las 
 las gentes,... n ( A ■ na Llujer 'laoa : 
 
 Obraa Comrletas, 
 Bib .And. II, 15) 
 "A la muerte estamoB tcdoa todos, 
 Muy cerca de condenarnoB, 
 Porque ya el cundo y la oarne 
 
 Nos deja en poder del .Diablo/' 
 
 (Confision que hacen los Santos 
 de 3ub cu.lpas.Ibia. 303.) 
 
(£). Page l.note 9." TuYO_nay 
 
 baen pareoer para letrado" 
 (It will be remembered that the variant 
 describes Aldonza a/vie Ja. . .con 
 oanas y rota." 
 
 03). Page 13, note 13."Y tomando 
 el caohillo por el cuerno, 
 plcole con la punta;y aso- 
 
 Q ge tiene baen pare -- 
 
 qex, 
 
 P or lo letrado y lo 
 
 vleja , 
 
 Y que ease sangre tan 
 
 olara, 
 
 Que Jamas ha sido yem£ 
 ( Koau.nce : ibid .p ,35 ) 
 
 " Do su baen pare oa r me has informado 
 
 como si, por vontora,la quisiera, 
 
 por su baen parecer, para letrado. " 
 
 ( Hien^os iol i,kttrirnonio ; ibid . 
 
 p. 271.) 
 
 "Al que 7)ayid hizo andrajos 
 
 La portada del cone r . 
 
 Preciado de que en Alcides 
 
 mandole a las narices.trayendole en Es papahipjo sa pr.pel.," 
 prooesion por la g6et&a &66e la ( Celebra el tiro con qae di o 
 
 oara. 
 
 m uerte a on Toro el Key ITqe s A 
 tro Seflor '.ibid. p .386 .) 
 
 (4) .Page 124, note 20 ."Tenia an 
 
 Is 
 
 bebfldizo qqe llamaba Her ode a, 
 porque oon el mataba los niflos 
 en las barrigas.y haoia mal- 
 parir y mal empreflar." 
 
 Desde esta Sierra Forena, 
 En donde.huyner'o del siglo, 
 Conventual de las ,1araP, 
 Entre pefiascos habito^. 
 
 A vo s el doctor Herodej s. 
 P aes andaie matando nifln a. 
 Y si Dios no lo remedla 
 Sereis el dia del juioio. 
 
 ( Hesponde a la Carta de un 'Qdlo< » 
 ibid ,p .246. ) 
 
. 
 
 [&< 
 
•A 
 
 (5) .Page 2, not© 5. "Coal In llamaba " la enflaatadora de oaerpoa . 
 enflautadora de miembfeo s.y coal la madre Masicoral, 
 tejedora de oaraes." La engarzadora de oalpas 
 
 Y del infierno zaguan." 
 
 (Carta al Conde de Saatagot 
 ibid .p .356 . ) 
 "Oh Bobresorito de Beroebus,pinta de Sa- 
 tr.nases,recovera de condenaoiones.enca- 
 
 L 
 
 flutetora de personas.y enflaatadora de 
 raiembro3 .."( Kl Sntronetido.La Dnena y El 
 
 Soplon . P. 367.001.1 .) 
 "Engarzadora de ouerpoa, oslabonadora de 
 gentes , onfflautaflora de personas. . ." 
 ( La Horn do Tofloa,p«3Qg. ) 
 (6) .Page ;;£.n.l."Dos estudiantes 
 fregones.de loa de mantellina, 
 panaas al trote .andaban esparoidoa por la v«nta 
 para engullir." 
 
 "Oh que panzas ol trote 
 Han aido mi a comppfferoB 
 En bordado y gcamicienes 
 LLe van a Vizcaya hierro." 
 
 ( Don Peranton a lae Boflag del "rinoip e. 
 
 ibid. p. £58. ) 
 "Viernca es buen dia para hair del aoree- 
 dor y de la ejeouoton y de la cmbestidu- 
 ra meridiana de las panzaa -1 trote ." 
 (Libro de todas las Connn cto.p479.) 
 

"Llevabalos un compafiero panza al trote " / 
 ( La Hora de Tod08«p.396 .) 
 
 There are other less significant indications of the genuineness 
 of the Bueno manuscript .Among these should he noted the preference 
 for the ubo of the feminine form of the artfole before feminine 
 nouns beginning with stressed a or jh,ateg,gfit^tin,t.p.20 > nn,3 t 16;p.28 > 
 n.l4;p.35,nn.l,4;p.36,n,7;p.37,n.l0;p.44,n,5; Quevedo defended this 
 usage in the dedication of the Cutmto do CuQntos . tel alma t decimos; 
 y supuesto el alma bueno no se puede aooir,4fcrel,que es articulo 
 rsasculino.ha de ser la»y pronunoiar la alma" .Ed .F-G.II ,p .400 . )and 
 that/that was his usual manner of writing is dear from a glanoe at 
 his manusoripts.2 ( 2).|The use of the forms in U - truxo y truxeron 
 for traxo and frraxuron . of .p .13 . n .4 ipf-0 , n .5 ;p .65 . nn .10 . 14 ;p .86 . n .3 ; 
 p.97,n.l0.(3) .The preference for u ^'or o;cf .p.l4,n,2;p.l7,n5;p.29,n.3; 
 p.30 t n.9;p.36,n.9;p.9^ t n,7;p.ir2 t n,4;p.l38,n.l5;(4)rage 50, n, 11, the 
 manuscript reads; "J-il guesped que me vio reir y le vio ; the editions: 
 "El huesped we vio reir y ae rio "/.The variant le vio for se_ rio 
 may perhaps indioate that the Bueno manuscript was a copy c/c.uevedo's 
 original for this reason: Quevedo* s initial ® was a long and is 
 easily confused with an 1 *vhioh he made very often in identical 
 fashion .likewise hiB v'b and r's are oiten indistinguishable, /£-» S. 
 
 To sum up briefly, these are the arguments that T have advanced 
 in favor of the authentoity of the Bueno manuscript ?nd its con- 
 sequent eligibility for use in the preparation of p critical text: 
 $1) . I have endeavoured to show that many of the variants represent 
 a version of tjje Dunoon which on aooount on account of irreverent 
 allusions was unfit for general circulation and publication.*?,) That 
 there are many variants vhich on aooount of their youthful exuberpnce 
 
n 
 
 are characteristic of tho oarly style of Quevedo and which more 
 mature judgment considered unworthy, £3) That in numerous caBes 
 the improvement in the reading of the first edition is so evident 
 that it musjt have been the result of revision of the version of 
 the Bueno manuscript ,(4) That the first edition in oertain passages 
 indicates that it is an elaboration of the manuscript version.(5) 
 Illogical readings in the text of the first edition are made clear 
 by the manuscript reading, and that these illogical readings are the 
 result of later interpolations or changes in the tert .(6)The ?re - 
 matica contra los Poetas Oueros .etg, .in tho nanusoript version 
 more nearly approaches the original than in the printed version, 
 (7) Allusions in the manuscript to a second part of the Buscon in- 
 dicate a project which was later abandoned by f}uevedo.(8) Com- 
 parison of the style of the manuscript with other works of Cuevedo 
 indicates its genuineness* 
 
 Before this discussion of the manuscript is closed something 
 must be added with regard to the use that I have made of it in the 
 preparation of the text. As there oan be no doubt that the text 
 of the ZaragoBa edition of 16f:6 more or less careful pruning and addi- 
 tiohs by Quevedo'B own hand, I have introduced into the body of the 
 text only suoh variants from the manuscript as have seemed indis- 
 pensable for the intelligibility of the story. If the reading of the 
 first edition is intelligible, though illogical, I have ^referred to & 
 leave it as it stands rather than to make a radical change by 
 omission or by introduction from the manuscript .In no case have I 
 tampered with the substance of the first edition.A word has been 
 substituted for another or a phrase adaed only in cases where a bad^)^ 
 reading appears to be the fault of the rr interior example, I have 
 introduced phrases from the manuscript in page 18, n. 9; and in page 
 119. n. 12. 
 

