BANCROFT

LIBRARY
,

THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA

t *

MEMOIRS,

OFFICIAL AND PERSONAL;

WITH

SKETCHES OF TRAVELS

AMONG THE

NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN INDIANS ;

EMBRACING

A WAR EXCURSION,

AND DESCRIPTIONS OF

SCENES ALONG THE WESTERN BORDERS.

THOMAS L. M'KENNEY,

LATE CHIEF OF THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, AUTHOR OF "THE HISTORY OF THE INDIAN
TRIBES OF NORTH AMERICA," ETC., ETC.

TWO VOLUMES IN ONE.

VOLUME I.

NEW YORK:

PAINE AND BURGESS, 60 JOHN-ST.
1846

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1846,
By PAINE & BURGESS,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New York.

PREFACE TO VOL. I.

No traveller expects, when he sets out upon a journey,
to meet only with smooth roads, cultivated fields, lovely
gardens, wide-spread and magnificent scenery, a clear sky,
and, at every stopping-place, inns filled with comforts, but
goes forth prepared to have all these diversified with rug-
ged roads, desolate fields, weedy and odorless gardens,
lowering skies, and the inconveniences and discomforts of
road-side accommodations. I cannot promise in my book
more than is contained in the combined volumes of art
and nature.

Should any one, on opening this volume with the in-
tention of reading it, expect to find everything in it capti-
vating, or even agreeable, he will find himself mistaken.
A good deal of the contents will, I fear, prove to the gen-
eral reader wholly uninteresting ; but this portion of the
work may not be so regarded, by kind, and generous, and
sympathizing friends. I have reference to those parts that
are wholly personal to myself. I would gladly omit them,
if, with justice to myself, or to those who cherish an in-
terest in my reputation and destiny, as also to those who
bear my name, and who are connected with me by the
ties of consanguinity, I could do so.

Apart from these personal references, may I not hope
that the reader will be repaid for the time spent in follow-
ing me ? And especially do I trust, that much may be
found to interest, when, having got fairly in among the

IV PREFACE.

scenes of nature vast wild boundless I shall attempt
a reflex of them ; and when the incidents and events,
which, in my journeyings, I have witnessed, are attempted
to be portrayed, in which the RED MAN of the forest is
the chief actor, and wherein will be seen his habits, his
principles, his occupations, and whatever attaches to him
in his wilderness home.

But, even at the hazard of offending some and really
I shall not write a word with any such intention I have
concluded to cast these MEMOIRS upon the patronage, and
kind indulgence of an enlightened and liberal public.

T. L. M'K.

Cape Cottage, February , 1845.

DEDICATION OF VOL. I.

To MRS. JAMES MADISON.

Madam There is such a thing as the memory of the
heart. It is kept fresh and odorous by being cherished.
Mine for your illustrious husband can never die. I delight
in the contemplation of his purity his patriotism his
statesmanship and in his polished and beautiful writings.
All these, and more, adorn his name, like gems, which
time, instead of dimming, is every day making brighter
and more glorious.

My first call to the performance of civil duties, in con-
nection with the government, and to the discharge of a
highly responsible trust, was from JAMES MADISON. I am
proud of the honour of the confidence of such a man, and
shall cherish, to my last hour, a grateful sense of it.

Your fame, madam, is so delicately and beautifully
mingled with his, as to become identified with it. Such
a blending I have never witnessed, in anything, except in
the rainbow. In ease, and in dignity, in purity and patri-
otism, in the admiration and affection of millions, in the
glory shed upon the highest place in the republic all
these, in the view of your countrymen, you shared, and
continue to share, with him. If his is the column that
sustains the capitol, yours, madam, is the cap that orna-
ments it.

Entertaining such views, and cherishing such feelings,
how could I do else than ask the privilege, and covet the
honor, of dedicating these memoirs to you ? The offer-
ing I know is a poor one : I wish it were more worthy

VI DEDICATION, ETC.

of your acceptance ; but it is an offering of the heart, and
your permission, so kindly granted, to dedicate them to
you, forms another link of friendship in the chain that binds
me to you, and to the memory of JAMES MADISON.

THOMAS L. M'KENNEY.
Cape Cottage, February, 1845.

> ^ >J
3 >*- 2

W si

GENERAL CONTENTS,

CHAPTER I.

PAGE

Public Office its Duties, Difficulties, and Dangers, ... 17

CHAPTER II.

Improvement, Moral and Intellectual, of the Indians President Mon-
roe Anecdotes illustrating his character, .... 32

CHAPTER III.

The Bureau of Indian Affairs Commissions to Treat with the Indi-
ans Voyage on the Great Lakes Green Bay Butte de M*s, 56

CHAPTER IV.

Incidents of the Council at Le Petit Butte de Morts, . . .60

CHAPTER V.

Expedition against the Winnebagoes Surrender, Reception, and Ap-
pearance of " Red-Bird," . 99

CHAPTER VI.

\ *

Passage down the Ouisconsin and Mississippi Rivers, . . .117

CHAPTER VII

Sojourn at St. Louis Passage down the Mississippi Hard Journey
from Memphis to Chickasaw Bluflfe, % 142

Vlll GENERAL CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VIII.

PAGE

Incidents of Travel from the Chickasaw Bluffs, through the Chicka-
saw and Choctaw country, to Tuscaloosa ; thence, through the
Creek country, home, . . . . . . /i ..'' . 167

CHAPTER IX.

Return to Washington Change of Administration Political Excite-
ment Corruption and Favoritism in high places, . . .191

CHAPTER X.

Plans for Improving the Condition of the Indians Hindrances in the
Way of their Execution, . . . ... . .224

CHAPTER XI.

Abominable Abuse of Power in our Relations with the Indians, . 256

MEMOIRS.

CHAPTER I.

PUBLIC OFFICE ITS DUTIES, DIFFICULTIES AND DANGERS.

First appointment to office System of government trade with the Indians Tra-
ding companies and individuals Contrast between the two systems American
Fur Company John Jacob Astor Missouri Fur Company Difficulty of sup-
plying the factories during the war Unsuitable stock on hand at its close
Loss in disposing of it Satisfaction of the Indians on receiving the new sup-
plies Clerks in the office Miles, the trusty messenger Inestimable value of
competent and faithful clerks Folly and wickedness of proscription Transfer
of the property of the Indian trade establishment Increase of the capital As-
sailed by Mr. Benton The reply Mr. Monroe's opinion Payment of Indian
annuities Caution in keeping the accounts Charged with defalcation Mys-
terious disappearance of vouchers Duplicates produced Accounts settled
Charges of defalcation reiterated Rules adopted in purchasing articles for the
Indians Anonymous charges of favoritism Discomforts of office Accounts
kept open.

I OWE my first connection with our Indian relations, and
the first civil trust conferred upon me, to the confidence of
PRESIDENT MADISON, who, unsolicited by myself, and, so
far as I know, by any one for me, honored me, on the 2d
April, 1816, with the commission of " Superintendent of
the United States Indian Trade with the Indian Tribes."
I had been informed, a few days previous, of the intention
of President Madison to call me to the discharge of the
duties of this office, but had never spoken to him on the

VOL. I. 3

18 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

subject, nor he to me. My commission* was brought to
me by Hon. William Jones, Secretary of the Navy.

The plan of a United States government trade with the
Indians dates as far back as the year 1796. The system
was one of pure humanity, embracing a supply of the wants
of the Indians without reference to profit; and receiving,
in exchange from them, their furs and peltries, at fair prices ;
the law governing this trade contemplating nothing more
than the preservation of the capital employed in it. The
convenience of the Indians was consulted in the establish-
ment of factories along the border, and at such distances
from each other, as to approximate upon the one hand, as
near to the hunting grounds of the Indians as was conve-
nient ; upon the other, with the readiest access to them by
water, or otherwise, for the transportation of the annual
supplies. Suitable and competent persons, as factors,
clerks, and interpreters, were appointed to carry on this
trade.

There were in operation, at the same time, two other
systems of trade with this people. One of these was con-
ducted by individuals, the other by companies. The con-
trast between these and the government trade, will not

* (COPY.)
THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

To all who shall see these presents, Greeting :

KNOW YE, That reposing special trust and confidence in the integrity, ability,
and diligence of Thomas L. McKenney, of the District of Columbia, I do appoint
him superintendent of Indian trade, and do authorize and empower him to execute
and fulfil the duties of that office, according to law ; and to have and to hold the
said office, with all the powers, privileges and emoluments to the same of right
appertaining, unto him the said Thomas L. McKenney, during the pleasure of
the President of the United States, for the time being.

Given under my hand at Washington, this second day of April, in the year of
our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixteen, and in the fortieth year
of the Independence of the United States.

JAMES MADISON.
By command of the President of the United States of America.

WM. H. CRAWFORD, Secretary of War.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 19

fail to strike the most casual reader. The leading features
of the government trade were protection and justice, based
in humanity. Its tendencies were kind and merciful. The
bane of the Indian was wholly excluded from the United
States trade ; not a drop of brandy, rum, or whiskey, being
permitted to pass through the factories. Not a cent of
profit was contemplated, as has been stated. With no
other system but this, or others in harmony with it, the In-
dians would have been protected, and blessed, and pre-
served. Many of the bloody strifes with one another, and
of wars between tribes and bands, and the probability is,
the greater portion of these border difficulties between the
Indians and our people, would never have been heard of;
whilst the Indians, preserved from the double action upon
them of these wars, and the consuming effects of the " fire-
water," would have retained their native strength and dig-
nity, and not wasted away and perished, as they have done.
I can conceive of no contrast more decided than that
which marked the United States' treatment of these ex-
posed people, and that which characterized the traffic car-
ried on with them by private individuals, and companies.
To sum it up in few words, the first was a shield to pro-
tect, and a fountain to sustain, and refresh, and bless the
Indians; the last two operated to place them amidst the
unobstructed, full, and unmitigated blaze of a consuming
avarice! No profits were sought by the government
nothing but gains were contemplated by the traders. No
consuming, and strife, and war-kindling agencies, were em-
ployed by the first, to attract and lure the unhappy victim;
no laws could be enacted by Congress, and no regulations
framed, of adequate force or vigilance, to prevent the em-
ployment, by the traders, of these lures, and of this bane.
No one who has not witnessed it, can conceive the sacri-
fices an Indian will make for whiskey ; how far he will trav-
el, laden with the returns of his winter's hunts ; how little
he foresees, or regards the consequences to himself, or any

20 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

body else, of his indulgence in this fatal poison. The
awaking from his delirious dream, and finding his furs and
peltries gone, and in their places a few worthless articles,
unsuited in quality or quantity to screen himself and his
family from the winter's cold, may distress him, and kindle
his revenge, for the time being, but it is forgotten when-
ever a new occasion happens in which he can indulge in
the same excess ! Of all men, an Indian is the most im-
provident, and furnishes the most painful example of a
reckless disregard to the impoverishing and life-consuming
effects of intemperance.

Many fortunes have been made in the trade with the
Indians. The company that has flourished most, and be-
come most enriched by it, is the "American Fur Compa-
ny," at the head of which, for many years, as owner and
manager, was JOHN JACOB ASTOR. This sagacious and
wonderful man pushed this trade wherever the beaver, the
otter, or the muskrat, could be found in sufficient quantity
to authorize the adventure, until the range east of the Rocky
Mountains becoming too limited for his enterprise, he
doubled the Cape, and felt his way up the Columbia river,
opening a trade with the natives of that far-off region.
Next in enterprise and success, was the "Missouri Fur
Company," whose operations were, and are yet, conducted
by the sagacious CHOUTOU'S. It was to make the range
of this company's operations wider, and secure to it, mainly,
the unobstructed way to a monopoly of the trade within
the limits of its range, that the United States system was,
by act of Congress, broken down.

In the discharge of my trust, I found it necessary,
almost from year to year, in my annual reports, to refer
to the manner in which these companies carried on their
operations ; protesting against the use of whiskey, and
urging the adoption of more rigid regulations to prevent
its being carried into the Indian country. For this was
the charm, and the trading house at which the poor

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 21

Indian was most certain of meeting with this beverage,
was sure of his custom. It was not so much a competi-
tion in blankets, and strouds, and calicoes, and beaver-
traps, and other articles that were necessary for the trade,
or their prices, as v in whiskey. My reports were not
regarded in the light of very friendly interpositions, and
from these it was quite natural for the feelings they
occasioned to glance off, and become personal. The
consequence was, I was not in favor either with the
private trade, or with the more formidable power con-
centred in the companies.

I shall take occasion, in the sequel, to refer again to the
breaking down of the United States trade ; and to a part,
at least, of the means employed to accomplish it.

My immediate predecessor, General John Mason, a
man of talents and integrity, had found it difficult during
the war to procure suitable supplies, except in part, for
the trade. Mackinac blankets, and strouding, two indis-
pensable articles, were wholly beyond his reach ; made so
by the war with Great Britain, on the one hand, and the
infant state of our manufactures, on the other. For blank-
ets, resort was had to a sort of cloth made of wool, united,
without weaving, after the manner in which hats are made.
It was these or none. These, with numerous other articles,
as little adapted to the comfort of the Indians, were pur-
chased and forwarded, and as little in accordance with
their wants and tastes. But nothing better in the then
condition of the country, could be done.

I found, on entering upon the duties of this trust, a
large portion of the capital absorbed in these unsuitable
supplies, and the factories laboring under their weight.
On the return of peace, the markets resumed their former
ability to supply the demand, and were prepared, when I
took charge of the department, to respond to my calls.
But to make way for the new and appropriate supplies, it
was necessary for me to get rid of the old and unsuitable ;

22 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

when I ordered the old stock to be got rid of, regardless
of loss. It was customary to pack the supplies in water-
proof tierces. In making up the outfit the first year of my
superintendency, the quality of goods required for it was
so large, that the tierces required for their transportation
were found, on being measured, to extend in length over
one mile and a quarter.

The loss on the old stock was very great, and made, of
course, a corresponding inroad upon the capital, and this
required the adoption of a new scale of advances upon the
articles sent, as also another for the regulation of the
prices allowed the Indians for their furs and peltries.
This scale was so graduated as to run through more than
one season thus making the annual advance to bear easy
upon the Indians. The prices of furs, &c., owing to the
re-opening of our commercial relations after the war,
having increased, enabled the government to allow an
increase upon them so that the Indians felt very little of
the advance which had been put upon the goods.

Great satisfaction was expressed by these poor fellows,
in being able once more to provide for themselves and
families the substantial woven and almost weather-proof
Mackinac blanket, and the almost water-proof and endu-
ring strouding. I received letters from Governor Cass,
whose office of governor of Michigan made him ex-officio
superintendent of the Indians of .that Territory, as also
from General William Clark, who was superintendent of
Indian affairs for Missouri, conveying their high satisfac-
tion at this new influx of the right sort of articles and
assuring me that no such supplies, either in fitness or
cheapness, had ever before found their way into their
superintendencies.

I owed this success mainly to others. I was assisted
by clerks whose integrity and experience made them of
great value, as well to the public as to myself; and I can
never forget the obligations I was placed under, for zeal-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 23

ous co-operations, and honesty of purpose, of my chief
clerk, Jere W. Bronaugh; my book-keeper, Mr. Rich,
and my copying clerk, Mead Fitzhugh nor should I
be doing justice to my feelings, were I to omit to name
Miles, my trusty messenger. Miles was honest, and he
was faithful to his humble trust. He had a horror, some-
how, of Indians. Miles was bald and Fitzhugh, being
given to mischief, had almost persuaded him that he had,
in some far-back period of his life, been scalped by
Indians ; and sometimes, when the business of the day was
over, I would, in passing, hear Fitzhugh urging upon Miles,
this almost questionless fact j when the artless creature
would raise his hand, place it well back, and then draw it
over his forehead, and with a shake of his head, say
" No, no Mr. Fitzhugh ; no, no" at the same time his
looks betraying his own suspicions, if no more, that such
might have been the case. One little anecdote may serve
to show how the artlessness of Miles was blended with his
fears, and how these were set off by his want of a better
knowledge of his mother tongue.

I was in the warehouse, during the packing season,
overlooking this operation the operation, I mean, of
separating and dividing articles, so as to make up the
assortments and quantities, which were destined to Chi-
cago, on the North ; to Fort Osage, in the West, and the
Chickasaw Bluffs, in the South, and, in all, eight factories
when Miles coming up to me in a great flurry, with hat in
hand, said " Sir, there are eighteen hostile Indians at the
office please come up, sir, directly." Nonsense, Miles,
I replied, 4iostile Indians it cannot be so. " 'Pon honor,"
said Miles, giving a most knowing shake of his head, " it
is true, for they are every one on horseback !"

No one who has not experienced it can know how
strong the ties become between the head of a department
and his clerks, provided there is mutual zeal, and a cor-
responding intelligence, to carry on the business entrusted

24 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

to each, in his sphere. And then the experience acquired
after a long service in the various departments of the
government, is of incalculable value, not to the govern-
ment only, but to all having business with it. To dismiss
from office, in those days, without cause and there could
be no cause for turning an incumbent out of office
except incompetency, neglect of duty, or dishonesty and
especially the dismissal of a bureau officer or clerk, for
any other than one or all of these causes, would have been
deemed an outrage, no less against the public interests,
than the party proscribed. Hence, competency, zeal, and
honesty, being the characteristics of the clerks I found in
the office of Indian trade, when I succeeded to its manage-
ment, it no more occurred to me to turn them out, than it
did to cut their throats. We met, and continued each to
perform his appropriate duties, until death deprived me of
the services of Mr. Rich, and the abolition of the office,
by act of Congress, of further use for the services of the
rest. We parted as we had met friends.

The act abolishing the United States Indian trade estab-
lishment, which was passed May 6, 1822, provided for the
appointment of an agent to wind up the concern. George
Graham, Esq., a most estimable citizen, was selected for
this duty. When I succeeded General Mason, the entire
property, in merchandise and cash, &c., was invoiced, and
the amount credited to him, and charged to me. So, in
like manner, when Mr. Graham succeeded me, all the mer-
chandise and cash, &c., was charged to Mr. Graham, and
credited to me. I gave back over thirty thousand dollars
to Mr. Graham, more than I had received of G^ieral Ma-
son everything being charged, both ways, at cost. But
this was, perhaps, as much the result of accident, as of
forecast or good management ; for the law having contem-
plated no more than the preservation of the capital, if the
business had been wound up immediately after the sacrifice
that had been made on the sale of the unsuitable articles

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 25

which have been referred to ; or after one of those seasons
which occasionally occurred, when the worms obtained
the mastery, and the fragments of their ravages, not being
worth the cost of transportation to market, were thrown
into the lake or the Mississippi, the balance, even to a
greater amount, might have been found on the other side
of the ledger. In this case, a fruitful theme would doubt-
less have been furnished, in which both my competency
and integrity would have been assailed. As it was al-
though I had, in my reports, urged the passage of laws for
the protection of the system from the inroads made upon
it by the whiskey traffic of traders, or, if Congress should
not see fit to pass such laws, then that the system had bet-
ter be abolished I was assailed by Hon. Thomas H. Ben-
ton, of the United States Senate, with such severity and
bitterness, as indicated a purpose not to abolish the factory
system, only, but to demolish my humble self along with
it. It was quite natural, perhaps, that Mr. Benton should
kindle up into an uncommon zeal, and make war with extra
energy upon whatever connected itself with the United
States factory system, seeing that the Missouri Fur Com-
pany had much at stake in the result, and he was the legit-
imate organ of the individuals composing it. That gentle-
man's speech, in the Senate, on his proposition to abolish
the government trade, being marked with special rancor
towards myself, personally, I felt called upon to reply to him,
which I did, through the National Intelligencer. (See
Appendix, A.)

When President Monroe read Mr. Benton's speech, he
said to a friend who communicated the fact to me, " I am
made unhappy by this attack of Colonel Benton upon Colo-
nel McKenney." On reading my answer, he said to the
same person, "I am relieved. Colonel McKenney has
completely vindicated himself. He is what I always be-
lieved him to be. My confidence in him is unimpaired."'
Besides the large disbursements made, annually, in the

VOL. I. 4

26 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

purchase of supplies for the trade, it was made my duty,
also, to disburse the sums due to the various Indian tribes,
on account of the annuities due them ; nearly the whole of
which, in those days, were paid, not in money, of which
they were very certain to be robbed, but in useful articles
of merchandise. This duty added very much to my la-
bors and responsibility. I saw my position, appreciated
its delicacy, and prepared against any possible contingency.
One of my rules was, never to fill up and number a check
for money, but to have this done by either my book-keep-
er or chief clerk, whose duty it was made to hand the
check to me, in company with the invoice, or whatever
expenditure it was intended to pay, with the attest of the
examining clerk, that the sum, and all the details, were cor-
rect, when I signed the check. Another was, to keep sepa-
rate my public and private accounts, and never, under any
emergency, to touch, either for my own use, or the use of
my friends, a cent of the public money. In not a single
case were these rules departed from. Another was, to
take triplicate vouchers, in all cases ; one set for the Trea-
sury Department, one for my office proper, and the third
for a safety vault. This latter precaution saved me from
utter ruin, as the sequel will show.

I took up a paper, one morning, and read, in substance,
what follows : " Whenever Colonel McKenney's accounts
shall be settled, he will be found a defaulter to the amount of
one hundred and twenty thousand dollars /" I called up my
chief clerk, Mr. Bronaugh, and showing him the paper,
asked what it could mean. He did not know. Have not
the quarterly returns been sent in? I asked. "Yes, sir."
Who took them? "Mr. Rich, always, except on one oc-
casion, when he being sick, I took them myself." I lost
no time in going to the Auditor's office, taking Mr. Bro-
naugh with me. To the inquiry, of the auditor Are my
accounts settled, sir ? I was referred to his clerk. Of him
I received for answer, " They are, sir, so far as they can

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 27

be." I soon learned the obstacle to be " the absence of vouch-
ers /" I called for the returns, in which they were alleged
to be missing. They were presented, when, sure enough,
they were unaccompanied, in great part, by vouchers!
Whereupon Mr. Bronaugh said, " These returns were made
up by myself; and I am ready to swear, that when I brought
them to this office, there was not omitted a single voucher"
I saw the ties had been severed, and the whole package
bore marks of mutilation; so without troubling the clerk
with further inquiries, I directed Mr. Bronaugh to take up
the package, which he did.

I immediately made known the affair to the Secretary of
War, telling him that I had, yet, duplicate vouchers. He
rang his bell, sent his messenger for the auditor, who, on
appearing, was requested to put his entire force on my ac-
counts, and keep it there, until they were settled. I fur-
nished duplicates, but did not feel at liberty to allow them
to pass out of my clerk's hands, except as they should be
admitted and entered. The remainder were brought away
and taken back, from time to time, till all was settled, when
this one hundred and twenty thousand dollars of alleged
defalcation had no basis to rest upon, either in whole, or
in part, and the books of the auditor so demonstrated it.
And yet, as the rancor of the press of which this was
only the premonitory symptom began to break forth, this
assault upon my official integrity was kept going, whenev-
er, and wherever, the party charging it thought there could
be any political capital made out of it. I can never know,
nor can any body ever know, the extent of the mischief
which this aspersion produced, upon both my name and my
circumstances. I was met by it everywhere ; and in many
instances could see confidence in me giving way before its
withering tendencies.

Quite a formal disinterring of the charge was made as
recently as 1840; and, pending the canvass which resulted
in the election of General Harrison to the Presidency, I

28 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

was put to the trouble to exhibit the original document
which testified that all my public accounts, as well those re-
lating to the trade, as to the annuities, were settled, showing
a balance in my favor. I shall insert this document in the

sequel,

But I was subjected to other, and scarcely le*ss injurious
attacks. The amount of supplies which I purchased, an-
nually > was great. My rule in regard to purchasing was a
fixed one. It was, to give as wide a range as I could to
the demand, its nature, and variety ; and to produce all the
competition I could, I gave samples of the kinds of articles
which were required in the Indian trade even, for the
purpose of making them portable, to the cutting of guns
in two. But I made no commitment to purchase of any
one, except on the following conditions : First, that the
importations should be in time. Second, that the quality
and fitness of the article should be entirely acceptable;
and Third, that the prices should be as low as like articles
could, be elsewhere commanded. All this I knew involved
contingences, on the part of the merchant, but these were
often encountered. It rarely happened that any single
importer ordered all the varieties, but all were ordered ;
and the general result was, a market well stocked with ar-
ticles, which, but for this policy, would have furnished very
few of them, for the reason that almost all kinds of goods
suited to the Indian trade, are wholly different from goods
required by civilized communities. And this superior mar-
ket was in the District of Columbia, where more suitable
goods could be at all times had, than could be found in any
of the cities of the Union. The mercantile principle, " that
wherever a demand exists, there will be found a correspond-
ing ability to supply it," was never more fully illustrated
and established.

But I could not deal with every body. There were mer-
chants, some of whom went to Europe, expressly for the
purpose, who, by a closer attention, and a more active ob-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 29

servation of the nature of the supplies wanted, the time
when wanted, and the value of the articles, would be better
qualified to supply the demand, than were others who were
less vigilant, and less intelligent. The consequence was,
that anonymous letters were addressed to the committee
of Indian affairs, of the House of Representatives, charg-
ing me with partiality, and with making purchases of favor-
ites, to the exclusion of persons who were prepared to sell
to the public better, more suitable, and cheaper goods. I
was summoned to appear before the committee. An inves-
tigation, in due form, was made. The parties named by
the anonymous prosecutors, were summoned before the
committee, and questioned under the solemnities of an
oath. With what success I escaped from this searching
ordeal, the reader may see by referring to Appendix. (B.)

A useful lesson may be drawn from these facts a lesson
that may teach the numerous aspirants for public office,
that there are not only duties to be performed, when the
goal of their ambition is reached, but that priceless pearl,
" a good name" is constantly in danger of being torn from
them, no matter how cautious they may be, how honest,
or how capable, or how devoted to the duties of the trust
which they seek to encounter. Few men, somebody has
said, bring out of office the same good character they took
into it.

It is not only the personal suffering which an assault
upon one's good name causes, but a suffering coming from
the sympathy of friends which combines with it, as well
as the effects which are not unfrequently seen to desolate
one's property. I was made to endure all these. Nor
does the charge, like the destructive flash, exhaust itself
in the explosion. If it did, it could be better borne, as
well as endured with less suffering. A man's virtues may
be heralded, and the remembrance of them soon dies ; but
affix to his name and character a charge, of no matter

30 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

what sort, involving his reputation, and it never dies !
What if I did exhibit to thousands, and publish in the
press, the utter falsity of the imputation that I was a
government defaulter, as charged upon me in the manner
stated ; did that wipe out the stain which the annuncia-
tion implicating me in that charge, had affixed to my
character ? As I have said, it was revived and circulated
from the time it was made, till 1840, and its flickerings
have not ceased to blaze up even to this day. About the
time of my dismissal, by command of President Jackson,
from my office, as Chief of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,
in August, 1830, the implication had new vigor imparted
to it by the refusal to close my public accounts, which,
being kept open, gave sanction to the assertion that all
had not been right in my public disbursements, or in my
accountability for the same. Four years, from 1829 to
1833, was this state of things continued ; when, at last,
all the injury that could be done me, arising out the story
of unsettled accounts, having been endured, an order was
given to settle them. They were settled. How that
settlement resulted, will be shown hereafter. It has always
been a source of consolation to me, that this settlement
was not made by officers connected with the political
party of my preference but by those who occupied
towards me relations of a totally different sort. There
have been periods in the history of this government when
political feelings were not permitted to mingle with official
accountability and duty ; and when the moral sense of an ac-
counting officer of one political party would not permit him
to overlay, or blur, or delay the settlement of the accounts
of a disbursing officer, because his political preferences
did not happen to run in the same direction with his own.
But this was before political intolerance was tolerated ; and
before that " Hydra," as " Party" had been so characteris-
tically denominated by General Jackson, had so severed

MEMOIRS. &c.. &c. 31

the ties of a national brotherhood, and gathered round it
its "friends" as to exclude from any participation in the
government, if not the greater, yet a large portion of the
purest patriotism, and most renowned wisdom and intelli-
gence of the country. A ban was literally put upon it.

32 MEMOIRS, &c., <fec.

CHAPTER II.

IMPROVEMENT, MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL, OF THE INDI-
ANS. PRESIDENT MONROE ANECDOTES ILLUSTRATING

HIS CHARACTER.

Fourth of July address Subsequent reflections Wrongs of the Indian Corres-
pondence with Mr. and Mrs. Gambold The Cherokees Their reluctance to
intercourse with the Whites Capacity for improvement Plan for elevating
their condition Appropriation by Congress for this purpose Effects of this
plan David Brown's letter Progress of civilization among the Cherokees
Commission annulled Re-appointed Fourth Auditor Treasury, almost Mr.
Monroe's scruples His sensitiveness to reproach Interview with him just
before his death Charged with undermining General Armstrong Facts in
the case The British forces in the Chesapeake Affair of Bladensburg
General Armstrong vindicated Mr. Monroe's personal efforts and sacrifices
in 1814 The General Post-OfficeMr. M'Lean's appointment What led to it.

IT was during my superintendency of the United States
Indian Trade Department, that my feelings became first
interested for the welfare of the Indians. I had delivered
a Fourth of July address to the citizens of Washington and
Georgetown, in a beautiful grove on the heights of the
latter, when, on reaching my home that evening, my
thoughts became occupied with the condition and pros-
pects of the Indians. I had been talking of liberty and
independence, of the glory of our institutions, the grandeur
of our system, and of our future destiny, and of the sacri-
fices of blood and treasure that had been made to secure all
these but had not thought of those to whose country
we had succeeded, and who had been driven by our in-
justice and cruelty from river to river, and from forest
to forest, until not only they had become lost to our sight,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 33

but even their memorials, along nearly the whole of the
Atlantic border, were also consigned to oblivion, except
where the plough turned up their stone axes and arrow
points. No remains were left of their villages, or the
ashes of their council fires, both having long since become
mingled with the warrior's bones, and the bows and arrows
of the hunter. I had been engaged in sending to survivors
upon the western border articles of both taste and neces-
sity, but as yet no great plan,. alike worthy of this noble
race, and of this great nation, had been devised for the
preservation and happiness of the former.

The next day a newspaper fell into my hand, in which
was a letter from the Reverend John Gambold, dated,
" Spring Place, Cherokee Country" This good man was
a Moravian and a missionary. From this letter I learned
something of his hopes and prospects in regard to the con-
dition of the Cherokees. I immediately opened a corres-
pondence with him, as also with his " help-mate" for she
was truly such which continued with both of them till
their death. This estimable lady, well known at Bethle-
hem, in Pennsylvania, as " Sister Kliest" had separated
herself from her charge, as directress of the Bethlehem
academy, to unite her destiny with the good Mr. Gambold,
and assist him in his missionary labors, among, at that
time, an almost benighted people, no longer as " Sister
Kliest," but as " Anna R. Gambold" I cannot resist the
inclination to make the reader better acquainted with these
estimable people. They may be seen in the light of their
own goodness in a few extracts from their letters to me,
which may be found in the Appendix. (C.)

Such was the dread of the Cherokees of the approach
of the white man, that Mr. Gambold, who enjoyed their
confidence in a greater degree than any white man then
living, could not prevail upon them to allow a road to be
opened through a part of their country, although it was
indispensable to their own convenience, in their travel to^

VOL. I. 5

34 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

and from places of trade and barter, and to the means of
a more comfortable living. They were not to learn for
the first time the tender mercies of the white man, and,
therefore, feared that the opening a way for their own
accommodation, might be to open one, also, for his advan-
ces, and for afflictions for themselves that had never failed
to accompany him. They preferred their own present lot,
rather, than by this attempt to improve it, to involve them-
selves in this much dreaded contingency.

I did not doubt then, nor do I now, the capacity of the
Indian for the highest attainments in civilization, in the
arts and religion,* but I was satisfied that no adequate
plan had ever been adopted for this great reformation.
Proof enough, however, had been elicited by the labors of
good men, to satisfy me that the Indian was, in his intel-
lectual and moral structure, our equal. I therefore sought
to introduce a system adequate alike in its extent and ele-
ments, and in the means to sustain it, for the promotion of
the future happiness of his race. This I knew could be
accomplished, only, by act of Congress. Having witness-
ed a feeling in several of the churches, as also in asso-
ciations for alleviating the distresses of the Indians, I
determined to give effect to it, if I could, in the only way
in which, as I believed, it could be made successfully, and
permanently useful.

A period had now arrived I believe it was in the year
1817 or 1818, I forget which that appeared to me to
be propitious for the making of the experiment. There
was general tranquillity among the Indians, as well as the

* Notwithstanding the hardness of the destiny of the Cherokees the oppres-
sions that have been heaped upon them ; the contrivances resorted to, even in
high places, for the purpose of retarding their advances in letters and learning,
and to deprive them of the privileges resulting from an organized government of
their own ; it is my firm belief that, in proportion to population, there are more
Cherokees who read, either the English or their own tongue, the latter by means
of an alphabet invented by one of themselves, than can be found among the whites
in any of the States of the Union.

MEMOIRS, fec., &c. 35

kindest dispositions towards them in the executive. No
exciting onsets were being made to dislodge them from
their homes, or to jostle them in their possessions, or
alarm and distract them in the enjoyment of them. Be-
sides, there were now several missionary stations already
in operation, though on a small scale, all of them furnish-
ing proof that a plan commensurate to the object, would
reform and save, and bless this long neglected, and down-
trodden people. I was convinced that if a general expres-
sion of the popular will could be made to Congress, by the
instrumentality of memorials, backed by committees to
present them in person, the great design would be accom-
plished. I accordingly addressed circulars to as many
of the corresponding secretaries of associations for me-
liorating the condition of the Indians, as were known to
me, as also to such other Christian people as I thought
itjikely would co-operate in this work of mercy, recom-
mending a general action in as many states as could be
reached, and that memorials should be sent from each,
borne by committees of their most honored men to Wash-
ington, and presented simultaneously to Congress; the
committees urging in person, upon their respective repre-
sentatives, their prompt and zealous attention to the prayer
of the petitioners.

The recommendation was adopted, and carried out to
the letter. The result was^ a prompt action by Congress
upon the subject, and an annual appropriation made of ten
thousand dollars, " for the civilization of the Indian tribes
adjoining the frontier settlements." Regulations were issu-
ed by the War Department (Mr. Calhoun being Secretary)
for the carrying of this act into effect. Upon these, a
system was put in operation, the beneficial effects of which,
upon the condition and happiness of the Indians, were felt
from Lake Superior, to the Chattahoochee, in Georgia.
Everywhere the schools flourished, and when I left the
department in 1830, there were" over eighteen hundred

36 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Indian children in these schools, deriving instruction, and
making as rapid advances in the various incipient branches
of learning, in agriculture, and the mechanic arts, as are
made in any part of the United States by the children of
the whites. Everywhere, the day seemed to have come,
when " the wilderness was to blossom as the rose." But
let a son of the forest, a youth, and over whose mind had
rested, but a few years previous, the mantle of paganism
and ignorance, tell of this change in the condition, and
hopes, and prospects of his hitherto benighted people.
The writer was David Brown, of the Cherokee nation ;
and his communication (extracts from which I subjoin)
was made to the editor of the Family Visiter, at Rich-
mond, Virginia, and bears date Willstown, Cherokee Na-
tion, September 2d, 1825.

" In my last letter from Creek pa.th to you, I stated that
there was some probability of my returning to Arkansas,
dec., &c., and referred to the improved condition of the
Cherokees on this side of the Mississippi, in a moral, intel-
lectual, and religious point of view, &c. ; to the slow pro-
gress I make in translating the New Testament, in conse-
quence of the non-existence of a dictionary, or complete
grammar, in Cherokee and to the philological researches
of one in the nation, whose system of education had met
with universal approbation, &c. Allow me, dear sir, now,
the pleasure to fulfil the promise I made you, that I would
pick up and send you what I had omitted. Recently I have
been travelling a good deal in the nation, in order to regain
my impaired health. My Heavenly Sovereign permitting,
I expect to return to Arkansas in the month of October
next. I have made a hasty translation of the four Gospels,
which will require a close criticism. On my arrival at
Dwight, I shall pursue the delightful work ; and I hope the
day is not far distant, when the Cherokees, my brethren
and kindred, according to the flesh, shall read the words of
eternal life, in their own tongue. I will here give you a

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 37

faint picture of the Cherokee nation and its inhabitants.
In the meantime, however, it must be borne in mind, that it
is the mass and common people that form the character of
a nation, and not officers of government, nor the lowest
grade of peasantry.

" The Cherokee nation, you know, is in about thirty-five
degrees north latitude ; bounded on the north and west by
the State of Tennessee, on the south by Alabama, and on
the east by Georgia and North Carolina. This country is
well watered ; abundant springs of pure water are found
in every part. A range of majestic and lofty mountains
stretch themselves across the nation. The northern part
of the nation is hilly and mountainous. In the southern
and western parts, there are extensive and fertile plains,
covered partly with tall trees, through which beautiful
streams of water glide. These plains furnish immense pas-
turage, and numberless herds of cattle are dispersed over
them. Horses are plenty, and are used for servile purpo-
ses. Numerous flocks of sheep, goats, and swine, cover
the valleys and hills. On Tennessee, Ustanala, and Cana-
sagi rivers, Cherokee commerce floats. The climate is
delicious and healthy ; the winters are mild. The spring
clothes the ground with its richest scenery. Cherokee
flowers, of exquisite beauty and variegated hues, meet and
fascinate the eye in every direction. In the plains and
valleys, the soil is generally rich ; producing Indian corn,
cotton, tobacco, wheat, oats, indigo, sweet and Irish pota-
toes. The natives carry on considerable trade with the
adjoining States ; and some of them export cotton in boats
down the Tennessee, to the Mississippi, and down that
river to New Orleans. Apple and peach orchards are quite
common, and gardens are cultivated, and much attention
paid to them.

" Butter and cheese are seen on Cherokee tables. There
are many public roads in the nation, and houses of enter-

38 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

tainment kept by natives. Numerous and flourishing vil-
lages are seen in every section of the country. Cotton
and woollen cloths are manufactured here. Blankets, of
various dimensions, manufactured by Cherokee hands, are
very common. Almost every family in the nation grows
cotton for its own consumption. Industry and commercial
enterprise are extending themselves in every part. Nearly
all the merchants in the nation are native Cherokees.
Agricultural pursuits, (the most solid foundation of our na-
tional prosperity,) engage the chief attention of the people.
Different branches in mechanics are pursued. The popu-
lation is rapidly increasing. In the year 1819, an estimate
was made of all Cherokees. Those on the west, were es-
timated at 5,000, and those on the east of the Mississippi,
at 10,000 souls. The census of this division of the Chero-
kees has again been taken within the current year, and the
returns are thus made native citizens, 13,563 ; white men
married in the nation, 147 ; white women married in the
nation, 73 ; African slaves, 1,277. If this summary of
Cherokee population from the census is correct, to say
nothing of those of foreign extract, we find that, in six
years, the increase has been 3,563 souls. If we judge the
future by the past, to what number will the Cherokee pop-
ulation swell in 1858?*

"White men in the nation enjoy all the immunities and
privileges of the Cherokee people, except that they are not
eligible to public offices. In the above computation of the

* Alas ! it was not given to this gifted youth to foresee that a day was coming,
and was even then near at hand, when the plough-share of sectional and political
power would turn up and turn over all these visions ; and that when a just appre-
ciation of the Cherokees of their own advances in the mechanics and the arts,
and religion, caused them to cling closer and closer to their beautiful country, and
to refuse to sell or exchange it, a device would be resorted to, by which, without
their consent, they would be forced to cross the Mississippi, pursued by those
elements of distraction which such flagrant injustice and high-handed oppression
combined to create. I need not say that I refer here to the miscalled treaty of
New Euchota.

MEMOIRS, &c., <fec. 39

present year, you perceive that there are some African
slaves among us. They have been, from time to time,
brought in and sold by white men. They are, however,
generally well treated, and they- much prefer living in the
nation, to a residence in the United States. There is
hardly any intermixture of Cherokee and African blood.
The presumption is, that the Cherokees will, at no distant
day, co-operate with the humane efforts of those who are
liberating and sending this proscribed race to the land of
their fathers. National pride, patriotism, and a spirit of
independence, mark the Cherokee character.