 % 
 
>y 
 
 Editions , 
 
 It seems reasonable to accept that the first edition of 
 the Buseon waB published in 16£6 by Padro Verges, a printer 
 of raragoza. Tarsia in his Life of Quevedoff . ) states that 
 
 Quevedo took advantage of the royal progress to the Cor**r> 
 of Barbastro.Monzon and Barcelona in the early part of /( 16r6^ 
 to arrange with the published Roberto Duport in ZaragOM for 
 the publication of several rorks. These were the Polltica fle 
 Pios, Goblerno do Crl3to, Tirania de Satanas and the Buncon. 
 Moreover the author of an attack upon Quevedo, published in 1635, 
 ( Tribunal de la Justa Venflansa ) says of the Buseon "que pri- 
 meramente fue impreso en la ciudad de Zaragoza" .? p. 41,) The 
 jlirobacion signed by Rnteban de Peralta Is dated in Santa Rn- 
 gracia de Zaragoza April £9,16£6; the I lcencle del Ordinario , 
 D. Juan de Salinas, vas granted in Zaragoza Kay £, 16T6; the 
 AproUtcion of el Doctor Calisto Komirez is dated Piaragoz^May 
 13,16: 6; and the prlvilepio for ten years in favor of Roberto 
 Duport was signed by D. Juan Fernandez de Eeredia in Calatayud, 
 May £6, 1G£6. A perfect copy of this edition, handsomely "hound, 
 is preserved in the Biblioteca Raclonal at Madrid, It was for- 
 merly the property of P. Pascual tfnyangos, The edition wan printed 
 on good paper and in mechanical details is remarkable for neither 
 perfection or extraordinary Carelessness. 
 
 How nearly the manuscript delivered to Koberto Duport, the 
 publishor, roseinbled the original draught of the Buseon has been 
 discussed in another part of this introduction. At all events 
 it must have been fairly satisfactory to the author. Whether or 
 not the result of Pedro Verges' work was satisfactory is another 
 
matter. Suffice it to say that in it there are passages which 
 could have he en intelligible only to one who knew what was 
 there before Verges put his hand to it, and whose meaning is 
 clear to the modern reader only thanks to the light shed upon 
 them by the variants or emendations of the Bueno manuscript or 
 of later editions. 
 
 It is a fair assumption that after 1626 Quevedo had severed 
 all connexions with the text of the Busoon . Unlike other works 
 of!, his written "en los horvores de la fciflea" ,once in print.it 
 never received a careful pruning from the hand of its author. 
 Indeed the authoritative "purifAoation" of his texts was never 
 e direct consequence of their unintelligibleness but rather the 
 result of the laok of intelligence of their oritics. At any rate 
 it is hardly to be regretted that in the case of the Bug con tfcjvt? 
 there should have been lacking tha^attaoks and criticism which 
 made neoessary a version as emasoulated as the 16F9 edition of 
 
 the 5uefloB.Thi8 is the fundamental difference in the biblio- 
 
 — -j^~*r 
 
 graphical histories of the Bus con and the Sueftoa: the 3ttf"Mwr re- 
 ceived its pruning before it appeared in printed form and its 
 original version is represented by the Bueno manuscript, while 
 the Soeflos were first printed (16r7) in a form which represented 
 fairly nearly their original and were later extensively modified 
 for the 1629 edition. This fact greatly simplifies the task 
 of making a critical edition of the Bjiacon, pointing as it does 
 to one edition, the prlnclpe of Zaragoza 16: 6, as the only au- 
 thoritative one. 
 
 The following table is intended to make clear the parentage 
 of the editions of the Busoon published during the lifetime of 
 Quevedo. It has been established by means of the pe*Twtt»4rien 
 
w 
 
 of errata and lay examination of the adoption of variants or 
 emendations. 
 
 iwftMb*) lUWfe^'tW'tt*?] r*i*+&*idlfe» i $ 
 
 T 
 
 
 fj(*hU Mil}*}*** £**£$ 
 
 "2 
 
 Before 1645, then, the date of Quevedo'sdeath, the Basoon 
 had run through no less than nine editions, all of which are 
 more or less closely related to the prlncipe of 16,' 6, 
 
 Of theBe editions the one that I have chosen to oall "Madrid, 
 1626(Montalban)" is a counterfeit, A comparison of its title- 
 page alone with that of the authentic Verges edition is enough 
 to prove its illegitimacy. The following differences are at once 
 noted: 
 
 Verges : (1) .Cauallero del Orden 
 (2). 
 
 (3).Seftor de Juan Abad 
 
 Montalban : Cauallero de la Orden 
 Omission of the ded - 
 ication to Don Fray 
 Juan Auflustln de Pane 
 etc, 
 " Seflor de la Villa de Juan 
 Abad, 
 Con I.ioencia y priuilegio 
 
 Kn daragooa 
 
 f 4) .Con Llcenola 
 
 (5) ,En coragooa 
 
 (6) . Differences in spacing and 
 
 division of werds and lines . 
 Its preliminaries consist only of the A probaoion of Esteban de 
 
Peralta, Zaragoza,29 of Abril de 16^6; Lioenoia del Ordinario, 
 el Doctor Don Iuan de Salinas, Vicario General, Zaragoza.r de 
 Mayo 16:6; Al Lector ,"Que desseoso," etc. 
 
 Examination of the text shows that while some effort was made 
 to correct the errata of Verges' edition, others yet more serious 
 were allowed to creep in. A very few illustrations should he 
 sufficient: 
 
 Page 1 . The reading of Vwges: " en el tiempo que ella vivio 
 con todos los oopleros de StJpafla hajtian oosas sobre ella ■ is 
 corrected by the omission of con ; page 5 : w ynos me llamaban don 
 naYaJa,otros me llamaban don ventosa" , in the Montalban edition 
 the second me llamaban is omitted .-flowing to Quevedo's subsequent 
 quarrel with Juan Perez de Montalban and the publication of the 
 Perinola, f Queyedo attacks the father thus:"?ero;|oh inmenso 
 Dios, iquien bastara a ponderar el intento con que el Doctor Ilon- 
 talban amaso este libro Para Todos ? Brevemente lo dire . ~ues f ue 
 solamente para deoir mal, con todas sub muelas.de Villaizan; y 
 sin aoordarse de sa padre y los antecesores de la tienda, cargar 
 la satlra sobre la botioa, y examinar oual es mas calidad y me,) or, 
 sin aoordarse del maoear el papel y el oontarlo, y el engrudo 
 y las oorreas, y que es sastre de libros, y zapatero de Tolumenes,, 
 porque su buen padre ha sido mesonero de comedias, ohaconas y 
 romances, y no nos ha vendido cosa que no haya sido sedicion de 
 las buenas costumbres. Y no admite respuesta lo que dire^ahora 
 ftraguelo el Doctor y reviente con ello), que el librerro es 
 meramente raeoanico, porque no es ^orzoso que el libroro sepa nada 
 de los libros que vende, ni de las soienoias neoesita, sino de 
 coBer bien y engrudar y estirar las pieles y oabezear y regntear.") 
 it may be pertinent to add that the matter jfcfc& of tho forgery 
 was taken up by the publisher Duport. He proved to the satis- 
 

faction of the Supremo Consejo de Castilla that It was the work 
 Alonso Perez, the father of Juan Perez de Montalban, and that 
 the edition had come from the press of the Viuda de Alonso Mar- 
 tin, who together with Juan Perez was punished by the imposition 
 of the penalty set forth in the Privilegio of the genuine edition 
 of Zaragoza,1626, 
 
 The Lisbon edition of 163" had for its model Juan Perez's 
 counterfeit of 1626, which it follows in all its emendations and 
 in a considerable number of its errata* 
 Verges ,16: 6. Perez and Lisbon . 
 
 (1) ,p.l:"Hieta de Lepido ^iuraoonte" "Meta de Lepido Ciracunte" 
 
 (2) ,p,l: n Murio el angelico de unos "llurio el angel de unos 
 
 aeotes" azotes' 1 
 
 (3).p2. "resucitaba oabellos. encu- "resucitaba oabellos » cubrlendo 
 
 briondo oanas" canas" 
 
 (4) ,p.3."porque querrian que adonde " omit :"y sus ministros." 
 estan. hubiese otros ladrones 
 
 r 
 
 sino olios y sus rainistros." 
 Like its parent this edition is entirely open and above board. 
 The Licenoias bear these dates 16 de Novembro de 629, 6 de 
 
 Dezembro de 6*9, 7 de Dezembro de 629; "Esta conforme con o ori- 
 
 o 
 ginal.Lisboa a 2 de Feuereiro de 6302." The j| ha3 been crossed 
 
 out and a Z follows. Likewise the title-page reads 16302. Gayan- 
 gos has suggested that there was an edition of 1630 and that it 
 was extensively used for the edition of 1632. 
 
 The edition of Baroelona 16P6 furnishes no indication as to 
 hovr closely it followed on the heels of the principe . Its pre- 
 liminaries are substantially those of the original: Aprobacion 
 de Ssteban de Peralta,£9 de Abril,1626; Lioenoia del Ordinario, 
 
>n 
 
 2 de Mayo,16r6; Aprobacion do Calisto Remirez,13 d3 Mayo ,1626; 
 
 J JL 
 
 for Don Joan Fernandez de Bjredia's Lloenola for Aragon is sub- 
 stituted "Lo Saorista Prre Pla Vioari General y oficial,"but 
 the latter unfortunately bears no date .Then follow the dedication 
 of Duport t to Don Fray Juan Augustin de Funes, the "Al Lector", 
 and "A Don Francisco de Quevedo. Luciano, su amigo. n Were it not 
 for the express statement by the author of the Tribunal de la 
 Jnsta Venganza that the Busoon first saw the light in Zaragoza 
 there would be reason to doubt the claim of V&rges* edition to 
 being the principe . Bat it seems natural to assume that as Que- 
 redo was travelling northward from Madrid his arrival at Bar- 
 celona was sometime later in the year. 
 
 It should be clear from the following that Cormellas' edition 
 had as its original Verges 1 edition. 
 
 Verges . Cormellas . 
 
 ( 1) , n aprended,hermanos^ / que vereis mil idem . 
 
 cosas do estas en este en el pueblo" . 
 
 (2). 
 
 (2)."Y assi.por no hacer mas gusto , no idem . 
 
 teniendo dinero, determine salir." 
 
 (3). n Ya los he dioho que a nadie falta Dios" idem . 
 
 (4)."porque las vistas era una totte- idem . 
 
 cilia llena de redendijas " 
 
 (5),"y oitaba una i ^eta- y la de medicos idem . 
 
 inf ernales ," 
 
 While he preserved these evident errata of the Verges edition 
 
 »«»■■■ tmrnt%y occasionally Cormellas made minor corrections: 
 
 Verges ;"ya me creoia por puntos por el deseo de verme entre 
 
 gente principal." Cormellas oorreoted by the omission of the 
 
 second po r 
 
Evidently then the text of thla edition indicates that it 
 was a fairly well sustained effort to reproduce the text of 
 the earlier edition. There is a copy in the Blblioteoa llacional 
 in Madrid . 
 
 The popularity of the Buscon continued to such a degree that 
 in 1627 Lorenzo Boa published another edition in Barcelona. The 
 preliminaries throughout are identical with those of Cormellas' 
 edition of tho year before .It adopts his trifling corrections 
 and retains many of his errata.Among the latter appear i,2,3,4, 
 given above; 6 iB corrected to retayla . It adopts Cormellas • 
 correction mentioned above(p.72,n,9) .In several instances where 
 Cormellas had corrected v, to jj Ben adopted the correction. For 
 the sake of good measure these corrections of Cormellas later 
 adopted by Beu may be noted:p.48,n.l5, Ioanelo for Iuanelo of 2£ 
 Verges 1626;p.61,n.l4, solsnes for solemnes etc., etc, A oopy 
 of this extremely rare edition is preserved in the British Museum. 
 
 The value of the Valencia edition of 16.'7 is due rather ^o 
 its extreme rarity than to its contributions to the development 
 of the text. A persevering search brought to lipht only one copy, 
 and its discovery in the Universitats-Bibliothek at Gottingen I 
 owe to Professor Sohevill, The aprobacion is dated is dated 
 Valencia, 16 de Mayo, 1627 and is signed by Pray Lamberto Nouella; 
 the licencias, Valencia # 17 de Mayo, }627,B.Garces,Vi«.Gnl.; Valencia, 
 5 de Junio de 1627, el B.Guillen Ramon Mora de Almenar. The other 
 preliminaries are those of the prinoipe . In his lioencia B.Guillen 
 Ramon de i'ora de Almenar says: "He visto el libro intitulado: 
 Eistoria de la vida del Buscon, llamado don Pablo s.exemplo de 
 Vagamundos etc., Compuesto por Bon Francisco de Quevedo, impreso 
 en Zarafcoza el cilo pasado de 1626*" This statement alone should 
 
1-1 
 
 indicate the parent edition. Its omissions and substitutions 
 
 are the casual work of the printer, A very few examples will 
 
 suffice; 
 
 Verges ; p.£,n.8:ohicA Valencia ; nifto 
 
 n n t» n 12 : ohiqu.it o " i muchaoho 
 
 n p«67,n«6: Muy haziendose 
 
 de penoas " i haaiendo muy de rencas , 
 
 n n,70,n,6: qu9 parocian de n t pareoian dedos de negro 
 
 dedos de ne^ro 
 In nil itfatanoe does it follow an emendation peculiar to either 
 of the Barcelona editions. 
 
 The second edition published by Verges in Zaragoza in 16 P8 
 is by far the most important of the later editions from the ooint 
 of view of varients and emendations. For the first time main- 
 fest errata that had been preserved inphe editions of Barcelona 
 and Valencia are oorreoted, Examples are the correction fp,l,n,6) 
 of "Begun el se via" to" Begun bebia" and the omission of con 
 in "en el tiempo que elle vivio con todos los oopleros de EspafJa" 
 (p.l,n,ll) # From the variants and emendations it will be readily 
 seen that a determined effort was made not only to improve the 
 original text but also to temper several etfssages which may well 
 have been offensive to the clergy. 
 Improvements: 
 
 1626 . 16P8 , 
 
 " Y otros.por vituperarla, que ' { Y otros.por vituperarla.dezian 
 para voluntades de la vidafp,E,n,5.0) que para* 
 
 *< y entre los dos estudiantes « u jfcjfj, tn «)r» ->^wVaJ^ a 
 y ellaa Owen sino un cogo- i\tf ** >jiy«r+*> >*. (>*»-+*** 
 llo en ouatro bocados,(p,33 t n,3) ~^u<^rp s**** <v~- ^JV 
 

Y> 
 
 Con eftto se faeron todoa a (Con esto se fueron todos a 
 
 aoostar para ana hora que quedaron o media. [ aoostar para una horA- 
 
 (p.25,n,3) o modla que quedaron. 
 
 y entre ellos viene uno aue y entre elloa viene uno que 
 
 matoe mi madre y a un her- mato a mi madre , . .por robar- 
 
 mano mio por matarlos. ($,42,n.3«) loa. 
 
 quando Dioa y en hora buena.donde en k coando Dioa y en hora buena 
 un trapo con uno8 zuecoa entro embuelto en tin capucho con 
 un ohirlmiq, de la bellota.(p,68,n.8) unoa zuecoa 
 
 y le dijo que ai era el alferes Juan de y le dixo que ai era yo 
 LorenzanafP. 05, n, 9) ete. 
 
 En eato estabamoa.y dio un Eatando en esto dio un reloj 
 
 reloj laa 12 (p.90,n,8) 
 
 y cuando me aoordaba de lo de Isa gan- y cuando me acordaba de lo 
 zuaa que me habia hallado en laf f&l- de laa ganzuas decia haber- 
 driquera (p,lll,n.3) me hallado 
 
 al punto el < acribano olamo <f**~ AI punto el escribano cla- 
 
 thAaynfletap- f p. Ill, n. 14) mo con algazara resiatenoia 
 
 Yo,qu« muy corrido y afrentado Yo,que me vi corrido etc, 
 
 (p.ll2,n.8) 
 
 Entonoea deapidieronae loa doa, Entonoea.deapidiandose loa 
 e oharon haoia aba J of p. 122, n. 11) doa.eoharon haoin aba jo. 
 
 Following are a few examples of the emendation of offenaive 
 passages: 
 
l\ 
 
 1626 
 
 i 
 
 1628 . 
 Recibiome,pues,el huepped con 
 peor oara que si yo fuese Cura 
 y le pidiera la oedula la cedir 
 la de confesion. 
 
 Cuerpo de tal.y como hiede. 
 
 ."iTurbarme . 
 
 Reoibiome.pues.flrt** el hue aped 
 oon peor oara que si yo fuese 
 el santisiino saerfonento • 
 (p,28,n. 8) 
 
 Cuerpo de 7)ios,y como hiede 
 
 (p,33,n.2.) 
 