"The Christian religion is the religion of the nation.
Presbyterians, Methodists, Baptists, and Moravians, are
the most numerous sects. Some of the most influential
characters are members of the church, and live consistently
with their professions. The whole nation is penetrated
with gratitude for the aid it has received from the United
States government, and from different religious societies.
Schools are increasing every year; learning is encouraged
and rewarded. The young class acquire the English, and
those of more mature age, the Cherokee system of learn-
ing. The female character is elevated, and duly respected.
Indolence is discountenanced. Our native language, in its
philosophy, genius and symphony, is inferior to few, if any,
in the world. Our relations with all nations, savage or
civilized, are of the most friendly character. We are out
of debt, and our public revenue is in a flourishing condi-
tion. Besides the amount arising from imports, a perpetual
annuity is due from the United States, in consideration of
lands ceded in former periods. Our system of government,
founded on republican principles, by which justice is equally
distributed, secures the respect of the people. Newtown,
pleasantly situated in the centre of the nation, and at the
junction of Canasagi and Gusuwati, two beautiful streams,
is the seat of government. The legislative power is vest-

40 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ed in what is denominated, in native dialect, Tsalagi Tini-
lawigi, consisting of a national committee and council.
Members of both branches are chosen by and from the
people, for a limited period. In Newtown, a printing-press
is soon to be established; also a national library and a
museum. Immense concourses of the people frequent the
seat of government when Tsalagi Tinilawigi is in session,
which takes place once a year."

The first regular school established among the Chero-
kees, was in the year 1817 (incipient steps had been ta-
ken, however, before that) so that all this culture, and
this converting the waste into a garden, was the product
of the labor of only about eight years. It was during my
superintendency of the government trade with the Indians,
and, as I have before stated, in 1818 or 1819, that I ad-
dressed the circular before referred to, to the correspond-
ing secretaries and others friendly to the cause of the
Indians, and to their rescue from the sad condition in which
they were everywhere known to be; and in 1819, the act
of Congress was passed, appropriating the annual sum of
$10,000 for their benefit. It was in the same year that an
act was passed by Congress, annulling the power of the
President to appoint the officers for the trade department,
without the consent of the Senate. On the passage of this
act, which I interpreted as annulling my own commission,
as also the commissions of the factors and clerks, &c., I
waited on President Monroe, and told him that, in my view
of it, my powers were annulled, as were those, also, of all
others connected with the department ; and that I had sus-
pended all further action until his pleasure could be known.
" Go on, sir," said this good man and pure patriot, " and
furnish me with a list of the names of those connected with
the service, and I will place it at once before the Senate."
I did so, omitting my own. The Senate's action being had
upon the nominations, it resulted in confirming the entire

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 41

list, with myself as principal.* The system was continued,
as I have stated, until 1822, when it was abolished.

In 1823, 1 think it was, I write from memory, Colonel
Freeman, then fourth auditor of the Treasury, died. Mr.
Calhoun, being then Secretary of War, asked me if I would
accept the office made vacant by the Colonel's death. I
assented when leaving me in his office, he went over to
see Mr. Monroe, the President, and ascertain his pleasure
on the subject. Mr. Calhoun soon returned, telling me the
President very cordially assented but had scarcely fin-
ished the sentence, when the President's messenger came
in, saying to Mr. Calhoun that the President would be glad
to see him. He left me, requesting me to remain until his
return ; and being gone some half hour, he came back, say-
ing, in substance, " It is very strange ! The President, I
think, is singularly scrupulous. He recognized you just
now with great pleasure as Colonel Freeman's successor ;
and then sent for me to say he could not nominate you
giving as his reason, that you had been active and useful
in defending his administration, and if, with the knowledge
the public had of this fact, he should appoint you to office,

* JAMES MONROE, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES of AMERICA

To all who shall see these presents. Greeting :

KNOW YE, That reposing special trust and confidence in the integrity, diligence
and discretion of Thomas L. McKenney, of the District of Columbia, I have
nominated, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, do appoint him
Superintendent of Indian Trade, Georgetown, District of Columbia, and do
authorize and empower him to execute and fulfil the duties of that office accor-
ding to law : And to have and to hold the said office, with all the rights and
emoluments thereunto legally appertaining, unto him, the said Thomas L.
McKenney, during the pleasure of the President of the United States, for the
time being.

In testimony whereof, I have caused these letters to be made patent, and the

seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Given under my hand

[SEAL] at the City of Washington, the twentieth day of April, in the year of our

Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighteen, and of the Independence

of the United States of America, the forty-second.

[Signed,] JAMES MONROE.

By the President. JOHN Q. ADAMS, Secretary of State.

VOL. i. 6

42 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

it might be interpreted as a compensation to you, out of
the public money, for those services." He went on to say
that Mr. Monroe was anxious for my appointment to some
suitable office in the government, provided a situation could
be found that would not devolve upon him the duty, for the
reasons stated, of conferring it upon me.

I introduce this little anecdote to show how sensitive
was this good man, and how constantly alive to his fame ;
and also, that it may serve as a contrast to the practice
which was destined in a few short years to take the place
of it of an exactly opposite character.

Another anecdote illustrative of this sensibility in Mr.
Monroe to his reputation. It is known that his entire
devotion to the public service, left him but little time to
attend to his private affairs. He became embarrassed
greatly so ; but was perhaps never more so, than during
the term of his Presidency. He owned, by bequest, I
believe, a valuable estate in Virginia known as the Albe-
marle estate. It was his great object, if possible, to save
this, and pass it down to his descendants. But the press-
ing nature of his finances forced from him, at last, a re-
luctant offer of this property for sale. Some time after
the appearance of the advertisement, he was waited upon
by a gentleman, who said to him " Sir, I am just from
Virginia, and from your estate in Albemarle. My object
in going there, was to examine it, with a view to its pur-
chase. I have done this, and have also learned from your
agent your terms. I am here to say, that I am ready,
when you shall have made out the title deeds, to pay you
the stipulated price."

Mr. Monroe replied, "Colonel O , I cannot sell

that estate to you. My necessities, I know, are great ;
and these, alone, prompted me to advertise that property

for sale- but " Colonel O interrupting him,

asked, with surprise, " Why not sell to me ?" For no
other reason than one and that is, you were a contractor

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 43

during the war ; and you received your contracts from me
as Secretary of War. You were faithful, I know, and
fulfilled your trust like an honest man, and made money.
And now were I to sell you my estate, I might incur the
suspicion of having, by these contracts, purposely placed
it in your power to buy it." All remonstrance on the part

of Colonel O proved vain. Mr. Monroe held to his

first decision, preferring to bear the weight of heavy em-
barrassments, to the liability of incurring the suspicion
that he had converted his trust, as Secretary of War, into
an instrument of pecuniary gain and personal emolument.

Such instances of purity in public life are refreshing.
They will appear to the reader of the present day, per-
haps, as fable ; and the patriotic Monroe may, probably,
be considered, when contemplated through the medium of
modern times, as fastidious.

I must crave the reader's indulgence while I make one
more reference to this tried patriot, and good man.

During the late war with Great Britain, or the greater
part of it, as is known to every body, Mr. Monroe was
Secretary of State, and General Armstrong Secretary of
War ; it is known, also, that soon after the capture of
Washington, and the conflagration of its capitol, General
Armstrong was superseded in the office of Secretary of
War by Mr. Monroe. It was soon whispered, that this
change had been produced by the undermining agency of
Mr. Monroe. Whence the rumor came, or by whom it
was originated, no one knew. But it remained a source of
deep disquiet to harrass Mr. Monroe to the hour of his death.

I can never forget, when, being in New York during
his last illness, I called, and within only a few days of his
death, at Mr. Gouverneur's his son-in-law to see him.
He was greatly emaciated, and his cough was so oppres-
sive to him, as to make even the ordinary intercourse,
under such circumstances, painful to the visiter. I had
but just seated myself, when he began " Colonel McKen-

44 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

> your call is welcome to me. I am glad to see you.
I have something to say to you, and hope you will allow
me time. You see I am very feeble, and can say but
little at a time, owing to this cough." He then proceeded
to state, in substance, that it was among his most cherish-
ed wishes to leave to his descendants a spotless reputa-
tion ; that he had but little else left for them. " There is
one thing," he continued, " which you must know some-
thing of. I want to talk to you about it, and to get your
knowledge of the case, embodied in a written form. I
have reason for believing that General Armstrong indul-
ges the belief that I was instrumental in causing his
removal from the office of Secretary of War. I know I
had no agency whatever in producing that result, but the
general opinion being that he is writing a book, he
may, if he really believes in the truth of this implica-
tion, so state it ; and I may be regarded by posterity in
that most unenviable light in which such a record would
place me. Pray tell me all you know about the circum-
stances that led to that change to his removal, I mean,
or separation from the War Department." I gave him the
following reply :

My intercourse was frequent with General Armstrong,
beginning with the arrival of the British forces in the
Chesapeake. It was made my duty, from time to time, to
report to him the arrival of troops, and their wants, in
equipments, &c., &c. He appeared to me to doubt the
intentions of the enemy to invade the capital ; and under
the influence of this belief, in which I had no doubt he
was sincere, I found some difficulty in procuring the
necessary arms and equipments, &c., for troops as they
came in. After Commodore Barney had been forced to
blow up his flotilla in the Patuxet, and our troops being
at the battalion Old Fields, and I had come in as a vidette,
having rode along the enemy's flanks, for over a mile, and
picking up, on my return to camp, two British deserters*

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 45

whom I brought in with me, I found on horseback, in
our camp, President Madison, General Armstrong, and
two or three other persons, to whom, in presence of the
Commanding General, I stated the position of the enemy,
and what appeared to be their numbers, and gave it as my
opinion that they would be at our encampment before
daylight next morning. To which General Armstrong
replied, "They can have no such intention. They are
foraging, I suppose ; and if an attack is meditated by them
upon any place, it is Annapolis." The deserters were
then interrogated, chiefly by President Madison. But
they knew not who commanded them ; knew nothing of
their destination, and as little of their numbers. I then
asked them to look at our force, and say whether theirs
was equal to it. They did so, and with a smile, said
" We think it is."

The President and party then rode off on the way to
Washington ; and I was ordered to make another recon-
noitre, which I did, when, as you know, sir, for I found
you on your roan horse, observing the enemy, who was
still advancing upon us, we continued to observe them, till
they halted began to bivouac, sling their kettles, &c., &c.,
when I returned to battalion Old Fields, (you taking the
road to Bladensburg) to report all this, and to say they
were within a mile of us. Whereupon my commanding
officer, General Smith, ordered formed a line of battle,
Commodore Barney's artillery being in advance of our
main line, and near the wood that intervened between the
two armies. The line being formed, I was ordered to go
in quest of General Winder, General Smith remarking,
" I do not feel at liberty to take the responsibility of the
fight, if the commander-in-chief of the forces can be had
to give direction to it." Putting spurs to my horse, I lost
not a moment in reaching what I had learned was the
position of General Winder. I met him about eight
miles from our encampment, delivered the message with

46 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

which I was charged, when, putting spurs to his horse, we
galloped back to camp together. Riding round the field,
and observing the line of battle, he remarked, "It is all
well arranged, but the manifest object of the enemy is, to
attack us in the night. We have not the material for a
night fight." Whereupon he gave orders to take up the
line of march ; cross the eastern branch bridge, and occupy
the heights beyond. We did so. This was the evening
of the 23d of August. The next day, the affair of Bladens-
burg occurred. The result is known to every body.

The enemy's next movement was upon Baltimore. Our
forces were ordered to march for the defence of that city.
We had not proceeded far, before a rumor reached us that
the citizens of Washington and Georgetown did not feel
safe, from causes of a domestic nature when General
Smith's command was ordered to repair to the city, and
encamp on Windmill Hill. Meantime, the British shipping
were in the Potomac. Alexandria had been captured and
sacked. Apprehensions being entertained that they might
ascend the Potomac in their boats, for the purpose of des-
troying the cannon foundry, &c., batteries were thrown up
on the shore of the Potomac, at the foot of Windmill Hill.
While engaged in this duty, General Armstrong, of whom
we had heard nothing after the evening of the interview at
the Old Fields, rode on the ground. The impression had
become universal, that, as Secretary of War, he had ne-
glected to prepare the necessary defences ; and that to this
neglect, the capitol had been desecrated, and the glory of
our arms tarnished. Indeed, many went further, openly
and loudly. Charles Carroll, of Bellevue, the moment Gen-
eral Armstrong rode upon the ground, met him, and de-
nounced him, openly and vehemently, as the cause of all
the disasters that had befallen the city when, with one
impulse, the officers said to General Smith, " There, sir,
are our swords ; we will not employ them, if General Arm-
strong is to command us, in his capacity of Secretary of

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 47

War ; but we will obey the orders of any other member
of the Cabinet." At the same mpment, the men at the
batteries threw down their spades, avowing a like resolve.
General Smith called me to him, saying, "You see the
state of things ; I have just ordered Major Williams to re-
port it to the President. Do you accompany him. Say
to the President, that under the orders of any other mem-
ber of the Cabinet, what can be done, will be done." We
rode off in haste, and overtook President Madison, Richard
Rush, (I believe,) and a third person, on F. Street, in
Washington, on horseback the government having been
again organized at Washington. The message delivered
to President Madison, was in accordance with the above,
to the letter the last sentence "But under any other
member of the Cabinet, the most cheerful duty will be ren-
dered" The answer by the President was, " Say to Gene-
ral Smith, the contingency, (namely, that of any future
orders being given by General Armstrong,) shall not hap-
pen" A short time only had elapsed before it was known
that General Armstrong had ceased to be Secretary of
War, and that you had succeeded him. We learned, and
I remember we confided in the source whence we derived
our information, that President Madison suggested to Gen-
eral Armstrong, in view of the state of things, as narrated,
whether it might not be proper for him to suspend his
functions as war minister, over the District of Columbia,
but to exercise them elsewhere. To which the general
was said to have answered, " he would be Secretary of
War over the whole, or none." Mr. Madison receiving
this as an inadmissible alternative, told him so, when Gen-
eral Armstrong ceased to be Secretary of War. " This,"
said Mr. Monroe, " is all I want. It exonerates me from
the charge of having undermined General Armstrong, by
any agency of mine. So far as the facts were made known
to me at the time, you state them correctly ; and the rest
I have had from other sources since, and they corroborate

48 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

what you say." I promised to write out the narrative, as
he had requested, and. did so. Mr. Monroe died a few
days after this interview, and with him, the demand for a
forthcoming of the facts. But I promised to shield him
under such forms as might be in my power, from the
charge ; and in incorporating the narrative here, I only
make good that promise. The charge of traitor, which
was lavishly employed against General Armstrong, I never
believed. His whole fault lay in a total absence of faith in
the intention of the British to attack Washington. And,
indeed, the act struck every military mind then, as it does
now, as one of the most unexampled temerity. An incur-
sion, such as was made into a country densely peopled,
without artillery or cavalry, exposing both flank and rear
to the capacity of such a city as Baltimore, was one of
that kind of onsets which secures success only by the
general apathy arising out of the belief that nothing so
desperate would be attempted.

Another fact or two, illustrative of President Monroe's
patriotism. No darker period in the history of our coun-
try is known, save only that which marked occasional
epochs of the revolution, than was that of the year 1814.
Not only was the money, the sinew of war, in time of war,
all gone, but with it also had departed the credit of the
nation. The stock of the government, as well as its is-
sues of every other sort, was held in little more estimation
than would have been so much blank paper ; and yet the
war was to be prosecuted ! The banks having advanced
all they could advance, could come in aid of the govern-
ment no further. There was not even money enough to
buy fuel to keep the cadets at West Point from perishing,
when resort was had, by them, to every old building and
out-house, to fence rails, and shrubs and roots, until Gov-
ernor Tompkins threw in five hundred dollars' worth of
wood, which was met by the cadets on its way to the
Point, and borne to their quarters on their shoulders.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 49

It was at this dismal period that Mr. Monroe assumed
the duties of the Department of War. He was advised
against the undertaking, and the downfall of his prospects
was predicted by his friends, who importuned him not to
hazard his own ruin, by engaging in duties which must end
in his overthrow. " It is when such dark prospects shroud
the hopes of the people, that the country has the stronger
claims upon her sons," replied the patriot Monroe ; " that
which you urge upon me as a reason for declining to con-
tribute my mite towards the rescue, is conclusive in deter-
mining me to come to it. The day of my country's ad-
versity is that on which my best energies are more freely
at her service." With these views, and these feelings, he
assumed the arduous duties of the War Department.

There was mind enough, with all the appropriate quali-
ties, and zeal enough for the right management of this arm
of the nation's defence ; and there was justice on the side
of the republic, and a consequent just reliance upon Hea-
ven but there was no money ! Applications were made
in all directions ; appeals to the patriotism of the people
were heralded in all directions, and the most imploring
calls uttered to come to the rescue. But the arm of the
nation was paralyzed. There was no more money, and
confidence was gone ! It was in this dark crisis that Mr.
Monroe went in person to the Bank of Columbia, and
made an appeal. Government securities were freely of-
fered, and at great sacrifices, but in vain ; when he looked
the cashier, William Whann, in the face, and throwing
into his countenance all that was imploring and impressive,
he said, " Mr. Whann, have you confidence in my honor ?
Will you accept a pledge of that, backed by all my private
fortune, that this sum, now so indispensable to the wants
of the government, shall be made good ? I pledge them !"
Mr. Whann repaired to the directors' room, and with a
heart full of solicitude, reported all that had passed, when
the amount wanted was placed at the disposal of the gov-

VOL. I. 7

50 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

eminent. It was that very amount, obtained in that way,
and which could have been obtained in no other way, that
sustained Jackson's army, and enabled it to reach New
Orleans ; and but for which, or an indispensable portion of
it, it could not have moved at all. The world is entitled
to a life of this patriot.

The General Post-Office Department at Washington,
was for a long time in a state of great dilapidation I
refer to the period which preceded Mr. M'Lean's admin-
istration of its affairs. At the time to which I refer, Mr.
M'Lean was Commissioner of the General Land Office.
Coming down Pennsylvania avenue one day, I met Mr.
M'Lean, with whom I had been for a long time on terms
of close intimacy, and thinking I saw something in his
countenance that indicated depression of spirits, I asked
him what was the matter. He replied, " I am going to
leave Washington, and return to Ohio to practice law.
My situation as Commissioner of the Land Office, being
subordinate to the Treasury Department, is by no means
agreeable ; besides, the salary is not adequate to the sup-
port of my family, &c."

I immediately said Why go to Ohio for these reasons ?
A Post-Master General is about being appointed, and
surely, if it is your pleasure to accept that office, there
can be no difficulty in having it conferred on you. " You
are mistaken," he replied ; " the Ohio delegation have
been with the President this morning, and have ascertain-
ed that he has fixed upon Mr. Anderson, of Kentucky,
(then recently returned from a foreign mission.) There
is no chance, therefore, of my being chosen for that place.

We parted he to go to his residence, and I (without
his knowing it) to the President's. I found Mr. Monroe
at leisure. As usual, he was glad to see me, and began
talking about foreign and other matters of like import,
when I told him, by his leave, we would talk of these on
some other occasion ; and if it were his pleasure, I would

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 51

refer to a subject interesting alike to himself as President
of the United States, and the country. " You know,
Colonel McKenney," replied this good man, " that any
subject that concerns our country cannot be otherwise
than interesting to me." Then, sir, I continued, have
you so far made up your mind as to the citizen you are
about to nominate for Post-Master General, as to preclude
any reference to the subject? "I have," he answered,
" thought of nominating Richard Anderson, of Kentucky,
for that place." Is your determination final? " No it is
not if I can hear any good reason for changing it."

I proceeded to state, that I hoped he would not consi-
der anything I might say as being unfriendly to Mr. An-
derson for I was sure he possessed every qualification for
the place except one, and that was an exception over
which he had no control, nor had any body else. What
is that ? inquired the President, with much earnestness.
His health is too feeble for the toils which any man must
endure who assumes to bring order out of that depart-
ment, and so re-organize it, and administer it, as to make
it what it ought to be an instrument of good to the peo-
ple at large, for whose convenience it had been created.
Mr. Anderson, I proceeded to say, cannot live a year ;
he is now in such feeble health as to justify that opinion ;
to call him to the discharge of such heavy duties as must
devolve upon him, in the General Post-Office, would,
should he attempt their execution, hasten his transit to the
grave; if he should not, for lack of health, be able to
attend to the duties of the station, then it had just as well
remain as it is.

A pause for a moment ensued when the President
looked at me, saying "Colonel McKenney, I am very
glad you have called" when, at the moment, the servant
announced dinner. He asked me to accompany him,
after which we would resume our conversation. I decli-

52 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ned, having company to dine with me that day : when he
called the servant, directing him to tell Mrs. Monroe not
to wait for him. The conversation was continued for an
hour longer, when I left him.

The next day, when crossing Rock Creek bridge, which
separates Washington from Georgetown, on my way home,
I met George Hay, Esq., son-in-law of Mr. Monroe, on
his roan horse. He spoke, saying, he was glad to meet
me that he had been riding about all the morning, look-
ing after Mr. M'Lean, and had not found him. "I will
thank you, if you see him, to say the object of my search
is, at Mr. Monroe's instance, to tell him that his name
has been this morning sent into the Senate as Post-
Master General ; and that it is Mr. Monroe's wish, that
he would appoint you his First Assistant Post-Master Gen-
eral." I told him we were to dine that evening at Foxall's,
when I would deliver to him the message.

On arriving at Foxall's, I found Mr. M'Lean was there,
when, taking him into the office, I announced to him what
Mr. Hay had charged me to make known to him. The
President's reference to myself was responded to with
great cordiality.

The nomination was confirmed, of course, and Mr.
M'Lean entered upon the discharge of the duties of his
new station. Some weeks went round, when he referred
to the relations that the President desired I should stand
to the office and to himself saying he could not feel free
to dismiss the incumbent without cause ; that Mr. Bradley
was competent and efficient, although he had found the
department in great disorder, &c.; that he would, on the
first occasion, should any delinquency happen, make the
change.

I told him I respected his feelings and his principles,
and had not a doubt he would find Mr. Bradley all he could
desire ; and that, from that moment, to think no more of

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 53

me in relation to the appointment. He was put at ease,
and we parted friends.

The same organization that had given such efficiency
to the War Department, introduced into it, for the first
time, by Mr. Calhoun, was adopted by Mr. M'Lean for
the government of the Post-Office Department. It proved
no less operative. The entire plan consisted in dividing the
business into appropriate parts, and assigning a bureau to
each branch, with an officer at the head of each, who was
held responsible for the right and prompt management of
the duties assigned to him; all the bureaux connecting
into one common centre, whose supervisory and control-
ling power was in the head. If ever there was perfection
carried into any branch of the public service, it was that
which Mr. Calhoun carried into the War Department ; and
it was the same admirable organization which made the
War Department the most effective and most popular
branch of the government. And it was the same system
that imparted such efficiency to the General Post-Office.
And yet neither would have produced the popular results
that distinguished both, if each had not been governed by
heads that comprehended, and knew how to give direction to
both. The War Department was a literal chaos when
Mr. Calhoun took it in hand ; and so was the General Post-
Office, when Mr. M'Lean succeeded to its management.
Both rose out of this chaos into order, and harmony, and
usefulness.

I have recorded this anecdote, if it may be called one,
for the purpose of showing how personal predilections
were made to give way, in Mr. Monroe, to the higher
claims of public utility. Mr. Anderson was his choice, but
Mr. M'Lean was the better qualified man to advance the
public interests as Post-Master General, when, of course,
all that was personal gave way, and the "general welfare"
alone was consulted.

A time came, at last, when Mr. M'Lean was considered

54 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

a stumbling block in the way of party. The "reward" and
"punishment" system was to take the place of qualifica-
tion, patriotism, and experience. Personal rewards, and
not the public good, had now become the practice of the
government. The friends of General Jackson were now
to be " rewarded," and those who were not " of his party,"
were to be "punished." But how, it may be asked, could
this system affect Mr. M'Lean ? Was he not favorable
to the elevation of General Jackson ? The general im-
pression was, that he favored the result. Then why was
he moved upon ? Because, I answer, he declined to make
the General Post-Office an instrument of party ; and to
become an executioner, and chop off heads as he might
be commanded. To the question asked of a member of
the Hickory club in Washington What are you going to
do with Mr. M'Lean ? the answer was, " D n him, we'll
bench him." The alternative left for Mr. M'Lean, was to
quit with an appointment as judge ; or quit without any
thing. Nor would the office of judge have been tendered
to him, if his popularity had not forbade his expulsion.
So, at least, it was understood at Washington. The judge-
ship was not, at that time, what best suited Mr. M'Lean.
He had been long out of the practice of law, as member
of Congress and commissioner of the General Land Office.
But the same industry, sustained by moral rectitude, and
strong natural talents, enabled him, in a few years, to oc-
cupy a respectable position on the bench of the Supreme
Court, and now to rank with its most able and honored
members.

Mr. Barry succeeded Judge M'Lean. There was one
act, at least, of this functionary, that gave great notoriety
to his official character as Post-Master General. It was
the issuing of an order through the heads of the depart-
ments, which was distributed among the several bureaux,
by order of the secretaries, directing that no letters, from
and after its date, should be sealed with wax, but with

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 55

wafers only ; wax, it being alleged, adding so much to the
weight of the mails !

When I saw this order, I took it with me to Mr. Secre-
tary Eaton, and asked if it was intended to apply to the
correspondence of the Indian department. " Why not ?"
he inquired. Because, I answered, much of that corres-
pondence has to traverse the wilderness, and portions of
it to be swam with over rivers, tied to the heads of Indians ;
and in various other ways to be exposed to the weather,
and to the rough usage of a border circulation. "I sup-
pose," he answered, " the Post-Master General knows his
own business best ; conform to the order."

I was curious to know how much weight the mails were
relieved of by this change, and ascertained it to amount
to something less than five pounds, daily ! there being an av-
erage of about a pound and a quarter of wax used in each
of the four departments State, Treasury, War, Navy,
and in the office of the Attorney General. There was
much speculation at the time, as to the real object of this
order. Nobody believed then, and nobody will believe
now, that it was what it was avowed to be.

56 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

CHAPTER III.

THE BUREAU OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. COMMISSIONS TO TREAT
WITH THE INDIANS. VOYAGE ON THE LAKES. GREEN
BAY. BUTTE DE MORTS.

Organization of the Bureau of Indian affairs Dilatory legislation Living on
half pay Effects of severe labors upon health Appointed commissioner to
negotiate a treaty with the Indians at Fond du Lac Other commissioners to
the Choctaws, Chickasaws and Creeks Arrival at Detroit, and departure for
Green Bay First steamboat ascent of the Neebish Rapids Sault de St.
Marie White fish, and the fishery Canadian voyagers Gale on the Lake
Sea-sickness Boat aground Detention at Green Bay Le Petit Butte de
Morts Return to Mackinac A patient Doctor Monroe and lady A con-
trast A romantic wife Return to Green Bay Hazardous voyage A night
on shore Another patient The medicine man superseded A cure Arrival
at Green Bay Alarm in the fort Allayed by the arrival of General Cass
Apprehensions of an attack The big gun brought up Portage at the Grand
Kockalas " Short guns" An experiment Lighting an Indian's pipe with the
sun Firing at a target in the lake Indians coming in Toils of the women
An exception An Indian's gratitude Passage of the Rapids of the Grand
Kockalas Talk with the Winnebagoes Anecdote of General Leavenworth.

IN the month of February, 1824, Mr. Calhoun being
Secretary of War, that gentleman made known to me his
wish, which was also the President's, to organize a Bureau
of Indian Affairs, in connexion with the Department of War,
and offered me the appointment of chief. He said the duties
were peculiar, and required experience in their performance,
and that I had that. I was engaged in the incipient stages
of a departure for a trip to Mexico, and thanking him for
his confidence, told him I did not think I could accept of
the proposal. I made the offer known to some of my
friends, who thought it better for me to forego my contem-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 57

plated trip to Mexico, and resume under this new form,
my relations to the government and the Indians. At
another interview with Mr. Calhoun, I learned that all the
means at his disposal, which he could make applicable to
my salary, were sixteen hundred dollars. This I declined
to accept, upon the ground that it was inadequate to my
support, and would not be a just equivalent for the servi-
ces which I knew the office would require at my hands.
He admitted the justness of both but added, the Presi-
dent and himself had talked the matter over, and that, if I
would undertake the trust, the President would recom-
mend in his next message to Congress, the organiza-
tion of an Indian Department, with a salary equal to that
paid to auditors, expressing a hope that this would be
satisfactory. I finally consented, and on the llth of
March, 1824, had assigned to me the duties of the Bureau
of Indian Affairs.*

* DEPARTMENT OF WAR, >
March llth, 1824. $

SIR To you are assigned the duties of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in this
department, for the faithful performance of which you will be responsible. Mr.
Hamilton and Mr. Miller are assigned to you, the former as chief, the latter as
assistant clerk. You will take charge of the appropriations for annuities and of
the current expenses, and all warrants on the same will be issued on your requi-
sitions on the .Secretary of War, taking special care that no requisition be issued,
but in cases where the money previously remitted has been satisfactorily accounted
for, and on estimates in detail, approved by you, for the sum required. You will
receive and examine the accounts and vouchers for the expenditure thereof, and
will pass them over to the proper auditor's office for settlement, after examination
and approval by you ; submitting such items for the sanction of this department
as may require its approval. The administration of the fund for the civilization
of the Indians is also committed to your charge, under the regulations established
by the department. You are also charged with the examination of the claims
arising out of the laws regulating the intercourse with Indian tribes, and will,
after examining and briefing the same, report them to this department, endorsing
a recommendation for their allowance or disallowance. The ordinary correspon-
dence with the superintendents, the agents, and sub-agents, will pass through
vour bureau.

I have the honor to be your obedient servant,

[Signed] JOHN C. CALHOUN.

THOMAS L. MCKENNET, Esq.
VOL. i. 8

58 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

I found the business of our Indian relations greatly in
arrears. It required the most laborious efforts, for nearly
the whole of the first year, to bring it up. The President
was faithful to his promise, and recommended the passage
of an act for the organization of a department. At the
request of the Chairman of the Committee of Indian Af-
fairs, I prepared a bill, submitted it to the Secretary of
War, who wrote on it, in pencil, " All right alter not a
word." I left in it a blank for the committee to fill with
the sum they might agree upon for the salary. It was
filled with the sum of three thousand dollars. The bill
was reported to the House, and passed to a second reading,
and there it stopped, not from objection to it, or its pro-
visions, but because it was taken precedence of, by other
matters, deemed by Congress to be of more importance.
This was its fate for several successive sessions ; I being
left, meantime, to get along as well as I might on the
half pay, which was at the disposal of the department.
Afterwards, Governor Cass and General Clark, by direc-
tion of the executive, drew regulations for the govern-
ment, in detail, of the Indian department, which, however,
contained little else than an embodiment of the system
upon which the bureau had been previously governed.
Still the salary was not reached, nor was it appropriated
till my successor was in place, and ready to receive it.
To him, and to his successors, it has been paid to this day.

I addressed a letter to Mr. Calhoun, after he had left
the department, calling his attention to my unrequited
labors, and received from him the following answer :
" No one better knows than myself, how inadequate your
salary is, as a compensation for the varied and important
duties of your office. There is no branch of business in
the War Department, which requires more minute and
laborious attention, or to which greater responsibility is
attached. I would rejoice to see your compensation placed
on a more respectable footing." Nothing, however, has

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 59

ever been done to reimburse me, and I remain to this
day without having received a copper towards the differ-
ence between what I did receive, and that which, by every
rule of equity and justice, I was, and yet am entitled to
receive.

Such were my labors, so constant and oppressive, and
so weighty the responsibilities which devolved on me, as
to have very nearly cost me my life. My health gave way
under the pressure, and but for the confidence of President
Adams and Mr. Barbour the latter, at the period to which
I am referring, being Secretary of War in referring to
me the duties of joint commissioner with Governor Cass
to negotiate a treaty with the Indians at La Fond du Lac,
Superior, and again with other tribes at Green Bay, the
year following, I should, in all probability, have died at my
post. Twelve senators and representatives in Congress
united in a request to President Adams to join me in those
commissions. The late President Harrison, being at that
time senator, was one of them. (See Appendix, D.)

It was not, perhaps, the state of my health that opera-
ted to produce this request, so much as a belief which
they expressed, in the benefit tha!%%uU result to the pub-
lic service, from the information which jhto^ight obtain in a
personal intercourse with the Indians, ana 1 which would
give me greater power over the varied and complex duties
of my office, when I should return to resume them.

The first year's travels to Lake Superior restored me
my health ; though it was not until some time after the
expedition had entered that lake, that the officers in com-
mand of the military escort gave over their more than half-
made preparations to give me a magnificent burial on its
shore. Of this kindness, however, I knew nothing at the
time, but was often reminded of it after my health was re-
stored. I threw together in a volume of some five hundred
pages, under the title of " Tour to the Lakes" the incidents

60 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

of that expedition, which I dedicated to my friend and pa-
tron, the Hon. JAMES BARBOUR, Secretary of War. Be-
sides the duties enjoined on me, jointly with Governor
Cass, in that year, it was made my duty, by special com-
missions, after concluding our labors at Green Bay, to pro-
ceed in my individual capacity, to the performance of
others, as disclosed in the following commissions :

DEPARTMENT OF WAR, >
March 28, 1827. $
To COLONEL THOMAS L. MCKENNEY :

SIR With the view of obtaining local and other information of the country
between the lakes and the Mississippi, the condition and disposition of the Indian
tribes which are scattered over it, and especially to ascertain the disposition of
the tribes within the States, the Chickasaws and Choctaws, and, if practicable,
the Cherokees, on the subject of emigration to lands west of the Mississippi, the
President directs that after the council is closed at Green Bay, and the business
entrusted to you and Governor Cass settled, that you will cross the country from
Green Bay in such direction as you may esteem it to be the most eligible, either
by way of Fox and Ouisconsin rivers, or by descending Lake Michigan to Chicago,
down the Illinois to the Mississippi, and thence to the States, noting whatever
incidents you may esteem valuable, and that in any manner may be connected
with our Indian relations, and that may tend to enlighten the department in mat-
ters pertaining to their judicious disposition and application.

To your discretion is referred the best mode of approaching the Choctaws and
Chickasaws, and, if you can reach them, the Cherokees, on the subject of emi-
gration ; but any convention ypwmay make with them, will be understood to be
only conditional, and subject to the approval of the President, to be afterwards
confirmed by the more' 'formal stipulations of treaties. The extent to which you
are to go in these visits and councils, will reach no farther than an ascertainment
of the disposition and will of the Indians, and the nature and extent of the terms
on which they will consent to emigrate ; which may be made binding on them, on
being approved by the President, and thrown afterwards into treaty form.

You will also visit agencies, and such Indian schools as may be within your
reach, and inform yourself of their condition and prospects ; and generally collect
such information as may be necessary to a prompt and efficient discharge of the
duties arising out of our Indian relations.

Your compensation will be fixed on your return, and made equivalent to the
extent and value of your services. Your expenses, (together with any reasonable
amount, not exceeding one thousand dollars, which you may find it necessary to
expend among the Indians for the promotion of the objects in view,) will be borne,
and a requisition will issue on your estimate of what they mav probably be, for
which you will, as is usual, account on your return.

I have the honor, &c.,

JAMES BARBOUB.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 61

DEPARTMENT OF WAR, )
April 10th, 1827. $
To COLONEL THOMAS L. MCKENNEY :

SIR Referring to my instructions to you of 28th March, I now add the par-
ticular desire of the President, that if it be practicable for you to return by the
way of the Creek country, that you do so, and that you employ all proper means
in your discretion, to procure of the Creeks a cession of the remaining strip of
land in Georgia ; and for this object the President hereby empowers you to act,
either separately or jointly, as you may esteem it best, with the agent, Colonel
Crowell, who will be, meanwhile, authorized if possible to accomplish this object.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JAMES BARBOUR.

I left Washington in due season for Detroit, there to
join Governor Cass, having in my suite a secretary, physi-
cian, my son, and a servant ; where, on my arrival, I found
all the preparations made, and a day appointed for our de-
parture for Green Bay. Our conveyance was a steamboat,
in which, besides a goodly number of passengers of both
sexes, were Major General Scott and suite. General Scott
was to make his first visit to the post at the Sault de St.
Marie. It was proposed, on our way to Mackinac, and
agreed to, to allow the captain some additional pay to try
the ascent of the St. Marie, and test the power of his boat
in a contest with the Neebish rapids. The bargain was
concluded, and the experiment was decided to be made;
when, leaving Mackinac, we were soon in the Detour, and
very soon after amidst the whirl and agony of the rapids.
The power of the descending water, and its whirlpool-like
surges, would often bring the boat to a stand, then force
her first to one side and then to the other, the rocks, mean-
time, as seen through the transparent water, being often
near aboard, when she would again shoot ahead, and again
become stationary, like a thing taking repose, or gathering
strength for another onset, and a new triumph. At last
we reached the more level and tranquil surface, when com-
ing suddenly in view of the village and its population, of
the fort and garrison, and the Indians, an expression of
universal astonishment marked every face, at this unlooked-
for appearance of the first steamboat that had ever reached

62 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

that place. The inhabitants looked spell-bound, whilst the
Indians eyed the boat in silence, and listened, half horror-
struck, to the whizz and deafening roar of the steam, as it
escaped from the vent. In every face was depicted a mute,
but bewildered surprise, such as one might be supposed to
feel if brought suddenly in contact with his Satanic Majes-
ty, invested with all the trappings, and set off with all the
appendages with which our youthful fancies were wont to
invest that personage.

Having been at the Sault the year before, when on my
way to La Fond du Lac, Superior, I had made acquain-
tances. Among these was the proprietor of the only pub-
lic house in the village of which these remote regions
could then boast, where I well remember the white fish
was cooked in perfection. My first move was to this long,
low, log house, where I forthwith requested a dinner to be
prepared for our company white fish, that were then
swimming in the rapids, to form part of it, and the princi-
pal dish, of course. In a moment the order was passed,
and in another moment the Indians, some of them boys,
were out among the rapids, balancing their little bark ca-
noes, with a foot upon each gunwale, and in their hands a
scoop net, with its handle some ten feet long, reaching
down into the whirling and foaming rapids, taking in the
white fish as fast as they could be thrown into the canoe.
Our repast was a sumptuous one.

Taking a bark canoe and some voyagers, I gratified
part of our company with a view of Lake Superior.
These dexterous Canadians knowing the party, with an
exception or two, to be unaccustomed to the canoe, and to
its movements among the rapids, on our return, ran the
frail vessel along the very edge of the curve, over which
the water tumbles in its first plunge, but with a skill which
only the voyagers can exert, enlivening the scene, mean-
time, with their boat songs, and a jabbering of their Ca-
nadian French.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 63

Returned to Mackinac, and thence on to Green Bay.
When off Lake Michigan, a terrible gale arose. Its seve-
rity and duration were unusual, even in this region of
storms. Such was its violence, that both anchors proved
insufficient to keep the boat to her moorings, and being
driven ashore ; when the steam was let on, and the wheels
kept in motion, which alone, it was thought, saved us from
being stranded. So billowy were the waters, as when the
boat would wear round, and expose a quarter to the surge,
it would strike her with such force as to roll her well
nigh over, the bell, meantime, keeping up a continual toll,
as if noting the time that was hastening to engulf us all.

A fine opportunity occurred during the storm, for testing
my skill in the management of that most prostrating of all
afflictions, sea-sickness. We had three physicians on board,
but they were all as dead men. Nearly all the passengers,
and several of the hands and attendants, were paying the
customary tribute to the gale ; myself and son, and faithful
servant Ben, being excused from the contribution. Even
the cabin girl, when making her way to the companion
door, gave signs that her time also had come, for she had
scarcely delivered to me a message from my cousin, Mrs.
Doctor T-b-r-k, of New York, which she did by gasping
out, " You're wanted down here" when she fell backwards
flat on the cabin floor. Going down, I found some seven
or more of the lady passengers also on the floor, having
been tumbled from their berths, whilst others who had been
able to keep their places, were not the less victims to the
overwhelming nausea. Among the latter was my cousin,
whose husband was among the helpless ones in the gen-
tlemen's cabin. Those who were upon the floor, had
arrived at that condition of helplessness, as to have no
power over their movements not a muscle seconded their
will to take hold and steady themselves. When the boat
would lurch, they would roll across the cabin, and fetch
up in one confused mass on the opposite side, to remain

64 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

there till another lurch from the other side would send
them all across the floor in an opposite direction.

I made signal to Ben, who with great effort reached me.
I directed him to cut open a bale of blankets separate,
and pass them to me as quick as possible. It was done ;
when, holding a blanket in one hand, and with the other
supporting myself, as the mass began to separate to find
its lodgment on the opposite side of the cabin floor, I
would, as the openings between the bodies were made,
thrust in a blanket. I continued the process till I had the
sufferers all wedged in, so as at last they became sta-
tionary. Fresh air was indispensable, to obtain which, I
hoisted one of the stern windows. A few moments after,
a sea broke in, bringing with it enough of terror to arouse
a few of the prostrate party to some extra efforts and
these were accompanied by cries of " Oh, we're lost /"

I next caused to be procured from my medicine chest,
a bottle of laudanum, with another of brandy. I poured
portions of each into a tea-pot all guess-work, for
such was the rolling and pitching of the boat, as to make
it difficult to hold on, much more so to count drops, or
measure proportions and so, from various positions which
I sought and obtained, to hold on to something with one
hand, I employed the other in divers attempts, (in not
over one in a dozen did I succeed,) to get the spout of the
tea-pot into the mouths of the sufferers, always involving
the hazard to pour in more than might be useful. In less
than thirty minutes after I had gone the rounds, all my
patients, except one, who was in a berth, were as tranquil
and composed, and free from sickness, as the circumstan-
ces would permit. I had my fears for the safety of that
one an interesting young lady, a Miss S-b-n-s, from the
South, who, in company with her aunt, was on her way
to visit her sister, wife of Captain B., of the army, sta-
tioned at Green Bay. Spasms had blackened her, and
changed into this dismal hue, the hitherto rose and lily

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 65

tinge of her cheeks telling in language not to be mista-
ken of suspended circulation, and threatening to stop it
forever. I had no one to assist me, and my only alterna-
tive was to tear (cut I could not, without danger, from the
motion of the boat, of the knife's taking a direction other
than the one intended) her corsets loose, which, being
done, I applied bread saturated with laudanum and brandy
to the pit of her stomach. A warm bath, my next re-
source had this failed, could not of course be commanded.
In a few minutes after the application of the laudanum
and brandy had been made, and about a spoonful taken,
the face resumed much of its natural color, and the suf-
ferer gave signs of doing well.

The storm having in part subsided, the anchors were
weighed, and we were heading it on to Green Bay. When
within some five miles of the village, and about two from
the fort, the boat grounded ; and such was the rapid re-
cession of the waters which the gale had blown into the
bay and river, that before the appropriate means could be
put in operation for heading her off, her paddles were out
of water. We were conveyed to the village at Green
Bay in boats.

I thought I saw in this revulsion of the waters, the cause
of the apparent tides that rise and fall, with an almost pe-
riodical precision, in those lakes. The winds keep the
waters in constant agitation, and force them in the direc-
tion in which they blow. These falling or blowing from
an opposite or any other direction, the waters fall back,
seeking their level; and to this constant action, thus caus-
ed, I attribute the ocean-like ebbing and flowing of the
waters of these lakes.

Every body, except the captain, was delighted at the
stationary, and for some time at least, permanent situation
of the boat. Our company had been so very agreeable as
to make it quite hard to separate. This grounding of the
boat gave us the opportunity to remain together some

VOL. I. 9

66 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

days at Green Bay ; and but for it, all, except Governor
Cass and myself, and suite, and a few who lived at the
bay, would have the next day returned in the boat to
Detroit.

The ground which had been selected upon which to
hold our treaty, was some thirty-seven miles above Fort
Howard, on the Fox river, and just below the opening
into the Lake Winnebago. There could have been no
more beautiful position found in all that region. The rise
to it from the river is gradual, and reaches to some thirty
feet. The level, when reached, widens out into the form
of an irregular circle of some three hundred yards in cir-
cumference, and in nearly the centre is a mound called by
the French, La Petit Butte de Morts ; the mound being
conical in formj about a hundred feet in circumference,
and some twelve feet high. To this spot, all our supplies
in provisions for the treaty, and presents for the Indians,
s&c., were forwarded ; and leaving our party to put up the
necessary log houses in which to store the property, and
to give time for the Indians to come in, Governor Cass
and myself agreed to separate he to go to the Mississippi,
and I to Lake Superior ; the chief object being to send
runners among the Indians to secure a full attendance from
as many bands as could be reached. The governor took
to his bark canoe, and I, as far as Mackinac, to the steam-
boat.

Arriving at Mackinac, where I parted from friends in
whose society I had enjoyed so much pleasure, I took
with my company a barge conveyance to Drummond's
Island and the Sault. The waters of Huron becoming a
little billowy, another scene of sea-sickness was witness-
ed, which made a longer pause at Drummond's Island, at
that time a British post, than was contemplated necessary.
I was, as before, the ministering physician. Arriving at
the quarters of Captain Anderson, it was thought my fair
patient could not survive. Indeed, so thought Doctor

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 57

Munroe, of the British army, who, with his accomplished
lady, had just arrived, to exchange the polish of courts of
Europe for a bark lodge on Drummond's Island, to which
barren and desolate station he had been appointed sur-
geon. About the doctor's neck, suspended by a riband,
hung a medal, the badge of distinction which he had won
at the battle of Waterloo.

The previous remedies, with the addition of a warm
bath, and the kind offices of Mrs. Anderson and Mrs. Mun-
roe, succeeded in restoring the patient to health, and
enough of strength to enable her the next morning to
breakfast with Mrs. Munroe in her bark-thatched cottage.
Rough as was this little lodge in its exterior for its sides,
as well as its roof, were of bark there was an enviable
comfort within. I could not refrain from questioning the
accomplished Mrs. Munroe upon the state of her feelings,
when, for the first time, and only a few days before, her
eyes, were met by the rocky, barren, exposed, and inhos-
pitable exterior of that island for so little of space was
there upon the rock-wedged surface for the formation of
earthy matter, and so little of vegetation of any sort out
of which to form it, that, to have a garden at all, Captain
Anderson had been compelled to employ his command in
scratching about in crevices for earth, and conveying it in
hand-barrows to a space which he had marked out for a
garden. To my questions, this charming lady gave the
most winning answers. " Oh," said she, " I am just where
my fancy has often been before me. I love everything
that is wild in nature. London has no charms for me,
compared with this island ; and its palaces, smothered in
smoke, fade away, to give place to these Indian wigwams,
and this fresh air, and this delicious water, and this sweet
and cozy little cabin." Happy man, I could not help ejac-
ulating, to be blessed with such a wife ! I saw, in all her
revelling amidst these new scenes, that there was a charm
even more endearing than all beside, and that was derived

68 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

from the possession and presence of the man she loved;
and how the presence and sight of such happy content-
ment must have balanced the loss of that world of fashion,
of taste, and luxury, which the accomplished Doctor Mun-
roe had left.

Arriving at the Sault, runners were put in motion, as
they had been elsewhere, to invite the Indians to attend
the treaty. This being done, I took a bark canoe, which,
in honor of my fair cousin, I called " THE MARY or THE
LAKES," and with eight Canadian voyagers, wended my
way back to Mackinac and Green Bay the entire distance
being some two hundred and fifty miles. At Mackinac I
took in supplies, which, together with Ben and myself, and
eight voyagers, left out of water, of this frail vessel, not
over four inches, except at the bow and stern, of her beau-
tiful form. All being ready, and just as I was going to
embark, a storm arose. The good folks at Mackinac
urged me not to attempt to put out. But my time had
nearly expired, and there was barely enough left for me
punctually to meet Governor Cass on his return to the
bay ; and so I gave orders to embark. The kind friends
with whom we had parted at the landing, or many of them,
ran down to the point of the island, to see, as some of
them afterwards told me they were sure they should, the
canoe and all in it go to the bottom. I had no such fears,
for I had the year before been billow and storm-tossed on
Lake Superior, and had reached the conclusion that if
there is anything specially secure in a gale of wind, when
one happens not to be too far from shore, and not exposed
to a rock-bound coast, it is in a bark canoe, thirty-six feet
long, and five feet wide across the middle and these were
the dimensions of mine managed by eight experienced
Canadian voyagers.

Night coming on, I ordered a landing made on the shel-
tered side of an island. The canoe was soon in about
two feet of water, her side to the shore, and a voyager

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 69

out, steadying her stern and bow, whilst myself and Ben
were borne to the beach on the backs of two others. The
provisions and baggage being conveyed on shore, the ca-
noe was lifted out of the water, and conveyed there also
where it was placed bottom upwards, furnishing beneath a
shelter for these hardy men, who were soon under it,
munching their raw pork and hard biscuit. My tent hav-
ing been meanwhile put up, all was made right for the
night. Presently I heard the barking of a dog. Stepping
from my tent, and looking in the direction from which it
came, I saw in the distance, amidst the thick foliage, a
light. Advancing a little, I heard an Indian's drum. I
knew from the beat upon it, what it betokened. Some-
body was ill, and the medicine-man was engaged with his
incantations, and drum, and mummeries, to drive out the
bad spirit. Taking along with me Ben and an interpreter,
I wended my way through the dark and tangled under-
growth, till presently a full glare from a flambeau burst
upon me, and the beat of the drum fell more distinctly on
my ear, confirming my first impressions. The dogs had
now all come out in full cry, and a tall Indian revealed
himself by the torch-light at the door of the wigwam, ac-
coutred in the habiliments of his tribe, with a rifle in his
hand. He hailed us, and received from the interpreter, in
his own language, the answer that we were friends, and on
our way to the great treaty which was soon to be held at
the foot of Winnebago Lake. The dogs were called in,
when we met and shook hands. The pipe was lighted,
handed round, and smoked.

Upon a mat much worn, with nothing but the ground
beneath it, lay a fine-looking Indian woman. On one side,
near her head, sat, in pensive mood, a middle-aged man,
and beside him a young man. On the other side sat two
girls, and at the head stood the medicine-man, thumping
his drum, and performing those mystic rites that belong to
his craft. My sympathies grew strong for the sufferer, till

70 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

finding it impossible to remain longer a spectator of such
a scene, and not employ what skill I had, and my means,
to save life, I determined to interfere. I knew there was
hazard in the attempt for I should have to encounter,
first, the ire of the medicine-man, it being a no greater
calamity to deprive such a one of his " occupation," than it
was in the days of Shakspeare for Othello to lose his ;
next, should the patient die on my hands, there might be
an account to settle with the husband, who would have no
difficulty in arriving at the conclusion that she had been
killed by me. But my mind was made up ; so I said to
my interpreter Tell this man, (the woman's husband,)
if he will stop that drum, and allow me to medicine his
squaw, I think I can make her well. These words were
scarcely out of the interpreter's mouth, when the medicine-
man threw upon me from his black eyes, which were shi-
ning amidst the torch-light of the wigwam, and exceeding it
in brightness, a look of fierceness, which nothing but my
previous intercourse with the Indians could have enabled
me, without great apprehension, to endure.

The husband hesitated then looking at me, then at the
medicine-man, and then at his suffering wife, said, " / will
be glad;" when, making the signal, the drum was hushed,
and the insulted operator, with a scowl at me, rushed from
the wigwam, in all the fiery temperament that such a
stroke at his art was so well calculated to enkindle.

A brief examination of the case satisfied me that there
was no time to be lost, and that the remedies must be of the
most powerful class. My first impression was that the
patient was laboring under puerperal fever ; but a further
testing of the symptoms satisfied me that it was pleurisy.
The inflammation was great, and the suffering extreme.
Blood-letting gave partial relief. Warm applications, in
the form of fomentations, not being at hand, I directed a
hole to be dug at the door of the wigwam, and filled with
water; meantime a large fire was kindled, and stones were

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 71

thrown into it, which, on becoming hot, were put into the
water, till, by this means, it was sufficiently heated, when the
patient was drawn down upon her mat, till her feet and
legs were immersed knee deep. Blankets from my stores
were then wrapped round and over her. In five minutes
the perspiration literally rolled down her cheeks. Mean-
time, I directed Ben to make a good bed out of blankets,
with a pillow of the same, when she was drawn back again,
and placed upon it, her ragged mat of a bed being left at
the door of the wigwam, and then thrown away. Her
symptoms were greatly improved, which, added to her
more comfortable bed, caused this poor destitute daughter
of the forest to look volumes of gratitude, though without
uttering a word. Twelve grains of calomel that night,
and a dose of magnesia in the morning, concluded the
treatment, which I took care to sustain by light diet, in the
form of tea, with crackers broken in it. All being so well,
I left in the afternoon of the next day, placing by her a
nourishing diet, with a superadded bottle of sweetened
water, dashed with claret wine. Tea and crackers, bot-
tled, which she was to warm before taking, was to be her
food till what I left was gone, when a certain portion of
the wine and water was, afterwards, to be taken. Dog-
soup and fish were prohibited, until she felt very hungry,
and then these were to be eaten in moderation. This be-
ing all arranged, I embarked. Having lost time, I pro-
posed to the voyagers to go on all night, which they agreed
to, on condition of being paid additional rations, including,
of course, tobacco.

These hardy adventurous fellows never rose from their
paddles, nor stopped, except to "pipe" from four o'clock,
P. M., of one day, till eleven o'clock, A. M., of the next, a
period of nineteen hours, without rest or sleep, filling the
air with their chanting, and giving new life to their efforts
by their choruses. In coasting along the southern shore
of the bay, I saw ample evidence, in the uprooting of enor-

72 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

mous trees, that were lying in all directions, of the force
and violence of the storm to which I have referred.

My attention, as I neared the fort, was arrested by the
sudden opening of the gates, and the running down the
pier of the officers and others. I was at a loss to divine
the meaning. My destination was to the village, three
miles beyond ; but, on seeing this movement, I ordered my
steersman to turn in, and bring up alongside the pier. It
was done. When within speaking distance, I called to
know if anything special was the matter. The answer
was, " Seeing a canoe with a United States flag flying,
and manned as this is, we thought it was Governor Cass,
and are troubled to find that we are mistaken." What's
the matter ? " Two runners have been in, bringing intel-
ligence that, as he was passing down the Ouisconsin, just
beyond the portage, he was fired into by Indians, his cook
killed, two of his men wounded, and himself and the re-
mainder taken prisoners !" Then why, I asked, has not
the force of this place been employed to rescue the go-
vernor and his party, and punish the outrage ? No satis-
factory answer being given, I proceeded on to the village,
receiving, however, the assurance that the fort would be
left in charge of as much force as might be deemed neces-
sary for its defence, and with the remainder, an ascent of
the Fox river would be made, and pursuit given after the
murderers. I agreed to accompany the expedition.

On arriving at the village, I found the inhabitants in a
state of the greatest alarm. Women were expressing their
dread of an Indian incursion and massacre, and began to
make ready to take refuge in the fort. I proposed a
muster of the force of the place, an arming, and the throw-
ing out of videttes, and stationing guards, &c. Prepara-
tions for embarkation at the fort, and a plan of defence at
the village, were going bravely on, when a canoe was seen
coming up the bay, and in the direction of Lake Michigan.
All eyes were fixed upon it. A flag was seen flying at its

MEMOIRS, dec., &c. 73

stern. It drew nearer when, by the aid of a glass, Go-
vernor Cass was recognized, his crew, the killed cook,
and all ! The panic was ended, and the joy universal.
There had been no attack made upon the governor ; but,
on his arrival at Prairie du Chien, he found that murders
had been committed there ; and apprehending a frontier
war, he pushed on down the Mississippi in his bark canoe
to St. Louis, had an interview with General Atkinson, who,
with his command, was soon in motion ; then, continuing
up the Illinois river, and through Lake Michigan to Green
Bay, where our meeting took place, when our treaty ope-
rations were commenced.

Information had been conveyed to us by some of our
people, that FOUR-LEGS, a distinguished Winnebago chief,
and others, had shown symptoms of an unruly sort, and
fears were entertained lest he might lead on an attack
upon our party, and capture the property then on the
treaty ground. On the receipt of this intelligence, I
requested the commanding officer, Major Whistler, to
have a six-pounder sent to the Butte de Morts. It was
accordingly forwarded, and mounted just in front of the
door of my tent, its muzzle pointing in the direction of
Winnebago lake.

On the route to Butte de Morts, voyagers are impeded
by the rapids at the Grand Kockalas a shoot of water
which stretches Diagonally across the river, of an average
descent of some four or five feet, producing a whirl and tum-
ble of rapids below, which do not find rest for the distance
of a quarter of a mile. A portage is made here by all who
ascend this river. During this process, and while the
men were busy in carrying the baggage, &c., around the
rapids, I sat under the shade of a large tree, amusing
myself with picking with a bristle the nipples of a pair of
pistols, which were just large enough to be conveniently
carried in my vest pockets. A young Indian of about
twenty-five years old, stood leaning over me, watching the

VOL. I. 10

74 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

process. Presently he gave a shout and a laugh, saying,
" Short gun my father may shoot me hurt nobody."
I told the interpreter to tell him if he wanted to know
what these short guns could do, just to go across Fox river
and stand there, and if he desires to have a hole made
through him, he can then be gratified. He shook his head
and laughed, manifestly holding both myself, and my
" short guns," in derision. I was compelled either to do
something practically with my pistols, or forfeit the res-
pect of at least one of those who were destined to be of
the council at the treaty ground. There lay before me
on the grass a bit of bark, some six inches long, and about
four wide. I told Ben to put it in the ground, at about
five paces from me. To the interpreter I said, now tell
him I am going to let him see whether these " short guns"
are to be laughed at. It was a desperate experiment, I
knew ; for should I miss the bark, I should have subjected
myself to the scorn and contempt of this doubting Indian.
I took aim, seated as I was, and fired.

The bark fell. The Indian sprang to it, took it up, and
looked at it on the side that was exposed to my shot.
The ball being only the size of a buck-shot, he could see
no place of entrance, the filaments of the inner lining of
the rougher outside having closed over the aperture. He
laughed, and clapped his hand on his thigh, and pointed in
derision at the pistol. I knew I had hit the bark, and felt
satisfied that a piece had been split off on the opposite
side, and so I told him to look at that side. He did so,
and gave signs of astonishment. He then pushed his
rifle-picker through the hole, and saw, sure enough, that it
had been made by the shot from my " little gun," when he
came up with a changed countenance, and asked permis-
sion to examine it. He was gratified, and seemed to
think there was something more about it than met his eye.

An old Indian seated near me, took out of his pouch a
bit of spunk, and flint and steel, and began to strike fire

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 75

to light his pipe. I directed the interpreter to tell him he
need not be at that trouble, that I would bring down fire
from the sun, and light his pipe with that. He looked at
me awhile, and shook his head, as much as to say, non-
sense ! I rose and went to him, drawing from my pocket
a sun-glass, and, carefully concealing it from his view, drew
through it the focal rays, and told him to smoke. He did
so, when the tobacco being ignited, and the smoke from it
filling his mouth, he first looked at me, then at the sun,
then at his pipe, with eyes that danced in their sockets
with amazement and awe. These two circumstances
made of me almost a Manitou.

One other event tended very much to confirm this be-
lief. We had arrived at the treaty ground, and were
waiting to give time for as many Indians to come in as
might be on their way to it. The delay caused, in those
who had been there for several days, as is always the case,
a tedium. To call them off from this state of idleness, I
directed an empty barrel to be anchored in the direction
of Winnebago lake, at a distance of about a quarter of a
mile, and then summoned the Indians round to witness the
power of the six-pounder. Very few of them had ever
heard a report louder than the crack of their rifles. Every-
thing being ready, I invited several of our party to take
turns in firing. Each had a shot at the barrel. All
missed it, but the w^ater was ploughed up by the balls in
columns and sheets, the foam and spray often for awhile
obscuring the barrel from our view. I then said I would
try. The gun being loaded, I drew what I thought was a
true sight, fired, and shivered the barrel to atoms ; when,
turning short about, I walked leisurely to my tent, leaving
the Indians to their own reflections many of whom came
to my tent and looked in upon me, not doubting what I
knew to be quite an accidental affair, was something su-
perhuman; and especially did those arrive at this conclu-
sion who had heard of my hitting the bit of bark with a

76 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

gun not larger than their little finger, and of my having
lighted the old chief's pipe with the fire drawn from the
sun, which latter circumstance I found had been much
talked of.

The Indians were now pouring in their canoes looking
like fleets some by the way of Winnebago lake, others
by that of the Fox river below. I was seated in my tent-
door observing these little fleets, and watching the move-
ments of the Indians as they landed ; the squaws labori-
ous and busy, plying their paddles to reach the shore of
their destination, and then foremost in the work of unload-
ing, and conveying their poor stores and lodge-poles, and
bark to cover them, their kettles, &c., to the beach
when they would take the canoe by one or more of the
cross-bars, and walk with it out of the water to some se-
cure place, where they would turn it bottom upwards, and
then return for the materials for their lodges, convey them
to some spot which their quick glancing eye would .light
upon, and then begin and end the process of putting up
their place of repose during the continuance of the treaty ;
their lords, meantime, looking on with but seeming little
concern ; or, with blankets about their hips, standing or
sitting, indulging in the luxury of the calumet.

It was in the midst of all this that I saw a canoe coming
up the river, worked by two men, the woman and two
girls doing nothing. This was so new a circumstance, as
to call my attention from the general movements, to this
single arrival. I thought there must be a sprinkling of
civilization there ; and that the men had been led by it to
regard the women with a more appropriate tenderness.
As soon as the canoe had approached the shore near
enough for the party to step out, the men, I remarked,
carried out this principle of tender regard for the sex, and
were the first to step into the water, and the first to com-
mence the process of unloading ; in a word, the woman
and the girls were but lookers on. All the articles, with

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 77

the canoe, being disposed of, I saw the man stoop down
and pick up a white fish of uncommon size ; when he step-
ped forward, followed in Indian file by the rest, including
some half dozen dogs. He wound round the little bluff
upon which my tent was pitched, and when I saw him
again rising to nearly a level with me, his eyes were in
motion, looking in every direction, till presently they fell
on me, when he made a short angle, followed still by his
family, walked up to me, and stooping, laid the fish at my
feet then gracefully rising, he turned and walked away
to the place where his canoe and his effects had been
placed, and commenced putting up his lodge. This was
the family from the island, and the woman was the same
I had cured; the man was her husband, and the young
man and girls were her children. This offering of the
white fish, was an INDIAN'S GRATITUDE ! Noble trait !
Where this feeling has place, in no matter what bosom,
whether it be red, or white, or black, all beside is apt to
be right. Yes, and there is no doubt but if this poor
Indian had possessed silver and gold, these richer offer-
ings would have been as freely made, and in the same way.
This was another proof, further confirming my previously
conceived belief, that this noble race was never intended
by their Maker to be trodden down and persecuted, after
the manner in which this work of extermination has been
carried on by our race.

I made a couple of trips to the village and fort before
the council was opened. In one of them I prevailed on
one of my voyagers the rest declining to go with me
over the shoot, and down the rapids of the Grand Kocka-
las. There was one place which had been worn more
smooth than the rest, of about ten feet wide, over which,
at high water, barges descending the river could go. But
it was low water now, yet enough remaining, over the
shoot, to pass a bark canoe. My voyager was firm. I
saw him to be so when, taking my seat on the bottom of

78 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the canoe, and about midway, he pushed boldly out ; then
the current striking the canoe, a contest was begun be-
tween the skill of my brave, and this rush of waters. At
last he had the head of the canoe on a line with the shoot,
when down and over she went, with the velocity of an ar-
row, making a plunge of some four or five feet the skill
and self-possession of my voyager having governed him in
making a single stroke with his pole, at the instant when
it was required, just as the leap was about to be made,
thus preventing the turning of the canoe's side to the cur-
rent, and a consequent wreck. Never before had I seen
anything upon the waters dance and bounce about as did
this canoe, when fairly down amidst the rapids and break-
ers. The thing seemed like a joyous bird, after having
escaped the toils of the fowler ; or like some little bloom-
ing beauty of a child, after the restraints had been cut
loose, and she was fairly in among her happy and delighted
playmates.

We were prepared to open the council on Wednesday,
the first of August, 1827, but concluded to defer it one day
longer, and until tidings should reach us of the movements
of General Atkinson. Meantime, however, we thought it
proper to hold a talk with the Winnebagoes, of whom
there were some five hundred present, and inform them
that the murders that had been committed, were by indi-
viduals of their tribe, and urge upon them the surrender
of the guilty persons, and thereby save themselves from
the consequences of a war for their capture. At the mo-
ment when orders were about to be given to convene those
present of the Winnebago tribe, we learned they were ma-
king ready for a feast we therefore postponed assembling
them until the next day. The following morning the talk
was made, and they were urged to give up the murderers,
it being no part of their Great Father's wish to punish the
innocent; but that if their people would so far forget them-
selves as to kill our people, they must expect a road to be

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 79

made through their country, not with axes, but with guns.
The chief, Four-Legs, vindicated his band, asserting their in-
nocence, and referring the murders to those living on the
Mississippi. He did not think it just to bring guns among
the innocent. This fine-looking chief occupied, with his
village, the tongue of land which runs out between Win-
nebago lake, on the one side, and the Fox river on the
other. When General Leavenworth, some years previous,
was ascending the Fox river with troops, on his way to the
Mississippi, on arriving at this pass, Four-Legs came out,
dressed in all his gewgaws and feathers, and painted after
the most approved fashion, and announced to the general
that he could not go through ; " the lake" said he, " is
locked" " Tell him," said the general, rising in his bat-
teaux, with a rifle in his hand, " that THIS is THE KEY, and
I shall unlock it, and go on." The chief had a good deal
of the better part of valor in his composition, and so he
replied, " Very well, tell him he can go."

Still anxious to hear from General Atkinson before we
opened, formally, our councils, we deferred yet longer the
opening of our negotiations, and sent a Winnebago run-
ner with despatches, to meet that officer.

80 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

CHAPTER IV.

INCIDENTS OF THE COUNCIL AT LE PETIT BUTTE DE MORTS.

Sabbath amid Nature's solitudes Christian Indians engaged in worship Open-
ing of the Council A contrast Treaty adjusted and signed An alarm Le
Grand JButte de Morts Indian tradition Death of a medicine-man Funeral
ceremonies Distribution of presents among the Indians Breaking up of the
encampment Brutal attack upon a woman Chargeable to whiskey The
man transformed to a woman Moral effects of this punishment Awful evils
of the whiskey trade Embarkation Ascending the Fox river Dangers of
the way Some of my party return Number of our men Incidents t)y the
way A chase.

THE Sabbath of the 5th of August broke upon us in
great beauty, and with an air tempered and calm. I have
never been able, in my forest rambles, to disengage
from my mind the impression that the Sabbath and these
solitudes are in close affinity with one another. How
rarely has it happened, in the course of my experience,
that this holy day has been vexed with the strife of ele-
ments. On the contrary, all is still ! The voice of their
Maker would seem to have hushed river and forest into
silence, and then to have bade the sun to wheel himself up
from his depths in the east, and pour over all, unobscured
by clouds, a tempered heat, and crown the world with spe-
cial loveliness. The dawn of this morning was peculiarly
beautiful. " Rosy fingers" did indeed seem, as Milton has
it, to " unbar the gates of light." Violet and purple, with
a wide and widening circle of " orient pearl," all met my
eye with their charming and chastening influences and
then there was such silence ! Not a leaf rustled, and the

ttfll i ;Ai

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 81

waves broke in softer murmur on the shore. The tree-
tops now began to revel in the beams, and then the high-
lands to drink in the falling glory, till the entire circuit of
the heavens was full of the tempered splendors .of this
Sabbath morn !

Yet all this silence was broken in upon this morning
for just between the time when the eastern sky was made
mellow with the sun's light, and when the light began to
tip the tops of tree and mountain, and all was so quiet, my
ears were greeted by sweet sounds of music ! They came
from a lodge of Christian Indians, which was hard by, in
the woods. They had risen with the day, to " worship
God !" They sang in three parts, base, tenor, and treble,
and with a time so true, and with voices so sweet, as to
add harmony even to nature itself. Notes of thrush and
nightingale sound sweeter when poured forth amidst the
grove ; so sounded those of these forest warblers, in the
midst of the green foliage, and in the stillness of the woods.
I attended their worship, and was present again with them
in the evening ; and as I listened to their songs of praise,
and their prayers, I felt humbled, and ashamed of my coun-
try, in view of the wrongs it had inflicted, and yet continues
to inflict, upon these desolate and destitute children of the
forest. There were flowers and gems there which needed
only to be cultivated and polished, to insure from the one,
the emission of as sweet odors as ever regaled the circles
of the civilized; and from the other, a brilliance as daz-
zling as ever sparkled in the diadem of queenly beauty.
And yet they were, and are, neglected, trodden down, and
treated as outcasts !

At twelve o'clock on Monday, the signal gun for the as-
sembling of the council, was fired when were seen coming
in from all directions, the great multitude of the sons of
the forest, to hear what their fathers had to say to them.
The bands represented were Chippewas, Menomonies,
Winnebagoes, Wabanackies, &c., &c. in all, about one

VOL. I. 11

82 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

thousand all attired in their best apparel, ornamented and
painted after the most approved Indian fashion.

The council square, towards which all who were entitled
to a seat in it were wending their way, was covered with
boughs of evergreen, resting on a frame-work of timber,
supported by posts inserted in the ground. Seats of any
sort would have been useless appendages ; for Indians, who
are not civilized, prefer the ground to sit on, and knowing
nothing of the luxury of a sofa, or chair, or of the " three-
legged stool," on which, as Cowper sings

-The immortal Alfred sat,

And swayed the sceptre of his infant realms,"

would have studiously avoided enjoying either, had the
ground been covered with them.

A few slabs, resting on pungeons driven in the ground,
served to accommodate those who were not so familiar
with the earth's surface as are the Indians. These were
placed around a rude table, at one end of the square, on
which the necessary papers and writing apparatus were
placed, and where the minutes of the proceedings were
taken by the secretary, and at the head of which sat the
commissioners.

Everywhere over the ground, in the woods, and on
the open plain, were seen moving about in all direc-
tions squaws, and papooses, and dogs; of the two first,
some were busy with their fires, over which kettles were
slung, for boiling their pork and beans ; others were nurs-
ing, whilst others again were running every way after the
more than half-naked children of larger growth, to bring
them in, preparatory to the breaking up of the council, to
be in readiness for the meal that was to be eaten ; whilst
the dogs were not idle, some fighting, and others busy in
the more agreeable occupation of smelling about for the
fragments of the last meal all of them gaunt as half-
starved wolves, and not unlike them in form and action.

MEMOIRS, &c., <kc. 83

Everywhere, outside of the council square, there was
life, and bustle, and confusion ; all within was quiet and
respectful. I could not help thinking how much many of
our public assemblies, from the Capitol at Washington,
through the States, all over the Union, might profit by ob-
serving the dignified silence and attention observed by
these untutored savages, and following their example, at
least in this particular.

The governor delivered the opening address, explaining
the leading objects for which the council had been called.
These embraced the adjustment and fixing of boundary
lines between the different tribes, and to peace and harmo-
ny among them the rupture of the last being almost al-
ways, and having been so from time immemorial, conse-
quent upon the uncertainty of the first. A war of over a
hundred years' duration had continued between the Sioux
and Chippewas, which was terminated by the treaty of
Fond du Lac, of the previous year, in which the bounda-
ries were established between them.

The claim to lands set up by the New York Indians was
also brought before the council, and finally adjusted ; and
another appeal was also made to the Winnebagoes, of a
warning character, in which they were admonished to
bring in the murderers, and save their people from the
consequences of a war. The council closed, and the In-
dians retired to deliberate, &c.

Thump thump thump. A drum ! It was the medi-
cine-man's drum over a sick child, accompanied by the
usual pow-wowing, which was begun at four o'clock, P. M.,
and continued till eleven at night. Rev. Mr. Flavell, a
Roman Catholic priest, and the Rev. Mr. Jones, a Protes-
tant Episcopal clergyman, the first settled at Green Bay,
last destined to the St. Peter's, offered up prayers. The
Christian Indians sang again this evening, their hymns being
made more strikingly sweet by the yelling and whooping
of the wild Indians by whom they were surrounded. What

84 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

a contrast ! The woods made vocal on the one hand by
Christian music, and startled on the other by the wild yells
of the uncivilized ! And yet both proceeding from the
same race.

From the 6th to the llth we were busy with the details
of the treaty, which, being adjusted and read, was agreed
to, and signed. The Chippewa and Menomonie lines
were designated, whilst the Winnebagoes and Menomonies
agreed to have theirs in common.

Meantime, incidents were not wanting to give excite-
ment, some of these being quite alarming. We were
aroused at ten o'clock at night, on Wednesday, the 8th
July, by Major R., who came to inform us that a Chippe-
wa had given information of the intention of the Winne-
bagoes to rise upon and murder us. In confirmation of
this purpose, another messenger came to say that a Win-
nebago squaw had been to a Wabanackie, to borrow some
musket balls. The guard was doubled, and everything put
in readiness for the attack, but all remained quiet. The
10th brought with it a violent storm of wind, rain, light-
ning and thunder. It seemed as if it would sweep us, with
our log huts and tents, away. It continued until four, P. M.
Our flag-staff, that was planted on the apex of Le Butte
de Morts, was bent into a bow by it, but was neither
broken nor uprooted.

Beside this Petit Butte de Morts, there is another on the
western shore of Winnebago lake, and some ten miles
above this, which the French call Le Grand Butte de
Morts. The French having been the first to traverse these
regions, have given names to almost everything that is dis-
tinguishable by a name. All mounds that I have seen, that
are conical in form, as are these two hills of the dead, are
full of the bones of men. I sought of aged Indians their
tradition in relation to this little, as well as the great hill
of the dead, and learned that a long time ago a bat-
tle was fought, first upon the spot upon which is Le Petit

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 85

Butte de Morts, and the grounds adjacent, and continued
upon that, and the surrounding country, upon which is
found Le Grand Butte de Morts, between the Iroquois and
Fox Indians, in which the Iroquois were victorious, killing
an immense number of the Foxes at Le Petit Butte de
Morts ; when, being beaten, the Foxes retreated, but rallied
at Le Grand Butte de Morts, and fought until they were
nearly all slain. Those who survived, fled to the Missis-
sippi, and down that river to the country about the Des
Moine Rapids, Rocky Island, Du Buques, &c., where they
multiplied, and again became a formidable people. In those
two mounds, it is said, repose the remains of those slain
at those two battles.

Despatches were received from General Atkinson, bear-
ing date July 31. At breakfast, Captain B. informed the
general and myself that he had reasons for suspecting the
Winnebagoes, and was under arms all night. In every
direction were seen moving stealthily about, these irritated
and war-loving people. It then occurred to me that I had
heard some one busy in the night at our grindstone, which
was near my tent, sharpening knives. Possibly the cap-
tain mistook the object of the movements of these people.
We commended his vigilance.

After breakfast, Priest Flavell came to me, saying in
broken English " I have been, sair, to de governor, to say
that one grand medicine-man be dead ; and to ask him for
someting to make shroud and for some candle and to
say how much please I shall be, if he will give order for
de band of music to play, while we march to de grave to
bury him. He told me, sair, you would answer dese
questions." I did, of course, answer them in the affirma-
tive ; when the good priest rubbed his hands, made his bow,
saying, " Dis will be grand affair." He had not been gone
an hour before he came back in haste, saying with great
animation, " Tree more Indians be dead ! It will make
one grand procession. Will you give order, sair, if you

86 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

please, for more muslin for shroud, and for more candles."
Orders were given accordingly. Meantime, a tall tree
had been cut down, and trimmed of its branches, when its
larger end was inserted in a natural mound near by, to add
to its elevation upon its top was fastened a cross, and
from beneath this, streamed various emblems, indicating
to the Indians who might thereafter pass up and down the
river, or through the country, that the dead lay buried
there, and that the priestly offices had been there exerci-
sed. I went to see the dead. The medicine-man was as
fat, almost, as Falstaff is represented to have been
with a neck very nearly resembling that which Knicker-
bocker describes as having belonged to Wouter Van Twil-
ler ; and, like this redoubtable governor's, too, the medicine-
man's cheeks looked as if they " had taken toll of every-
thing that had gone into his mouth." The others were
young; two boys and a girl. Many others were on the
sick-list, the result, doubtless, of the abundance of rations
in beef arid pork, &c., which were issued daily to these im-
prudent but gormandizing people; and whose appetites being
whetted by previous fasting, had now become voracious
and then again, the usual exercise of the chase, or of fishing,
being dispensed with, they become victimized by these new
gastronomic relations. If the business of the treaty had been
protracted a week longer, there is little doubt but the good
Mr. Flavell would have gained a portion, at least, of that
immortality, in his connexion with the dead, that SCOTT
has conferred upon his " Old Mortality."

The morning following, the signal was given for the
funeral procession to form. We all joined it, preceded
by the priest and the music. The pensive notes of funeral
dirges fell mournfully upon our ears; but, except the
Christian Indians, the mass would have been, perhaps,
more struck with a jig from a hurdy-gurdy.

The business of the treaty over, preparations were
made for the distribution of presents. This ceremony is

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 87

indispensable at all such assemblages, made so no less by
usage, than by humanity and justice. It is humane to feed
these impoverished people, and no more than justice, after
calling them away from their homes, thus to supply their
wants. One hundred and sixty-six new arrivals of Win-
nebagoes were announced on this occasion. They had
doubtless been informed when the presents would be given
out, by friends who had kept the run of the beginning and
end of the business part of the ceremony. The distribu-
tion of presents having been gone through with, everything
was in motion, preparing for the departure of all, to their
respective destinations. The wigwams were seen first to
present nothing but skeletons the bark which had cover-
ed them being taken off and rolled up, to be used at the
next encamping place. Here and there, the poles that
had formed the frames of the wigwams, if very well turn-
ed and fitted, were also taken down, to form a flooring for
the canoes, as well as to be put up as future occasions
might demand them. Some canoes were undergoing the
operation of being gummed, whilst the smoke of the fires
ascended, filling the area with the incense odor, peculiar to
them. This odor is the joint product of an occasional
boiling over of the gum, and the burning of pine and cedar,
and spruce boughs in their green state. At one place
might be seen a group of squaws, and children, and dogs,
all seeming to be engaged in huddling together, or hauling
to the water's edge their provisions and effects ; whilst
others had their canoes in the water, and others again
were in the act of gliding away upon the smooth surface
of the river, enjoying the quiet satisfaction which the pre-
sence of rations and good fare are so well calculated to
produce.

At this moment of general activity, a scream, wild and
fearful, was uttered. It was by a female. A rush of a
thousand Indians was made for the spot whence it pro-
ceeded. I looked, and saw in the midst of the crowd a

88 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

man's arm raised, with a knife in the hand. It fell and
then was heard another scream ! When I sprang to-
wards the scene of what seemed to be a strife of blood,
and just as I had reached it, Major F., having started from
an opposite direction, was a few feet in advance of me ;
and at the instant when the third blow was about to fall
upon the victim, he struck, and knocked down the man
who was thus desperately employing the bloody weapon.
There stood, trembling and bleeding, a fine-looking squaw.
She was mother of the wife of the man who had made the
attempt upon her life. The deltoide muscle of each arm,
just below the shoulder, was cut with deep gashes. These
were given, as each arm was raised, in succession, to
shield her body from the impending knife. The first
thrust had thus disabled one arm, the second the other ;
and if the third had been given, there being no shield in
the arms for farther protection, (for they both hung power-
less by her side) it would doubtless have gone, where the
two first were aimed, to the heart !

I took charge of the trembling and agitated woman,
giving order to the soldiers to take the offender, and lock
him up in our provision house, until some suitable punish-
ment should be agreed upon for a crime so flagrant and
bloody. Our surgeons having left for the village, I clean-
sed and bound up the wounds, and by the employment of
bandages, kept the arms stationary, giving her directions
not to use them, and sent her in charge of her daughter
and some friends to Green Bay, to our surgeon, to be at-
tended to.