 Yo que oi el ruido,al prln- 
 oiplo pcnstvndo que eran truenos 
 empeoe a santlguarme (p,loo,n,2.) 
 
 Except for a few insignifioant changes in wording the pre- 
 liminaries of this edition are those of the 1626 edition, so there 
 is nothing to indicate to v/hom the corrections are due. It is 
 known that the purified text of the Suefloa as published in the 
 Juguetes de la Hiflez (1629) was the result of Quevedo's own 
 corrections and that early in 1629 he hadfapplied to the Inqui- 
 sition for JfevttMpttcfc the suppression of all editions of the 
 Suenos that had appeared prior to that date, It is remotely 
 possible then that quevedo prefaced these efforts by retouching 
 part 8 of the Buacon , Furthermore the text of the BuBcon in the 
 collected -Arks in prose published in 1648 ( Eneehanza Entretonida ) 
 and authorized by Quevedo's nephew, D, Pedro Aldrete follows 
 
 cardi'ully the emendations of 1628, 
 
 c 
 
 Important as this edition undoubtedly is .owing to the fait 
 
 that it was the parent of many later editions, it completely es- 
 caped the notice of Fernando z-Guerra, Perhaps this may bo ac- 
 counted for by the fact that the copy in the Biblioteoa ITaoional 
 
is not separately oataloguedybut is bound v/ith a oopy of the 
 1626 edition of the Providenoia de Dios . It has a separate portada 
 and its own pagination. Some slight use of this edition was 
 made by Amerioo Caatro in his edition of the Bus con for la 
 Leotura , 
 
 The Rouen edition of 1629 is comparatively of even less 
 importance than the second Barcelona edition. Its preliminaries 
 contain the two Aprobaoiones of April 29 and May 13, 1626, the 
 publisher's foreword to the reader ,Don Francisoo de Quevedo, 
 Luciano su Amigo etc. In addition to the Bascon it contains 
 the five Sueftos , Bxerclcio y flpistolas del Cauallero de la Te- 
 naza and La Kobela del Terro y la Calentura , the latter two 
 works with separate title-page and pagination.The text of the 
 Basco n is taken from the first Merges edition as the preliminaries 
 would indicate »Ko attention whatsoever is paid the emendations 
 of the editions of Barcelona, Valencia and the second of Verges, 
 On the other hand several typographical errors of the first 
 verges edition arc reproduced . ( of .pedos ,p .13. n. 8 . ; where Terges 
 read oeja de verro , changing an { for an e and using a broken y_ 
 in verro, 3ouen faithfully reads ceja de verro )/ 
 
 With the Pamplona edition of 1631 this catalogue is complete. 
 The volume published by Carlos de Labayen contained in addition 
 to the Buscon, the Cueftos , Carta del Caballero de la Tonasa , 
 
 £>t%6 
 
 Casa de Locos de Amor , Romance al Ilaoimiento d?l Autor and sevi 
 other v-orks of less importance. In the collection the Busoon 
 appears at folio 195. The presence of the preliminaries of the 
 Verges edition of 1626 indicates the source of the text. Again 
 we have the same monotonous tale of the perpetuation of the 
 
 typographical errors of "Verges.fcf • pedos , p. 13, n. 8.) However the 
 
 ******* 
 printed the hitherto respected peftuo .on this same page,±pKgax 
 
*> 
 
 to peKQ , anendations and corrections of earlier editions vere 
 
 completely ignored, 
 
 16^6 Cormellas 1631. Pamplona , 
 
 Ya me oreoia por Ya me orecia por pun- 
 
 puntos el deseo,,, tos por el deeeo... 
 
 16; 6. Verges, 
 Ya me orecia por 
 puntos por el de- 
 seo fp,72,n,9). 
 
 que como era chico 
 podia, ,(p,2,n,8,) 
 
 No me detonire en 
 
 dezir la peniten- 
 
 cia que haoia.„ 
 (p.2,n,7.) 
 
 que como era nifl p que como era chico 
 pcdia... podia,,. 
 
 Ho me detendre en deftir Uo me detondre 
 la ponitencia atrpera en deoir la pe- 
 que haoia,.. nltencia que ha- 
 
 oia, • • • 
 
 Labayen made no correction that deserves mention here. 
 
 The Bnsefianza flntretonida published in 1648 by Diego "Diaz 
 de la Carrera gathered together in one volume many prose works 
 of Quevedo which had been ewly- published^n separate form,Quo- 
 vedo himself probably had nothing to do with its preparation. 
 His letters of 1645 indicate ew i y that steps were being taken 
 for the publication of an edition of his works, but that his 
 share in its preparation must have been slight. All his concern 
 was for the second part of the Marco Bruto and the poetical 
 works, and ho identifies himself with these only by his pro- 
 testations that he is too ill to occupy himself with them. 
 Writing to Don ?rancisco de Oviedo from Yillanueva de los In- 
 fantes oh May 22,1645, he says: n A Pedro Cuello le dara vuesa 
 
tf 
 
 aercod reoados mios, y le diga cuan cerca ostuve do nersfoer an- 
 tes mi vida que la de Marco Bruto." ( lSpiBtolario| 03clYili) Hor did 
 he approve of Cuello's (the jMlnWr) ohoice of printers. On 
 February 7,1645 he writes to Don Francisco de Oviedo acknowled- 
 ging the receipt of the second impres3ion of the Maroo Bruto and 
 adds:" Que aun es de Diego Diaz de la Carrera la letra, y el 
 papel as el mismo. La nejoria que he hallado hasta ahora son 
 dos erratas emmendadas ," f Spistolario oxlv) This alone is enough 
 to shake one's oonfidenoo in the publisher of the Snseflanza qntre - 
 tenlda . Pedro Cuollo himself In his dodioation to Don Pedro Pachooo 
 Giron makes no pretense *fy having corrected the texts, (He says 
 simply enough;" ii-e dispuesto aalgan a luz Juntas todas 3us 
 obras aatprosa,") Whatever efforts he made to produce en authen- 
 tic text were confined to the reproduction of the second Verges 
 edition, Zaragoza 1628, and to changing the title to " La Eistoria 
 i Vida de el Gran Tacano* ; 
 
 Upon this edition Foppens based his edition published in 
 Brussels in 166C, In his prologue Poppons admits the unsatis- 
 factory condition of the texts of Quevedo's works and makes no 
 claim for his emendations other than that they are fthe work of 
 "personas do toda erudioion en el estilo oastellano" who used 
 only their wits to come at the original meaning of the author. 
 Throughout the rest of the century his prerses and those of V»r- 
 dussen in Antwerp oontinueel to produce editions of the Obras, 
 buiJ the text of no one of them shows improvement upon the text 
 of 1660.rorpens justly declared that his claim to success ley 
 in his service to the public in having produoed a carefully pre- 
 pared and readable edition printed in three volumes of convenient 
 
s lie, with good type and on good paper. (His prologue to the 1660 
 edition is reproduced by Fernandez-Guerra,II,p.xxxvi.) 
 
 The editions therefore can be divided into two groups, both 
 of which, however, have their ultimate source in the principe ; 
 the first group inoludes Madrid 1626; Barcelona 16:6,1627; 
 Rouen 1629,;Valencia 16r!7 and Pamplona 1631; the second group 
 is founded by the second Verges edition, Zaragoza 1628, and in- 
 oludes Madrid 1648 upon which were based the subsequent editions 
 of Madrid, Prusaala and Antwerp, 
 
 In the absence of the original autograph manuscript of the 
 Eusoon there is no choice but to follow the text of the first 
 edition, Zaragoza 1626.A11 editions published daring the life- 
 time of ruevedo have been carefully collated, together vith 
 any other? *•*- that nay have a olain to authority, and their va- 
 riants or emendations noted vdLth a minuteness which may appear 
 to border on the meticulous. Emendations from these editions 
 have been introduced only v/here the reading of the principe is 
 manifestly bad, and even in these instances with the utmost re- 
 serve .Preference has been given to the readings of the Zaragoza 
 edition of 1628. I have endeavored to prodaoo a text which shall 
 be at the sane time both readable and critical. Except in the 
 case of long s_'s particular effort has been made to reproduce the 
 orthography of the prinoipe . The punctuaStion has been modernized 
 and the modern standards of good use applied to the introduction 
 Of oapital letters. I have not hesitated to make free use of 
 paragraph division. In short no effort has been spared to lessen 
 the difficulties of an extremely difficult text. 
 