The cause of the outrage was as follows : This wo-
man and her daughter had carefully put away their sup-
plies, &c., in their canoe, and were on the eve of embark-
ing, when it was rumored among the Indians that a whiskey
dealer had arrived in the woods, back of our treaty ground.
The moment it reached the ears of this reckless Indian,
he started with others, in quest of the whiskey. The mo-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 89

ther-in-law, well knowing that their calicoes, and blankets,
and strouding, and pork, and beef, and flour, &c., would
soon be parted from, in exchange for this fire-water, fol-
lowed him, entreating him not to go, but to go home and
enjoy what had been given them there. She clung to him
rather inconveniently, when he resolved on freeing himself
by the use of his knife. For some time she kept off his
blows with her paddle, but this being presently knocked
from her hand, she had no shield left but her arms, and
these were alternately disabled in the manner I have
stated.

Governor Cass coming along, I narrated all this, and to
the inquiry, what shall we do with this man ? answered
promptly, " Make a woman of him" And so we did. The
process was on this wise. The several interpreters were
sent out to summon in the Indians, and to arrange them
around the Butte de Morts the women and children in
front. This being done from eight hundred to a thou-
sand, perhaps, being thus assembled the offender was
brought from his confinement, and led by a couple of our
voyagers to the top of the mound, and placed against the
flag-staff; Governor Cass and myself, and the interpreters,
being there also. Never before had I witnessed in Indi-
ans a feeling so intense. Every eye of chief, half-chief,
brave, and squaw, aye, and of every child, and it seemed
to me of every dog also, was beaming with concentrated
lustre, and every eye was upon us. They had all heard
of the assault upon the woman, but to a man justified it
alleging that a woman was nobody when the power and
freedom of the man were attempted to be interfered with ;
and that the life of any woman would be no more than a
just forfeit for such intermeddling.

The squaws entertained different notions, and were
deeply interested, personally, in the scene before them, not
one of them knowing anything farther tlian that some
punishment was to be inflicted on the man for his conduct.

VOL. I. 12

90 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

The offender stood unmoved. Not a particle of interest
did he seem to take in what was to befall him. If he had
been there alone, listening to the rustling leaves, and the
moaning of the winds, and looking upon the woods, the
sky, the river, and the lake, he could not have been
more unmoved. He*was dressed in his best. Moccasins
ornamented, were on his feet ; his leggins were of scarlet
cloth, fringed and decorated, besides, with bits of fur,
foxes' tails, and rattles. A good blanket was about his
waist; his ears were ornamented with silver rings, his
arms with bracelets, his face with paint, and his hair
sprinkled with vermilion.

Attention being called through the various interpreters,
the governor spoke, explaining the case the innocence
and kind designs of the woman the propriety and useful-
ness of the interference, which was not rudely attempted
the noble object of keeping her daughter's husband from
joining in drunken revelries, and being bereft of all their
stores, and then going home poor, and naked, and hungry.
That was her object; whilst the whiskey trader cared for
none of these things, but sought only to rob them of their
blankets and calicoes, &c., and give them nothing in ex-
change for them but fire-water. The Great Spirit looked
down and smiled on this act of the woman, and was angry
at the bad conduct of the man, and with the whiskey tra-
der. It was for an attempt so kind, and so proper, on her
part, that this man, the husband of her daughter, had seized
her, and with his knife struck at her heart, to kill her, and
but for her arms, with which she had shielded her breast,
she would have been murdered. Her cries, and tears, and
blood, were all unavailing nothing could have saved her,
but the timely arrival of help, and a blow that put it out
of his power to consummate his bloody purpose. For this
act, he shall be no longer a brave ; he has forfeited his
character as a man ; from henceforth, let him be a woman !

At this annunciation, the chiefs and braves muttered

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 91

vengeance. We were told by the interpreters, they would
resist us. But never before were hearts put more at rest,
or did hope gleam in upon such a multitude of squaws ;
never did eyes dance in frames of such emotion, or smiles
radiate faces with such animation. Never was the " neaw!"
a term expressive of mingled surprise and gladness, uttered
with such vehemence and joy. Even the papooses, turn-
ing from their sources of nourishment, looked round as if
some new and blessed influence was felt by them, and the
very dogs barked.

Meantime, a voyager had procured of an old squaw her
petticoat, stiff with the accumulated grease and dirt of
many years. As he ascended the mound with this relic,
another mutter of vengeance was heard from the men,
whose faces were black with rage; but it was literally
drowned amidst the acclamations that broke, at this mo-
ment, from the squaws. Now they saw, for the first time,
new light and new hope breaking in upon their destiny.
Our burdens, they seemed to say, will be lighter, our rights
more respected, our security more secure. There stood
the voyager, holding the petticoat. The sight of both was
far more obnoxious to the culprit, than would have been
the executioner, armed with his axe. But still he was un-
moved. Not a muscle stirred. Around his waist was a
belt, with a knife in it, such as butchers use. Taking hold
of the handle, I drew it from its scabbard, thrust the blade
into a crack in the flag-staff, and broke it off at the handle ;
then putting the handle in the culprit's hand, I raised it
well and high up, and said No man who employs his knife
as this man employs his, has a right to carry one. Hence-
forth, this shall be the only knife he shall ever use. Wo-
man, wherever she is, should be protected by man, not
murdered. She is man's best friend. The Great Spirit
gave her to man to be one with him, and to bless him ; and
man, whether red or white, should love her, and make her
happy. Then turning to the voyager, I told him to strip

92 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

off his leggins and his ornaments. It was done, when the
old petticoat was put on him. Being thus arrayed, two
voyagers, each putting a hand upon his shoulders, ran him
down the mound, amidst a storm of indignation from the
men, mingled with every variety of gladsome utterance by
the squaws ; when, letting him go, he continued his trot,
alone, to a lodge near by, rushed into it, and fell upon his
face. An interpreter followed him, and reported his con-
dition, and what he said. His first words, as he lay on his
face, were " I wish they had killed me. I went up the
mound to be shot. I thought I was taken there to be shot.
I'd rather be dead. I am no longer a brave ; I'm a WO-
MAN !"

Now this mode of punishment was intended to produce
moral results, and to elevate the condition of women,
among the Indians. It was mild in its physical effects, but
more terrible than death in its action and consequences
upon the offender. Henceforth, and as long as I continued
to hear of this " brave," he had not been admitted among
his former associates, but was pushed aside as having lost
the characteristics of his sex, and doomed to the perform-
ance of woman's labor, in all the drudgery to which she is
subject, as well of the lodge, as of all other menial things.
The whiskey trader had made off, or he would have been
taught a lesson, which, with the proper using, might have
been made useful to him for the remainder of his days.
Upon these incendiaries among the Indians these mur-
derers of the Indian's health, and peace, and life the law
should have always, and ought now, to be armed with such
frightful vengeance as to deter them from the exercise of
their avarice under this form, and under any form, among
the poor Indians, who know no better than to follow the
cravings of their inordinate thirst, and to indulge, when
they can command it, without stint, in that which makes
brutes of them, involving them, at the same time, in every
variety of wretchedness. And yet, with a full knowledge

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 93

of these effects upon this hapless race, these whiskey tra-
ders follow these poor fellows from river to river, and from
wilderness to wilderness, and from lake to lake, entailing,
from year to year, this unmitigated curse upon them.

Who can account for the apathy that pervades the coun-
cils of this great nation upon this subject ? And where
shall be found a solution of the almost universal indifference
with which a great portion of our race, Christians, as we pro-
fess to be, listen to the wails that reach them from the wil-
derness homes of these abused and cast-off people ? The
cry from the forests, from the beginning, and that which is
heard to this hour, and which has never been hushed for
over two hundred years, is, " PROTECT us PROTECT us
PITY AND SAVE us !" But where are the practical respon-
ses that show that this cry has ever been properly regarded ?

We were now to embark, and leave the theatre of our
negotiations. The little fires to which I have referred,
continued yet to send up their smoke although the ob-
jects for which they had been kindled had been accom-
plished. TJje cross-sticks upon which the kettles were
slung, yet remained. The ground was now at rest from
the pressure of thousands of feet ; the woods were no lon-
ger intruded upon by the confused sounds of Indian whoop-
ing and yelling, that had for so many days disturbed and
awakened their echoes ; and nothing was heard but the
plash of the paddle, the beat of the drum, and the shrill
notes of the fife, as our guard moved off to the tune of
" Strike your tents and march away." True, there was
also the chanting of our voyagers, just under way, and an
occasional discharge of a gun. It was amidst scenes like
these I left " Le Petit Butte de Morts." As I glided down
the current, catching now and then a glimpse of the tree-
tops, and of the priest's towering pole, crowned with the
cross, I thought of the worship of the Christian Indians ;
and fancied I could hear the harmonies that had more than
once soothed me, and which seemed so welcome even to

94 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

nature herself for I was wont to think the very groves
listened, as I am sure the spirits did, that hovered invisibly
over and amidst them for

" Millions of spiritual creatures walk the earth,
Unseen, both when we sleep, and when we wake."

Other and subsequent despatches announced Gene-
ral Atkinson to be ascending the Ouisconsin. My com-
mission having referred other duties to me, I determined
to pass on ; so Governor Cass referred to me the duty of
addressing a letter to Major Whistler, urging him to em-
body a force and proceed to the portage of the Fox and
Ouisconsin rivers, and there join General Atkinson. This
was agreed to, upon condition that I would raise a hun-
dred Indians to accompany the expedition as flankers. It
was done. Force enough was reserved to protect the fort,
and the remainder was organized, when the ascent of the
Fox river was commenced.

The governor, and all of our party, except myself and
servant Ben, were now off in a steamboat for Detroit,
with whom I was strongly urged to return. The reasons
assigned were, that I should certainly be killed on the
way, there being some hundreds of miles of war country
to go through ; or, should I get through alive, there was no
sort of chance of my effecting anything with the southern
tribes, with whom it was made my duty to negotiate
treaties. There was some force in this since large ap-
propriations had been made by Congress, and expended
without effect, by the experienced Indian negotiators,
Generals Clark, (Lewis's fellow traveller) Coffee, and
Hinds, whilst I was going on a forlorn hope, single-hand-
ed, with no money to sustain and aid in the success of my
operations. The whole undertaking was pronounced upon
as rash. My answer to the governor was, I shall go. He
then sought to obtain my consent to allow my son to re-
turn with him. This I referred to the pleasure of my son.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 95

The governor succeeded in obtaining his consent to re-
turn to Washington by the way of Detroit, and he did so ;
and myself and Ben were all that remained of our party,
except my trusty voyagers, with my bark canoe, and my
clerk and interpreter, the estimable Mr. Kinzie.

The expedition being ready, I despatched an express to
General Atkinson, on the supposition that he would be
met by it at the portage, which is distant from Fort How-
ard, at Green Bay, some hundred and forty miles. The ob-
ject of the express was, to inform the general that Major
Whistler was in motion to meet him.

The embarkation of the troops took place on Tuesday,
the 23d of July, 1827, at three o'clock, P. M. The force
consisted of one hundred and one regulars ; twenty-eight
militia; one hundred and twelve Wabanackies and Meno-
monies ; total, two hundred and ninety, besides Rolette, a
trader, connected with the American Fur Company, on
his way to Prairie du Chien, with an outfit, having fifty
men with him, on whose co-operation we counted, with
eight men in a canoe that I had provided for a guest from
France, (who had brought letters of introduction from
Cadwallader D. Golden, of New York,) COUNT DE LILLIER,
and eleven of my own men, including Mr. Kinzie and Ben ;
making an aggregate of three hundred and fifty-nine. Ro-
lette had passed on, and made the portage of the Kockalas,
and was progressing, but was stopped by an order from
Major Whistler, who apprehended that if he should at-
tempt to go through to the Mississippi, he might be over-
powered ; and, having some thirty thousand dollars' worth
of supplies with him, including a large number of guns and
ammunition, his capture would enable the Indians to carry
on the war with greater effect, and for a longer time.

The barges in which the troops were embarked being
heavy, and their progress against the current of the Fox
river consequently slow, whilst with my canoe I could
overhaul them at pleasure, I concluded to spend that even-

96 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ing and the next day with friends at the fort and the vil-
lage. I took leave of all on Saturday, the 25th July, and,
as was the general belief, forever. The count, being full
of the exploring fever, started with the military.

The climate of Green Bay is at all times pleasant, but
at this season delightful. I was to have overtaken the
count at the portage of the Grand Kockalas ; but, on my
arrival there, found he had gone on. Proceeding to the
little Kockalas, about four miles higher up, I encamped.
Fell in with two Indians in a canoe, fed them, and they
kept us company. Heard guns in the direction of the fort,
supposed it an arrival, as no attack was likely to be made
upon it by a force that should not first pass us. Heavy
dew that night ; it dripped from my tent like rain. I had,
without knowing it, pitched my camp within two miles of
the military.

The morning broke in all its beauty. Never did the
sun shine out with more brilliancy or loveliness, and never
was there a sweeter day. It was the Sabbath and here
seemed another proof that our world, and those rolling
orbs above us, and the ethereal, had combined to impart a
more than natural beauty to this day of rest, by mingling
with it those softer and quieter influences that would seem
to belong to its sanctity. Such was the Sabbath the
26th July, 1827. I had come in about nine hours a dis-
tance that it had taken the barges from three o'clock of the
evening of Thursday, till nine o'clock of the following Sun-
day, to make ; in all, sixty-six hours. This, however, is not
the usual disparity of speed between a well-manned canoe
and equally well-manned barges. The portage of the
Kockalas had to be made, and the heavy material of war,
with the provisions, &c., were also to be carried over it;
and the current here is very rapid.

We passed Le Petit Butte de Morts. The buildings we
had put up for the security and safe-keeping of our provi-
sions and goods, &c., had been all fired by the Indians. A

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 97

thick smoke hung over the ground the top of the priest's
pole and cross being above it, upon which the sun shone
in his beauty, contrasting strongly with the murkiness of
all beneath and around them. But there was Winnebago
lake placid as a mirror, with not a breeze to ruffle its sur-
face, or disturb its repose. A few Indians near the Butte,
who had remained on the ground, on recognizing us, ran
to the shore, and saluted us with their rifles. I found the
count there, but in trouble. His canoe was not entirely
the thing I had hoped it would prove to be, nor did those
who were in it know how to manage it with skill, or work
it with success. I found him a better, and provided him
additional and more skilful help.

On reaching the Grand Butte de Morts, I discovered that
Rolette had broken Major Whistler's orders, and gone on.
To avoid all the consequences, as well those feared by Ma-
jor W. as others that might arise between the parties, for
this violation of military law, I resolved to give chase. So
leaving a note with an Indian, for Major Whistler, informing
him of my object, I proceeded to pursue and stop Rolette.
I supposed from information given by an Indian, that he
was about two miles ahead. This I found to be a mistake.
The importance of stopping him increased as he advanced
in the enemy's country ; and my anxiety grew with it. I
pushed on, hoping to reach him at an encampment. Night
set in, but no tidings of Rolette. I kept on, and continued
on all night, stopping neither to eat or sleep, except once
to give the voyagers a half hour's nap, when I ordered the
bowsman to stick a pole down in the river, tie the canoe
fast to it, and then all hands to pull their blankets over
them, lean forward, and go to sleep. I never knew an
order more promptly obeyed. The dew was again heavy ;
it dripped like rain-drops from my umbrella. In about
half an hour I awakened the sleepers, and we proceeded.
The morning came, but Rolette was not in sight. Land-
ed at sun-rise, and breakfasted. Heard guns on our right.

98 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Supposed them to indicate Rolette's whereabouts. Kept
on, when at about eleven o'clock, A. M., in one of the bends
of this tortuous river, and in a broad part of it, saw his
six barges with sails all set, looking like a fleet. My
voyagers set up a chant, and within half an hour I was up
with him. I made known the object of my pursuit, and
the motives that had prompted me to engage in it, re-
questing him to go ashore. He complied cheerfully
when I addressed a letter to Major Whistler, stating our
position, and also Rolette's entire readiness to acquiesce in
his views ; the reasons that had led him to disobey the
order that had been addressed to him, &c., and despatched
an Indian in his light canoe, knowing that this down-
stream message would soon be in the hands of Major
Whistler, and that his fears, if he had any, would be put to
rest. I had come from Le Grand Butte de Morts, to
where I overtook Rolette, eighty miles, against a strong
current.

MEMOIRS, &c., fec. 99

CHAPTER V.

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE WINNEBAGOES. SURRENDER, RE-
CEPTION, AND APPEARANCE OF "RED-BIRD."

Encampment at Rush lake Windings of the Fox river Major Whistler and Ro-
lette A successful mediation Remarkable celestial phenomenon An omen
The snake and the bear- Ceremony of taking them A fine position on the
Fox river Shooting a crane Arrival at the portage Encampment Disarm-
ing and detention of a party of Winnebagoes Object of the expedition In-
dian diplomacy Surrender of the murderers Heroism of the act Their arri-
val and reception Noble appearance and dignified deportment of " RED-BIRD"
Solicitude of his people for him His brief talk Miserable appearance of
WE-KAU, his accomplice Mode of catching the rattle-snake Preventive
against his bite Portage to the Ouisconsin.

OUR first business was to select a suitable position for an
encampment. The grounds opposite the place of our
meeting presenting, on neither side of the river, a favor-
able one, we continued five miles further on, and at
noon encamped on the north-western shore of Rush lake.
From this place, we were not over three miles, in a straight
line, from the portage of the Fox and Ouisconsin rivers,
and yet, such are the windings of Fox river, we were des-
tined to go at least twenty miles before we could reach it.

At night we set a guard of twelve men, and ordered all
hands to have their arms ready. We were not long in
camp before four Winnebagoes came in, offering to sell
squashes. I directed them to be detained. At nine o'clock
the next morning the count arrived, well, and glad to see
us. The military did not get up till August 31st two
days after the count, and three days after my arrival.
Meantime, six squaws came in with potatoes and squashes.
Bought them, and let the squaws pass on. The next day,

100 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

five Indians arrived, with their faces painted black. They
had been in battle, and had lost friends, and were in mourn-
ing, after this their fashion, for them. Took them in
charge, and examined them. Finding they were not of the
party who had committed the murder at Prairie du Chien,
gave orders for them to pass.

The arrival of the military on the 31st, brought Major
Whistler and Rolette together, and myself as mediator.
My letter to the major, by the Indian, had been received,
but his dander was up, as Major Jack Downing would say,
and required something additional, of the soothing sort, to
lay it. I had, on going ashore with Rolette, obtained of
him guns and ammunition for our hitherto unarmed one
hundred and twelve Indians, for which I gave a receipt,
and the obligation either to return them as they were, or
pay damages, or the price of the guns. I made use of this
facility, and the cordial manner in which Rolette had assent-
ed to supply the arms, in connexion with the fact that he
had not disregarded Major Whistler's injunction from any
want of respect either for it, or for the commanding officer ;
and was happy to see harmony restored, and a mutual in-
tercourse of friendly civilities forthwith take place.

A party of our Indians who were strolling about, had
captured a rattle-snake, and found a fine bear in a trap. I
had been in trouble with this part of our force, and feared
we should lose it. Matters of fact with the civilized and
enlightened, are made of no more stubborn materials, and
have no more effect on the white man, and sometimes, in-
deed, not so much, as has superstition on the untutored
Indian, in forming his purpose, and fixing his resolves. It
was about this time that the heavens presented a remark-
able phenomenon, in a belt of pure white, which crossed
them from horizon to horizon. Its direction was across
the line of our movements. This, the Indians, after con-
sultation, had interpreted into a bad omen, and looked upon
it as a barrier put across their path by the Great Spirit, in

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 101

which they read his order, forbidding them to pass. It
was in vain that I attempted to reason with them on the
subject. There was the line of light, and they had seen
it ; its direction lay across the path of our movements, and
that was clear, and what else could it mean, but a com-
mand to stop, and go no further ? They augured evil re-
sults, also, upon those who should be so rash as to disre-
gard this celestial omen. But when the party that had
taken the rattle-snake and bear came in, all this reasoning,
and all these conclusions, fell to pieces, like the diamond
lustre of the ice-fringed forest, when the sun pours upon it
his light and heat. They were looked upon as messengers
that had been sent from the land of souls, revoking the
order of the Great Spirit, as read in the belt of white ;
and, as by this time the white belt had become well-nigh
blended with the ethereal, it was found to be no difficult
matter to believe that the command was revoked, and per-
mission granted them to proceed.

The ceremony of taking the snake and the bear, under
these circumstances, was as follows : He who had first
discovered the snake, made the usual signal that he had
found one. This secured it as his property ; when he ad-
dressed it thus : " You are welcome, friend, from the
spirit-land. We were in trouble ; our friends there knew
it. The Great Spirit knew it. You are come to bring us
rest. We know what your message is. Take this offer-
ing of tobacco ;" taking a pinch of fragments from his
pouch, and rubbing them to powder between his finger and
thumb, he sprinkled it on the snake's head " it will make
you feel strong after your long journey." Then reaching
well down towards the tail, he ran his finger and thumb up
the back of the snake, till they reached the neck, when, with
a quick compression, he rose with the snake well secured,
and giving it a jerk, broke every vertebra in the process.
The head was instantly opened, the fangs carefully taken
out, the skin taken off, and the body being quickly cut up

102 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

into small pieces, was distributed to the Indians for their
medicine-bags thus furnishing a new antidote against evil
agencies, should any happen, during the remainder of their
march. The skin of the snake was seen in a few minutes
after his capture, fastened by a root of the red cedar, called
wattap, to a lock of the captor's hair, the tail reaching
down his back, and nearly to the ground. This was a
proud trophy.

While this snake capture, and what followed it, was going
on, the bear was being disposed of. He who had made
the discovery of the entrapped Bruin, set up his claim, in
like manner, by announcing more formally his discovery of
the prize. The bear was also addressed in terms of con-
gratulation, in which he was told that his visit was one of
great interest. He was questioned as to the condition of
the departed whose spirits he had left upon this his errand
of love, and then told that he would soon have .the pleas-
ure of going back to them with messages ; that if the
manner of sending him there should be harsh, he must
blame the white man for it, since it was at his call they
had left their squaws and papooses to come into that coun-
try, &c., &c. ; so calling to him a couple of his friends, he
gave the order to fire, at the same time pulling the trigger
of his own rifle, when Bruin, receiving three balls, fell and
died. He was soon released from the trap, skinned, quar-
tered, cut up, and over the fires, in kettles, simmering
away, preparatory to a feast, in which all joined. The
obstacle to their march being now so clearly removed, and
by the agency of friends from the spirit-land, and the Great
Spirit himself, they announced their readiness to march on.

Broke up our encampment, and continued the ascent of
this tortuous river. The count and myself, in our canoes,
making the distance which I supposed the military would
make, we encamped. The evening brought them up, when,
for the first time since leaving Fort Howard, at Green Bay,
we were all together for a night. Our position was a fine

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 103

one. The bank of the river, of some ten feet elevation,
was abrupt, and its base was washed by the waters. A
fine level piece of ground stretched back of it, fringed in
the rear with thick woods. Our tents were in a line, near
these. In front, and between the line of tents and the
river, and for a quarter of a mile, the level of the ground,
and its freedom from undergrowth, were such as to give it
the appearance of a parade-ground. Just before sun-down,
a large crane was seen coming up at the slow rate which
characterizes the flight of this bird. The line of its course
being such, as to both height and distance, as to make
quite a mark for a trial of skill of all hands, the thought
seemed spontaneous, and in a moment every man with his
gun was in line, on the edge of the river bank, at open or-
der. The lazily moving crane, flapping slowly his enor-
mous wings, arriving opposite the first man on the right,
he aimed and fired ; and so on, down the whole line, each
man fired, but all missing the bird, which seemed as un-
conscious of the peril of its situation, as though not a gun
had been within a mile of it. Indeed, so perfectly insensi-
ble was it, as to convey the idea that the thing was asleep.
The count was on the left, the last man in the line, with a
double-barrelled shot-gun ; so, it coming to his turn, he fired,
first one barrel, and then the other, both taking effect ;
when the sluggish bird's long neck became pendent, and
his legs losing their horizontal position, fell into the per-
pendicular, the whole coming over, and over, to the river ;
which reaching, and even before it touched the water, I
don't know how many Indians were off this ten feet bank,
head foremost, after the prize. The one who had kept
under water longest, coming up nearer the bird than the
rest, seized his prey, and holding it up in one hand, out of
the water, swam back to the shore, amidst the greetings
and shouts of the whole company. His title to the crane
was fixed, by Indian law. No matter who kills, the first
to reach the game is owner of it.

104 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Major Whistler embarked the next morning at day-
break. My inclination led me to repose. I slept on,
knowing I could overtake him, which I did at ten o'clock.
The river now began to give signs that we were near the
portage. Savannas of wild rice grew out of it in all di-
rections, leaving a channel so narrow as to scarcely admit
a barge, while its turns are so short as to make it difficult
to follow their windings, except in a very short canoe.
Ducks, pigeons, and blackbirds, numerous.

At four o'clock, P. M., of September 1st, 1827, arrived
at the portage, and encamped on a high bluff which over-
looks the country for a great distance, to the south and
west. We had not finished the business of encamping,
before seven Winnebago warriors came along, on their
way from Green Isle to the four lakes, fully armed and
equipped. It was a direction in which we did not desire
any of that sort of force to go, the enemy being at the
four lakes in great numbers. Major Whistler gave orders
to disarm and detain them. They were told they should
be fed well, and treated well, whilst they behaved them-
selves. They appeared to feel deeply, when their arms
were taken from them ; nor did they appear to like the
strength and appearance of the military. An express ar-
rived from General Atkinson, announcing his approach,
and directing Major W. to halt and fortify himself at the
portage, and wait his arrival, as the capture of the enemy
could be made with his additional force, with more ease,
and less sacrifice of life.

The object of the joint expedition of General Atkinson
from Jefferson Barracks, below St. Louis, and of Major
Whistler from Fort Howard, on Green Bay, was, as has
been intimated, to capture those who had committed the
murders at Prairie du Chien, and put a stop to any further
aggressions of the sort. The Winnebagoes, it will be re-
membered, had been advised, prior to the opening of the
council at Le Butte de Morts, that the security of their

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 105

people lay in a surrender of the murderers. The first in-
timation that this primary object would be accomplished,
was given the day after our arrival at the portage, in a
very mysterious way. I was sitting at the door of my
tent, when an Indian of common appearance, with nothing
over him but a blanket, came up to the bluff, and walking
to the tent, seated himself upon his haunches beside it.
This was almost the middle of the day. I inquired
through the interpreter, what was the object of his visit.
After musing awhile, he said " Do not strike when the
sun is there to morrow" looking up, and pointing to about
three o'clock, P. M. " they will come in." Who will come
in ? I asked. " Red-Bird and We-kau," he answered.
The moment he gave the answer, he rose, wrapped his
blanket about him, and with hurried step returned by the
way he had come. At about three o'clock of the same
day, another Indian came and took his position in nearly
the same place, and in the same way, when, to like ques-
tions, he gave like answers ; and at sun-down a third came,
confirming what the other two had said, with the addition
that he had, to secure that object, given to the families of
the murderers nearly all of his property. There appear-
ed to me to be two objects in view by this Indian mode
of managing the art diplomatique. One was, to- prevent
an attack, which our near neighborhood to the point where
the Indian force was concentred, led them to apprehend ;
the other, to say all cause for an attack was, as they
viewed it, removed by the treble assurance given, that
the murderers will, and at a time specified, be brought in.
There could be nothing more to the purpose.

There was, as I have said on a previous occasion, when
referring to the subject of this voluntary surrender, some-
thing heroic in it. The giving away of property to the fami-
lies of the guilty parties, had nothing to do with their deter-
mination to devote themselves for the good of their people,
but only to reconcile those who were about to be bereaved to

VOL. I. 14

106 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the dreadful expedient. The heroism of the purpose is seen
in the fact, that the murders committed at Prairie du Chien
were not wanton, but in retaliation for wrongs committed
upon this people by the whites. The parties murdered at
the Prairie, were doubtless innocent of the wrongs and
outrages of which the Indians complained, but the law of
Indian retaliation does not require that he alone, who com-
mits a wrong, shall suffer for it. One scalp is held to be
due for another, no matter from whose head it is taken,
provided it be torn from the crown of the family, or peo-
ple, who have made a resort to this law necessary. If
these Indians had multiplied their victims to ten times the
number slain by them at the Prairie, it is highly probable
the balance of suffering and of blood would have been
greatly on the side of the Indians and yet we find, under
such circumstances, a readiness on the part of the mur-
derers, rather than have " a road cut through their coun-
try with guns," which would subject the innocent to both
affliction and death, to make a voluntary surrender of them-
selves !

At about noon of the day following, there were seen
descending a mound on the portage, a body of Indians
some were mounted, and some were on foot. By the aid
of a glass, we could discern the direction to be towards our
position, and that three flags were borne by them two,
(one in front and one in rear,) were American, and one in
the centre was white. They bore no arms. We were at
no loss to understand that the promise made by the three
Indians, the day before, was about to be fulfilled. In the
course of half an hour, they had approached within a short
distance of the crossing of the Fox river, when, on a sud-
den, we heard singing. Those who were familiar with the
air, said " it is a death song /" When still nearer, some
present who knew him, said, " it is the Red-Bird sing-
ing his death song" The moment a halt was made on the

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 107

margin of the river, preparatory to crossing over, two
scalp yells were heard.

The Menomonies, and other Indians who had accompa-
nied us, were lying carelessly about upon the ground, re-
gardless of what was going on, but the moment the " scalp
yells" were uttered, they sprang as one man to their feet,
seized their rifles, and were ready for battle. They were
at no loss to know that the yells were " scalp yells ;" but
had not heard with sufficient accuracy to decide whether
they indicated scalps to be taken or given ; but, doubtless,
they inferred the first.

Barges were sent across to receive, and an escort of the
military to accompany them within our lines. The white
flag which had been seen in the distance, was born by the
Red-Bird. During the crossing, a rattle-snake passed me,
and was struck by Captain D., with his sword, and partly
disabled, when I ran mine through his neck, and holding
up the slain reptile, a Menomonie Indian cut off his head
with his knife. The head was burned, to keep the fangs
from doing injury by being trodden upon, and his body cut
up, after the fashion of the one previously spoken of, and
disposed of in the same way. This was looked upon as
another good omen by the Indians.

And now, the advance of the Indians had reached half
up the ascent of the bluff, on which was our encampment.
In the lead was CARIMINIE, a distinguished chief. Arri-
ving on the level, upon which was our encampment, and
order being called, Cariminie spoke, saying " They are
here like braves they have come in treat them as
braves do not put them in irons." This address was
made to me. I told him I was not the big captain. His
talk must be made to Major Whistler, who would, I had no
doubt, do what was right. Mr. Marsh, the sub-agent, being
there, an advance was made to him, and a hope expressed
that the prisoners might be turned over to him. There was
an evident aversion to their being given up to the military.

108 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

I told him Mr. Marsh should be with the prisoners, which
composed them. For the remainder of the incidentSj I
must resort to a letter which I addressed to the flon.
James Barbour, Secretary of War, giving an account of this
most imposing, and by me never-to-be-forgotten ceremony.

"The military had been previously drawn out in line.
The Menomonie and Wabanackie Indians were in groups
upon their haunches, on our left flank. On the right, was
the band of music, a little in advance of the line. In front
of the centre, at about ten paces distant, were the murder-
ers. On their right and left, were those who had accom-
panied them, forming a semi-circle, the magnificent Red-
Bird, and the miserable looking We-kau, a little in ad-
vance of the centre. All eyes were fixed upon the Red-
Bird ; and well they might be for of all the Indians I
ever saw, he is, without exception, the most perfect in
form, in face, and gesture. In height, he is about six feet ;
straight, but without restraint. His proportions are those
of the most exact symmetry, and these embrace the entire
man, from his head to his feet. His very fingers are mo-
dels of beauty. I have never beheld a face that was so
full of all the ennobling, and at the same time the most
winning expression. It were impossible to combine with
such a face the thought that he who wore it, could be a
murderer ! It appears to be a compound of grace and
dignity ; of firmness and decision, all tempered with mild-
ness and mercy. During my attempted analysis of this
face, I could not but ask myself, can this man be a mur-
derer? Is he the same who shot, scalped, and c.ut the
throat of Gagnier ? His head, too sure no head was
ever so well formed. There was no ornamenting of the hair,
after the Indian fashion ; no clubbing it up in blocks and
rollers of lead, or bands of silver ; no loose or straggling
parts but it was cut after the best fashion of the most
civilized.

His face was painted, one side red, the other intermixed

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 109

with green and white. Around his neck he wore a collar
of blue wampum, beautifully mixed with white, which was
sewn on to a piece of cloth, the width of the wampum
being about two inches whilst the claws of the panther,
or wild-cat, distant from each other about a quarter of
an inch, with their points inward, formed the rim of the
collar. Around his neck were hanging strands of wam-
pum of various lengths, the circles enlarging as they de-
scended. He was clothed in a yankton dress new and
beautiful. The material is of dressed elk, or deer-skin,
almost a pure white. It consists of a jacket, the sleeves
being cut to fit his finely formed arm, and so as to leave
outside of the seam that ran from the shoulder, back of
the arm, and along over the elbow, about six inches
of the material, one-half of which was cut into fringe;
the same kind of fringe ornamenting the collar of the
jacket, its sides, bosom, and termination, which was not
circular, but cut in points ; and which also ran down the
seams of his leggins, these being made of the same mate-
rial. Blue beads were employed to vary and enrich the
fringe of the leggins. On his feet he wore moccasins.

" A piece of scarlet cloth of about a quarter of a yard
deep, and double that width, a slit being cut in its middle,
so as to admit the passing through of his head, rested,
one-half on his breast, (and beneath the necklace of wam-
pum and claws,) and the other on his back. On one
shoulder, and near his breast, was a beautifully ornamented
feather, nearly white; and about opposite, on the other
shoulder, was another feather, nearly black, near which
were two pieces of thinly shaven wood in the form of
compasses, a little open, each about six inches long, richly
wrapped round with porcupine's quills, dyed yellow, red,
and blue. On the tip of one shoulder was a tuft of horse-
hair, dyed red, and a little curled, mixed up with orna-
ments. Across his breast, in a diagonal position, and

110 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

bound tight to it, was his war-pipe, at least three feet long,
brightly ornamented with dyed horse-hair, the feathers
and bills of birds. In one of his hands he held the white
flag, and in the other the calumet, or pipe of peace.

" There he stood. Not a muscle moved, nor was the ex-
pression of his face changed a particle. He appeared to be
conscious that, according to Indian law, and measuring the
deed he had committed by the injustice, and wrongs, and
cruelties of the white man, he had done no wrong. The
light which had shone in upon his bosom from the law
which demanded an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth,
so harmonized with his conscience, as to secure its repose.
As to death, he had been taught to despise it, confiding in
that heaven, that spirit-land, where the game is always
plenty the forests always green the waters always trans-
parent, tranquil, and pure and where no evil thing is per-
mitted to enter. He was there, prepared to receive the blow
that should consign his body to the ground, and send his
spirit to that blissful region, to mingle with his fathers who
had gone before him.

" He and We-kau were told to sit down. His motions,
as he seated himself, were no less graceful and captivating,
than when he stood or walked. At this moment the band
struck up Pleyel's Hymn. Everything was still. It was
indeed a moment of intense interest to all. The Red-Bird
turned his eyes towards the band ; the tones operated upon
his feelings in such a way as to produce in his countenance
a corresponding pensiveness. The music having ceased,
he took up his pouch, (which I forgot to say was a hand-
somely ornamented otter-skin, that hung on his left side,)
and taking from it some kinnakinic and tobacco, cut the
latter in the palm of his hand, after the Indian fashion,
then rubbing the two together, filled the bowl of his calu-
met, struck fire into a bit of spunk with his flint and steel,
and lighted it, and smoked. All the motions employed in
this ceremony were no less harmonious and appropriate,

MEMOIRS, dec., &c. HI

than had characterized his other movements. He sat after
the Turkish fashion, with his legs crossed.

" If you think there was anything of affectation in all this,
you are mistaken. There was just the manner, and ap-
pearance, and look, you would expect to see in a nobly
built man of the highest order of intelligence, and who had
been taught all the graces of motion, and then escorted by
his armies to a throne, where the diadem was to be placed
upon his head.

" There is but one opinion of the man, and that I have
attempted to convey to you. I could not refrain from
speculating on his dress. His white jacket, having upon it
but a single piece of red, appeared to indicate the purity
of his past life, which had been stained by only a single
crime ; for all agree that the Red-Bird had never before
soiled his fingers with the blood of the white man, or com-
mitted a bad action. His war-pipe, bound close to his heart,
seemed to indicate his love of war, in common with his
race, which was no longer to be gratified. The red cloth,
however, may have been indicative of his name.

" All sat, except the speakers. The substance of what
they said was We were required to bring in the murder-
ers. They had no power over any, except two the third
had gone away and these had voluntarily agreed to come
in, and give themselves up. As their friends, they had
come with them. They hoped their white brothers would
agree to accept the horses of which there were, perhaps,
twenty the meaning of which was, to take them in com-
mutation for the lives of their two friends. They asked
kind treatment for their friends, and earnestly besought
that they might not be put in irons and concluded by ask-
ing for a little tobacco, and something to eat.

"They were answered, and told, in substance, that they
had done well thus to come in. By having done so, they
had turned away our guns, and saved their people. They
were admonished against placing themselves in a like sit-

112 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

uation in the future, and advised, when they were ag-
grieved, not to resort to violence, but to go to their agent,
who would inform their Great Father of their complaints,
and he would redress their grievances ; that their friends
should be treated kindly, and tried by the same laws by
which their Great Father's white children were tried ; that
for the present, Red-Bird and We-kau should not be put
in irons ; that they should all have something to eat, and
tobacco to smoke. We advised them to warn their people
against killing ours ; and endeavored, also, to impress them
with a proper notion of their own weakness, and the ex-
tent of our power, &c.

" Having heard this, the Red-Bird stood up the com-
manding officer, Major Whistler, a few paces in front of
the centre of the line, facing him. After a moment's
pause, and a quick survey of the troops, and with a com-
posed observation of his people, he spoke, looking at Ma-
jor Whistler, saying, '/ am ready? Then advancing a
step or two, he paused, saying, ' I do not wish to be put
in irons. Let me be free. I have given away my life it
is gone (stooping and taking some dust between his fin-
ger and thumb, and blowing it away) like that' eyeing
the dust as it fell, and vanished from his sight, then adding
' I would not take it back. It is gone.' Having thus
spoken, he threw his hands behind him, to indicate that he
was leaving all things behind him, and marched briskly up
to Major Whistler, breast to breast. A platoon was
wheeled backwards from the centre of the line, when Major
Whistler stepping aside, the Red-Bird and We-kau marched
through the line, in charge of a file of men, to a tent that
had been provided for them in the rear, where a guard was
set over them. The comrades of the two captives then
left the ground by the way they had come, taking with
them our advice, and a supply of meat and flour, and to-
bacco.

" We-kau, the miserable-looking being, the accomplice

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 113

of the Red-Bird, was in all things the opposite of that un-
fortunate brave. Never, before, were there two human
beings so exactly, in all things, so unlike one another. The
one seemed a prince, and as if born to command, and wor-
thy to be obeyed ; the other, as if he had been born to be
hanged. Meagre cold dirty in his person and dress,
crooked in form like the starved wolf, gaunt, hungry, and
blood-thirsty his entire appearance indicating the presence
of a spirit wary, cruel and treacherous. The heart, at sight
of this, was almost steeled against sympathy, and barred
against the admission of pity. This is the man who could
scalp a child, not eleven months old, and in taking off its
fine locks as a trophy, and to exhibit as a scalp, cut the
back of its neck to the bone, and leave it to languish and
die on the floor, near the body of its murdered father !
But his hands, and crooked and miserable-looking fingers,
had been accustomed to such bloody work before.

" The Red-Bird did not appear to be over thirty years
old, and yet he is said to be past forty. We-kau looks to
be forty-five, and is no doubt as old as that. I shall see,
on my arrival at Prairie du Chien, the scene of these
butcheries ; and, as I may write you upon all matters con-
nected with my tour, I will introduce you to that. The
child, I forgot to say, by the latest accounts, yet lives, and
promises to survive. The widow of Gagnier is also there,
and I shall get the whole story from her mouth, and shall
then, doubtless, get it truly. You shall have it all, and a
thousand things beside, that, when I left home, I never ex-
pected to realize ; but having once entered upon the scenes I
have passed, no matter with how much of personal risk they
were to be encountered, there was no going back. I see
no danger, I confess, especially now but, any how, my
way is onward, and I shall go."

I never, however, made good my promise to narrate the
incidents of my travels, further than as these were em-
braced in my official returns. The above account of the

VOL. I. 15

114 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

surrender of the Red-Bird will not lose any of its fresh-
ness here, I hope, from its having been published in pretty
much the same dress in the newspapers, a short time after
its reception by the Secretary of War, and again, in the
work on the Aborigines of North America, by myself and
James Hall. As it formed part of the varied occur-
rences of my tour in 1827, which I am now for the first
time embodying, I can not, in justice to the connexion
which I wish to preserve of the whole, omit it.

On the morning of the 3d, having little else to do, I
busied myself to find out, if I could, how the Indians could,
without danger, capture the rattle-snake. This whole
country is full of them ; and so constant is the noise of
their rattles, when anything happens to molest them, that
the ear is kept half the time deceived by what seems to be
the ticking of watches, in a watch-maker's window. I was
honored by a visit from one in my tent that morning, and
was prompted by that call, perhaps, to find out in what way
my civilities might best protect me from their too close
attention. I was told the smell of tobacco made the snake
sick ; and this explained why, in two instances in which I
had witnessed the taking of this reptile by Indians, tobacco
was employed as in the case of the one that had come
from the land of souls, at the time when the march of the
Indians was impeded by the white mark in the heavens.
They also employ a root, but of what herb or shrub I could
not find out, which they pound and put on a stick ; then
they excite the snake to bite it, when the poison of the
root being taken into the snake's mouth, kills it. I was
told they take from the neck of the turkey-buzzard a piece
of the flesh, and dry and pound it, and rub their bodies
with this powder. Thus guarded, the snake will not bite,
or come near them. How true all, or any part of all this
is, I cannot vouch, never having made trial of either.

At nine in the morning, after the surrender, I took leave
of the military, and in company with the count, Judge

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 115

Lecuer, and Rev. Mr. Jones, started for a descent of the
Ouisconsin river. Having crossed the Fox river to the op-
posite landing, on the portage, an ox-cart was provided for
our transportation across to the Ouisconsin the width of
the portage being about twenty-five hundred paces. The
entire way was miry, and full of rattle-snakes. The vete-
ran interpreter, Pauquet,* was employed to drive us over.
The wheels of the cart, though broad, sank deep in the
mud, and the sturdy beasts bent to their duty ; but without
the constant employment of Pauquet's powerful arms, and
the exertion of his great strength in applying to their sides
repeated strokes from what seemed like a hoop or a hop-
pole, exciting them, meantime, with his stentorian voice,
and giving vent to anathemas, in Winnebago, with almost
every breath, we must have been forced into some other
conveyance, or taken to our feet in mud a foot deep, to
have, in any reasonable time, reached the Ouisconsin.
But by the aid of the hop-pole and the Winnebago anath-
emas, both well understood, doubtless, by the oxen, we
were carted over in safety. When about mid-way, and
during one of the numerous pauses which the oxen were
wont to make, the man bearing the flag-staff of my canoe
struck, with the lower end of it, a rattle-snake that lay near
by where Pauquet was standing for he walked the entire
distance. The snake, enraged at the blow, gave signs of
resistance, and apprehending it might dart its fangs into
Pauquet's legs, I stooped from the cart, and ran it through
with my sword, when one of the men cut off its head with
an axe. Whether Pauquet trusted to his leather leggins
and moccasins, or their being well imbued with tobacco
smoke, or to the powdered root, or the buzzard's neck, I
did not learn ; but he was as composed in regard to these
reptiles, as if he had been mailed in brass or iron.

Having crossed the portage, our canoes, and supplies,
and baggage being all over, we embarked at eleven o'clock,

* Since murdered.

116 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

A. M., on the Ouisconsin. The current which we had
been opposing, the entire length of the Fox river, was
now in our favor ; the waters of the Ouisconsin running
from its source to the Mississippi, as do those of the Fox
river, on the other side of the portage, into Green Bay.
The first find their way through the lakes to the ocean
by the St. Lawrence, the last by the way of the Missis-
sippi and the Gulf of Mexico. Whether, after having
started for those diverse directions, from sources so near
one another, they ever meet, and mingle more in the deep
blue sea, is a problem which I do not pretend to solve. I
could not help thinking how closely they resembled early
friends, who in boyhood were hand in hand with each
other, and rarely, for a series of years, out of one another's
sight; when, at last, "some current's thwarting course"
separated them, to meet no more forever !

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. H7

CHAPTER VI.

PASSAGE DOWN THE OUISCONSIN AND MISSISSIPPI RIVERS.

Passage down the Ouisconsin An accident Scenery of the Ouisconsin A
parley with the Indians Visit to their village Distribution of presents Meet-
ing with General Atkinson at Le Petit Roche Difficulties of navigation
Changes in the river Junction with the Mississippi Prairie du Chien Ori-
gin of the name Description of the Prairie Scene and story of " the mur-
ders" Apprehensions of another attack Mystery of " Red-Bird's" outrage
explained Passage down the Mississippi Grave of Julian Du Buque Galena
The lead-mines Trespass upon Indian lands Causes of the Black Hawk and
Seminole wars Rents at Galena enormously high Rock Island Exceed-
ing beauty of the place Boundary between civilized and savage life Fa-
miliar sounds Wrecks in the river Fort Edwards Encampment on an
Island Visit to the farm-house of a settler A peep at the newspaper Peli-
can Island Shooting Panic of the inhabitants The milk-sickness.

OUR voyagers felt now, upon this onward current, as the
mariner feels, when both the wind and tide, after having
been long contrary, turn in his favor and when he is
assured there will be no change, till he reaches the port of
his destination.

I had engaged a fine-looking Indian to join the count as
a voyager, hoping thereby to add to the speed of his
canoe, and that we might, in our descent to the Missis-
sippi, keep close company. I had heard much of the
scenery of the Ouisconsin, and felt that my admiration of
it would be stimulated, if the count, with his lustrous eyes,
could be along to see the beauty and grandeur of the
scenes, and in such close neighborhood to me, as to inter-
change sentiments and feelings in their contemplation.
An accident deprived the count of the services of the In-
dian

118 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

The Rev. Mr. J., being unpracticed in the handling of
fire-arms, was sitting on a log with the count's double-
barrelled gun across his lap the muzzle pointed in a line
with another log, at some twenty paces distant, upon
which sat the Indian when, as luck would have it, one of
the barrels was discharged, the shot rattling against the
log, and scattering the sand about, besides a few penetra-
ting the Indian's leggins. Up sprang the astonished brave
and voyager, and eyeing Mr. J. for a second or two, said
" That man don't know what he's about" then, looking
over his shoulder at Mr. J., walked off.

We had not been long under way, before I saw the
count's force was inadequate. I made a pause till he
came up, and transferred to his canoe one of my men ;
the force proving yet too feeble, I assisted him with
another when onward we went, to the music of the
voyagers' songs happy in the reflection that our expedi-
tion had, so far, terminated otherwise than in blood.
We were charmed, too, at having escaped the monotony,
as well as the tedium of the ascent of the Fox river.
There are, it is true, upon its shores, many beautiful
upland views, where the trees grow apart, and without
undergrowth, conveying to the eye the almost certain
presence of civilization and cultivation. But, in the main,
its shores are level, and its waters are dark, and filled with
theyb//e avoin, or wild rice, and various aquatic plants be-
sides ; some of them, the lily, especially, very beautiful.
Nature would seem, even here, to have made provision
for the gratification of man ; and, if the way was mono-
tonous, she kindly scattered flowers to diversify the scene,
and regale the voyager. Here, on the Ouisconsin, are
sandy shores, and sand-bars, and islands, and rolling and
verdure-capped shores, and hills and mountains with
valleys of the richest green, in which there would seem
never to have been a war, even of the elements ; and these

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 119

again were relieved by miniature representations of the
pictured rocks of Lake Superior.

The water of the Ouisconsin is of the color of brandy,
with less sediment than is found in that of the Fox river.
Neither, however, should be drunk, in my opinion, without
having first undergone the process of boiling. Every mile
of our descent increased the variety, and grandeur, and
beauty of the shores. Hills shooting up into more tower-
ing heights, without a tree, but clothed in the brightest
green ; others again, with summits resembling dilapidated
fortifications, and so like them, as to cheat the observer
into the belief that they were, sure enough, once, what they
now seem to have been. In one of these, we noticed a
tall, leafless, and dead pine, so exactly resembling a flag-
staff, not in exterior, only, but in its position, as to con-
vince at least one of the party that a fortification had
once crowned that hill, and in its destruction, the flag-
staff had escaped the conflagration, by being only charred.
Many of these elevations rise from the river, in the ter-
race form ; the lower, all soft and green, and beautiful ; the
upper, crowned with dark evergreens, arranged so as to
wear the appearance of having been planted upon a regu-
lar plan, the whole conception and execution of some
mind richly stored with all the elements of a practical
science. And was it not

" NATURE, enchanting nature, in whose form
And lineaments divine, I trace a hand
That errs not?"

We had not been many hours on the Ouisconsin, before,
on looking to my right, I saw some hundred or more In-
dians appear suddenly on the summit of a hill of some
sixty feet elevation, overlooking the river, and form in line,
with their rifles. What their object was, I could not di-
vine, but every movement seemed to indicate a purpose to
greet us with a shower of leaden deaths. There was not
a second to spare ; so I ordered my steersman to turn in,

120 MEMOIRS, dec., &c.

instantly. The head of the canoe was in a moment
changed from its line down the river, and brought in one to
the shore. This movement brought all their rifles across
the arms of the Indians, who, being suddenly struck by
this prompt movement, were at a loss to comprehend its
meaning, and seemed resolved to await its issue. Our guns
were concealed. On reaching the beach, I ordered the
men to be ready for any emergency ; and so, buckling on my
sword, and putting a pair of pistols in my pockets, I direct-
ed Ben to fill his pockets with tobacco and Indian jewelry,
and follow me and the interpreter up the steep ascent.

Ben's color changed from its fine and glossy ebony to a
sort of livid paleness, and a trembling seized him. He had
often predicted, as well the year before, as now, that we
should never see home again ; and this he verily believed
was to be the hour when his prophesy was to be fulfilled.
This change in his complexion was nothing new to me,
having had occasion to observe it frequently; and, in my
" Tour to the Lakes," to record it.

On arriving at the summit of the hill, I stood a moment.
The Indians had all changed their position, and were now
facing me. Not a word was spoken, nor did a man of
them stir. After a short pause I inquired, through the in-
terpreter, if their chief was present. He was. " Tell him
to come and shake hands with me. I am from where the
sun rises, and near his Great Father's lodge, in the great
village of Washington, where I have often seen and shaken
hands with many of the great men of the Indian race. I
have come a long way to see them in their own country,
that when I go back to their Great Father, I may be able
to tell him how his red children are what are their wants
and before I go, if I can, to make peace among them."
The moment this was interpreted, the whole party gave a
grunt of approbation, long, loud, and emphatic; when a
tall, aged, and good-looking Indian, from his position on
the extreme right, walked up and shook hands with me

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 121

most cordially. I asked his name and then calling him
by it, said, " You hold in your hand, the hand of a friend
and brother" when the whole party advanced and shook
hands with me.

Seeing their village at about a quarter of a mile back,
on the plain, I asked to be allowed to go there, that I might
shake hands with the squaws and papooses, and make
them some presents. We marched to the village. A buf-
falo robe was spread out for me to sit upon, the calumet
lighted, and we smoked I, according to my custom, (for
I never smoke,) blowing the smoke out of the bowl of the
pipe, like a steam-engine. I was never suspected of not
relishing this great luxury, the prized, and cherished, and
enjoyed, alike by savage and civilized man. This ceremo-
ny over, I directed Ben to cut up the twists of tobacco into
smaller portions, and divide it among the men. Ben was
so much relieved of his terrors, as to be specially prompt,
on this occasion, and he so employed his eye in counting,
and his judgment in cutting up the tobacco, as to make it
hold out exactly ; for this I gave him great commendation.
The distribution of the tobacco having been made, and to
the high gratification of this tobacco-loving people, I pro-
ceeded to distribute the jewelry, consisting of finger-rings,
made of cheap metals, set with variously colored glass,
and ear-bobs, &c. These I threw, by the handful, on the
ground, which produced an excitement, and a display of
muscular dexterity, which told well for the activity of these,
at other times, indolent-looking squaws. The scene was a
literal scramble ; and it was carried on with the energies
of the prize-fighter, and amidst expressions of mingled joy
and surprise, that made the affair quite a circumstance in
the lives of these poor destitute people. I was made hap-
py myself, in seeing them so.

After an hour spent in these ceremonies, I told the chief
I was short of hands, and wanted two of his braves to ac-
company me to Prairie du Chien. He shook his head, and

VOL. I. 16

122 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

said, " Sac and Fox Indians kill them." Never, I assured
him, while they were with me ; and that I would promise
they should come home in safety, laden with presents.
He assented, when there was a general rush of young men
as volunteers. I put a hand on the two who were nearest
to me, and said, I take these, because they came first,
and not because of any preference ; for I know they are all
brave men and true. I now felt secure for the remainder
of the distance to the Prairie, and immediately embarked,
and continued my voyage.

At Le Petit Roche, forty-five miles from the portage, at
eight o'clock in the evening, fell in with General Atkinson,
and his command. His barges were ranged alongside the
bank of the river, and moored there. These long keel-
boats, some as much as thirty tons burden, with the sails
of several of them hanging quietly in the calm of the even-
ing against the masts ; the numerous fires that lined the
shores, around which a large portion of the general's com-
mand of seven hundred men were gathered, gave to the
place the appearance of a seaport. The general hum of
voices, the stroke of the axe, with the confused noises, made
of it, in so out-of-the-way a place, where never before had
such circumstances combined, a sort of spirit-scene ; espe-
cially as the moon's light invested the whole, being made
pale by the many lights, and yet paler with an occasional
half-obscuration caused by the rolling up of denser por-
tions of the smoke from these numerous fires. Everything
in nature by which we were surrounded was still, save
only the sounds that proceeded from this spot, and the
plash of the paddles of our canoes. Presently a sentinel
challenged, and demanded the countersign. I told him
who I was, and that I was bearer of tidings from Major
Whistler's command, (which I had left that morning at the
portage,) to General Atkinson. The sergeant of the guard
was called, who making this message known to General
Atkinson, we were invited to come alongside his barge,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 123

and (he being confined to his berth by a slight attack of
fever) down into the cabin to see him.

We were received with the courtesy that always distin-
guished this gallant officer, when I went rapidly over the
events that had transpired, and informed him of the sur-
render of the murderers ; commended the Red-Bird to all
the kind usage which his unfortunate condition would per-
mit, and especially urged that he might not be put in irons.
I did this, because I very well knew that he would suffer a
thousand deaths rather than attempt to regain his liberty.
There was no mistake in this matter. The man had lite-
rally already parted from life, and had his eyes fixed more
upon the spirit-land, than upon coming in contact again
with the bitter realities of the world around him. All this
passed, and pledging each other in a glass of wine, and
our best wishes for the general's health, we continued our
voyage till ten at night, when we landed on a sand-bar for
repose. Myriads of mosquitoes assailed us. Finding it
impossible to endure their assaults, we determined to fly ;
so at two in the morning we struck our tents, and were
again afloat, and going finely to the tune of the boat
songs.

At seven the next morning we were thirty miles below
our encampment, and forty-five miles from Le Petit Roche.
The varied and bold shores of the river continued still to
increase in interest. The color of the water is the same,
and so is the loose and moveable material of the bottom
of the river ; the sand of which it is composed being so
fine, as when touched by anything, is seen to stream off in
the direction of whatever current may be the strongest.
To this cause may be attributed the formation of the nu-
merous sand-bars and islands that abound in this river.
General Atkinson doubtless knew the nature of the passage
he would have to make, and how difficult is the navigation
of the Ouisconsin, owing to the ever-varying course of its
channel, and its shallowness; and hence he secured boats

124 MEMOIRS, &c,, &c.

that did not draw over twelve or eighteen inches of
water.

Everything indicates a recession of the waters of this
river. The water-marks, sometimes high up on its shores,
and bluffs, and hill-sides, as well as the form and fertility
of the bottom lands and prairies, all tell, in very plain lan-
guage, that this river was once but when, who knows ?
capable of swimming navies. Many a tall ship might have
rested on the bosom of this once wide and deep, but now
narrow and shallow river ; and anchors might have been
let go, the noise of whose chain cables would have re-
sounded amidst those hills like rumbling thunder. Hills,
vast, towering, irregular, many of them circular-crowned,
increased as we approached the Mississippi ; and between
them, stretching far off in the interior, are beautiful savan-
nas, widening as they recede from the river, and then ter-
minate in fertile and richly-clad table lands.

At about sun-down, arrived at the junction of the Ouis-
consin with the Mississippi. Being in advance of the
count, we landed, taking from our canoe as much baggage
as would make room for him and the remainder of the
company, Ben, on the arrival of the count, being trans-
ferred to his canoe, and left in charge of the baggage ;
when we rounded to, upon the Mississippi, and against the
current of the river, arriving at Prairie du Chien at eight
o'clock, in the softest, and brightest, and purest moonlight I
had ever beheld. I thought of every scene of the sort I
had ever seen, and of which I had ever read ; of that hour
when Shakspeare watched and loved the beams of this
beautiful orb, until he said

" How sweet those moonbeams sleep on yonder bank ;"

of those nights when I used to sit on the shore of Lake
Superior, where I thought light so pure, so all-encircling,
never came from the moon before, and where the rainbow
also took precedence, in the gorgeousness of its dies, in

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 125

the breadth and nearness of its bases, so near, sometimes,
as to produce an irresistible motion to wash my hands in.
the falling glory. I have often since sought to give prece-
dence to that lovely bow that spanned the Potomac, the
frigate Brandywine immediately beneath the centre of its
arch, on board of which we had, but a few hours before,
placed the good La Fayette, on his final return from this
country to his La Belle France. But it was vain. The
rainbow of Lake Superior has had, can have, no equal ; but
the moonlight of the Mississippi, on that night when I first
beheld this father of rivers, will take precedence of all I
had ever seen before. How I wish I could paint it ! The
moon above, and the river beneath me ; the glory of the
heavens, and the silver-tipped ripples of the Mississippi,
and the pearl-tinged forests, made brighter by the contrast
of the dark recesses into which the moonlight had not en-
tered, with the associations of the scenes around me
Pike's Hill, so named in honor of the gallant officer of
that name, being just opposite all combined, as the canoe
was wheeled out upon the river, to fill me with emotions
strange, bewildering, yet soothing ; and then there was the
grateful sense which my heart cherished for the security
which the unseen, though ever-present God, had blessed us
with. I had no language to express all these then, and I
have none now ; but the memory of it all will never die !

We were now on the theatre of the recent Indian mur-
ders, tidings of which had gone forth ; and reaching St.
Louis and Jefferson Barracks, upon the one hand, and
Green Bay and Fort Howard upon the other, had put in
motion about a thousand men, to interpose the appropriate
shield to arrest and extinguish the spirit that had led to
these butcheries. Well would it have been, if, when the
bayonets of the nation had been despatched to punish the
unenlightened, the untutored Indian, for the execution of
the provisions of the Lex Talionis, the only law known to
him, a corresponding energy, and the adequate power, had

126 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

been employed to compel the civilized of our own race to
treat these unfortunate people as human beings ; and if
there could be found no place for kindness in these rela-
tions, to enforce the obligation to treat them with at least
common justice.

Prairie du Chien is said to have been once the seat of a
Fox chief, named " THE DOG." The level land, upon part
of which the village stands, was once, doubtless, part of
the bed of the Mississippi. When forsaken by the waters,
the channel of the river running close to the opposite or
southern shore, the deserted lands became a prairie. Be-
ing now shorn of its native grass and flowers, the entire
area has become a waste. When a prairie, " the Dog" was
its principal occupant, with his band perhaps, and its
owner when the French gave it the appellation it yet
bears, of Le Prairie du Chien, or the Prairie of the Dog.

This area is composed of several thousand acres of land.
From W. S. W. to N. N. E., (the Mississippi running at
this place due N. N. W., and being not over four hundred
yards wide) it may be one mile and a half in breadth, and
in length from four to five miles. The hills opposite rise
abruptly out of the river. They are irregular, but covered
with trees. On the east, are hills corresponding in height,
but wearing no foliage. The rocks rise to some three
hundred feet above their base, with a show of the blue
and the white of the lime of which they are composed,
and with many a water-mark to tell how high up their
towering ascent the waters of the Mississippi once reach-
ed. And then, the most hasty glance will satisfy any one
that the two sides were once united ; but in what age of
the world, nobody can tell. Ages may have been required
for the waters of the Mississippi to have worn away the
opposing masses, making for their transit to the ocean so
wide a passage as is now opened at that spot ; and yet,
only about four hundred yards of it are now occupied by
the descending waters.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 127

The buildings of the Prairie are of wood, are old, and
generally in a state of decay. The only two good houses
here, are Rolette's, and a trader's, by the name of Lock-
wood, I believe. There appeared to be about one hun-
dred of these decaying tenements, the old picket fort
standing on the plain, a little north of the village, quite a
ruin.

My first duty on arriving at the Prairie, was to fulfil my
promise, made to the Indian chief, by returning to him
safely his two young braves, laden with presents. I took
them to the public store, and literally loaded them with
good and useful Indian supplies, and of every variety.
This done, I procured an escort, to attend and protect
them on their journey across the country to their village.
They arrived, as I afterwards learned, in safety. I have
often heard since, of the inquiries which these people
make after " the big captain," as their Indian term applied
to myself, being interpreted, imports ; the prefix " big,"
not relating so much to my size, as to their conception of
my capacity to confer benefits upon them, and from my
relations to the government.

This duty performed, I rode to the scene of the recent
murders, attended by my companions, including Ben, who
manifested great anxiety to see the place where the Indi-
an had actually carried out, upon others, those plans of
destruction, which he had so often anticipated would be
made personal to himself. The scene of these butcheries
is distant from the village, in an easterly direction, about
three miles. I received the whole story from the widow
of one of the murdered men, Gagnier by name, who was,
at the time, proprietor of the log house in which he was
killed. Gagnier was a half-breed, his mother having been
Indian, and his father French. The door of this one-story
log tenement fronts east, and a window opposite, of course,
west. A large tree grows near its southwestern corner.
Gagnier was sitting on a chest, on the left of the door. At

128 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the window, his wife was washing clothes. On her left
was the bed, in which a child, eleven months old, was
sleeping. On her right, and a little back of her, sat a dis-
charged soldier, named Liepcap ; and this was the situa-
tion of the family, when Wan-nig-sootsh-kau the Red-
Bird We-kau, or the Sun, and a third Indian, entered.
Visits of Indians being common, no particular attention
was paid to them. They were, however, received with
the usual civility, and asked if they would have something
to eat. They said yes, and would like some fish and
milk.

Gagnier had, meantime, seen something peculiar in the
looks and movements of these Indians, as is supposed,
which led him to reach up, and take from brackets just
over his head, his rifle, which, as Mrs. G. turned to get the
fish and milk, she saw laying across Gagnier's lap. At
the moment she heard the click caused by the cocking of
the Red-Bird's rifle, which was instantly followed by its
discharge. She looked, and saw her husband was shot.
At the same moment, the third Indian shot old Liepcap,
when Mrs. G. seeing We-kau, who had lingered about
the door, about to rush in, she met him, made fight, and
wrested from him his rifle. He ran out, she pursuing him,
employing all her energies to cock the rifle and shoot him,
but, by some mysterious cause, was rendered powerless
" feeling," as she expressed it, " like one in a dream, try-
ing to call, or to run, but without the ability to do either."
To save himself, We-kau kept running round the big tree
at the corner of the house, well knowing if he should put
off in a line, she would have better aim, and be more likely
to kill him. After a few turns round the tree, and finding
she had no power over the rifle, she turned short about,
and made for the village, bearing the rifle with her, to
give the alarm ; which, being given, she returned, followed
by a posse of armed men, and found her infant, which
she had left, covered up in the bed on the floor, scalped,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 129

and its neck cut just below the occiput, to the bone. This
was the work of We-kau, who, being intent on having a
scalp the other two having secured theirs there being
no other subject, took one from the head of the child. The
knife, from the examination made of the head, was ap-
plied in front of the crown, and brought round by the right
ear, and far down behind, and up again on the other side,
the object seeming to be, to get as much hair as he could.
In the turn of the knife, at the back of the head, the deep
cut was given, which found its way to the bone.

The child, when I saw it, was comfortable, and I be-
lieve it recovered but the sight of a rifle, even at that
tender age, when one might suppose it could not distin-
guish between a rifle and anything else, would terrify it
almost into fits. Young as it was, it must, from its place
in the bed, have seen a rifle, in connexion with what it was
made itself, so immediately after, to suffer. I made the
mother presents for herself and child.

Governor Cass, after our first parting at Green Bay, arri-
ved at the Prairie just after these murders had been com-
mitted. The inhabitants being, as was natural, in a state
of great alarm, he devised the best means of defence in
his power, and, as has been stated, descended the Missis-
sippi with tidings of the outbreak, to General Atkinson.
From the day the governor left Green Bay, till his return
to it, which was four weeks, he had voyaged in a bark
canoe sixteen hundred miles this was going at an average
rate of about sixty miles the day, including a tarry of one
day at the Prairie, and three at St. Louis.

Notwithstanding we bore to the Prairie the tidings of
the surrender, there still remained, in the minds of the
inhabitants, some lingering apprehensions that more of the
same kind of bloody work might await them. They
thought the war-cloud had not yet spent itself. But nothing
surprised them so much as that the hitherto peace-loving
" Red-Bird" should have been guilty of such conduct. He

VOL. I. 17

130 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

was not only well known, but was, also, the pride of the
Prairie. Such was the confidence reposed in him, that he
was always sought after as a protector, and his presence
was looked upon as a pledge of security against any out-
break that might be attempted. Indeed, when husbands,
and brothers, and sons, had occasion to leave their homes,
the families considered themselves quite secure, if the
Red-Bird could be procured to see to their safety. What
had happened to induce him to act the part he had acted,
was a mystery to all. As to We-kau, he was known, and
abhorred, as one of the most bloody-minded of his race.
Of the third, whose name I could not learn, they knew but
little.

All this mystery, however, was, at last, solved. There
had been great indignities offered to the band near the St.
Peters, to which Red-Bird had become allied, and personal
violence committed upon some of their leading men, and
by those whose station ought to have taught them better;
and whose authority and power should have been dif-
ferently exercised. The leading chiefs counselled upon
those acts of violence, and resolved on enforcing the Indi-
an's law retaliation. Red-Bird was called upon to go out,
and " take meat," as they phrase it. Not wishing to ap-
pear a coward, he undertook the enterprise, secretly re-
joicing that the business had been referred to him ; for he
resolved to make a circuit, and return, saying he could
find no meat. He did so, and was upbraided, and taunted,
and called " coward" and told he knew very well, if he had
the spirit to avenge the wrongs of his people, he could, by
going to the Prairie, get as much meat as he could bring
home. This fired him, and he resolved to redeem his
character as a brave ! when, beckoning to We-kau, and
another Indian, he told them to follow him. They pro-
ceeded to the Prairie. Gagnier's was not the first house
they entered, with the view of carrying out their purpose.
If I mistake not, their first visit was to the house of Mr.

MEMOIRS, dec., &c. 131

Lockwood, who was then absent. His interesting wife
was at home, and her life was undoubtedly saved by the
presence of an old Frenchman on a visit to her, who not
only understood the Winnebago language, but knew the
parties ; and he, also, was known to them. They had res-
pect for him he had been their friend. So, after linger-
ing about the house for a season, they quit the premises,
and crossed the Prairie, to Gagnier's, and there executed
their bloody purpose, as I have narrated.

Addressing a few lines to General Atkinson, still urging
a lenient treatment for the Red-Bird, I prepared for the
descent of the Mississippi ; and accordingly, after having
partaken of the hospitality of Rolette, I embarked with my
party in my bark canoe, and at three, P. M., of the 8th
September, was again upon the bosom of the Mississippi,
and going, with its descending current, onward, to St.
Louis. Continued on till six o'clock, P. M., and encamp-
ed twenty miles below. What had been selected as a
place of repose for the night, proved to be a mosquito
hive for they literally swarmed there. At six in the
morning, after a night of suffering, caused by the stings of
those pestilent lancers, and of inconvenience occasioned
by the rain, we pursued our voyage. The bed of the
river had now widened to about two miles the shores on
the eastern side broken, scolloped, and barren of trees,
with nothing of verdure but grass ; whilst on the western,
they were crowned with trees, and altogether very beau-
tiful.

Arriving at Du Buque's, sixty miles below the Prairie,
we stopped, and visited his grave. This grave is on a
high bluff, or point of land, formed by the junction of the
Black river with the Mississippi, on the west side of the
latter. A village of Fox Indians occupied the low lands,
south of the bluff of these Indians we procured the guide
who piloted us to Du Buque's last resting place. The
ascent was rather fatiguing. Over the grave was a stone,

132 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

covered with a roof of wood. Upon the stone was a cross,
on which was carved, in rude letters " Julian Du Buque
died 24th March, 1810 aged 45 years" Near by, was
the burial-spot of an Indian chief. We returned to our
canoes, embarked, and proceeded sixteen miles further, to
Fever river, and up that river to Galena, arriving after
nightfall. The river sent forth a most disagreeable odor.
It appeared to be the very hot-bed of bilious fever. At
Galena, I visited the mines and smelting establishments,
at that time in their infancy. In the previous July, eight
hundred thousand pounds of lead had been smelted ; and
perhaps a million of pounds in August.

The Winnebagoes were in a state of great excitement,
caused by the intrusions of the whites on their lands.
They had, after having remonstrated for a long time in
vain, made up their minds to endure it no longer, and had
so informed Mr. Conner, the sub-agent. A warning was
circulated among the miners, who replied, " We have the
right to go just where we please." Everything appeared
threatening. Two thousand persons were said to be over
the lines, as intruders, upon lands belonging to the Indians.
The Indians had fallen back, and sent word to the sub-
agent that " he would see them no more" meaning, as
friends.

The white population were supposed to be at that time
from three to five thousand, the larger portion at Galena.
At least fifteen hundred, alarmed for their safety, caused
by the apprehended disturbances, had quit the country.
There appeared to be no time to lose ; and as justice was
all these harrassed people desired, I adopted measures, at
once, to secure it to them, by restoring to them their right-
ful possessions. A general return to a peaceful order of
things immediately ensued.

This overt act, this trespass on their grounds, was the egg
out of which the Black Hawk war was hatched. There was
no necessity for that war, when, some few years after, it did

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 133

break out. It was only needed that the same justice should
be continued to the Indians ; the same regard shown to
their rights, and that war would never have occurred. At
the time it broke out, the places that had hitherto been
filled by those whose experience had fitted them for the
rightful and harmonious adjustment of such difficulties,
were filled with strangers. Hence the Black Hawk war ;
and hence, also, the Seminole war. Injustice and bad
faith, combined with the absence of the needed intelli-
gence, and that indispensable pre-requisite, experience
were the causes of both these wars, and of the waste of the
blood and treasure that attended upon them ; but the loss
of this blood, and of this treasure, could be endured, if, in
the origin, and progress, and termination of these wars,
the national honor had not been tarnished, and our name,
as a people and nation, held up to the civilized world as
unjust cruel and treacherous. It is painful to recur, even
thus slightly, to the history of those wars and, for the
present, I pass on, first recording my judgment against
them, against their necessity, and against the policy that
originated them ; as well as against the measures that were
adopted for carrying them on.

I found rents at Galena enormously high the certain
index of prosperous times. One log house, one story high,
sixteen feet by twenty, I was told, rented for thirty-five dol-
lars a month. Another, in which the tavern was kept, also
of logs, fifty feet by twenty, rented for one thousand dollars
per annum ! The village consisted of about two hundred
houses, all small, and all ranged almost against the west-
ern bank of the river the river being narrowed, at this
point, to a mere stream. The reader will bear in mind
that I am describing Galena as it was in 1827.

Left Galena at three, P. M. ; proceeded twenty miles,
and encamped. Evening cool ; morning also very cool ;
wind fair and free. Embarked at six, A. M. ; run up a
little sail, and took in paddles. Ran twenty-three miles in

134 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

three hours. Breakfasted at nine, and at five, P. M., reached
Fort Armstrong, having run, since six in the morning, six-
ty-five miles. Numerous villages of Fox Indians on our
route. Found a large number of this tribe at Rock Island.
This spot is one of most enchanting beauty. The fort
occupies a rocky elevation on the west side of the island,
and at some thirty feet above the level of the river.
The officers' quarters front west, and from these a view
opens, caused by a bend in the river, that cheats one into
the belief that what is seen of water is a beautiful lake, of
about three miles one way, by half that distance the other.
The hills on the opposite shore are high, and of great
beauty ; sloping down to the river with a grace so easy, as
to captivate the eye of every beholder. They are thick
set, down to their bases, with the richest grasses, unob-
structed by undergrowth, and unbroken by ravines, seem-
ing to my eye to have been cut only a short time before,
by some skilful hand, and left, as well-shaven grass will,
wearing the appearance of velvet. I was never weary in
looking at this rich scene. We were entertained by the
garrison with great hospitality.

Embarked the 12th of September, at six, A. M. Weather
cool and cloudy; wind ahead, and blowing fresh. En-
camped at sun-down. Thursday, 13th, at half-past six, A.
M., put out against a strong head-wind. The river wide,
and quite ocean-like, rolling its huge waves into billows,
whose tops were whitened with foam. The current and
wind being opposed, caused this roughness ; and yet,
against this wind, and amidst these billows, we made fifty
miles, encamping that evening three miles above Rapide
Des Moine. The world seemed everywhere filled with
mosquitoes ! There was no escaping from them ; and in
fierceness and venom, they surpassed their more northern
kindred of Lake Superior. Up with the dawn, the next
morning, and out upon the broad waters, where the rapids
commence. There was something life-like in these rapids,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 135

as contrasted with the usually smooth current of the
river.

It was not the animation of the rapids, only, that proved
inspiring to us, but the superadded feeling caused by our
having reached the line where the civilized and savage lim-
its meet. The fruits of the labor of the hardy pioneer
now began to greet us, in the sight of here and there a log
cabin, with its flaxen-headed urchins, and the hardy, and
sun-burnt, and coarse-clad parents. And here, too, we
began to hear the lowing of cattle, and to see the half-
tamed horses and hogs, and to be charmed with the sing-
ing of birds. How natural were these sounds, and how
sweet ! How composing was all this ; and how rapidly
arose the associations of civilization, of refinement, and
of home ! How all this hushed the feelings ! We passed
the steamboat Mexico, of Cincinnati, at stationary moor-
ings she having, in ascending the river, about three weeks
before, struck a rock, and sunk. Four miles lower down
was another, the Pilot. She had parted her cables, and
gone ashore.

Fort Edwards was now in view. It occupies a bluff on
the Mississippi, of some eighty or one hundred feet above
the level of the river. Here we landed, and breakfasted,
having come about twenty-three miles. The opening into
the rapids, ten miles above Fort Edwards, is beautiful.
The river is wide, and the cultivation on the Illinois shore
is grateful to the eye for there the dottings of civilized
life, which had begun to cheer us above, had thickened into
a more general combination of the cultivated scenery ; and
man, and beast, and nature, all seemed to have undergone
a cleansing, and been subjected to the hand of the artist, in
all the variety of the civilized exterior. The birds were
the same, but more numerous, and apparently more gay
and happy. How man can make war upon these sweet
songsters, and stop, in wanton sport, so much, and such
variety of music as they pour forth ; and who do not con-

136 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

tribute with their notes, only, to regale him, but assist him,
also, in his crops, in both field and garden, by devouring
the worms and insects that tend to make both barren, I
could never conceive. Such a war upon this interesting
portion of God's creation, always indicated, to me, the ab-
sence of the better feelings of human nature, and its ap-
proximation to cruelty, in all other things.

" I would not enter on my list of friends,
(Though grac'd with polish'd manners, and fine sense,
Yet wanting sensibility,) the man
Who needlessly sets foot upon a worm."

Leaving Fort Edwards, we took the right of the river,
and into a channel varying from one-half to a mile in
width. The water was calm ; the hills on the western side
high and rolling. A fringe of low ground stretched along
our left, whilst in the middle of the river, an island of great
beauty stood full in our view. When I first saw this island,
it resembled a castle, with three distinctly formed terraces,
and as many turrets, each terrace about twenty-five feet
above the other. Beyond, and upon its right and left, the
eye passed far onward over the waters, till it rested on dis-
tant mountains, that seemed like blue mist curtaining the
further distance from view ; the nearer waters reflecting
the scenery from their mirror face, made green by the
foliage medium through which the light passed. Every-
thing was tranquil here, and a sober grandeur rested on
castle, woods, and water, till, presently, the castle-like form
began to lose its distinctness, turret after turret disappear-
ing, with the magic-like removal of the terraces, when the
island stood forth divested of its formidable aspect, simple,
and true to nature ; and with this change were lost, also,
the associations to which its first appearance gave rise, as
light clouds melt into the air, and disappear.

" 'Twas distance lent enchantment to the view."

Encamped on an island five miles below, and, as is my

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 137

custom, took to the water, and bathed. It was somewhere
about here, when, seeing a light on the Illinois shore, away
off in the woods, that I concluded to pass over to it, climb
up the ascent, and purchase some milk, and other neces-
saries. The night was dark. Ben, having reached the
cultivated region, and being now within sight of houses,
and fields, and of domestic animals, was nothing loth to
accompany me. We reached the place, and commenced
the ascent. When at the top, the light seemed to have
receded, but was still visible in the distance, through a
thick foliage. The undergrowth was heavy and tangled,
and our way was impeded by the darkness, and by the
brush-wood which lay scattered over the ground, in all di-
rections ; but, keeping my eye upon the light, I continued
on, for about a quarter of a mile, when I found we were in
a clearing. The bodies of huge trees lay in all directions,
between which the earth had been disturbed, and the crop
was growing. I knew this to be a new settlement. Pres-
ently the dogs began to bark, when a tall, gaunt man came
to the door, demanding to know " who comes there ?" A
friend, I answered. " Advance !" The dogs were called
off, whilst he stood in the door-way to receive me. " Two
of you, I see." Yes, sir ; this is my servant. " Ah, from
the States, I suppose ?" Yes, sir.

I had observed, in my advances to the house, through
the only window in it, a woman of large size, who ap-
peared to be seated, and around about her the tops of the
heads of some half dozen children, their hair standing, as
if in fright. Now and then, I could see their hands rise
and fall, with quick motions ; whilst the head, and neck,
and shoulders of the woman, being all visible, I could see
and comprehend better the meaning of her movements,
which were like those indicated by the children. I could
see her strike her face, and then her neck, first with one
hand, and then the other, the hands of the children, as I
have said, being in constant motion, performing, as I sup-

VOL. I. 18

138 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

posed, corresponding ceremonies. It was a perfect panto-
mime, which did not, however, explain itself. But on en-
tering, I saw they were all busy in warring with the mos-
quitoes, against whose bites I was guarded by a green veil
over my face, a cloth coat and pantaloons, boots, and thick
leather gloves.

My great object was to get some milk. Those only who
have been brought up where this article of diet abounds,
and are then separated from it, for a length of time, know
how strong the desire becomes to taste it again. " Sit up,
sit up, stranger, and join us," said the hardy settler. I had
noticed, on coming into the room, a large wooden bowl in
the middle of the table, with the handle of a wooden ladle
lying on the rim the lower part being buried in some-
thing, I knew not what ; and yet, when one and another
of the children were to be helped, and I saw the thick,
dark surface disturbed, there was milk brought up from
beneath it. Just as I was about joining the repast, my eye
being on the constant slapping of the mother and the chil-
dren of their own faces, and hands, and necks, I saw, at
every stroke, the crippled and wing-broken mosquitoes
falling into the big bowl, and that the beverage they were
all eating with so much gout, was, sure enough, milk, heav-
ily sprinkled with crippled and dead mosquitoes when I
excused myself on the ground of haste, asking if I could
be obliged with a few dozen of eggs ; my milk mania hav-
ing been effectually cured.