 ) 
 

 ^ 
 
 
 Quevedo displays little originality in hiB ohoioe of epi- 
 
 3l 
 
 o 
 
 sodea or adventures for Pablos. Lazarillo de Tonnes and Guz - <■ 
 nan de Alf arache had already shown the way to the Bus con, whose 
 
 exploits for the most part had already been performed by his 
 predecessors. Our interest in Pablos is far less in hiskdven- 
 tures than in his astonishing manner of recounting them, and 
 above all in the mind of the aothor who could create tMs char- 
 acter, 
 
 Quevedo knew and admired the Lazarillo de Tormes . In Sspafla 
 Defonuida. los tiompos de aora de las Calumnias de los IToveleros 
 i SedioioBos , dedicated to Philip III on the 20 of September of 
 1609, he says: n Que teneia que eomparar con la tragedia exemplar 
 de Celestina i con Lazarillo ? Donde ay aquella propriedad, grazia 
 i dulzura ? Que nazion no los a echo tratables a su idioma,como 
 a jpsriaJi. 
 
 •£ 
 
 4 
 
 i ? Que nazion no los a echo tratables a su idioma,como ^ 
 podftdo hasta los turoos i los raoros ?» (/^^ ft* tf»**+*NU*t>l 
 
 The publisher Roberto fluport showed some sagaoity when he called 
 
 (( " 
 
 the Buscon e roulo de ftur.man d.: Alfaraohe . Undoubtedly he had in 
 
 mind only the similarity of episode in the two stofies. His sa~ 
 gacity would have been much greater had he seen the mire strik- 
 ing resemblance to lazarillo de Tormes . To be sure there is very 
 little, as regards episode, in the Lazarillo which la not pro- 
 served in the Guzman, One may even say that the Guzman is an ex- 
 pansion or development of Lazarillo; but it should be clear that 
 Quevedo did tr t kn muoh a|goctly from L azarill o without having re- 
 course to Guzman. 
 
 Lazarillo introduces himself thus unceremoniously: '' lues eepa 
 vuesa medoed ante todas conas que a mi mo llanan Lazaro do Tormes, 
 hi Jo do Vorao Gonzalez y de A)i:;ofta Jerez, nr.turules do *?o|ares, 
 
b OMM 
 
 
 
<1 
 
 aldea do Salamanoa ," Pablos Introduces himself even more suc- 
 cinctly:" fo.seftor, soy do Segovia; mi padre so llamo Clemente 
 Pablo, natural dol mismo pueblo," The former's father came to a 
 glorious end fighting against the wpora as the indirect result 
 ■si of robbing flour sacks, while Clemente Pablo died on the 
 b oaf fold "con el mayor valor que ha muerto hombre en el mundo," 
 the logical result of his achievements as a drunkard and a thief. 
 Lazarillo had the advantage in mothers ;Antofia Jjerez did nothing 
 worse than console herself with a negro. while Aldonza Saturno 
 waB a procuress and something of a witoh. The analogy between the 
 two distinguished^ families can bo carried even to their res- 
 pective younger sons, both of whom at a tender age shoved great 
 procooity: the one in pointing to his nogro father end saying, 
 " Mama, coco ", and the other in deftly robbing the custaimers that 
 his father safcved. 
 
 The greatest spur to Lazaro's ingeniity was hunger, Ee was ill 
 fed by eaoh of his first three masters, the blind beggar, the 
 priest and the esquire, Pablos had his first experience of hun- 
 ger while he was under the tutelage of Cabra, who bade his wards 
 fall to upon a wretched dish of mutton, saying," Coman, quo mozotf 
 son.y me huelgo de ver bus buenas ganas." It will be remembered 
 that Lazarillo's c lerigo had been equally generous with his care- 
 fully counted onions. He had given Lazarillo the key to the store- 
 room and said," Toma, y vuelvela luego y no hagais sino golos- 
 mear. In the evening Cabra Justifies the frugal meal with these 
 words, " oa oosa muy aaludable y proveohosa oenar pooo para tenor 
 el estomago desocupado," just as the esquire had said to Lazarillo, 
 5 No hay tal oosa en el mundo para vivir rruoho oomo comar pooo," 
 In praise of oarrotB Cabra exclaimed, " Uabos hay 5To hay para mi 
 
K 
 
 perdiz que se le iguale" ; and the esquire, "Una de vaoa ea . Dfgote 
 que es el mejor booado del rondo y que no hay faisan que asf me 
 
 Both Lazarlllo and Sktzmsn awaken early to find themselves 
 faoe to faoe with a hard world. The shook of a painful experience 
 teaohes eaoh that to live he must be smarter than his neighbor. 
 His blind master thrust Lazarlllo* s head against the stone bjcll 
 when they had scarcely sallied fotth from Salamanca. Lazarlllo 
 had expected to hear a great noise within it, but the result of 
 the blow was his awakening from his childish simplicity and his 
 saying to himself, '* Verdad dice este que me cumple avlvar o% 
 ojo y avisar, pues solo soy, y i^ensar oomo me sepa valer. n Pii- 
 blos for all his sagacity and in spite of his master's advico; 
 "gablos.abre el ojo, que aaan came; wira por ti, que aqui no 
 tienes otro padre nl madre", reaches the same conclusion relative- 
 ly later. Ax Aloala he is beaten and is the victim of a -d***y 
 practical Joke playea upon him by his housemates, whereupon he 
 says to himself: "^vison, Pablos, ilerta." The following chapter 
 opens thus," Haz como vieres,dioe el refran,y dioe blen. De puro 
 considerar en el vine a resolverme de ser bellaoo.y mas, si pu- 
 die»e que todos," Those episodes are the turning point in the lives 
 ol' both boys, and the c one lusion> that cktoh dra w s from them iden- 
 tical. The similarity could not be more olean cut. 
 
 The germ of all Pablos* experience with the"oaballeros oa- 
 ninos" in Madrid lies in Lazarlllo* s description of his third 
 master, the. esquire. Quevedo had his model at hand and from it 
 developed one of tho most brilliant and best sustained pieces 
 of satire that he ever wrote. The author of the Lazarlllo gave 
 his readers bjat one such individual. but the idea was enoughlfco 
 
M ••* 
 
 .09 m 
 
?1 
 
 suggeat to Quevedo a whole colony of them. It is significant 
 of the close relationship of these two episodes that Pablos* 
 sponsor likens himself to a oOnde de Irlos on account of his 
 garb and manner, while Lazarillo's opinion is that one who did 
 not know his master weJbi might well k% take him for a near re- 
 lative of the Conde de Arcos, Pablos 1 sponsor exclaims," 'Quien 
 7e estas botas mlas como pensara que andan oabelleras en las 
 piernas en pelo, sin media ni otra oosa ? Y quien viere este 
 cuello por que ha de pensar que no tengo oamisa ? n Says Laza- 
 rillo of his master " A qaien no engaflara aquella buena dispo- 
 sioion y razonable capa y saya ?" Both Pabloa and lazarillo see 
 the hand of Providence in this disposition of human affairs: 
 " Bendito seals vos, Seftor, que dais la enfermedad y poneis el 
 remedlo, says Lazarillo; and Pablos, " Grahdos gracias di a Dios 
 viendo cuanto dio a los hombres en darles industria, ya que las 
 quitase riqaezaa," But the similarity goes no further. The in- 
 genuity of these gentlemen had made great strides in the interval 
 
 between the two stories. The esoudero had the wit toS3» when 
 
 ff*t 
 his rent fell due, but beyond taR his resourcefulness was scanty. 
 