During the absence of the man to get the eggs, I re
marked to the woman You appear, madam, to have a
good many mosquitoes here. " What !" she said, with a
look of surprise, still slapping her face, and neck, and shoul-
ders, the children being no less busy in the same way-
" what ! mosquitoes ? You don't call what we have here,
in this clearing, many, do you ? If you had stopped in that
bend just above here, about forty miles, I guess you
wouldn't call what few we have here, many"

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 139

The eggs having been procured, paid for, and handed
over to Ben, we made our way back to the canoe and our
camp. " Did you ever see such a fight, before ?" inquired
Ben, as we entered the woods. " And then the milk, how
it was covered with the dead ones. Well, give me Wash-
ington," he continued, " or any other place in the old set-
tlements, in preference to these new countries. But there
don't seem to be any Indians along here." I told him
we should have the pleasure of seeing a goodly number,
before we should see Washington. " Not wild ones, I
hope, sir."

Saturday, 15th, embarked at day-light. Made a call at
Louisiana, a little town, thirty miles below our encamp-
ment, and after taking breakfast on the beach, walked to
the town, hoping to find some newspapers another article
after which one who has been accustomed to their daily
presence, is no less hungry, when deprived of them for
several months, than for milk. I found there about half a
bushel of Duff Green's Telegraph, directed to numerous
persons, who had not, for some reason, as the man told
me, called for them. As many of these as I wanted, were
placed at my disposal. Taking a few, and being favored
with some of another quality, making up quite an assort-
ment, I proceeded on to Clarksville, which is about one
hundred miles above St. Louis. I literally devoured the
newspapers ; and every name I saw that was known to me
about Washington, and elsewhere, seemed to be invested
with new charms. I read every article, in every paper,
and even the advertisements, and many of them over and
over again. No wonder Selkirk sighed as he did after

" Society, friendship, and love."

ZIMMERMAN, I know, has invested solitude with charms ;
but to one who, like myself, had been in its midst, and who
also knew what was included in " society" and "friendship"
and, I suppose, I might as well say " love" there could be

140 MEMOIRS, &c., fec.

no time required to weigh the attractions of the two con-
ditions, unless, indeed, as some one has said, a beloved
one was present, when in solitude, to whom I might say,

" How charming is solitude !"

At Clarksville I essayed to procure something fresh to
eat but could find nothing but eggs. Thirty miles lower
down, we saw, on a small island, at least three hundred
pelicans. They were so numerous as literally to cover
the island, giving to it (the island was a sand island, with
nothing of vegetation growing out of it,) the appearance of
being covered with snow. The rage for shooting what-
ever came in their way, had seized the count, and the rest of
my companions, including Ben, when nothing would do
but to have a shot at them. The bird, I knew, was as
useless as it was harmless. But no remonstrance could
divert them from their purpose, when they were landed
amidst the undergrowth of a contiguous island^ from the
point of which they fired killing three, and winging two.
The winged ones were brought on board the canoe, and
being not much injured, I concluded to take them to St.
Louis ; and, if I could, to Washington.

Encamped at eight at night, forty miles above St. Louis ;
and succeeded there in procuring some fresh supplies, in-
cluding milk. This being in bottles, to keep it cool, I tied
cords around the bottles' necks, and fastening these to the
canoe, towed them after us. Here, too, we were so
lucky as to get some peaches. What delicious fare !
The apprehension of a border war, proceeding from the
Prairie du Chien murders, had just reached these settlers,
who fled at the approach of our canoe, as would children
from an apparition. The wildest panic had seized the
entire population ! One entire family, on seeing us ap-
proaching the shore, were with difficulty kept from run-
ning away, leaving their all behind them not doubting but
we were Indians.

MEMOIRS, &c., dec. .41

At five next morning, embarked, and ran twenty-two
miles, when we landed for breakfast. A settler came to
our encampment. I asked if he could supply me with
some milk. He answered " We don't use it." I asked
why ? " The people," he replied, " about these parts, were
afraid of the milk-sick ; and never used milk after early
spring. They do not even permit the calves to suck it;
if they do, the calves die, as well as the people." I sought
information touching the nature of this " milk-sick," and
to find out what it was that, after " early spring," impart-
ed such deleterious qualities to the milk of cows but
found my settler not one of the sort out of whom answers
to such abstract questions could be extracted. All he
knew was, that, after a certain season, those who partook
of cow's milk, whether human beings or calves, were made
sick, and many died from the use of it. I interpreted the
poisonous quality of the milk to be produced by some
weed that was indigenous to these parts, which the cows
ate ; and I suppose that to be the fact. It was fortunate
that the man had come to our camp ; for Ben, seeing some
cows in the distance, was just about to put off, to take,
sans ceremonie, as much milk as his bucket would hold.

H2 MEMOIRS, &c., &c

CHAPTER VII.

SOJOURN AT ST. LOUIS. PASSAGE DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI.
HARD JOURNEY FROM MEMPHIS TO CHICKASAW BLUFFS.

Mouth of the Missouri A toast The French count Meeting of the waters
St. Louis General Clark Hospitalities Sudden illness of the count Kind-
ness of Mrs. Clark Departure and destination Compagnons de voyage
Screw-mills The channel ever shifting Abrasion of the banks of the Missis-
sippi A town falling into the river The cause explained Sawyers Plant-
era Duty of government to remove them Profits of two acres of onions
Memphis Journey to the Chickasaw bluffs Missionary stations Drunken
Indians Power of General Jackson's name Halt in the middle of a stream
Ti-esh-ka Tockshish Monroe Barren tract of country Arrival at Col-
bert's An Indian's gratitude and regard Designs of the government at that
time Different principles afterwards adopted Jeremiah Evarts, and his papers,
signed "William Penn" A " blow-gun" Counting time " Red-sticks"
Anecdote of Tecumthe Preparations for the grand council.

AT half-past twelve, we were opposite, indeed in, the
mouth of the Missouri river. This being the first time
I had seen this river, I directed the voyagers to fetch
a compass, and go into it. When upon its waters, un-
mixed with those of the Mississippi, the paddles were
taken in, and all were at rest. While thus stationary,
there remaining, as reported by Ben, one bottle of claret
wine, of the stores that I had taken with me from New
York, I directed the cork to be drawn " the sun being,"
in nautical parlance, " past the foreyard," and told all hands
to prepare for a sentiment voyagers, Ben, and all. On
filling our cups a few of us had tumblers I gave, " The
memory of Napoleon Le Grand" a compliment I thought
due to my guest, the count, who had served under that
great captain. I had scarcely given utterance to the senti-

MEMOIRS, <fcc., &c. 143

ment, when the count cried out " Stop, stop, Monsieur
Le Colonel, one moment, if you please. Benjamin, hand
me the brandy. The wine is good, but not strong enough
for that sentiment." When pouring his wine into Ben's cup,
he said, " Now colonel, with all my heart ;" when, standing
in our bark canoe, in the mouth of the Missouri river, we
drank to the memory of " Napoleon Le Grand ;" and by the
count it was done with a gout that told, in language not to
be mistaken, how undying was the devotion of the French
to the memory of their great idol.

I beg to make, here, a short digression. Being in my
office in the War Department, one day, the door was
thrown open by my messenger, when a remarkably fine-
looking young gentleman entered. He advanced to me,
saying, " Colonel McKenney, I believe ?" Yes, sir. He
drew from his pocket a letter directed to me, saying, " From
Doctor Black, of Nova Scotia." The object of the letter
was to introduce to me this young Englishman, named
STAR.* From his brilliant and animated countenance, and
fine, manly form, he appeared to be appropriately named.
Having read the letter from my venerable friend, who was
a bishop, I believe, in Nova Scotia, I said to Mr. Star,
You will do me the honor of dining with me to-day, at five
o'clock ? He declined, urging that " he had come all the
way from his home to gratify a single feeling ; that the
ship in which he had arrived was at New York, and nearly
ready to sail ; and that all the time he had at his command
he must devote to the sole object which had brought him
here and that was to visit what was once the home of
the greatest and best man that had ever lived, and the tomb
that contains his remains. I need not say, sir, that I re-
fer to your WASHINGTON ; nor that my call on you is to
obtain counsel as to the best and speediest route to Mount
Vernon." The Supreme Court was then in session ; so I
wrote a line to Judge Washington, asking for this young
Englishman a permit, dec., dec. My messenger was des-

* Hon. J. Leander Star, subsequently member of the council of her majesty in Nova Scotia.

144 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

patched to the Capitol, who soon returned with a note from
the judge to his major-domo, the substance of which was,
to refuse the bearer no request he might make.

The moment young Star had run his eye over tne note,
he sprang from his chair, rubbed his hands, his eyes spark-
ling with delight, and, with many acknowledgments, started
for Mount Vernon, by the way which had been, meantime,
agreed upon.

The next day he returned, called on me, repeating his
acknowledgments, and charmed with his visit. Availing
himself of the judge's note, he had made two " requests"
one was, to be admitted into the room in which General
Washington died, and the other to visit the tomb where
reposed his remains. A pause in the major-domo, for a
moment, produced a fear that these requests could not be
complied with ; but the note being looked at, they were.
On entering the tomb, and the coffin being pointed out to
Mr. Star, that contained the remains of Washington, he
put his hand on its breast, and on a sprig of arbor vitce,
which he took from its resting-place, saying, " Can I take
this ?" If you request it, was the answer. It was placed
there, (pointing to the spot where it had lain,) by General
Lafayette, on his visit to this tomb ; and, till now, the door
has never since been opened.

Meantime, taking the sprig of evergreen from his
pocket-book, he said, " This is it, sir this is it. What
a relic ! From the breast of the coffin of Washington,
and put there by Lafayette !" The treasure was care-
fully returned to its place of safe-keeping ; when this fine
youth, declining all further offers of civility, left me, look-
ing as if the circle of his happiness was now completed, and
as though no other incident of his life were needed to make
it more perfect.

The French count had lavished his heart's best feelings,
as was meet he should, over the memory of the great cap-
tain under whom he had been led to victory ; whilst the

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 145

young Englishman revelled in the fame, and gloried in the
patriotism and purity of our Washington.

The waters of the Missouri contrast strongly with those
of the Mississippi, being clay color ; whilst those of the
Mississippi are lighter and brighter. There were floating
about, and being driven with the current of the Missis-
sippi, numerous fragments of trees, which made it neces-
sary, whilst in their midst, to guard well our canoe of
bark, from being crushed by them. The waters of the
Missouri, when there is anything of a descent, drive those
of the Mississippi far across to the Illinois shore, and
would seem to be the master-river of the two where, by a
well defined line, each is separated from the other, and
continue so for many miles, when the clay color of the
Missouri at last becomes blended with the less turbid
Mississippi. Still, a perfect commingling is not consum-
mated, until they pass St. Louis, some forty miles below,
when the color of the Missouri water is lost, and the Missis-
sippi carries what would seem to be its own tribute to the
Gulf of Mexico, and onward to the " deep blue sea."

The mouth of the Missouri, at its junction with the
Mississippi, is about a mile wide my eye being judge
the lands on both sides are flat, and quite unbecoming the
noble river which passes out between them. There are
heights some eight miles back of the mouth of the river.
Upon part of these, Bell Fountaine is situated, and this is
the only object of a bold nature that greets the eye around
this place.

Landed at St. Louis, at three, P. M. We were met and
greeted by many ; and among them, by that good man, and
faithful public officer, General William Clark, whose name
has acquired celebrity as the companion and fellow-travel-
ler of Lewis, in the expedition planned by Mr. Jefferson,
to the Rocky Mountains, and the Columbia river. Quar-
ters having been arranged for me at General Clark's,
my companions and myself parted company, they occu-

VOL. I. 19

146 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

pying rooms at the hotel. Dined at Camp Jefferson,
with Colonel Leavenworth and others. The civilities of
those hospitable people, I can never forget those of
Colonel John O'Fallon, and his brother, Major Benjamin
O'Fallon, were made especially acceptable. With the
latter I made excursions round the country back of St.
Louis, and saw enough to satisfy me then, that St. Louis
was destined to become a great and populous city. It is
yet destined to outstrip the most sanguine anticipations of
those who look farthest. Nothing can be more beautiful than
is the country back of the city, and nothing more fruitful.

A party was made at General Clark's, to which we were
invited. Going over to the count's room in the afternoon,
I found him seated on the side of his bed, caparisoned and
ready for the evening's entertainment, except his coat,
which lay beside him, ornamented with the insignia of his
rank. He was dressed in white cassimere shorts, white
silk stockings, and shoes mounted with buckles set in dia-
monds, a rich vest, and ruffled shirt. His fine black hair,
and whiskers, never looked so well before. All these, with
a person over six feet, of finely proportioned form, seemed
to qualify him, together with his rank and character, to
figure with eclat, in the lovely Mrs. Clark's drawing-room.
But all this exterior was lost to my eye, in an instant, when,
on looking at his countenance and complexion, I saw he
was in a perilous state ! I put my finger on his pulse,
looked at his tongue, and was satisfied nothing could save
him but instant bleeding.

I had no lancet at hand ; but calling in Ben, I directed
him to assist the count in getting to bed, whilst I went out
in search of a physician. I asked everybody for a doctor,
and desired all I met to send one, forthwith, to the hotel,
and to the count's room making my way as fast as I could
to Doctor Farrow's. He was not in ; so I returned, still
looking for aid, when I met the doctor, (somebody having
despatched him to the hotel,) coming down stairs. I

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 147

asked eagerly after the count, and got for answer, " His case
is a bad one." Did you bleed him ? " In a moment after
I saw him." Will he recover ? "I hope so." This im-
plied doubt. I had learned to love the count. He was,
besides, a stranger, and far from home, and family, and
friends. He was in a strange land. He had been my com-
panion in peril, in storm, and in calm ; and he was, besides,
a glorious fellow. I could not endure the thought of his
dying. I sat by him watched him ministered to him.
Ben, too, was all attention. The next day the disease was
broken, and the symptoms all favorable. I was to leave
on the 22d, but delayed till the 24th. The count being
young and vigorous, once upon a level with his disease,
I felt sure he would master it.

On the evening of the 23d, Mrs. Clark, one of the most
estimable of women, lovely, and beloved by everybody
(alas ! she is dead, and knows nothing of what I am re-
cording to her memory, nor will she ever know) said to
me, " Your friend, the count, Doctor Farrow tells me, is
sitting up. You are to leave to-morrow. One promise I
must exact of you ; and that is, to leave your friend in my
care. The room you will vacate is large and airy, and
better suited to an invalid than the one he is in. Now this
is my plan. Tell him, with my respects, that, the day be-
ing favorable to-morrow, I will call for him at eleven
o'clock, and take him riding in my carriage, and give him
an airing. You must accompany us. While we are gone,
Ben must pack up his trunks, and transfer them to your
room. On our return, I will stop at my door. We must
unite our invitations, and prevail on the count to make a
call, when you will introduce him into your room. There
he must remain, till he gets well. You see I employ the
positive MUST. You can then leave with more quiet of
mind, and he will have a home, and friends who will de-
light in attending upon him." Never did woman's loveli-
ness break forth in charms so captivating. She looked

148 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

like an angel. I could scarcely speak. And this, I could
not help ejaculating, is

"Being mindful to entertain strangers."

All this was done according to the programme of this ex-
cellent lady, and the count put in possession of his new
abode.

In the meantime, I had taken leave of the estimable Mr.
Kinzie, my tried friend, clerk, and interpreter ; and of my
trusty voyagers, and of my favorite canoe, having seen
them off, on their way up the Illinois river, thence on, by
the way of Lakes Michigan, Huron, and Erie, to Detroit,
where they all arrived safely. My destination was, by the
way of the Mississippi, to the Chickasaw bluffs ; thence
through the country of the Chickasaws, Choctaws, Chero-
kees, and Creeks. With the first three it had been made
my duty to enter into conventional arrangements, for an
exchange of their country, east, for a country west of the
Mississippi ; and with the latter, to negotiate a treaty of
cession of a strip of land which remained in Georgia, and
by this means put to rest the excitements that had been so
long kept up between that State and the federal govern-
ment. Honest and earnest efforts had been made, by the
federal Executive, to satisfy and pacify Georgia, by obtain-
ing the consent of the Creek Indians to relinquish all their
claims to territory within that State, and those efforts had
proved successful, until arrested by a refusal of the Indians
to relinquish their last foothold ; when I was sent on this
forlorn hope, without resources in goods, or money, or re-
sort of any sort, even for the expenses attending the ex-
periment, except to the limited provisions of the contin-
gent fund, so far as, in my discretion, it should be proper
to draw upon it.

Taking leave of my hospitable friends of St. Louis, and
of the count, I embarked at four o'clock, P. M., on Mon-
day, the 24th September, 1827, on board the steamboat

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 149

Crusader. At a quarter past four, we were under way.
On passing General Clark's house, the windows were oc-
cupied by its inmates, and among them I caught a glimpse
of the count's face, fine black head, and large dark eyes,
all expressive of the courtesy which had always charac-
terized this polite and finished gentleman. A moment
passed in the waving of handkerchiefs, in token of the
parting, and the boat, impelled by her wheels, and borne
onward by the current, shut from my view all these kind
manifestations, and I was once more on the bosom of this
father of rivers ; but now in a state of enlargement from
the limits of my canoe, and amidst new, and some of it
strange company. We ran eighteen miles, and came to
for wood, and for the night, such being the difficulty of
navigation about here, as to render any attempt, except by
day-light, unsafe.

The boat was a fine one, in all respects, but I had never
before travelled with such company. One of the lower
decks was appropriated, from stern to bow, for the trans-
portation of live stock. Noah's ark, it appeared to me,
could not have contained a greater variety. Horses, cows,
bullocks, sheep, calves, hogs, mules, chickens, geese, tur-
keys in a word, everything that had life, seemed to be
there ; and all were so huddled together, as to create in
each a feeling of self-protection that would, every now and
then, break out into acts of open hostility, accompanied
by the cries of the frightened or hurt, so as to make of
the whole a perfect Babel. And then there was the am-
monia ! And yet the boat, in all other respects, was first-
rate, and the accommodations very superior.

I noticed along the shore of the river many mills that
were kept going by a screw in the water, operating as a
propeller, performing a similar duty, that of turning, and
acting upon the same principle with that known as Erick-
sorfs propeller; the difference being in the motive power, or
in a modification of it ; the mills being turned by the cur-

150 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

rent of the Mississippi operating upon the screw that was
passed into it, and the boats by a similar screw, put in
motion by steam. My attention was arrested by the con-
stant change in the direction of the boat. The object, I
learned, was to find the channel, it being rarely the case
that a boat goes down to New Orleans from the upper
Mississippi, and back again in the same channel. The
current makes the channel, and the current is made con-
stantly to change, by the undermining action of the water
upon the banks of the river, and the falling into it of many
acres of land at a time, and by the lodgment of trees and
floating matter upon sand-bars, &c. It is not unusual for
a log house of the settler, after having stood a mile from
the Mississippi for a few years, to find itself, by the gradual
advances of the river, first upon its bank, and next a wreck
amidst its waters. The very house I had gone to, and at
which I witnessed the fight with the mosquitoes, furnished,
almost, an example of this sort ; and long before now, I
have no doubt, it has been floated down the Mississippi.
While the good man was out getting the eggs, I chanced
to say something of these invasions of the river upon the
land, when the wife answered, " Oh, yes ; Lord bless your
soul, old Mississippi does just what he pleases with the
land. When John first made this clearing, we were two
miles from the landing, away off in the country, and that
wasn't over two years ago ; and now we're a little over a
quarter of a mile from the river. I told him it would be
so, but he wouldn't mind me, and now he sees I am right."
Another example. New Madrid once occupied ground
which, at the time I passed it, was the main channel of
the river. When at the place, Hon. Mr. S., whom I had
known as a member of Congress, said to me, " We are
now over the spot once occupied by New Madrid. That,"
pointing to a house near the shore, " is the only house now
left of those that once (in 1805) formed the town of New
Madrid ; and yonder barn, that was then three-quarters of

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 151

a mile from the landing, is, as you see, not now over four
hundred yards distant." A line being at hand, I threw it
over, but found no bottom.

This New Madrid, the reader will recollect, had been
the seat of an earthquake, I believe in 1812. The cause
of the incursion of the water upon the land was before me,
at this place. It was an island that had been formed by
materials brought down the river, and lodged in shallow
water opposite New Madrid, forming a nucleus for sand,
and sediment, and trees, &c., &c., till, in the lapse of time,
it became an island. The current striking against it, was
changed in its course, and thrown diagonally across the
river, and against the bank on which the town was built,
and there it ran, till the ground was undermined, caved in,
and carried away, to form some new deposit, or some
new island ; or, if it should not be thus disposed of, to en-
large the Delta at the mouth of the Mississippi. The
river, where New Madrid once stood, was about a mile
wide ; it may, from the causes stated, be now wider or
narrower.

We passed innumerable sawyers, engaged in that per-
petual swing, from side to side, caused by the action of
the current upon them ; from which motion they derive
their name. They are formed by trees, that fall, frequently
by acres at a time, with the soil in which they grew, into
the water, as I have stated, and these are brought down
the Missouri and Mississippi, with others from numerous
other rivers which empty into them, and floated in every
direction, till the roots become impeded, when sediment
and drift-wood form around, and fix them deeply and firmly
at bottom, their upper ends being above the water. A de-
scending vessel will pass over these sawyers without inju-
ry. The tree yields under the pressure of the boat; and,
when relieved from that pressure by being gone over, rises
with a rebound, throwing a large portion of its length out

152 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

of the water ; when, presently, it resumes its swinging or
sawing motion, as before.

Planters are trees, also ; and, like sawyers, are also firm
set at bottom, but are either too short to be seen above
water, or have been, by some cause, broken off, at or near,
and sometimes some feet below the surface. The first,
in ascending the river, by being visible, can be avoided ;
but the last is that hidden enemy to both property and
life, which are so frequently destroyed by their agency on
these waters. Their position is generally favorable to the
nature of the work they perform ; it being inclined, and
pointed, as if by a skilful engineer, so as to receive the
boat's bow, or bottom, just where there is the least possi-
bility for escape ; when it ploughs through and through,
making a breach, and opening numerous seams for, the
admission of water, and holds on, till the work of destruc-
tion is complete. There would be scarcely less danger
were as many cannon mounted in the same positions, and
pointed, at like angles, and so contrived that, when a boat
should strike the muzzle, a trigger should be drawn, and
the load discharged.

The vast and increasing commerce of the Mississippi,
and the wide-spread interest of the mercantile community
in property that floats upon its waters, as well as of that
of almost all other classes, would seem to make the busi-
ness of ridding this great highway of these invisible ene-
mies a national duty, not to be begun, and ended, as has
been the case, but to be continued, and under a system
that should last as long as the evil it was intended to extir-
pate should endure.

Whenever a national spirit shall actuate Congress, this
great business will be properly regarded, and attended to.
Nothing tends so effectually to paralyze the " general wel-
fare," as the presence, and exercise, in Congress, of sec-
tional or local jealousies. It seems, in great part, to be
overlooked, that we are one people ; that a benefit con-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 153

ferred upon one section of this wide-spread domain is, to
a greater or less extent, a blessing diffused among the rest ;
and yet it has often happened that an admitted good has
been withheld from the people of one quarter of this com-
mon country, by votes in Congress, because some corres-
ponding amount of money, proposed to be expended for
its accomplishment, was not appropriated to be expended
among the citizens of another part of the same country.
No one who looks upon his country as a patriot, and upon
the American people as one great family, though of dif-
ferent members, can contemplate this sectional jealousy
with any feelings other than those of deep regret.

We had taken in tow, at St. Louis, a keel-boat laden
with one thousand five hundred bushels of onions, bound
to New Orleans. These onions were part of the product
often acres of ground the entire quantity raised upon it,
being two thousand bushels. The labor was performed by
two men. The charge for towing the boat to New Or-
leans was one hundred and fifty dollars, where they ex-
pected to receive for their onions one dollar and fifty cents
per bushel. Estimating the entire cost of raising the
onions, in labor and transportation, &c., at four hundred
and fifty dollars, including the cost of the return of these
two men to St. Louis, and the nett product of these ten
acres of land, for that year, would be eighteen hundred
dollars.

At sundown, the 28th, arrived at Memphis. Memphis
stands on the fourth Chickasaw bluff. The position ap-
peared to me to be a fine one, except, only, the ascent to
the town from the river was too great for either profit or
convenience. The distance from St. Louis to this place,
is four hundred miles. The next day, wrote home ; and by
the kind offices of Mr. A., I succeeded in procuring a one-
horse wagon, a couple of horses, a guide, and an inter-
preter. I had procured the customary outfit, at St. Louis.
This consisted of crackers and tea, a cooked ham, a

VOL. i. 20

154 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

tongue, a tea-kettle, &c. My tent, of course, I brought
with me from Green Bay. The day was sultry, and Ben
thought there were " strong symptoms of disease there,
(a couple of funerals being under way) which, if taken,
would carry one off in a jiffy." " The elements," he
thought, "looked sickly." He knew his destination was
now once more among the Indians. He dreaded this, but
he was more alarmed at the climate at the bluffs, and was
glad to be under way. All things being ready, I mounted
him on the baggage, in the little wagon, took to my horse,
and at twelve at noon, in company with my guide and in-
terpreter, made for the country of the Chickasaws. There
had never before left these bluffs a shabbier-looking set of
travellers. Clothing, wilderness and river-worn ; faces sun-
burnt, hair long, horses common, and wagon, and gear,
saddle and bridle, even worse than common.

Made twenty miles, and encamped for the night. Rose
early the next morning, (the Sabbath,) and proceeded
thirty miles under a burning sky, before we come to a
drop of water when at last a stream, called C 'old-water ',
greeted us, by the side of which we boiled our tea, and
broke our fast ; when, after proceeding ten miles further,
and at half an hour after sunset, we arrived at Martyn,
a missionary station. Met by the Reverend Mr. Blair,
with the cordial welcome of a Christian, with the words
" You are indeed welcome, colonel, to Martyn." Every
manifestation of kindness was shown to me. Discharged
my guide and interpreter. How green this little spot
looked ! How full of comforts and there were the fledg-
lings of the forest, being tamed, and blessed, and made to
feel the blessed influence of Christian teaching, and of
Christian hope. The wagon had become rickety, and
Ben was fearful it might break down, as "he was sure it
would, if we had many more of such roads to go over."
Ben's fears were, for once, well based ; for it required all
of Monday to vamp up the wagon so, instead of pursu-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 155

ing my journey, I was obliged to defer it till Tuesday,
when Mr. and Mrs. Blair agreed to accompany me to
Monroe, another missionary station among the Chicka-
saws, about eighty miles distant.

The morning of Tuesday was fair and fine. Various
little impediments delayed our movement till twelve at
noon, when I bade adieu to Martyn. Proceeded ten
miles ; when, coming to a stream of water, we stopped,
and dined on its margin. At sundown arrived at an Indi-
an farm. I chose for my tent a beautiful green spot near
to a water-course, Mr. and Mrs. B. keeping on to some
house in its neighborhood. A fire, as usual, was struck,
and applied to an old tree that lay near by my tent,
and Ben had gone with his tin-bucket to fetch water, in
which to boil our tea when, coming suddenly back, and
with looks of wild amazement, he rushed into the tent
where I was reposing on my pallet, saying "Indians,
sir, Indians, as sure as you're alive I heard their yells !"
At that moment the yells were repeated. " There," said
Ben, " there they are again ; and, as I believe, they are
drunk, and here we are with nobody but ourselves. Your
pistols, colonel, are under the head of your pallet, and
your sword, also." Why not take part, yourself, Ben?
Why put them all away up here out of your reach ? "I
was thinking, sir," he replied, " when I put the tent up
again, that is, if I ever live to do it I would take a couple
of the pistols, and keep them near me." Another yell,
and close at hand. " I am certain, sir," said Ben, " we
shall never see Washington. Don't you think we had bet-
ter take down the tent, and go on?" No, Ben, I answered,
we might travel all night, and not come across such a
nice bit of ground to encamp on, as this. " Yes but
what's the use of a bit of nice ground, if one is to be killed
upon it ?" Put on the kettle, Ben.

He had scarcely reached the fire, which, by this time,
was a large one, before half a dozen drunken Indians came

156 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

staggering up to it ; one of them passing on, came to the
door of my tent, and pulling aside the curtain, began to
reel in, with gestures of a sort that intimated his intention
to take possession. The light from the fire made every-
thing bright, almost, as day. I knew one side or the other
must be master; so I ran my fingers through the guards
of two of the pistols, and springing to my feet, took him
by the neck, and gave him a shove. He lost his balance,
and tumbled heels over head ; when the remaining five,
seizing, some their knives, and some their rifles, made for
me. Seeing my pistols cocked, and pointed in the direc-
tion of the two foremost, a pause was made, accompanied
by silence ; when one, who had been too drunk to come
up with the rest, rose upon his feet, and stretching out his
arm, and pointing at me with his finger, said, in a loud
voice, " JACKSON !" That moment knives were put up, and
rifles lowered, and I became the object of a general gaze.
Shortly after, they all, in tolerable quiet, left the ground.

My hair being grey, and having grown unusually long,
and it having been always my practice to wear it thrown
up from my forehead, this Indian, having doubtless seen
General Jackson, and his hair being also grey, and worn
after the same fashion, concluded that the general was sure
enough before him. He had not only seen General Jack-
son, but was, there is little doubt, acquainted with his man-
ner of handling Indians, and thought it best, therefore, with
his comrades, not to place himself in a situation where the
same sort of treatment might be enacted over again.

The kettle boiled, we took our tea and crackers, when I
repaired to my pallet ; and Ben, coiling himself up in his
buffalo robe, laid himself down at my feet. I was soon
asleep, but was not long enjoying my nap, when Ben, sha-
king one of my feet, aroused me, saying, " There they are
again!" And sure enough, so they were, in increased
numbers, and all of them on horseback. For more than
an hour, these fellows were yelling and shouting, and trying

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 157

to ride their horses over my tent. I felt quite sure they
could not accomplish this manoeuvre ; so it did not give
me much concern. At last, they all galloped away, leaving
me to enjoy the remainder of the night in very comforta-
ble and refreshing sleep.

Breakfasted at half-past six ; mended the wagon, and
moved on. Stopped at twelve, and ate something. A rat-
tle-snake crossed our path, his rattles admonishing us that
we were trespassing. Alighting from my horse, I ran him
through with my sword. I cut off his rattles as a trophy,
and carried them with me to Washington. He was three
feet long, and twelve years old, his rattles being ten in
number.

Mr. and Mrs. Blair had preceded us for, truly agreea-
ble as was their company. I could not exact it, at so great
a sacrifice of time and comfort to them. We came to a
swamp, in an Indian settlement, and when about midway
of the stream that passes through it, our horse refused to
pull the wagon an inch further. I had employed a new
guide, by the way. I told him to follow, and overtake Mr.
and Mrs. Blair, and tell them we were unexpectedly de-
layed ; and if he could, to bring some assistance. So,
leaving the horse and wagon in the stream, Ben waded out ;
when my tent, being carried over on my horse, was pitched
on the other side ; then, going into a cane-brake, we
cut cane for our horses ; then, wading into the stream, we
ungeared the obstinate animal, and led him out, leaving the
wagon in its position, in the middle of the stream. It was
now night. The moon was full, and the sky clear ; the
hooting of owls our only requiem. Kindled a fire, boiled
our tea, partook of the refreshing beverage, and went to
sleep.

Early the next morning, I joined Ben, and wading into
the stream, took manfully hold of the wagon, and by our
joint efforts, drew it upon dry land. We packed up, and
putting my saddle-horse in the w r agon, I mounted the other.

158 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

and rode to Ti-esh-ka's, whither Mr. and Mrs. Blair had
preceded us.

Ti-esh-ka, an Indian, by his extraordinary natural en-
dowments, had surrounded himself with a farm, well fenced
in, and well stocked. Besides his success as a farmer, he
was an artist, and worked in iron and silver. His charac-
ter for talents, and exemplary conduct, had combined to
give him great influence. He was, in all respects, a noble
specimen of man ; one of whom many in civilized life
might have learned, and might yet learn, virtues which are
rarely excelled among the civilized. Breakfasted with this
noble Indian ; and, in token of my high respect for his
character, left him and his family a few evidences of my
regards. Proceeded to Tockshish, (which word means
" Root of a tree"} a missionary station, in charge of Rev.
Mr. Holmes. Leaving Tockshish, where Mr. and Mrs.
Blair tarried for the night, I proceeded on to Monroe, an-
other missionary establishment. Wagon broke down.

Nearly the whole of the country of the Chickasaws,
through which I had, so far, passed, was poor. Wild tur-
keys plenty. Tarried at Monroe, and mended the wagon.
This delay furnished the opportunity to send out runners
to invite the chiefs of this district to meet me at Levi Col-
bert's, on the Tombigbee, the place I had selected at which
to hold the council with the Chickasaws.

Monroe, I found to be beautifully situated, high and
healthful, it being on a ridge of land. All the arrange-
ments for the mission were excellent. A horse-mill, worked
by two horses, had been put up by the family, which proved
of great value, as well to the Indians as themselves.

Left Monroe on the 6th, for Levi Colbert's, with whom
I had been long acquainted. He had been to Washington,
and I had brought up one of his sons, Dougherty, in my
family. Was accompanied, part of the way, by Mr. L.,
Mr. B., and Mr. A., who made the journey, so far as they
went, highly agreeable. On parting with them, I continued

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 159

on across what is called the old Natchee trace, and by the
way of Major James Colbert's. This whole tract would
be well named, if called the barrens ; for wood, and almost
everything, was taken off, leaving a naked and poor soil, out
of which nothing but extraordinary culture, and enriching
contributions, could make anything grow ; and yet, these
lands had been settled by the Indians no longer ago than
the year 1795.

Stopped at seven o'clock, P. M., to feed horses, at
McCleeches'. Halted there an hour, then continued on
till twelve o'clock, when I laid down at the root of a tree,
and slept. I awoke in a rain, at two ; got up, and pitched
my tent, turned in, and slept till day. Rose with the dawn,
and reached Colbert's, my place of destination, at ten
o'clock, to breakfast. I had been preceded by Major
James Colbert, and Mr. McGee, who were there by sun-
rise, having received the call to meet me.

The chief, Levi Colbert, could not find language to ex-
press the joy of his heart, on my arrival. " It makes my
heart glad, brother," said he, " to see you. I feel as if
some good thing was to happen to us." Then grasping my
hand, he continued, " Yes ; and never since, about three
years ago, when I left my son with you, have I gone to
sleep, without having you before my eyes. You are our
friend, and we all look upon your visit as a great blessing,
for we are in trouble."

With a view of making known the principles which go-
verned me in this embassy, and they were the same which,
at that day, governed the administration of the general
government, I record, (in Appendix, E.,) my official cor-
respondence with the Hon. James Barbour, Secretary of
War, and which President Adams transmitted to Congress
in his message, at the commencement of the first session
of the twentieth Congress, containing all that took place at
the council held with the Chickasaws, at Colbert's, with
its results. The leading objects in the proposal to this

160 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

people to exchange their lands, east, for lands west of the
Mississippi, were, first, to relieve them from the then exist-
ing and increasing causes that had operated to render
them miserable where they were, and which, owing to the
relations between the federal and state governments, could
not be obviated by the federal government, by the intro-
duction of an adequate protection, without coming into
collision with state sovereignty, and state rights; and,
second, to secure them in their possessions west of the
Mississippi, against the recurrence of such anomalous re-
lations in the future; with the full design of superadding,
in those new relations, all the elements needed to improve
and elevate their condition, and ennoble and bless them,
as a people. And yet, it formed no part of the views of
the President, nor did it of any other member of the Ex-
ecutive Department, to employ force to effect the removal
of these suffering people, much less to mingle in the cup
of their sorrows another drop of humiliation, or of bitter-
ness, with the intent, by such indirect and cruel means, to rid
the states of their Indian population. If it had been made
my duty to open a negotiation with these people, upon
any other basis than that which included their freedom to
remain, .or to remove, as they might deem best, I should
firmly, but respectfully, have declined to undertake it. The
documents in the appendix will vindicate the administra-
tion under which I had the honor to act, from any feel-
ings or purposes, towards this hapless race, other than
those of the most just, the most humane, and the most pa-
rental nature.

How happy should I be were it in my power to record
the continuance, towards the Indians, of a like spirit!
Alas ! alas ! the hour was even then rapidly approaching,
when, on the question of their removal, they were to have
no will of their own. The mandate went forth, and sub-
mission, or death, was all that was left to them ! Their
absence was demanded, and they must go ; their lands

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 161

were wanted, and they must surrender them. Mock trea-
ties, as that of New Euchota, and that at Payne's Landing,
were transformed into honorable compacts ; and the voices
of petitioning thousands praying to be heard, in the solemn
appeals made, that the Cherokees, as a people^ had no
agency in making the first, and the Seminoles no agency
in making the last, were drowned by the rumbling of the
war-drum, and hushed into silence by the array of armies
to enforce unqualified submission ! Deep were the wrongs
inflicted on these sorrowing people ; and dark and dismal
were the days when ligament after ligament which bound
them to the homes and graves of their fathers, was made
to crack and give way, as they were thus forced, by a
power which they were too feeble successfully to resist,
to take a last sad look at scenes hallowed by every asso-
ciation that enters into the composition of life's happiness !

I would rather be one of these persecuted sons of the
forest, and have been-, as many of them were, transported
in chains, than to have had any agency in thus forcing
them, under such forms, from their country ; even though
its exercise would have secured to me a sceptre and a
crown.

It is true, I was anxious for their removal ; and I sought
diligently so to enlighten them, that they should see, as
I saw it, the cloud that did, at last, burst over them, and
secure to themselves a shelter from its violence ; and for
their posterity a position that would, forever thereafter,
preserve them from the desolating ravages of kindred ele-
ments. I know they were counselled differently, and by
men who sought their well-being with a zeal no less ar-
dent than my own, and with a friendship for them as
sincere as that cherished by me, but I never could see
their counsels in any other light than I should the counsels
of parents, who, because the house in which their children
were, was justly and legally their own, should advise them

VOL. I. 21

162 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

not to come out of it, though it were in flames over their
heads.

One among the best men I ever knew a man of educa-
tion, of "intelligence, and humanity, and a zealous friend of
the Indian race, Jeremiah Evarts, who was connected with
the American Board of Commissions for Foreign Mis-
sions, wrote and published some very able articles in op-
position to an exchange of country, by the Indians, signed
" William Penn." I knew he was honest, but I knew he
was mistaken. It fell to my lot to reply to these papers.
(See Appendix, F.) Like views were entertained by cer-
tain other good men, missionaries among the Cherokees ;
who, making themselves obnoxious to the laws of Geor-
gia, were consigned, by the authority of that state, to the
penitentiary. The elements that had been kindled against
the Indians could not be restrained in their fierceness
until, in this way, they were made to seize upon their
friends. It was the visible presence of these elements that
led me to counsel the Indians to escape from their fury,
and at the same time stipulate for terms that should se-
cure them from their consuming effects in the future. A
union of counsel of the friends of the Indians, of this sort,
would have gone far towards reconciling them to an ex-
change of homes, but no acquiescing spirit could be looked
for, on their part, whilst the federal government continued
towards them the irritating and grinding policy, which was
at last consummated, by an appeal to force, and a literal dri-
ving them from their country.*

The poor lands which I have noticed, continued, with
but very little change for the better, all the way to
Colbert's the water, too, was bad, but the air fine.
There are prairies in that district, large and level. Pretty
groves occasionally rise out of them, wearing the appear-

* What our duty is towards this people, in their new homes, will form the sub-
ject of part of the second division of this work.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 163

ance of islands, whilst a fringe of woodland belts them
round, so far, at least, as the eye can reach for you look
out upon some of these prairies, as you do upon the ocean ;
the boundary being, in both, the horizon. But there is
no water there. The soil, which is light and loamy, is
about ten feet thick, and -rests upon a stratum of soft lime-
stone ; and such is the general character of the soil of
these prairies, as well as of their substratum.

I had never before seen what those Indians call a blow-
gun. Here, among the little boys, it was in common use.
It is a reed, of from eight to ten feet long. The arrow is
about a foot in length, the smaller end being wrapped
round with thistle down. When put in the hollow of
the reed, this down fills it. The arrow, being pushed into
the reed about the length of the finger, leaves that depth
of the hollow for the impelling power which is the breath.
The reed being light, these little fellows find no difficulty
in holding it up at arm's length. With the end in which the
arrow is lodged in their mouth, a sight is drawn upon the
object to be shot at ; when, with a sudden blow into the
reed, the arrow is darted out at the other end, and with a
force sufficient to kill, at twenty or thirty feet, birds, rab-
bits, squirrels, and often wild turkeys and so practiced are
these Indian boys in the use of the blow-gun, as to shoot
them with the precision, almost, of a rifle. Indeed, I have
known them to snuff a candle at twenty paces, upon an
average of three times out of five. I soon became owner
of one, and when an hour of leisure occurred, was as
much amused with it, in shooting at a mark, as any little
boy in the Chickasaw nation.