 On the contrary Don Toribio Rodriguez Valle^o Gomez de Arapuero y 
 
 Jordan never lacked for a hundred reales, food } bed and a mistress, 
 
 ( n Y nunoa me faltan oien reales en la bolsa, cama, de comer y 
 
 refocilo de lo vedadol^I, Cap.xii,) 
 
 There are many casual reminiscences of the Lazarillo, In 
 
 Chapter vii of Part ii Pablos* s companions make the acquaintance 
 
 of two ladies in the Prado, The conversation is abruptly broken 
 
 off by the ladies* suggestion that the gentlemen provide some 
 
 refreshment," Mlrabase el uno al otro y a todoa tiembla la barba," 
 
 In T rf'Sado iii of the Lazarillo the esquire can say more tender 
 
 things than Ovid wrote but at the auggestion that he provide re- 
 
freshment, " tomole tal oalofrio, que le robo el oalor del gesto 
 y oomenzo a turbarse en la platioa y a poner exousas no validas." 
 As |^.8 hardships at Aloala' increase Pablos v/onders if after/all 
 he may not be in a worse plight than when ho was under Cabra's 
 wing at Segovia." t I.Cap.iii ) Yo no haoia a solas aino oon^siderar 
 como casi era mas lo que me habia pasado en Aloala que todo lo 
 que suoedio con Cebra." Lazaro reflects, " Yo he tenido dos amos, 
 el primero traiame muerto de hambre, y dejandole, tope oon es- 
 totro que me tiene ya con ella en la sepultura.. . • Con esto no. 
 me osaba raenear, porque tenfa por fe que todos los grados habfa 
 de hallar mas ruines, y a aba Jar otro punto no sonara mas lazaro 
 ni se oyera en el mundo." ( Tratado ii« Riva.p f 28 ) 
 
 Although both stories have these features in common the treatme* 1 
 of them is as distinct as the characters of the protagonists. 
 
 \ 
 
 Lazarill* is a rogue and Pablos an unprincipled villain. The 
 difference in their behavior is the difference betveon mischief 
 and ▼illany. There *.a tJprediaposition to pardon and to be only 
 amused at the tricks of lazarillo. From the monent that his blind 
 master thrusts his head against the bridge at Salamimoa Lafra- 
 rillo has -jMur sympathy and support. If he is deo*itful it is 
 only to protect himself against his contemptible master. Moreover 
 he is constantly hungry and he is careful to keep his condition 
 before us. He does not reaent the tacit willingncas of th esquire 
 to be aupported by his efforts, but on the contrary he does his 
 best to make shift for both. He is rarely cynical but rather 
 evenly optimistic. His story is 8traight farrward and sincere. 
 In short his personality is winning. 
 
 In the Guzman de Alfarache ruevedo found a much greater va- 
 riety of episodes from which to ohoose. The greater part of them, 
 

whether they take plaoe in Italy or 1$ Spain, had occurred in 
 a setting with which Quevedo was more or less familiar. From 
 his own experiences as a student at Alcala he must have known 
 what treatment was to be ejected of a pup Hero of Segovia or 
 Alcala. E»re was a fund of personal oKp o riono o c upon which he 
 might have drawn without having recourse to the vivid descrip- 
 tions of Aleman >£ and Sayavedra. That he should owe to them 
 some of the A*t- color for these episodes in the history of Pat; 
 los is therefore all the more remarkable. Ee borrows freely 
 from both Aleraan and Sayavedra. 
 
 b Cabra's soup was so thin that Haroiesus vould have been in 
 greater danger from it than from his pool. At the bottom was a 
 lone Aarbanso JlSfal (I. Cap. ii.) In Alaman's description the 
 soup is as clear as daylight and so thin that at the bottom of 
 the bowl one might easlty distinguish a louse, ("Y asi daban un 
 brodio maa olaro que la luz.o tanto que facilmente se pudiera 
 oonocer un pequeflo pio^o en el suelo de la escaqilla.f Parte II . 
 lib.iii t Cap.iv. fliva.p.338 .)Tha house-keeper at Alcala seems 
 to have her original in Guzman's description: "Amae, dije ? No suria 
 razonable darles una razonable barajadura o siquiera un refjelon. 
 A las de los estudiantes digo que son una muy honrada gentecilla. 
 j Que liberaleB y diestras estan en hurtar, y que flojas y pere- 
 zosas para el trabajo ; ..Ama conozoo soliamos tener que sisaba 
 siempre de lo que se le daba un tercio: porque del carbon, de las 
 •species, de los garbanzos y de tolas las mas eosas, ya ouando 
 no rodfa hurtar el dinero, guardabalas en er.pocie y en tonieuaolo 
 Junto, no lo vendian.pedian para ello, y go.staban de io que ha- 
 bfan llegado.Si habfa de lavar.hurtaban el jabon" etc., etc. And 
 usually they ImUI thoir favorites among tho ntudents in the houee- 
 hold:" Sabido para que lo haoian.o en que lo gas&aban, era con 
 

 ' 
 
el capigorriBta de sub ojos, a quien traian en loa aires." (ibid.) 
 Cipriana aB d scribed by ratios embodied all these qualities 
 and she shared all her profita with him," si se oompraba aoeite 
 de por Junto , oarbon o tocino, oeoondimoB la mi tad, y cuando nos 
 pareoia/deoiamoB el ama y yo/'.Uoderense vuesas moroedes en el 
 gaoto, que en verdad si ae dan tanta prisa, no basta la hacien- 
 da del Koy, Ya Be ha aoabado el aoeite o el carbon etc., denle 
 dinoros a Pablioos.' , ])abanmeloB,y vendiamoaleB la metad oisada 
 y de lo que oomprabamos la otra metad, y esto era en todo."(I,vi.) 
 
 A- 
 
 Th3 prank3,more or lees serious, of the students are the 
 3ame. coys Guzman:" Y no habia oapigorron en Aloala que me lie- 
 vase vontaja en oorrer de noohe pasteles, castafias y frutas y 
 todo ouanto habia, en hacer bur las y ongaftos a tenderos, espe- 
 oieroB y confiteros. Tambien me hioe de la valentona y de los 
 que por bu gueto salen de noohe a busoar y acuohillar al Corre- 
 gidor." ( flayp.vedrg, II.lib.ii. Car>.vi.Riva.p.390 .)At reading 
 of Pablos* tricks on the confiteroB and on the ronda (I,vi) it 
 seema as if he had taken these words as * sotting forth the itan- 
 dard to which a striotly normal student must conform, Aleman 
 t ^lls the story of a needy student who turned chicken thief 
 
 (II,libi,Cap,iii) . In the Bus con the means are different but 
 
 J** 
 the wrd is the same, 
 
 Guzman in an inn on his way to the galleys plays a triok on 
 the supply baga of a table-mate. This may have suggested to 
 Quevedo the student's joke on the old miser who tried to forget 
 the necessity of supping in the very Venta de Viveros 30 fre- 
 quently mentioned by Guzman .Guzman' a unceremonious departure 
 from .Aloala " porque tenia lleno el lugar de mia ambrollas y de- 
 bia a todo el raundo, y no tenia cara para pareoer," (Bayavedra 
 II,libii,Cap.vii,Riva.p,393.) suggests forcibly Pablos' flight. 
 

 -»& 
 
*> 
 
 "Al fin yo aali tan bien quisto del pueblo que deje oon mi au- 
 
 senoia a la metad del llorando y la otra me tad riendose de los 
 que lloraban."(I,viii,) 
 
 Botfr Guzman and Pablos are imprisoned. Here ^uevedo seems 
 not to hare taken his material from Aloman (H,iibiii,Cap.viii, 
 Riva.pp.354-355,) but from Chaves* description of the Carcel de 
 Sevilla. Guzman once in Madrid with his spoils from Italy (Aleman 
 Tl,lib.iii,oap.ii,Kiva,pp.3r6-3£7) wins tho favor of a lady of 
 ea3y virtue, is arretted for seduction and escapes imprisonment 
 by bribing an alguaoil; Just as Pablos fll.v) again prosperous 
 end freshly released from prison sets out to seduce the daugh- 
 ter of his land-lord. However he is less successful than Guz- 
 man; but in like manner he buys his release from the notary. 
 
 Pablos in Madrid fii,7) in order to oheat at cards uses the 
 same trick that Guzman had employed in Milan, (Aleman II.lib.ii, 
 Cap,1v,-iva,p,296,) "Cuando ya se Juntaron los combatientes, 
 yo estaba paseandome por la cuaclra, mi rosario en la mano, como 
 un hermitaflo," Pablos, hearing that there is play at the house 
 of a neighboring apotheoery, sands Brandalagas and Tero Lopez to 
 take the part played by Sayavedra, to Jtat suggest that their 
 master rvoald be a valuable addition to the game. When their 
 suggestion is accepted," ya yo estaba oon un tooador en la cabe- 
 za, mi habito de fraile Benito etc" In both oases the result is 
 the same, "una buena gatada"for the dupes. Those profits are not 
 long in Pablos' hands. After he has been beaten at the hands of 
 don Felipe he finds that Brandalagas and ?ero Lopez have made 
 off with them, just as Sayavedra had appropriated Guzman's sa- 
 vings in Rome. 
 
y,|/ 
 
 Yaloaaar, the master beggar, ( B usoon II,vil) Is a disoiple 
 of Guzman's Mioer Moroon.( Sayavefra II. lib. ?i,- an.n- lii-i-7.)7al- 
 oazar was making his fortune through the brevity and directness 
 of hi3 appeals and by hia skill in adapting them to the peraon 
 whom he happened to be addressing. It made no difference whether 
 or not thia person was charitably inolined, Valcazar's art was 
 unfailing. He used different appeals for vomen, soldiers, men 
 in carriages, oleriec fcn nulee, Just aa ISicer Korcon had a man- 
 ner for women and a manner for v;oiaen . f R iva ,p , 3 9 7 . ) The beggar 
 from Aloala tells of the practice of sending out children to beg: 
 " Dar tasa a los propioe hijos para que ttafc aoudan cada noche 
 con real y medio dos reales, o les dan su tunda de azotes •" 
 Valcasar, it will be remembered," tenia tres muohachos pcouefios 
 que recogian liuosna por las calles y hurtaban lo que podian; 
 dabanle ouenta a el, y todo lo guardaba, Iba a la oarte con dos 
 niflos de (ta, oajetr. en las sangrias que haoian de ellas # "(When 
 Sayavedra was writing the story of the beggar from Alcala"ho 
 undoubtedly had before him Doctor Christobal Perez de Herrera's 
 Discurso del Amparo du los Logitimos Pobres y Heduceion de I03 
 : , -i. do a .M adrid 1598, Polios 9-10 contain the following:" Tam- 
 bien me dijo xm roligioso de muohas prendas que supo en su tiem- 
 ro cj ■ ndo eBtudiaba en la Univarsidad de Aloala haber llegado 
 a aquella villa un vagabundo destos,..y encontrando a unoa es- 
 tudiantes de su tierra, los llamo con recato, y les descubrio 
 su Beoroto, deolarandoloa qui eh era, y los nidio que se fuer-sen 
 con ol.,.y los dijo: ^efiores, no huy que oanaarme, yo ando de 
 tierra <?n tierra sin cuiu&do, a mi gusto, nunca mo faltan dine- 
 ros para bo^anae;" y al fin los oonto su manera do proceder, 
 
Valcazar, tho master beggar, fbunoon 
 
 
-4 
 
 *S 
 
 diciendolea qae el aabia dezlsiete maneraa de pedlr limosna y 
 saoarla a las gentos...y lea oontaba qae a anos lea peel la llo- 
 rando, y a otros oon grundea exclamaoionea y oon dlfarentes to- 
 noa, y les dijo qae venian ooho de oamarada oon ol, sin otrae 
 tantas anigas que traian." Comparison of this passage with the 
 story of the aforesaid beggar In Sazmanf S&yavodra II . llbli . oap »lv .# 
 ?.lva.p.387 ) Trill ahoir Sayavedra'r. plaglar ism: n Yo me sail de 
 Aloala habra dos alios, o&nsado de astudiar gramatloo, y he bus- 
 eado eata invencion y raanera de vida oon la caal ne hallo muy 
 blon, poraae nunoa me faltan en ella cinoaenta escados qae gas- 
 tar y jagar.«»A ndo de tlerra en tlorra a ml p-asto 7 sin caldado 
 y hasta ahora se diea y 3lote mane ran dn pefllr li^osna ar saoar - 
 la aonqae aea do an broncs: a anoa llorando. a otros con axola - 
 maoiones y con diforentos toaos ttt ; aramos ooho de oamarada sin 
 otras ta ntas rjal flaa viae llevabanoal fo Again on page 3Q8 the theft 
 is even more apparent:" Y advert Id gtti hay ma oho s que oon poco 
 temor de Pioo movidoe desta oolona y mala vida.pudieiido trabajar 
 en otras eosa?,2e haccn llagas fingidas, y oomen oosas qae les 
 hacen daJlo a la salad para andar descoloridoa y m&lll a la pie dad, 
 qae no se lea debe, fingiondo otras maneras e invenciones para 
 eate ofeoto.y haeiondo^e rnudoa y ciogos,no lo tiiondo, y torelendo 
 a IU hljos pies y manos y cegandolOB, qae son nui dignas de 
 llorar y aim de remedlar." In this passage Eerrora's words have 
 been appropriated v?ithout the least change.) 
 
 Gasman findn irreriatible oliarm in the life of a strolling 
 player, "pareciame bien la vida libertada. y vagabanda de8ta manera 
 de Rente ;" f Ba.7avftlj g u.il . lib .ill .Cap .vii . T :ivap .410 . ) -,n& In addition 
 he foil in love r/lth n ana buena ofioiala de todo" .Pablon* aenti- 
 ments and experience •?! the same, "Tin oarecicronmo tanto la 
 vida de la farandala.y yo, qr.e tenia neoo^idad de arrino y me 
 
^ 
 
 habia parecido bien la raoza,ooncerteme por doe alios con el au- 
 
 tor«"( lI,ix.) When Guzman reached Valencia he was a momber of 
 tho company and 1 on the favor of his "ofloiala" ; Feblos was 
 
 equally fortunate upon hie arrival at Toledo. After servir.£ their 
 apprenticeship in minor roles both boys developed some ability and 
 became valuable acquisitions to their respective troupes, even 
 to tho pokit of passing judgment on comedies that <oro tub- 
 mittod $o-*u>irfc their approval. Ambitious pefta wore referred 
 to Guzman: "Vuofui meroed non haga merced de leella, que aoax 
 esta el 3oflor Guzman que ea hombre de buen gimto, y lo oomcto 
 el ver este negocic.y estarea lo a ,ie di Jero ." ' ?. ayavedra, 1 1? 
 lib«iii,Oap«x« ) Pablo^ was J ha oonsor for his company: "Pi ol- 
 guno venia a leer coraodia, yo era el quo la oia«"f II,!* . ) Guz- 
 man's ambitious} poet conplainod that his judges "tanian hecho 
 •1 estomago al vereo de lope do Yoga f ibid.p ,422.0 ; wfclle Fa* 
 los expresses his surprise at tho number of comedy writers by 
 saying," que yo me aeaerdo antes qae si no eran corwdias del 
 buen lope do Vcga,y Ramon* no habia otra oosr . 
 
 "inally Tablos has a precedent in becoming r gal an do monjas", 
 foipne of Guzman's ooarpanioas at Alcslr. f ?> ayave dra II . lib .11. 
 Cap.vi. ) had suffered from thia obsession, The lattei discourses 
 at length upon whether anticipation be more enjoyable and desirable 
 than realization. It is ?ablo3' conclusion that "gal 1« on- 
 
 Jas" are always "en vioperas del eontonto ." f IlftCap « lx . ) 
 
 Pabloe* determination to 1 'pain for tho Indies vras a 
 
 natural one for a pjfe^o. lleznaa makes .". yavedra'a worthless 
 brothor do this very tMra.( Ilflltliif..c ,v .t~. .290 ,lCuzr 
 himself confidently ejected that a Journey and i. change o ne 
 

 
«7 
 
 would make a law-abiding citizen of him,* " 7 desde aquel mismo 
 dia comenoe de alifiar mi viaje, llevando propoaito de alii ade- 
 
 lante haoer libro nuevo, lavando con vlrtudes las manohas que 
 me oaaso el vioio."( Aleman.II.lib.l.Cap.vii.-p.282 .) Atad again 
 after robbing the widow whom he had served as steward ( Aleman 
 II . lib .iii .Cap .vil .p .352 . ) he had the same intention," queriame 
 pasar a Indias.y aguardaba einbaroacion oomoquiera que fuese," 
 
 Thus Qaevedo owes the greater part of his episodes to the 
 author of Skzr laisarillo , to Aleman and to Payavetfra.^he elements 
 of the narrative parts of the Buaoon are the adventures of hirs 
 predecessors. Pablcs' early chilffhood is identical vith Laza- \ 
 rillo's. Eis hardships under the sohoolmaster.Cabra, were colored 1 
 by the sufferings of lazarillo with the blind beggar, rith the 
 priest and vith tha esquire; his experiences at Alcala, with to- 
 men, as actor, as "galan de monjas" , and finally his determination 
 to leave .^pain for the Indies all have their roots in either 
 Ia»arillo or Guzman. It can be said that ouevedo appropriated to 
 his own use the episodes that were best adapted to compass the / 
 utter destruction of a moral sense in Pablos. 
 