I was sorry to find my protege, Dougherty Colbert,
who had returned to his home a year or so before, was
absent on a visit to some of his friends. To improve time,
I sent, on the 8th October, an express to the Choctaw
agent, directing him to assemble the chiefs at his agency,
at a specified time. Both nations, the Chickasaws and

164 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Choctaws, were all agog for a ball-play that was to come
off on the 17th, and fears were expressed, lest this exci-
ting occasion might prevent them from responding, as
generally as they otherwise would, to my call. I saw a
chief take from his pouch a bundle of reeds, about an inch
long, very carefully and compactly tied together, draw one
out, and throw it away. I asked what that meant, and
received for answer, " He is counting the time." Each
of the reeds tied up in that bundle counted a day ; every
morning, one was thrown away, and so continued, until
the day arrived for which the reckoning had been made,
and on which the duty or ceremony was to be observed,
to which the reckoning referred. I asked to look at the
bundles ; and, on counting the remaining reeds, found the
last would bring the 17th of the month, the day of the
great ball-play, and to mark which, these reeds had been
originally prepared. The same plan is observed to mark
any future event ; not the day only, but any portion of the
day, is noted with the same precision, and even any given
hour. It was by this mode the celebrated Tecumthe had
fixed on a day for a general rising of the Indians from the
lakes to Florida ; and it was to secure their co-operation
in this design, that he left Detroit, and travelled all the
way to Florida. The sticks he distributed on that occa-
sion, being painted red, secured for those who agreed to
co-operate with him, the title of " Red-sticks."

A remarkable instance of the boldness and promptness
of this chief occurred when he was engaged on this mis-
sion of combining the power of those Indians, at Tuckha-
batchee, then in the Creek nation. He had been south as
far as Florida, and was on his return to Detroit, when he
sought to enlist in his plan the Creek Indians. The chief
of the Tuckhabatchees was the " Big Warrior ;" so, of
course, his visit was made direct to him. Like all Indian
movements, Tecumthe conducted this great one with a
corresponding caution he asked the Big Warrior to

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 165

go with him into the upper room, or loft, of his log house.
When seated, Tecumthe eyed him with great keenness,
for a while, in silence ; then, taking from under his dress a
tomahawk, and a bundle of red sticks, asked if he was a
brave. The Big Warrior, of course, said he was ; when
Tecumthe revealed his plan, telling him he had been sent
on this errand by the Great Spirit and cautioning him,
meanwhile, not to let any white man know anything about
it but to tell such as might inquire what he was doing
there, that he counselled them to attend to their crops, to
be industrious, and sober, and live in peace. He then pre-
sented him with the tomahawk, and the bundle of sticks,
telling him, in substance, with a look of lightning, that he
was a coward, and did not mean to do what he had prom-
ised; that he (Tecumthe) should leave Tuckhabatchee,
forthwith, for Detroit ; and that he might know the Great
Spirit had sent him, he would, on his arrival, stamp upon
the ground, and shake down every house in Tuckhabatchee.
This remarkable announcement was soon noised abroad
among the Indians of the village, who began making up the
time, with great care, at which Tecumthe would arrive at
Detroit. A certain day was fixed upon, when, sure enough,
on its arrival, a rumbling was heard, and the shaking of the
ground was felt, and the log tenements of the Indians be-
gan to totter and fall, and all hands were satisfied, not that
Tecumthe had reached Detroit, only, but that he had been
sent on the mission he had announced, by the Great Spirit.
The shaking of the ground, and the demolition of the log
cabins of the Indians, at Tuckhabatchee, were, not, how-
ever, produced by the stamping of Tecumthe's foot, but
by the earthquake, which, singularly enough, happened on
that very day at New Madrid.

In the interval between the sending out of runners to
invite the chiefs to the council, I rode to Cotton-Gin Port,
a little log town on the east of the Tombigbee, and about
a mile, in a direct line, from Colbert's, whose house occu-

166 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

pies an eminence on the opposite side of that river, and in
full view of Cotton-Gin Port a wide bottom interposing,
which was once, doubtless, the bed of the river, now nar-
rowed to less than one-third of what once was its width.
Here I purchased presents, in articles of necessity, for Col-
bert, whose premises were soon to be a theatre for the
consumption of a good many of them, and drew a bill for
their cost upon the agent. On my return, met Mr. L., Mr.
H., and Mr. B., on their way to Cotton-Gin Port, having come
on, at my request, to be present at the council, which was
to be opened the next day. Tremendous storm at about
seven, P. M., and soon after my return, accompanied by
vivid lightning and heavy thunder. Kept to my tent, which
I had pitched in Colbert's yard, preferring it to a room in
the house.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 167

CHAPTER VIII.

INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL FROM THE CHICKASAW BLUFFS,
THROUGH THE CHOCTAW COUNTRY TO TUSCALOOSA.
THENCE, THROUGH THE CREEK COUNTRY, HOME.

Opening of the council at Colbert's house Its results On the way to the Choc-
taws Beauty of the prairie A Choctaw " rain-maker" Espy outdone The
secret of the art A thunderbolt wrapped up in a blanket The sorcerer On
the wrong track Ben in a prairie An Indian camp surprised A bargain
In difficulty A false guide A night among the cane-brake A copperhead-
snake for a pillow A new guide Safe arrival at Folsom's Opposition of In-
dians to selling their lands Colonel James Johnson His brother, Richard M.
Proof that Tecumth^ was killed by R. M. Johnson Result of the Choctaw
council A burnt child Great Indian ball-playing Columbus A beautiful
sufferer Governor Adair Passing by the Cherokees Horrible roads Woods
on fire Guide to Tuscaloosa A Sabbath of rest Journey to the Creek agen-
cy on the Chattahoochee Results of conference with the Creeks Two Indian
boys adopted Home sickness Effect of a change of dress Scene at a public
house Subsequent history of the Indian boys.

THE next morning broke away, revealing a bright and
beautiful day. My anxiety became great, as the time ap-
proached for holding the council. I knew that much, every
way, depended upon my success with the Chickasaws.
It was my conviction, that never, whilst these hapless
people continued to retain their then relations to the
whites, would they be otherwise than harrassed, and af-
flicted, and miserable ; for I had seen too many proofs
of the determination of the States, to rid themselves, at
all hazards, of the presence of their Indian population.
Nothing was needed to carry out this determination, but a
change in the policy that had, always, up to that hour, gov-
erned the Executive branch of the general government.
With a deep sense of my responsibility, both to the gov-

168 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ernment and the Indians, I opened the council on the morn-
ing of Tuesday, October 9, at ten o'clock, A. M., in an
upper room of Colbert's house. I proposed that the coun-
cil should be held there, to avoid the counteracting influ-
ence of intermeddlers, there having arrived some such
characters ; and besides, I knew there were certain griev-
ances of which it was the intention of the Indians to com-
plain, that would involve the character of at least one indi-
vidual who was connected with the government ; and there-
fore I determined the council should be held where none
could intrude. The appendix (E.) already referred to,
will tell what was done, and how it was done ; and it
will show, also, what sort of principles, on the question of
Indian emigration, influenced me.

Having by twelve o'clock at night finished, to my entire
satisfaction, as also to the satisfaction of the chiefs, my
business with the Chickasaws, I was up, and ready for a
start for the Choctaw nation, by the break of day, the next
morning ; but was delayed by the horses having, during
the night, broken out of the stable, and being off, some-
where, grazing in the fields. Meantime, I addressed a
hasty note to the Secretary of War, stating the result of
the council (see Appendix, as above.) By eleven o'clock
I was off, accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Bell, for Mayhew,
another missionary station, in the Choctaw country.

Rode across part of an immense prairie, supposed to be
over a hundred miles long, (so, at least, my guide told me,)
and from one mile to ten miles wide. No one that has not
seen a prairie in the season of flowers, can form the slight-
est conception of its grandeur and beauty. It is, literally,
an ocean of flowery billows ! Such this was, as the south
wind blew over it, producing undulations like those which
characterize the ocean. Encamped on the other side of
it. The dew was heavy, and the night cold. Rose at
day-break, and continued on, arriving at Mayhew, at about
ten o'clock ; where I was most cordially received by Rev.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 169

Mr. Kingsbury, the principal of the mission. Wrote to the
Secretary of War, as the reader will see, in the Appendix,
(E.) a more full account of the proceedings at the Chick-
asaw council, and its results, &c.

It was somewhere in this district that I had a most in-
teresting interview with a Choctaw " rain-maker" This
country is remarkable for its long droughts ; and this cir-
cumstance, it is supposed, set the wits of some cunning
rogue of a fellow to work, to find out how to profit by it.
And so, from earliest times, there have been " rain-makers"
among, at least, the Choctaws. I had seen an Indian far
off, west from my position, who seemed to be pow-wow-
ing ; his peculiar costume, combining with his motions, sa-
tisfied me that he was at work with some of the mysteries
of the juggling art. On inquiring who he was, and what
he was about, I received for answer, " He is a rain-maker,
and is engaged with the Great Spirit, to procure his con-
sent to give the people rain." The season was an exceed-
ing dry one ; and if such agency, I thought, was ever re-
quired for the benefit of both man and beast, it was required
then. I requested a messenger to go and tell the rain-ma-
ker that I wanted to see him, and received in return a
shake of the head, and an assurance that nothing could
move him from that spot, until he made it rain. I added
Go, and tell him I have some presents for him. I very
well knew that a message of this sort was potent in relax-
ing previously formed conclusions among most people, but
especially so among Indians. The messenger left me. I
kept my eye upon the meeting. There appeared to be
much talk. At last, they both started down the hill to-
gether. " This," said the interpreter, as the singularly clad
personage approached me, " is the rain-maker ;" and to
the rain-maker he said, " This is Colonel McKenney, from
Washington, who sits near your Great Father, the Presi-
dent, and manages all the Indian affairs."

I shook hands with him, and told him I was glad

VOL. i. 22

170 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

to see him ; that I had heard of his greatness that he was
not only a great man among his people, but that I was
told he had great influence with the Great Spirit. This
seemed to please him. I asked him if he had any objec-
tion to instruct me in his art of rain-making ; saying, we had
in my country many seasons of dry weather, and as I was
going so far away, I should not interfere with him in his
business of making rain for the Choctaws. He shook his
head, saying, (all this through the interpreter,) " the
Great Spirit would not like him to tell how he made it
rain." I asked if he had any objection to go with me to
the edge of a prairie that commenced about a mile off.
He said no when we all started. On arriving at the
prairie, I alighted from my horse, and sat down on a log,
inviting the rain-maker to sit by me, and also the inter-
preter ; the rest I directed to move on, and I would over-
take them.

As soon as they were well out of sight, I began by say-
ing I was so anxious to know the secret of rain-making,
that I would give him an order on the agent for a pair of
scarlet leggins, a pound of tobacco, a string of wampum,
a pound of powder, two pounds of lead, and a blanket, if
he would tell me all about it. He stood up, and looked
around him ; and then, holding his head first on one side,
and then on the other, listened ; when, looking well round
him, again, he sat down, saying to the interpreter, " Ask
him if he will give me these things." Most certainly, I
replied, upon the condition that he will tell me all about
his art as a rain-maker. He stood up again, and looked,
and listened, and then seating himself, began :

" Long tune ago I was lying in the shade of a tree, on
the side of a valley. There had been no rain for a long
time the tongues of the horses, and cattle, and dogs, all
being out of their mouths, and they panted for some water.
I was thirsty, everybody was dry. The leaves were all
parched up, and the sun was hot. I was sorry; when,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 171

looking up, the Great Spirit snapped his eyes, and fire
flew out of them, in streams, all over the heavens. He
spoke, and the earth shook. Just as the fire streamed
from the eyes of the Great Spirit, I saw a pine-tree, that
stood on the other side of the valley, torn all to pieces by the
fire. The bark and limbs flew all round, when all was still.
Then the Great Spirit spoke to me, and said, go to that
pine-tree, and dig down to the root where the earth is
stirred up, and you will find what split the tree. Take it,
wrap it carefully up, and wear it next your body, and when
the earth shall become dry again, and the horses and cat-
tle suffer for water, go out on some hill-top, and ask me,
and I will make it rain. I have obeyed the Great Spirit ;
and ever since, when I ask him, he makes it rain."

I asked to see this thunderbolt that had shivered the
pine-tree. He rose upon his feet again, and looking well
around him, sat down, and drawing from his bosom a roll
which was fastened round his neck by a bit of deer-skin,
began to unwrap the folds. These were of every sort of
thing a piece of old blanket ; then one of calico ; another
of cotton laying each piece, as he removed it, carefully on
his knee. At last, and after taking off as many folds as
were once employed to encase an Egyptian mummy, he
came to one that was made of deer-skin, which, being un-
wound, he took out the thunderbolt, and holding it with
great care between his finger and thumb, said, " This is
it /" I took it, and examined it with an expression of
great interest, telling him it certainly was a wonderful re-
velation, and a great sight ; then handing it back to him,
he carefully wrapped it up again, with the same wrappers,
and put it back in his bosom.

The reader is no doubt curious to know what this talis-
manic charm this thunderbolt was. Well, it was noth-
ing more, nor less, than that part of a glass stopper that
fills the mouth of a decanter the upper, or flat part, hav-
ing been broken off !

172 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

I wrote, and gave him an order for the presents, when
he shook hands, and left me, doubtless much edified, as
well as benefited, by the interview, to carry on his ope-
rations as a rain-maker, till it should rain.

This class of persons make quite a living out of their
occupation. They do nothing else. If the rain shall fall
quickly, they give out the Great Spirit was in a good hu-
mor; and they get the credit, besides the pay, of making
it rain. If, however, the drought is a long one, they say
the Great Spirit is hard to move ; meantime, they are fed,
and made comfortable ; and when it does rain, they satisfy
the people by telling them of the difficulty that attended
their toils, but that, at last, the Great Spirit yielded, and
there was the rain.

But among the most extraordinary of the race, was the
sorcerer of whom Brainerd gives an account.

Brainerd had the opportunity of visiting many differ-
ent tribes of Indians, each having some peculiarities, in
which they differed from the rest ; but he says that, of all
the sights he ever saw among them, or anywhere else,
nothing ever excited such terror in his mind, or came so
near what he imagined of the infernal powers, as the ap-
pearance of one of these sorcerers, who had the reputa-
tion of a reformer among them, being anxious to restore
the ancient purity of their religion. His pontifical vesture
was a coat of bear-skin, with the hair outside, falling
down to his feet ; his stockings were of the same material ;
and his face was covered with a hideous mask, painted
with different colors, and attached to a hood of bear-skin,
which was drawn over his head. He held in his hand an
instrument made of a dry tortoise-shell, with corn in it,
and fitted to a long handle. As he came up to Brainerd,
he beat time with this rattle, and danced with all his might,
suffering no part of his form, not even his fingers, to ap-
pear. Brainerd tells us, that when this figure came up to
him, he could not but shrink from it in dismay, though he

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 173

knew that the sorcerer had no hostile feelings or inten-
tions. If it were so with him, it must be easy to imagine
how the credulous Indians must be affected.

At his invitation, Brainerd went into his house with
him, and conversed on the subject of religion. Some
parts of his doctrine the sorcerer seemed to approve, but
from others he strongly dissented. He said that the
Great Spirit had taught him his religion, which he did not
mean to abandon, but, on the contrary, wished to find
some, who would join him in sincerely professing it ; for
the Indians were growing so corrupt and degenerate, that
he could no longer endure them. He believed that there
must be good men somewhere, and he intended to go forth
and travel, in order to find them. Formerly he had ac-
quiesced in the prevailing corruption ; but, several years be-
fore, his spirit had so revolted from it, that he had left the
presence of men, and dwelt alone in the woods. While he
was in solitude, the Great Spirit had taught him, that, in-
stead of deserting men, he ought to remain with them, and
endeavor to do them good. He then immediately return-
ed to his associates, and, since that time, he had no other
feeling than that of friendship for all mankind. The Indi-
ans confirmed the account which he gave of himself, say-
ing that, when strong drink came among them, he warned
and implored them not to use it; and, when his counsels
were disregarded, he would leave them in sorrow, and go
crying into the woods.

At eleven, A. M., Thursday, October llth, left Mayhew,
after early dinner, for the residence of my old friend, David
Folsom, a chief of great worth and distinction of the Choc-
taws, distant about fifteen miles from Mayhew. The way
was represented as being so plain, as to make it unneces-
sary for me to employ a guide. A diverse trail, however,
misled, and took me out of the line of my journey. Hav-
ing rode five hours, I on my horse, and Ben in the wagon,
I began to suspect the way to Folsom's had been left ; and,

174 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

sure enough, it was. Night came on ; but being on an In-
dian trail, which I concluded would fetch me up some-
where, I concluded to keep on. Eight o'clock came, which
I ascertained, not by seeing, but feeling the hands of my
watch, for it was total darkness. No light from moon or
stars, and none from Indian camp-fires or wigwams. I told
Ben to halt, his movements over grounds where wheels
had, perhaps, never been, being necessarily slow, and I
would gallop ahead, on the trail, it being a pretty good
one, and keep on till I should find somebody. I had not
gone over half a mile, when I heard Ben hallooing at the
top of his voice. It sounded as if he were in distress. I
paused a moment, and heard him again, more and more
loud ; when, putting spurs to my horse, I was soon back
to where I had left him. What's the matter, Ben ? "Just
as sure as I'm alive, I heard Indians off here on the right,
treading softly among the leaves, and muttering something ;
and I know I'm not mistaken." Well, what if you did ?
Do you expect to meet with anybody else but Indians, while
you are in their own country ? and are not these the very
people I am trying to find ? " If I am ever spared to reach
home," was the response, " this time, I'll never venture
among such dangers again !" I told him to follow me, and
keep his eye upon the tail of my horse, which was remark-
ably white, and very long. We continued slowly on.

By and by, on rising a small ascent, and at about a
mile's distance, flared up an Indian camp-fire. I immedi-
ately made for it. On nearing the camp, I saw, by the
light of the fire, some ten or a dozen Indians. A dog
barked ; when one of them who had been seated, sprang
to his feet, fetching his rifle up in his hand ; then throwing
around his neck his powder-horn and shot-pouch, stood
looking for a moment in the direction in which the dog
was yet barking, and that of my approach. He stepped
quickly forward, some of them still seated, but resting on
one hand, and looking in the direction in which their com-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 175

rade had gone, the rest of them standing, and all looking
the same way. The entire group was fully revealed to me
by the light of the fire, but I was yet concealed from their
view, by the surrounding darkness. Presently the Indian
who had advanced towards me, spoke, but I did not un-
derstand what he said. I replied, however, by answering,
" Friend" We soon met, both within the range of the
light from the fire, when I said Folsom chief me
(pointing to my own person) go (pointing in another
direction) see Folsom chief. He put his finger to his
breast, saying, "Me;" then pointing to his left, added,
" Folsom" Again pointing to his person, he said, " Me
money." I struck my hand on my pocket, and said Yes,
money.

This half pantomime over, he stretched forth his arm,
pointing to his left, and, giving me a sign to follow him,
strode off through a thick, dark wood. I did so, Ben ma-
king the best of his way after me, with his charge. We
had not proceeded over a quarter of a mile before the front
axle-tree of the wagon, striking a stump, broke one of the
shafts. I dismounted, and putting the split parts together,
Ben bound them round with raw hide, some of which I
had brought with me from Colbert's, in place of rope, to
provide against such contingencies. I told Ben he must
walk and lead the horse, and thus relieve the wagon from
so much of its weight, thereby rendering us less liable to
similar casualties. Having gone about a mile further, I
heard the Indian upon a trot in a direction to our left, and
calling a halt, found that we were on a trail, but that he
had left it. I paused awhile to ascertain, if I could, what
that manoeuvre meant ; then moved on, when, having gone
half a mile further, and turning a point round a hill, I saw
another fire, and coming in the direction of my march
were two Indians, at a trot, both having rifles. They pres-
ently came up to us, when I halted, the light from the fire
giving a tolerable light, by which I recognized one of them

176 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

to be my guide ; the other, of course, a stranger. They
came up to the wagon, and began to pull about its con-
tents, when I sprang from my horse, throwing a rein over
my arm, and with the other hand drew out from a basket
a couple of pistols. I held one in each hand, and told Ben
to move on. The moment I alighted from my horse, they
stepped back a few paces from the wagon, and stood side
by side.

I knew I was upon the lines where the vices of the white
men are constantly practised before the eyes of these poor,
persecuted Indians, and that there, as all along the border,
they had been corrupted, and made savage by them ; and
this thought impressed me with a sense of danger. My
firm belief was, that as I moved off, these Indians would
discharge their rifles at me ; and the only ground of safety
left me was in the possibility that they might miss me. I
was satisfied the second Indian had been gone after to
make more sure the plunder, which I was convinced was
the object of both. I had been often on the shores of
Lake Superior, surrounded by hundreds of what are es-
teemed to be men more fierce, and more savage, but
never had the least occasion of entertaining fears for my
personal safety. Those remote Indians had not been de-
graded, and made reckless and barbarous, by the delete-
rious influences of a proximate border population. The
remark made to me by President Monroe, on his return from
his tour along the borders, I had, on more occasions than
one, seen verified. To the questions which I put to him,
How did the red people appear to you? Were they
savages, as so many people think they are ; or have they
put off this character, in whole, or in part, so far as your
observation extended ? " The worst Indians I have seen
in my travels," he answered, " are the white people that
live on their borders."

I looked back upon the two Indians with no little anxie-
ty, until I had got so far in the thick darkness as to lose

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 177

sight of them, and at the same time I got rid of the greater
portion of my apprehensions. At a distance of a mile or
so from where I left them, I discovered, by the descending
surface, that I was getting into a morass, or valley of some
sort, which, upon a little examination, I found to be a cane-
brake. It occurred to me, that this being a favorable
place for a rencounter, the attack had been put off, until I
had got fairly into it ; when I halted and listened. Hearing
nothing, I told Ben to turn short off to the right, and keep
on the level ground as well as he could. I continued in
this direction for a quarter of a mile, and halted ; struck
fire into an old tree, piled a large quantity of wood upon
it, and travelled three or four hundred yards further on,
when coming to a large tree with overshadowing branches,
I concluded to stop there for the night. Ben ungeared his
horse, and tied him tp part of the wagon ; I unsaddled
mine, made a pillow of the saddle, threw down my pallet,
and a couple of blankets, tied my horse to a limb of the
tree, and descended with Ben into the cane-brake, and cut
cane for our horses, out of which we extracted quite an
agreeable repast for ourselves, for our provisions were ex-
hausted. Having fed the horses, and made our repast, I
stretched myself out upon my pallet telling Ben to take
care of himself pulled the blankets over me, and went to
sleep.

My object in building the fire where I did, and leaving
it, was intended to mislead the Indians, should they follow
us. The place I had retired to was beyond the range of
the light of the fire, which made it quite certain that, un-
less by the veriest accident, I should not be discovered.
Another of my contrivances was, to hoist my umbrella
over me, to keep off the dew ; which I made stationary,
by connecting the top of it to the branches of the tree that
impended over me.

Ben chose, as a place of greater security, a retreat be-
neath the wagon. When I awoke, day was just breaking.

VOL. I. 23

178 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

I called Ben, who had scarcely cleared the wagon, before
he gave a look of horror at the place he had just left ;
then, making a spring of six feet, he seized a bit of wood,
and to my question What's the matter ? answered, " A
copperhead-snake !" The fury of Ben's onset was such,
as, in very quick time, to kill his companion for the night.
" This is hard," said Ben ; " we scarcely make ourselves
secure from the Indians, before we are met by such poi-
sonous rascals as this." I told him I thought the snake,
having behaved so well as to lie by him all night, and do
him no harm, was entitled to his thanks, and not his male-
dictions. But, as you have shown great courage, Ben, I
continued, in the attack upon the snake, go now into the
cane-brake, and cut cane for your horse, and I will go
back to the trail, cross the brake, and try if I cannot find
a guide.

I had just crossed the brake, and was rising the hill on
the opposite side, when my eye caught the head of an In-
dian. I was soon up with him. He had a bridle in his
hand. I asked him where he was going. Fortunately, I
was answered in English, " I'm horse-hunting." I then told
him who I was, and where I wanted to go, and asked him
to guide me. He held out his hand, shook hands with me,
and said, " Follow me." He took the track I had travel-
led over to where Ben was. I opened a box containing
some articles for presents, and took out a pair of silver
arm-bands, and a silver gorget, and presented them to
him. We were soon under way, and over the same track
by the two camp-fires we had passed the night before. This
confirmed my impression that fair play had not been in-
tended by my guide ; and that, but for the state of prepa-
ration for defence in which the two Indians found me, I
might have been, at least, plundered.

Arrived at Folsom's at eleven o'clock, A. M. Such was
the apprehension of these people at being suspected of
selling land to white men, made more so after the summary

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 179

punishment inflicted by the Creeks on Mclntosh, a principal
chief of the Creek nation, that, on arriving at Folsom's, my
guide, taking him aside, asked if I was not a land trader ?
and why, if I did not want land, I had, for so small a ser-
vice, made him such costly presents ? He was poor, he
said, and the Indians would know, if he should wear these
arm-bands, and that gorget, he had never bought them ;
and fearing the worst, he begged Folsom to keep them for
him, and explain to the council, when it should meet, how
he had come by them ; all of which was done.

After dinner, rode down the federal road to the Choctaw
agency. Met there a brother of Colonel R. M. Johnson,
and several others. The Indians were coming in, in great
numbers. Spent the Sabbath at the agency, and on Mon-
day went back to Folsom's, and dined there.

The presence of Colonel Johnson's brother revived
many reminiscences of the late war ; and among these,
the battle of the Thames, where the two Johnsons, James
and Richard M., both behaved with such gallantry. Per-
haps there was nothing more desperate in the history of
that war, full as it is of deeds of valor, (with perhaps the
single exception of the readiness with which General Mil-
ler consented to sacrifice his life, when, to the question of
the gallant Brown, " Can you take that battery ?" he an-
swered, " I'll try !") than the charge of cavalry on the Brit-
ish line, led by Colonels James and R. M. Johnson, at the
battle of the Thames.

It was in that battle, as is known, that the brave Te-
cumthe fell ; and it is also known that much has been said
about " who killed him" Generally, the death of this chief
has been attributed to Colonel R. M. Johnson, but no evi-
dence of that fact, I believe, has been ever yet published.
Those who claimed this honor for Colonel Johnson, have,
in the main, been led to do so, to make political capital out
of it ; thinking, doubtless, that a feather of this tall sort,,
being stuck in the colonel's cap, would captivate such eyes

180 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

as were fitted to be charmed by it, and lead to an increase
of his popularity. It would be well for the country, its
prosperity, and its hopes, if other and more substantial
claims to popular favor were urged, than such as are de-
rived from the mere circumstance of killing an Indian
which a chance shot, discharged by the veriest coward,
might do as effectually, as if aimed and delivered by the
bravest of the brave, or indeed an idiot. I have never
been able to contemplate this downward tendency of things
this making political capital out of mere clap-trap cir-
cumstances without a feeling of regret. Other, and lof-
tier qualities, were required by our patriotic fathers. When
the army of the Revolution was to be furnished with a chief,
WASHINGTON was instinctively turned to ; and when, after
our independence was achieved through his instrumentali-
ty, a President was required, the bright, and sterling, and
well-tested virtues of Washington, were the attractions
that led the people, with an almost unanimous voice, to
confer upon him this highest of civil trusts.

There were qualities of both head and heart in Colonel
R. M. Johnson, and these had been made manifest by his
patriotism in the war, and by his zealous labors, and the
highly respectable position he occupied in the councils of
the nation, out of which legitimate claims could be set up,
for the popular favor. He has served the republic faith-
fully, in both the Congress and the field, pouring his blood
out like water, in defence of his country's rights. Here,
surely, was ground enough upon which to rest his claims
upon popular gratitude, and popular favor, without de-
scending to make capital out of the death of Tecumthe ;
and especially when not a single one of his adherents knew
whether Colonel R. M. Johnson, or any other colonel, had
killed him ; (indeed, Colonel Johnson never claimed the
honor ;) and many of them without knowing who Tecum-
the was, or whether, in fact, he had been killed at all.

I have known Colonel Johnson, and, for a large portion

MEMOIRS, dec., &c. 181

of the time, intimately, since 1812. We saw the necessity
for the war through the same medium, and, indeed, be-
longed to the same school of politics, until about the close
of Mr. Monroe's administration. We have never been in
political fellowship since ; and the probability is, never
shall be. But that is no reason why I should not appre-
ciate the many good qualities which I know him to pos-
sess, and put a just estimate upon his patriotic efforts,
wherever and whenever these have been displayed, wheth-
er in the Senate or the field. And now, without looking
upon the man who killed Tecumthe as being entitled, for
that reason, to my vote for the Presidency, or any other
place of honor and profit, I state that Colonel R. M. John-
son did kill Tecumthe, and that none other than his own
hand consigned that brave and wonderfully-endowed In-
dian to the dust ; and these are the circumstances out of
which I derive the proof:

A Pottawattamie Indian being at St. Louis, was asked
by General Clark, " Were you at the battle of the Thames ?"
" I was." " Did you see Tecumthe in that battle ?" " I
did." " Did you see him shot ?" " I did." " Where were
you when he fell ?" " Close by him." " Who killed him ?"
" Don't know." " Did you see the man who killed him ?"
" Yes." " What sort of a looking man was he ?" " Short,
thick man." " Was this short, thick man, on horseback ?"
" Yes." " What was the color of the horse he rode ?"
" White." " How do you know the short, thick man, on a
white horse, killed Tecumthe ?" " I saw him shoot him."
" When did you first see the man on the white horse ?"
" When he was galloping up in front of where Tecumthe
stood, his horse got tangled in the top of a tree that was
blown down ; and while he was there, Tecumthe raised
his rifle, and fired. Saw the man go so (reel on his
horse, imitating the motion) horse got out of the bushes
the man spurred him came galloping up came close
Tecumthe raise his tomahawk, just going to fling it

182 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

white man raise pistol fire Tecumthe fell we all run
away."

On hearing this statement, which I did from General
Clark himself, I wrote a letter to Colonel Johnson, in
which I inquired (without his knowing my object) what
was the color of the horse he rode at the battle of the
Thames ? To which he answered, a white mare. Where
were you, when you received the rifle-ball in the fore-
knuckle of your bridle hand ? To this he replied, in sub-
stance, (I have not his letter at hand) my mare was at the
time entangled in the branches of a tree that lay across
the line of my advance to the British line ; and while there,
I saw an Indian aim at me, and fire. I received the ball
near the upper joint of the fore-finger of my bridle hand.
Getting out of the difficulty, I spurred the mare, drawing
a pistol from my holster with my right hand, having thrown
the reins of the bridle over my left arm, and, as I neared
the line, the same Indian raised his tomahawk ; when, with
what little strength I had left, I raised my pistol, and fired
and from that moment lost all sense of what was going on."
Colonel Johnson knew nothing of the effect of his fire.
His mare, he was told, wheeled with him, at the moment
of the discharge of his pistol, galloped to the American
lines, and fell, being pierced through with many balls. The
Indian further told General Clark, that Tecumthe was hit
in the forehead, or near the corner of one of his eyes, with
a ball. I learned afterwards, that, besides the bullet wound,
near the eye-brow, there were three oblique cuts on the
person of Tecumthe, as if made by a knife one down his
thigh, and two others in other front parts of his body. To
the question put by me to Colonel Johnson, how was
your pistol loaded? he answered, "with one ball, and
three buck-shot." The ball, therefore, took effect in the
head of the chief, and the buck-shot, scattering, cut his
flesh, in a descending line, as they must needs have done,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 183

as stated, Colonel Johnson's position being above Te-
cumthe's.

The foregoing are the circumstances which furnish the
proof to my mind amounting to demonstration that
Colonel Richard M. Johnson killed Tecumthe.

On the evening of Tuesday, 16th, opened the council
with the Choctaws. For the ceremonies of that council,
and its results, see Appendix, (G.) If my power had been
plenary in other words, if I had been authorized to treat
with them for an exchange of country, and in all other
matters to have adjusted our relations with them, I should
have succeeded. Their words were "If you had the
power to do everything, and it had not to go into other hands,
it (their decision) might be different. We have confidence
in you," $c. See Appendix, (G.)

A runner came to announce that a child had been badly
burned at a house just below the agency. I hastened to
see it. I found the poor little thing in the greatest ago-
nies but there were no remedies at hand for its relief.
How such a case of human suffering lifts to the mind the
enriching excellencies of civilized and contiguous soci-
ety ! I asked for lime the meaning of the word was
hardly comprehended. I called for eggs, and for sweet oil
the first were handed me, the last I obtained at the agency.
I made a mixture of the yolk of the egg and of the oil ; and,
by means of bandages made of my pocket-hankerchiefs,
dressed the wounds of the little sufferer, as well as my
means would allow.

Thursday, the 18th October, left the agency for Colum-
bus, twenty-five miles distant. Called, by the way, at
Folsom's, and Major Pitchlyn's. Overtook numerous In-
dians of both sexes, going to the ball-play. The whole
nation seemed to be in motion, pushing for the theatre
where the great fete was to be performed women, often,
in their anxiety to get there, on a trot ; men on horse-back,
at half speed. On these occasions, a large portion of the

184 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

property of the two nations, the Chickasaws and Choc-
taws, changes hands. They bet their all. The strife is
intense ; the excitement, excessive. Such are the exer-
tions, as sometimes to dislocate joints, break bones, and
life, in various ways, is often put in jeopardy.

Fell in with flocks of wild turkeys, frightened from their
retreats, doubtless, by the rush of the ball-play-goers,
through all parts of the country. Crossed, the Tombig-
bee paid one dollar and a quarter toll for two horses, and
a small wagon, over the stream.

Arrived at Columbus, where I found Mrs. M., of the
Mayhew mission, a beautiful sufferer beautiful in her
person, and beautiful in her resignation. She looked like
one of those white fleecy clouds, that are sometimes seen
in a summer's day, when just on the eve of vanishing, and
mingling with the ethereal. Prescribed for her, but with
little expectation that she would be long retained from her
heavenly rest, for which her pious life and gentle, spirit had
fitted her.

I found, there, a brother and sister of Colonel Abert,
the distinguished topographical engineer, at this time, I
believe, in charge of the Topographical Bureau at Washing-
ton. They were charmingly situated, and I was charged,
on my arrival at Washington, to say so to the colonel.
Met, also, Governor Adair. This venerable man, and
patriot, I found in a very inferior state of health. It had
fallen to his lot to command the Kentucky troops, in the
last war, at New Orleans. I had seen an authenticated
statement of his services on that memorable occasion,
shown to me by his son-in-law, " Florida White," as it was
the custom to call him. History will, I have no doubt, do
this pure patriot and gallant officer justice. A great wrong
will be done to his memory and fame, if it shall not.

I was piloted out of Columbus by the venerable Judge
Cocke and took the wagon-road for Tuscaloosa. The
name of this gentleman reminds me that I might as well

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 185

state here the reason why I omitted to go with any mes-
sage to the Cherokees. Congress had made an appropri-
ation of a sum of money for the purpose of holding a trea-
ty with the Cherokees, to obtain their consent to open a
way, by means of a canal connecting the waters of the
Canasaga and Highwassee. Commissioners were then
in the Cherokee country to carry out this object. I did
not feel at liberty to call off the attention of the Indians
from this negotiation ; and so I passed on to the Creeks.
General John Cocke was a commissioner to treat with the
Cherokees. I was satisfied the attempt would prove a
failure, and was the less willing, therefore, to go among
them, lest it might be inferred that I had been the cause
of it.

The way to Tuscaloosa was horrible. Twenty-five
miles of it were over rugged mountains, and almost im-
passable roads. I was two hours after night, literally feel-
ing, not seeing, my way ; and the darkness was so great,
that I could not see my horse's mane, though it was white.
The wagon, with the intrepid Ben, were constantly in dif-
ficulty. It was one mud-hole after another, and our united
strength was often put in requisition to disengage the
wheels from their deep-set connection with unknown
depths of mud and water. Our progress was about a mile
an hour. Encamped somewhere, but know not where, and
never expect to know. Saturday, 20th, rose at day-break,
did the best we could, over thirty miles of similar roads.
On nearing the Black Warrior, saw a fire. It looked like
a city in a blaze. The woods were in flames. The coun-
try was lighted by them for many miles ; and, on nearing
this grand spectacle, the ear came in for part of the effect,
in the cracking, and snapping, and the terrible crash made,
ever and anon, by the falling of trees ; when the corrusca-
tions from each crash would illumine, as it seemed, the
whole universe. By the light of this fire, I reached the
Black Warrior, when it almost instantly faded, and dark-

VOL. I. 24

186 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ness fell suddenly upon everything. The ferryman refused
to ferry me over alleging it was too dark, and the cur-
rent, he said, was too rapid. I told him I must go over,
and if he found it inconvenient to ferry me across, I would
go witljput him. He then lighted some pine-knots, and
ferried us over. When about midway, the fire in the
woods blazed up again, and continued till I ascended the
hill on the Tuscaloosa side of the Black Warrior, amidst
an almost dazzling light; which, however, soon went out,
leaving me again in thick darkness. Passing a small house,
I rode up, and inquired the way, and whether there were
any ditches, or bad roads, of any sort, and received for
answer many things that made everything uncertain ; so
I asked for a guide, and procured one in the person of a
little, old, Virginia, Orange county negro. Without him,
or somebody just like him, I felt, as I progressed, that I
should never have found my way, till the day should break,
and reveal it to me. By the aid of this little old blackey
the very image of " little Billy" who is known to every-
body in Portland, besides to half the people of the globe,
according to his account, I reached Tuscaloosa at nine
o'clock, P. M., horses jaded, and almost broken down, Ben
in a condition not much better, and myself ready for rest.
How composing was the thought that to-morrow will be
the Sabbath ! Oh, how welcome is this day of rest to the
weary ! How demonstrable the wisdom and love of that
Good Being who ordained it !

After a charming night of the most refreshing sleep,
arose, breakfasted, and wended my way to the Methodist
church. I could not recall to mind a Sabbath of greater
rest. I luxuriated in it.

Tuscaloosa reminded me of Detroit the ground level,
the apparent dimensions of both alike, the houses being
in about the same proportion, built of brick and of wood ;
streets wide. If the Black Warrior ran north of the town,
it would answer for the river Detroit,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 187

Proceeded on Monday, rode thirty miles, and encamped.
Tuesday, to Cahawba Falls, by nine, A. M., to breakfast.
Day fine. Thence 'on to Sawyer's Mills, where I en-
camped. Reached Foreman's, on the pine flats, on the
24th, and tarried there for the night. Crossed the Alaba-
ma on the 25th, and arrived at Montgomery, where I re-
mained all night. Met there with the number of the North
American Review containing a review of my " Tour to the
Lakes" Read it with eagerness, and with satisfaction.
The commendations were far above what I had hoped for.

Rose early, and pushed on for my place of destination,
the Creek agency, at Fort Mitchell, in Alabama, on the
Chattahoochee. Fell in with the agent, Colonel Crowell,
some ten miles from the agency, who accompanied me to
his home, where, as soon as I arrived, I commenced ope-
rations for convening the Creeks, in council, at Tuckha-
batchee. Despatched a messenger with a talk, to Opoth-
leyoholo, he being the organ of communication, as speaker
of the Creek councils, to the nation, inviting him to come
and see me. His answer foreboded difficulties. He could
not come, assigning as the reason that he was not well
enough. I succeeded, however, in getting him to meet
me. The result was a call of the council, and a final ar-
rangement by treaty, and settlement of all the difficulties
that had for so long a time existed between the Creek na-
tion, the State of Georgia, and the federal government.
Every foot of land remaining to the Creeks, of what was
once their immense domain in Georgia, was now ceded ;
and henceforth they were to be confined to their posses-
sions in Alabama.