 A word should be said of the Gascon T a indebtedness tc the 
 Cel63tlna. To 1 uevedo thefriere suggestion of an old woman rreant 
 that she must of necessity be a proouresa. Pablos' mother was a 
 "zuroidora de gustos" and a witch as well -yith her be & set up 
 over"sogas de ahoroado" . Cabra's aunt alone escapes these attri- 
 butes, but she was both blind and deaf. The housekeopor at Aloala 
 Cipriana, v/as n conqueridora de voluntades y corcheto do gustos, 
 que es lo witnio que alcagueta". La Guia in Madrid "templaba gustos 
 y oareaba placeres" and Bhowed graat skill "en rcmondar virgos 
 y rdobar doncellae." Each one of this trio had her rosario grande, 
 
«M 
 
 her prayers and her proverbs. The passage from the Dopnfla De- 
 fendida, cited above, is enough to prove Quevedo's admiration 
 for the great prototype of the Celestna literature, fits apro- 
 bacion to the Ballesteros translation of the Comedia Eufrosina 
 in 1631 indicates his familiarity with the long series of Celee- 
 t inas . ( of .Menendez y Pelayo; Origenee de la ITovela III. pp. 61-2 ) 
 One of the later oneB, La Lena , fttl Milan,1608) may have suggested 
 to him Peblos 1 parentage. What could have been more appropriate 
 than a proouress mother and a barber father ? The offspring of , 
 the barber Remiro and the procuress Lena might v/ell be a Pablos, 
 ( of. La Lena.Act o ■ in to, cena ix t ) 
 
 ********-:**** ******* *** *><** 
 

 
M 
 
 Par more interesting; than the superficial similarity of 
 the adventures of Lazarillo, Guzman and Pabloo is tho fundamental 
 difference in the character of the story of eaoh. The very 
 similarity of the circumstances in whioh they are placed serves 
 only to accentuate this difference. Lazarillo/and Pablos have 
 little enough in common,and Guzraany **»- looms between them 
 utterly distinct from both. To characterize them briefly, Laza- 
 illo is the comparatively guileless rogue, driven to harmless 
 thievery by his despicable masters. He tella his story naively 
 v/ith the air of one who is confident that his hearers will 
 lind nothing to censure but rather .-ill oommend all. One cannot 
 help rejoicing that Lazarillo never really grew up, he Might 
 have developod into a Guzman and loBt his charm. One resents 
 'Jratado vii, Oomo Lazarillo s e asento con un Aguacil ^ trto . , 
 because the transition from lazarillo, the servant or the buldero 
 ^to Lar.arillo tho willingly deceived husband is too abrupt. 
 Perhaps tho author le^t hin at this nek stage of his development 
 because he realized that tho man would be as Repellent as the 
 boy had been vinning, 
 
 Guzman is the complete rascal, A sneak thief in his youth 
 r.nd an embezzler et maturity, he has served in the gal3eys and 
 repented of his ways, lie tells his story vith reluctance and 
 *■ part of his hard penance in order that hjs experience may be 
 a warning to others. His criminal life ha^been a full one and 
 
 11 rounded. Aleman declared that it wa3 his purpose to make 
 him a raming rather than an example. Hence his story is told 
 in the manner of r penitent at an experience meeting. He suggests 
 a sad-faced person who sinned gloomily, not cheerfully like 
 Lazarillo, The contrast bttwten the two lies in the faot that 
 
vter»g>*£h^ a ^oi i 1taar€re---<^ ie t he 
 
^ 
 
 lazarillo was a normally vicious boy and that Guzman is a canting 
 penitent with an ungovernable desire to philosophise upon his 
 own transgressions, 
 
 Pablos is a monster of wickednoso with a sneer for every 
 virtue. In his code, if indeed he had one, every act is permis- 
 sible. His utter lack of a moral sense and human feeling nake> 
 of him the most unprincipled figure in Spanish literature. He 
 has not one redeeming feature, and the marvel is that in spite 
 of it ho is not exaggerated, no softened just once, and he des- 
 cribes his emotions in Just one word, enterneoine . It was forced 
 from him by the sight of his father's body lying ouarteAerd at 
 the cross-roads before Segovia, Twice he ;spt, tho first time 
 when he was rebuked by his master after receiving ill treatment 
 at the hands .or rather throats. of the stidonts at cicala, the 
 second timt n de enojo" after being the victim of another filthy 
 jest at Alcala,He describes tho death of his parents with grim 
 humor, robs his k.inu master, doooives his friends to his own ad- 
 vantage, attempts deceive women into marrying hir., telling us at 
 the same time that his motives are the coarsest. He assists at 
 the cold blooded killing of a bailiff, and the last glinpso that 
 we have of him is with a whore on his arm bound for the Indio a . 
 
 hen Lazarillo deceives his masters wo laugh 'dth real satis- 
 faotion;Pabloa forces our laughter not by the success of hi3 scheme* 
 but by tho abruptness of his sallies. 
 
 Three such divergent characters must have been tho result of 
 distinct purposes or distinot individualities in their authors. 
 The author oi lazarillo was a keen observer of life with a craving 
 for a realistic story. Above all ht^vishod to satiric o:-rts»in 
 aspects of the chur on * 
 

 
certain typon of men engaged in it8 3ervioe,and that pathetic 
 
 jrtault of the incompatibility of an antiquated sense of honor 
 
 and new eoonomio conditions - the penniless hidalgo. The fact 
 
 that laaarillo's story la more a saoession of disconnected sketches 
 
 than a devalopping story seems to indioate, more or lees vague- 
 st 
 ly to he sure, that the authors motive was satire, and not 
 
 narrative, or perhaps more exaotly, satire on a narrative skele- 
 ton. Ika result of this synthesis was the halting: creation of 
 a us novel. The r.troko of genius came in the adoption 
 of tfcj autobiographical form, rhich added the sKljemente, of in- 
 timacy, vividness and rapidity* "..•/•"-.i ... Ij* \ ,'.- '} 
 
 Hateo Aieman was the first to realize fully the possibilities 
 of the form of ?iotion outlined in the Lasarlllo. There could 
 he no better vehicle to carry the load of the autobiography of 
 a rascal and the Philosophical musings with vmich ho chose -Jb 
 lartf lt.f( He was himself something of a rogue^and it is to be 
 presumed that he had at hand a copious supply of secowlrate ser- 
 mons. He preserved only the fundomnetal idea of the Lazarillo - 
 protagonist must be a rogue. He bent all his efforts to the 
 formation of a connected narrative, taxing his roll known in- 
 ity as a hypocrite to convince his readers of the genuine 
 repentance of his rascal hero. A hypocrite can norer possess the 
 gift of satire, consequently Guzman lacks the penetrating and 
 
 tirical humor of Lazarillo and ?nblos,and oomes to be a preach- 
 ing villain who is interesting only when he forgets that his 
 whole eristenoe is not roguery hut preaching. 
 
 s, The predominating spirit in all the early writings of Quevedo 
 is RRtire,oorrosiVQ and burning, both in verse and in prose. 
 Until his introduction to politics in 1614, after his departure 
 
■ 
 
for Italy to Join Don Pedro C-iron, Duque de Osuna, his vein 
 was the satiro of the Sue&os > The oreation ox the inhumanly 
 objective Pablos was a means to enhanoe further the keenness 
 of his observations. This period in Quevedo's life was one of 
 blackest pessimiBm and his indulgence of his pessimistio ten- 
 dency in satire culminated vith the Bub con . He had reached that 
 point where he could tafcEterVW- create in Fablos an individual 
 without conscience and who could see only v/ha* was hideous. To 
 Pabloa nothing was good or bad, because his creator hmi" lef t 
 out of hlfl make-up the moral sense that could distinguish Be- 
 tween good and bad and between oruel and tender. Pablos is merely 
 the neutral glass through v/erK are to see human folly, cruelty 
 
 A 
 
 - vice in its most revolting aspect. In the Fiu/flos w« 
 
 soe the same picture in all its details, but in Psblos it be- 
 comes v oil: is tu 1 ^aid ltl lesson i3 driven home. After 3eeing Pablos 
 surrounding-* through PabXos 1 «yes wo hear his mockery and Jeers. 
 Ho satiro could be mora orunl than thiB. 
 
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