Having disposed of my horses, and travelling and camp
equipage, to Colonel Crowell, I took the stage at the door
of the agency, having adopted, at the request of their pa-
rents and friends, two Indian youths, William Barnard and
Lee Compere ; the first a Creek, the other a Uchee ; and
these, with the Honorable William R. Ring, then a senator

188 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

in Congress, now minister to France, were my compa-
nions.

My little Indian boys were about ten and thirteen years
old, Lee being the youngest. His Indian name was Arbor.
After leaving the agency some thirty miles, this little fellow
gave signs of great restlessness, and kept muttering some-
thing in Uchee, which William interpreted. " He wanted
to go home." This was the burden of his muttering. So
I thought I would test the self-relying feeling which I had
often heard attributed to Indians, even of his tender age,
as also their trust in their instinct. I knew he could have
no knowledge of the way he had come, for he, and Wil-
liam, and Ben, had occupied the front seat of the stage, and
had travelled backwards. I called to the driver, request-
ing him to stop. He did so. Now, William, tell Lee he
can go home, if he wishes to go. This was scarcely said,
before the little fellow, who had learned some English at
the missionary school, seized his bundle, and was, in a
twinkling, out at the side of the stage, and going down
over one of the fore-wheels ; when, seeing him determined
to go, I told Ben to reach out and take him in. He was
inconsolable, and remained so till we reached Augusta, in
Georgia.

On arriving there, I sent Ben out with them, with direc-
tions to clothe them in the best manner, and to buy for
each a plaid cloak, and a handsome cap. Ben was fortu-
nate in securing quite a handsome and perfectly well-fitting
suit, including the cloaks and the caps. I then had their
hair cut. Ben took them into a chamber of the hotel, and
gave them a thorough cleansing ; when they were brought
to me, dressed, not in a very handsome suit of clothes,
only, but in smiles. A couple of prettier boys could be
found nowhere.

I had rode all night, after leaving Augusta; and stopping
at a public stand to breakfast, I directed Ben to go with
the boys to the breakfast-table, and attend to them there.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 189

while I shaved. On going in myself, I saw the two boys
with Ben, standing at the back door of the passage.
What, Ben, I inquired, through with breakfast already ?
" Oh, lord, sir," said Ben, "I was sent out in a jifFey."
Why, what's the matter ? " The lady, sir," answered Ben,
" says she don't allow Indians to eat at her table." I took
the boys, each by a hand, and went in, and as I was about
seating them, each on one side of me, the good lady, at
the head of the table, sprang to her feet, gave her chair a
push backwards, threw her head well up, and, with her arm
extended, and her fist clenched, accompanied by a wild
and vengeful expression, her lips compressed, she looked
at me, saying, " Sir, I will not allow Indians to come to my
table" I am sorry, madam, I rep^ed, to be obliged, on
this occasion, to trespass on your rules, but these little
boys must have their breakfast, and just as they are now
seated, with me. I am their protector, and have taken
care of their persons, so as to render them quite prepared
for your table, or any other table in Georgia.*

She flew out of the room, saying " I'// send my hus-

* On my arrival at home, these little boys were made part of my family ; and
were adopted by the government. Their education, and the supervision of their
entire circumstances, devolved on me. I sent them to a school, at that time kept
in Georgetown, and upon the principle of the West Point Academy. The uni-
form required to be worn, I knew, would furnish a tie to this school, of the most
agreeable sort. Both these children made the usual progress in learning, and were
tractable, and well disposed. The little one, Lee, had in him a portion of obsti-
nacy which never showed itself in William. He was, however, younger, and
had not been favored with so many advantages in instruction, at school and other-
wise, as had been enjoyed by William. Strong attachments were formed in them,
both for me and my family, as the sequel will show.

When I was dismissed from office, I included in my arrangements for leaving
Washington, a plan for the furtherance of the welfare of these children. They
had been confided to me by their parents and friends, and I felt bound, besides the
interest I took in their welfare, to carry out what I knew was the will of their
parents, as well as to make good all their expectations, so far as it might be in
my power to do so. In a word, I felt the trust to be a sacred one. Accordingly,
I applied to President Jackson, for his permission to take them with me to Philadel-
phia. It was refused. On making this known to the boys, they grew sad, and

190 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

band after you" By the time Ben had poured out the
coffee, the good man of the house entered, saying, " Sir,
this is against my rules." I can't help it, sir. Your's is a
public house. We are travellers. Those little boys are
very near to me, and I shall see, wherever I go, that they
occupy the same level which I do ; and my advice to you, as
a friend, is to keep cool, and leave the room. I shall pay
you for our fare. " Well, sir," said he, " I suppose it
must be so," and went out !

gave signs of great distress. At last, of their own accord, they wrote, and took
to the President the following note :

" Great Father

" We are in trouble our friend Colonel McKenney is going away we want to
go with him. We don't want to stay here without him. He is our friend. We
love him, he is good to us do not, Father, let us be taken away from him. We
ask you to let us go with ColoiJIl McKenney. He is like a father to us. We
came from our nation with him. When we leave here, we want to go back ; but
we do not want to go back, if we can go with him. We come to see our Father
with this talk we hope he will not deny what we come for.

WILLIAM BARNARD,
LEE COMPERE."

There is no date to this. It is in the hand-writing of William. The original
is now before me ; and I have copied it, in all respects. They kept together, and
avoided seeing anybody and would not come to their meals till after the family
had separated. I said to them, perhaps your Great Father, if you were to see
him, and tell him you wish to go with me, would gratify you he may not know
it is your wish. William replied " We have been to see him, and (pulling from
his pocket the foregoing letter,) handed him that." After I had read it, I asked
what his answer was. " He said you can't go with him you must go home to
your people." I retained the paper. I ,. .

In making my arrangements to leave Washington, I concluded such as embra-
ced the comfort of these poor boys, until the President should dispose of them, by
taking board for them, and continuing them at school. The day I left Washing-
ton, they were inconsolable, and wept bitterly. I soothed them by telling them
I should come again, before long, and see them when the carriage drove off.
Just as we were ascending the capitol-hill, a gentleman called. The coach was
stopped. " Colonel," said he, " your little Indian boys are trotting after the car-
riage, and seem much fatigued." I stepped out, and told them, if they loved me,
they must go back. I reasoned with them, and they became more composed,
when I called a hack, put them in it, and we parted. I have never seen them
since. They were sent home to their country soon after. Of William, I heard
that he never recovered from his depression became desperate and, getting
into an Indian quarrel, a fight ensued, in which some of the parties were killed,
he left the Creek country, and joined the Seminoles in Florida. Of Lee, I have
never heard anything.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 191

CHAPTER IX.

RETURN TO WASHINGTON. CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION.
POLITICAL EXCITEMENT. CORRUPTION AND FAVORITISM
IN HIGH PLACES.

Arrival at Washington Mr. Barbour's estimate of my services Adjustment of
my accounts Political agitation Personal abuse Duff Green's account
His " mark" The work of proscription going on Pledges honestly given
How fulfilled Duff Green's first appearance at Washington How he went
ahead Strife for office Interview with President Jackson Charges Satis-
factorily answered Result A call at my office An office not wanted The
office of Indian affairs General Eaton and Duff Green General Houston
" Proposal" A second and third interview Proposals for contracts to supply
the Indians Ben Hawkins, alias General Houston A rat behind the curtain
" Bids" Actual cost of rations, and removal of the Indians Extracts from
documents Bold favoritism General Houston in a rage A scene with my
clerks Almost displaced.

t .1 .' ' f'-i- * ' '

ON my arrival at Milledgeville, I announced the adjust-
ment of the difficulties. See Appendix, (H.) The an-
nunciation that a treaty had been made, preceded me by
a day. I had scarcely time to reach Washington in sea-
son for the President's message ; but, by constant travel-
ling, night and day, I arrived there just three days before
the message was sent in leaving me time only to make
up my official report. The appendix, as referred to, con-
tains my report to the Secretary of War, embracing, in
an official form, all that had been accomplished under my
commissions, during those travels, since parting from Gen-
eral Cass.

On reaching the War Department, I was met in the
passage-way, by the Hon. James Barbour, then Secretary
of War, who, reaching out both hands, grasping one of

192 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

mine, said " Is it indeed so, that you have concluded a
treaty with the Creeks?" It is, sir. "Then, sir," he
added, " there is not money enough in the treasury, to
pay you for what you have accomplished" when he left
me, and went over to the President's. The treaty was
ratified by the Senate, and the exciting circumstances that
had so long continued to vex Georgia, and trouble the
Executive of the Union, so far, at least, as the Creek Indi-
ans were concerned, were put to rest, and forever.

My special commission (that of March 28, 1827,) re-
ferring to me the duties which I left Green Bay to execute,
stipulated that my " compensation should be fixed on my re-
turn, and made equivalent to the extent and value of my
services" After having been some time at home, I suggest-
ed to the secretary, that when he should be at leisure,
I was prepared with my accounts, and ready for their ad-
justment. " Sir," said he, " I have been thinking of this.
I know the terms upon which you undertook this almost
hopeless mission; and I know, also, that your services
have been immensely valuable ; and whilst I set an almost
priceless value on them, I am compelled, that no cry of
favoritism may be raised, to limit your compensation to
the pay of a commissioner." I am perfectly satisfied, sir,
I replied, and will make up my accounts upon that basis.

I sent my messenger to the office of the Second Audi-
tor, with a request to Mr. John Peters, the ablest and most
efficient clerk in the office, to come to my room. So ta-
king down a United States map, I requested him to mark
and measure my route from Washington to Green Bay,
and from Green Bay by the way of the route I had re-
turned home. It made, (I write from memory,) seven
thousand miles. He knew the day I had left home for
Green Bay ; and now having the distance, I referred to
him the making up of my account for my per diem allow-
ance, and for the mileage. I was gone about seven months.
He stated my account, certifying that he had measured

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 193

the distance, and that it was made up, and correctly, upon
the basis of the pay to a commissioner. I handed it to
the Secretary of War, who said, " I have no doubt it is all
right but that I may be able to say I examined the route
myself, bring in your map, and let me go over your track."
It was done. He went over the whole, making also the
calculations, and found all was right ; when he took his pen,
and wrote upon it, " Approved /. Barbour"

Political agitation, and of a sort more bitter and more
fierce than any that had ever preceded it, had now be-
come universal. Mr. Adams and his administration, the
ability and economy, and purity of which, no honest and
intelligent man doubted, was to come down, " though it was
as pure as the angels at the right hand of God!" The
Washington Telegraph, edited by Duff Green, took the
lead in this war, and was the caldron in which the elements
were concocted, that were to be employed by the party in
opposition to Mr. Adams, to overthrow his administration.
Every day sent forth fulminating matter, until the country
rang with the fierce cry of " intrigue bargain and cor-
ruption ;" and this was the battering-ram chosen by the
party in opposition to the administration of Mr. Adams for
its overthrow. I shall be excused, I hope, for giving it as
my firnt belief, that not one of the original contrivers of
this master-stroke of the political engine, believed it to be
true.* Names, intended to be opprobrious, were invented
and applied to functionaries of the government, with the
clap-trap purpose of taking the fancy of those whose ca-
pacity was too shallow to be stirred by things of more
solid or truthful import.

Humble as was my position in the government, I was
not permitted to escape. Day after day, the Telegraph
teemed with abuse of me. In vain did two of General

* This charge has been anaylzed by Mr. Colton in his life of Henry Clay. It
is now put beyond all doubt, that my opinion of it was correct.

VOL. i. 25

194 MEMOIRS, &c,, &c.

Jackson's friends interfere to stay these onsets, by repre-
senting to Green their injustice, etc. The answer given
by him to one of them was " He (meaning me) was the
author of a letter signed P. B. K., wherein my name and
my course were assailed ; and, whilst I can hold a pen, he
shall feel its power." This might have been the spark that
fired the magazine of this gentleman's wrath, but it was,
by some, shrewdly suspected that my inability to make a
certain account, amounting to some sixty thousand dollars,*
square with the provisions of either the intercourse law of
1802, or with my conscience ; and the reference which I
recommended of that account to the Committee of Indian
affairs of the Senate the chairmen of which, Colonel
Benton and General Green, being not on terms of the
most harmonious sort as Green told me and which re-
ference had been " approved" by the Secretary of War,
and acted upon, was at least one of the reasons of all those
assaults upon me. Two accounts had been handed to rne
by General Green, at the same time that to which I have
referred, and which claimed, in the names of numerous
settlers, remuneration for spoliations alleged to have been
committed upon them by certain Indians ; and another,
amounting to some five or six hundred dollars, (I write
from memory,) for cattle that General Green had furnished
to the garrison at Prairie du Chien, as contractor, and
which had been driven off by the Indians after they had
been turned over to the proper officer. This last account,
as the certificate of my agent at Prairie du Chien, Nich-
olas Boilvan, at the Prairie, I recommended for payment.
It was paid. It was to inquire after these accounts, and
shortly after their reference to the Senate Committee, that
General Green came to my office. On learning the dis-
position that had been made of the large account, he flew
into a passion, and after giving vent to much wrath against
myself, and making known the sort of relations that exist-

* I write from memory. The sum was enormous.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 195

ed between him and Colonel Benton, " a man," he said,
" whom I cannot approach," and receiving from me an ap-
propriate response, he left the room, shaking his finger at
me, saying, " /'// mark you, sir !"

Now it might have been this circumstance, or Mr. Key's
letter, or both, that had kindled General Green's wrath,
and made it burn so fiercely, and with such constancy, in
his Telegraph, against me. When the ordinary means of
assault failed, the resort was had to the extraordinary and
I was known by the title of " KICKAPOO AMBASSADOR !"

General Jackson having succeeded to the Presidency,
and General Duff Green, with his Telegraph, becoming
the organ of " the government," I saw, from the known in-
fluence that Green exercised over the President, that among
the officers who were destined to be struck down, I was
one. General Jackson had not been long in power, before
one after another of the officers of the government were
dismissed. The promise, that " General Jackson will re-
ward his friends, and punish his enemies," was now in a
course of rapid fulfilment ; and ever and anon, as one and
another of the faithful, experienced, and long-tried officers,
were struck down, the cry went forth from " the Telegraph"
" THE WORK GOES BRAVELY ON !" No matter how long, or
how faithful had been the service rendered by the victim ;
nor how indispensable was his " experience" towards the
right action of the government, or the protection of the public
interests ; nor how dependent his position, for the means
of support for himself and family, nor how unblemished
his character, if those who held " the list" resolved to put
" the mark" to his name, he was sure to go. Had some of
these been appointed by Washington ? No matter even
if it be the venerable and pious Register of the Treasury,
Joseph Nourse, the honored of Washington, the cherished
of Madison, of Monroe, and of Adams down with him !
The promise must be fulfilled the " reward" must be be-
stowed u to the victors belong the spoils."

It was foreseen that such havoc made among the tried,

196 MEMOIRS, &c., <fcc.

and competent, and faithful incumbents, might lead the
public to suspect that the loss of all this " experience"
might prove hurtful to their interests. To quiet all such
apprehension, it was announced, by high authority, and
under the most imposing form, that " experience was not
a necessary qualification for office," etc. And then, again,
it had been announced, that persons were to be selected,
whose " diligence and talents'" were to " insure" in their
respective stations, " able and faithful" co-operation, whilst
more reliance was to be placed on the " integrity and zeal
of the public officers, than on their numbers"

Now, all this, I cannot bring myself to doubt, was hon-
estly meant by the distinguished functionary who gave ut-
terance to these doctrines and purposes ; nor can I ques-
tion his honesty of intention to fulfil all the promises that
he made even to that which announced that mighty
" reform in those abuses that had (as it was alleged) brought
the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the
freedom of elections" Nor were the causes which, it was
also alleged, had " disturbed the rightful course of appoint-
ment," and " which had placed, or continued power, in un-
faithful or incompetent hands," to be permitted to remain,
but were to be " corrected" This, too, was, no doubt,
honestly spoken by the distinguished personage who thus
pledged himself before the American people. He was
fresh in his place. But there were those who had been
hackneyed in artifice, who, knowing the avenues of ap-
proach to his confidence, took care to prepare the way,
not only for the foregoing flowery openings, for the quiet-
ing and repose of public opinion, but for the ultimate re-
sults of Executive favor to themselves, with all their en-
riching results.

Among the first to profit by this state of things, was
General Duff Green, whose "reward" was conferred in
the job-printing of the government in his paper, and in his
appointment as printer to Congress. I was present when

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 197

this gentleman first came to Washington, with a view of.
settling there, if he could. I was dining with a distinguished
citizen, who was called from the dinner-table to see " a
gentleman," who had declined the invitation to " come in."
Soon after, I joined the stranger and the gentleman with
whom I had dined, and was introduced, for the first time,
to " GENERAL DUFF GREEN." The general had brought a
letter of introduction, I believe, from Governor Edwards ;
and this was deemed a sufficient passport. The object of
General Green being to transfer himself from St. Louis to
Washington, as a publisher of a newspaper, the gentleman
with whom I had dined turned the general over to me, as
his adviser ; and by invitation, the general dined with me
the next day, en famille, when his entire object was dis-
closed. The substance was, that he wished to leave St.
Louis, and come to Washington ; but having no means, he
desired, if he could, to find some one with a press in
Washington or Georgetown, who would be willing to ex-
change with him. I went to work, with sincerity, to pro-
mote the general's views, and after various attempts, he
succeeded in making a bargain of some sort I never knew
what it was with JONATHAN ELLIOT, who had printed a
paper in Washington, the quality of which had secured for
it the title of " the mud press" Upon this General Green
engrafted his Telegraph.

I can never forget the general's costume and appearance
when I first saw him. They were both indicative of great
embarrassment. His eye, which was black and animated,
seemed the only live thing about him ; and that indicated,
by its flashy and lustrous motions, a good deal of mind,
which General Green certainly possesses. From the state
of great embarrassment in which I found him, General
Green became, under the system of " rewards" a man of
wealth ; or, at least, a large property-holder.

How far this " reward " system was calculated to alien-
ate from professional duties, and from the various depart-

198 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

.ments of labor, so many thousands of citizens, and start
them as competitors, upon the political race-course, for
Executive patronage, I pretend not to know. One thing,
however, is certain. Before this lure was held up, and the
proof given that it meant what it promised, viz : that po-
litical gladiators should be rewarded, there was no such
rush after office, as well by the unqualified, as the qualified,
as has continued to distract the country from that day to
this. To it, also, may be fairly attributed those reckless
assaults upon private character, and the employment of
the most degrading and demoralizing means, to break down
an opposing candidate, and, indeed, whatever else might
happen to be in the way of this burning thirst after the
spoils of office, and the ephemeral glory of occupying a
place in the government. Nor has this spirit proved less
vindictive in the candidate for the office of tide-waiter, or
keeper of a light-house, than in others whose eyes were
fixed upon foreign missions, and cabinet offices. The
glory of contending for principles, and the toils of the pa-
triot, to secure for his country measures of a useful and en-
riching sort, have become, to the eye of the beholder, so
blended with the selfish ends of the mere demagogue, as to
place all alike, in their common view, upon the same level,
and subject all to the degrading suspicion of following after
political candidates, led by pretty much the same instincts
that took so many of old into the wilderness, viz : that they
might be fed.

It is only when the strife is past, that the patriot can be
known from the demagogue the whole-souled lover of
his country, from the man whose only motive, in all of his
burning zeal for his favorite candidate, is confined to the
expectation of being rewarded with a part of a loaf, and
a few little fishes ! If there were no other consequences
than the foregoing, to rebuke, and render odious, this
system of "rewards," these ought to be sufficient. But
there are others in the alienation of friend from friend,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 199

and of family from family ; and in the annihilation of that
whole system of equal rights in which every American is
entitled to participate, by virtue of the constitution, as well
as his birth, and from which he can never be deprived, by
anything short of their unjust invasion and down-treading,
by the foot of despotism. Where can the right be found,
either in the system of privileges inherent in every Ameri-
can, or in justice, or the constitution, in any man, who, on
proclaiming himself a candidate for office, or being so
proclaimed by others, whether of the Presidency or any
other, shall announce that " rewards" shall be conferred on
all those who may contribute to his success ; and that
"punishment" shall be inflicted on all who shall fail to join
the army of his friends ? And yet, an exile is known to
await every man, so far as he can be reached, who may
not happen to have fallen in with the views of the domi-
nant party ; and this has become an affair of such common
occurrence, hideous as it is, as to have lost, to the general
observation, all of its viciousness ! This strife becomes
the dignity, as it is also the duty, of the citizen, and crowns
him with honor, as it has done, and will continue to do,
when it is the result of a contest for principle, and for mea-
sures that are essential to the "general welfare" It only
becomes degrading when it is engaged in for mere party
ends, and personal advantages. -

I well remember the time, when a head of a department,
having been deprived, by death, of a valuable chief clerk,
inquired of me where he could obtain a qualified succes-
sor so wholly unknown was the practice then, (and this
was during the latter part of Mr. Madison's administration,
or the first of Mr. Monroe's,) for a thousand applicants to
make a rush at the same time for the place ; or, for a vigi-
lant looker-on, having caught from the doctor's looks an
expression of doubt whether his patient would recover, to
hie away to Washington, as has been done, present the
claims of "party," receive a commission, and be back to

200 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Philadelphia in time to be present at the dead man's fune-
ral ! It was my fortune to know a gentleman who was
qualified for the place to which I have referred. I named
him ; he was appointed, and was all that the head of the
department required of him ; and that gentleman is the
same who now fills with such distinguished ability, the
office of Secretary of the Senate of the United States.
The place he was called to fill at the time to which I have
reference, was Chief Clerk of the office of Commissary Ge-
neral of Prisoners, whose head was GENERAL JOHN MASON.

But General Green, whose success had been so tri-
umphant, was doomed himself to drink of the same bitter
cup that he had so often mingled, and caused to be drank,
by others. A cloud fell over his prospects, even before
General Jackson's Presidency was closed. This change
was caused by the suspicion that General Green favored
another personage for the successor of General Jackson,
other than General Jackson's own choice. The success
of Mr. Van Buren was the signal of General Green's down-
fall ; for in walking " in the footsteps of his illustrious pre-
decessor," Mr. Van Buren took especial care not to cross
the track which his " predecessor" had, doubtless, marked
out for the guidance of his steps in relation to General
Green who went, so far as public patronage was con-
cerned, literally, on Mr. Van Buren's accession to the
Presidency, into exile, where he remained till recalled by
his ancient friend and ally in the cause of Jacksonism,
Mr. Tyler.

That General Jackson permitted himself to be surround-
ed and influenced by others, regardless of the means they
employed to carry their ends, the following statement of
facts will show :

Some time after General Jackson had been inaug-
urated, the Secretary of War, Major Eaton, inquired of
me, if I had been to see the President ? I said I had not.
Had you not better go over ? Why, sir ? I asked I

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 201

have had no official business to call me there, nor have I
any now ; why should I go ? You know, in these times,
replied the secretary, it is well to cultivate those personal
relations, which will go far towards securing the good-
will of one in power and he wound up by more than inti-
mating that the President had heard some things in dis-
paragement of me, when I determined, forthwith, to go and
see him, and ascertain what they were. On arriving at
the door of the President's house, I was answered by the
door-keeper, that the President was in, and having gone to
report me, returned, saying the President would see me.
On arriving at the door, it having been thrown open by
the door-keeper, I saw the President very busily engaged
writing, and with great earnestness; so much so, indeed,
that I stood for some time, before he took his eyes off the
paper, fearing to interrupt him, and not wishing to seem
intrusive. Presently, he raised his eyes from the paper,
and at the same time his spectacles from his nose, and
looking at me, said " Come in, sir, come in." You are
engaged, sir ? " No more so than I always am, and
always expect to be" drawing a long breath, and giving
signs of great uneasiness.

I had just said, I am here, sir, at the instance of the
Secretary of War, when the door was thrown open, and
three members of Congress entered. They were received
with great courtesy. I rose, saying, you are engaged, sir,
I will call when you are more at leisure ; and bowed my-
self out. On returning to my office, I addressed a note to
the President, of the following import : " Colonel McKen-
ney's respects to the President of the United States, and
requests to be informed when it will suit his convenience
to see him ?" To which Major Donaldson replied, " The
President will see Colonel McKenney to-day, at twelve
o'clock." I was punctual, and found the President alone.
I commenced, by repeating what I had said at my first
visit, that I was there at the instance of the Secretary of

VOL. I. 26

202 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

War, who had more than intimated to me, that impres-
sions of an unfavorable sort had been made upon him, in
regard to me ; and that I was desirous of knowing what
the circumstances were, that had produced them. " It is
true, sir," said the President, " I have been told things
that are highly discreditable to you, and which have come
to me from such sources, as to satisfy me of their truth."
Very well, sir, will you do me the justice to let me know
what these things are, that you have heard from such re-
spectable sources? "You know, Colonel McKenney, I
am a candid man " I beg pardon, sir, I remarked, inter-
rupting him, but I am not here to question that, but to
hear charges which it appears have been made to you,
affecting my character, either as an officer of the govern-
ment, or a man. " Well, sir," he resumed, " I will frankly
tell you what these charges are, and, sir, they are of a
character which I can never respect." No doubt of that,
sir, but what are they ? " Why, sir, I am told, and on the
best authority, that you were one of the principal promo-
ters of that vile paper, " We the People ;" as a contribu-
tor towards establishing it, and as a writer, afterwards,
in which my wife Rachel was so shamefully abused. I
am told, further, on authority no less respectable, that you
took an active part in distributing, under the frank of your
office, the " coffin hand-bills ;" and that in your recent tra-
vels, you largely and widely circulated the militia pamph-
let." Here he paused, crossed his legs, shook his foot,
and clasped his hands around the upper knee, and looked
at me as though he had actually convicted, and prostrated
me ; when, after a moment's pause, I asked Well, sir, what
else ? " Why, sir," he answered, " I think such conduct
highly unbecoming in one who fills a place in the govern-
ment such as you fill, and very derogatory to you, as it
would be in any one who should be guilty of such prac-
tices." All this, I replied, may be well enough, but I request
to know if this is all you have heard, and whether there

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 203

are any more charges ? " Why, yes, sir, there is one
more ; I am told your office is not in the condition in
which it should be." Well, sir, what more ? " Nothing,
sir; but these are all serious charges, sir." Then, sir,
these comprise all ? " They do, sir." Well, General, I
answered, I am not going to reply to all this, or to any
part of it, with any view of retaining my office, nor do I
mean to reply at all, except under the solemnity of an oath
when I threw up my hand towards heaven, saying, the
answers I am about to give to these allegations, I solemnly
swear, shall be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the

truth. My oath, sir, is taken, and is no doubt recorded

He interrupted me, by saying, " You are making quite a
serious affair of it." It is, sir, what I mean to do, I
answered.

Now, sir, in regard to the paper called " We the People,"
I never did, directly or indirectly, either by my money, or
by my pen, contribute towards its establishment, or its
continuance. I never circulated one copy of it, more or
less, nor did I subscribe for a copy of it, more or less ; nor
have I ever, to the best of my knowledge and belief, han-
dled a copy of it, nor have I ever seen but two copies, and
these were on the table of a friend, amongst other news-
papers. So much for that charge. In regard to the " coffin
hand-bills," I never circulated any, either under the frank
of my office, or otherwise, and never saw but two ; and
am not certain that I ever saw but one, and that, some fool
sent me, under cover, from Richmond, in Virginia, and
which I found on my desk among other papers, on going
to my office ; and which, on seeing what it was, I tore up,
and threw aside among the waste paper, to be swept out
by my messenger. The other, which I took to be one of
these bills, but which might have been an account of the
hanging of some convict, I saw some time ago, pendent
from a man's finger and thumb, he having a roll under his
arm, as he crossed Broadway, in New York. So much

204 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

for the coffin hand-bills. As to the " militia pamphlet,"
I have seen reference made to it in the newspapers, it is
true, but I have never handled it have never read it, or
circulated a copy or copies of it, directly or indirectly.
And now, sir, as to my office. That is my monument ;
its records are its inscriptions. Let it be examined, and
I invite a commission for that purpose ; nor will I return
to it to put a paper in its place, should it be out of place,
or in any other way prepare it for the ordeal ; and, if there
is a single flaw in it, or any just grounds for complaint,
either on the part of the white or the red man, implicating
my capacity my diligence, or want of due regard to
the interests of all having business with it, including the go-
vernment, then, sir, you shall have my free consent to put any
mark upon me you may think proper, or subject me to as
much opprobrium as shall gratify those who have thus abu-
sed your confidence by their secret attempts to injure me.

" Colonel McKenney," said the general, who had kept
his eyes upon me during the whole of my reply, "I believe
every word you have said, and am satisfied that those who
communicated to me those allegations, were mistaken."
I thank you, sir, I replied, for your confidence, but I am
not satisfied. I request to have my accusers brought up,
and that I may be allowed to confront them in your pre-
sence. " No no, sir," he answered, " I am satisfied ; why
then push the matter farther ?" when, rising from his chair,
he took my arm, and said, " Come, sir, come down, and
allow me to introduce you to my family." I accompanied
him, and was introduced to Mrs. Donaldson, Major Donald-
son, and some others who were present, partook of the of-
fering of a glass of wine, and retired.

The next morning, I believe it was or if not the next,
some morning not far off a Mr. R-b-s-n, a very worthy,
gentlemanly fellow, and well known to me, came into my
office. " You are busy, Colonel ?" he said, as he entered.
No, sir, not very, I replied ; come in I have learned to

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 205

write and talk too, at the same time. Come in ; sit down ;
I am glad to see you. Looking round the office, the en-
tire walls of which I had covered with portraits of Indians,
he asked, pointing to the one that hung over my desk,
"Who is that?" Red-Jacket,! answered. "And that?"
Shin-guab-O'Wassin, I replied; and so he continued, till,
pausing a moment, he asked, " And which is the Kickapoo
Ambassador?" Oh, sir, I answered, rising, he has the honor
of standing before you, in proprice persona. " Come, come,
Mac," said he, a little put out, " and have you really no
Indian here, called the Kickapoo Ambassador ?" None, I
assure you, except myself; and that is the title by which I
have been honored, and which, believe me, I cherish with
becoming pride, and a corresponding pleasure. " Excuse
me, Colonel ; I really was honest in supposing that a chief
was among your collection of paintings, so called." He
then asked, " Who wrote the treaties with the Indians, and
gave instructions to commissions, and, in general, carried
on the correspondence of the office ?" These are within
the circle of my duties, the whole being under a general
supervision of the Secretary of War, I answered. " Well,
then," after a pause, he said, " the office will not suit me."
What office ? I asked. " This," he replied ; " General
Jackson told me, this morning, it was at my service ; but
before seeing the Secretary of War, I thought I would
come and have a little chat with you, first."

I rose from my chair, saying Take it, my dear sir,
take it. The sword of Damocles has been hanging over
my head long enough. "No," said he, "it is not the
sort of place for me. I prefer an auditor's office, where
forms are established." This worthy citizen had, in the
fulness of his heart, doubtless, and out of pure affection
for General Jackson, made that distinguished personage a
present of the pair of pistols which General Washington
had carried during the war of the Revolution. The gen-
eral could not fail, of course, to feel grateful for so distin-

206 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

guished a gift ; and, as times had become now, it was not
unreasonable to expect that a suitable " reward," or token
of the general's high estimate of the present, would be
given. It so happened, however, that Mr. R.> and a per-
sonal friend of General Jackson, had a fight somewhere
down the Pennsylvania Avenue, the latter being, as it was
reported, much worsted. I never learned that the offer of
any other office, than the one I held, was afterwards made,
by President Jackson, to Mr. R.

The office of Indian Affairs had, in like manner, been
proffered to others ; and the only reason why I had not
been, at a very early period after General Jackson's suc-
cession to the Presidency, summarily disposed of, was, that
the Secretary of War, Major Eaton, opposed it. He very
frankly told the President that the duties of the Indian De-
partment were heavy and complex, and that great experi-
ence was necessary to their proper discharge ; and that I
was familiar with those duties, and that the business of the
department was well attended to, &c. On other occa-
sions, when new applicants were favored with the Presi-
dent's approbation, Major Eaton would speak of the in-
creased labors that my removal would impose upon him;
and sometimes, of the danger that was justly to be appre-
hended, should the office fall into incompetent or inexpe-
rienced hands, of dissatisfactions being caused among the
Indians, and a consequent border war. General Green
having ascertained, I suppose, that Major Eaton had been
the barrier, hitherto, to his exertions for my ejection from
office, came in person to him ; and, in terms rather more
bold than was consistent with the relations of the two par-
ties, insisted on my removal ; and was very significantly
referred, by Major Eaton, to " his own business"

But it had been my lot to incur the displeasure of an-
other of General Jackson's personal friends. I refer to
the then General Houston, since President of Texas. Pro-
posals had been issued by the department, of the 18th Feb-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 207

ruary, 1830, for rations for the support of emigrating In-
dians ; the seals to be opened by the War Department on
a specified day. Some few days previous to the date of
the proposals, General Houston came into my office, and
commenced a conversation by referring to the intention of
the Executive to supply rations to the emigrant Indians by
contract ; when, drawing his chair near my desk, he said,
" It is my intention to make an attempt to engage in this
business. I wish you to aid me. You can do much in ac-
complishing my intentions. Everybody knows your ac-
quaintance with this business, and you can have the matter
attended to, pretty much as you please. If I succeed, as
I am pretty sure I can, by your aid, you shall lose nothing
by it."

I replied General Houston, I regret your mode of ap-
proaching this subject, and the terms you have employed
in presenting it. Waiving further remark in regard to
these, I have to say that I have no power whatever over
the subject. My place is subordinate ; I can do no more
than execute such orders as the Secretary of War may
direct.

He said, in general terms, that he had no particular ob-
ject in the remarks to which I had taken exception ; that
he nevertheless held the opinion, if I chose, I could be es-
sentially useful to him ; when he asked me to come and
see him at his lodgings. He came again the next day, and
asked if I had seen the Secretary of War. I answered
I had. " Has he said anything to you about issuing pro-
posals for supplying rations to the emigrating Indians ?"
I replied He has not. He appeared much surprised,
adding, " It is d d queer."

The next day he called again, when, in reply to similar
questions, about my seeing the Secretary of War, and
whether anything had passed between us touching the
publication of proposals, &c., and receiving similar answers
to those given the day before, he said he was satisfied the

208 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Secretary of War had forgotten it, for that he had prom-
ised to see me, and give orders, &c., &c. promising him
that they should appear that morning in the Telegraph. I
repeated that the secretary had said nothing to me on the
subject. He asked if I would not see the secretary on
the subject. I replied by. referring to my subordinate po-
sition, and that I could not, with propriety, move upon the
Secretary of War, but must wait his movements upon me.
He said this was exceedingly embarrassing to him, as he
wished to get off, and this was delaying him beyond his
convenience ; that " it was the more vexatious, as he had
prepared proposals, given them to the Secretary of War,
and received his assurance that he would hand them over
to you. There was no reason, that he could see, for this
delay." He continued to call, sometimes as often as two
or three times a day ; and at last insisted, with vehemence,
that I must see the Secretary of War. I declined ; when,
looking at me, evidently much excited, he said, " McKen-
ne y> y u have sustained Major Duval (the then Indian
agent for the Cherokees in Arkansas, than whom the gov-
ernment never had a more capable, zealous, or faithful of-
ficer,) too long. You have issued to the delegation (mean-
ing the Cherokee delegation) that was here before the last,
without proper or justifiable reason, fifteen hundred dol-
lars ;" and, shaking his finger at me, added, " / know certain
things, of which I have said nothing"

I answered My support of Major Duval is matter of
record. That he (Houston) ought to know that' I had
the same power, without the knowledge and " approval"
of the Secretary of War, to issue fifteen hundred dollars,
or any other sum, to the Cherokees, or to any other per-
son, that my door-keeper had, and no more. That, as to
his insinuations of knowing certain things, of which, how-
ever, he had said nothing, he was at liberty, and I urged
him to move upon me in any manner, and under any forms,
that he might see fit to adopt when he left the office.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 209

On reflection, I considered it due to myself, to address
to him a temperate, but firm letter, which I did. In this,
I relieved him from any sense of delicacy, which he ap-
peared to entertain towards me, and urged upon him to
move upon me, touching any matters which he might sup-
pose to involve my title to the respect and confidence of
the Executive, or the world.

One of the points that Houston had urged upon me, as
being important to himself, was that of limiting the time
for the offer of the bids, for the contracts for rations, to
thirty days, and which I very pointedly met, by saying
that, as these supplies, in my opinion, would come from Ar-
kansas and Missouri, there would be no time for the peo-
ple of that quarter to respond to the call. To this, he
urged his inability, owing to his poverty, to remain longer
in Washington, and he wished, at the earliest possible pe-
riod, to return home. To all which, I replied It is an
affair over which I have no control.

I received no written answer from General Houston, to
my letter to him, but being in my office, some two or three
days after, he said in pleasant words " You know, McKen-
ney, that what I said on the occasion to which your letter
refers, is not worth entering into, as a subject of dispute
between us ; therefore, let it drop, and come down and see
me. I shall be happy to see you at my room. I am hav-
ing my likeness taken in Indian costume, and I want you
to tell me how you like it." Of course, I never went. I
understood, or thought I did, both moves ; the first, I in-
terpreted to be an appeal to my hopes, in the implied pro-
mise of being benefited in return for my co-operation, in
obtaining the contract for Houston ; the last, to my fears
that these, as the first had failed, might urge me into a
compliance. Neither prevailing, the good humor of the
general was resumed ; and a closer intimacy sought by the
invitation to visit him at his room, and see his likeness, &c.

At about three o'clock on the day of the date of the

VOL. I. 27

210 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

proposals, being in the secretary's room, and about re-
turning from it, the secretary asked me, if I had seen
Houston ? I told him I had, and added My interviews
with him have not been of the most agreeable sort. He
made no reply, but taking from his pocket a paper, he
said " I have forgotten, for some days, to hand you this
paper. It is a paper containing proposals for rations for
Indians, written by Houston, and handed to me by him ;
take it, and examine it, and if correct, have it copied, and
sign it, and let it appear in the Telegraph to-morrow
morning." I opened the paper, and saw at a glance that
it was not a proper notice. Seeing me open the paper, the
secretary said, " It is late now, take it home, and examine
it." I said it was incorrect and imperfect, and a few words
would explain in what. I then pointed to the imperfec-
tions ; when the secretary said, " Well, take the paper
home with you, and prepare a form, and bring it in in the
morning." I did so.

I left a blank for the time within which bids would be
received ; stating that, as thirty days had been named, I
wished to call his attention to it, it being too short a time
for bids to reach the department from Arkansas, whence
the supplies could be had at less price, than if obtained on
this side the Mississippi. The secretary thought differ-
ently, and directed the blank to be filled with " thirty days"
saying, " Houston is waiting," and " he believed few men
were so well qualified for the discharge of such a trust."
Besides the " thirty days" limitation, which, as it appeared
to me, excluded a fair competition, there not being time
enough for the citizens of Arkansas and Missouri to res-
pond to the call, the secretary added an almost insupera-
ble barrier to any reliance on the permanency of the con-
tracts, in these words : " The right to be reserved to the
Secretary of War to enlarge, or alter the quantity of ra-
tions to be issued, and the right of continuing the contract
to any period of time he may think proper, and to deter-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 211

mine it at pleasure, when any of the conditions shall be
broken. The points of delivery, not to exceed three in
the country of either of the tribes, to be designated by the
Secretary of War."

Besides the power reserved for the Secretary of War,
to enlarge the quantity, or alter it, and to fix periods for
concluding the contract ; and the right, also, without any
appeal, to decide when the conditions were complied with, or
broken, there was no data in the advertisement, upon which
the price of the ration could, with any certainty, be fixed
upon, seeing " the points of Delivery" were not named. All
that was made known publicly was, that the rations were
for " such Indians as might emigrate to their lands west
of Arkansas and Missouri." There could, therefore, be no
certain estimate made of the cost of the " transportation,"
because there were no depots named at which the rations
were to be delivered. They might be a hundred miles in
one direction, or a hundred miles in another. And yet
there were some dozen bids sent in, I believe ; the whole
of which, however, were by persons then in Washington,
except one from Louisville, Kentucky. Not one of these,
however, so far as they were made public, was in the name
of Houston, or in the name of any one for him.

The " thirty days" having expired, which set limits to
the time of receiving bids for contracts, I was called upon
by several persons, at my office, who inquired what de-
cision had been come to on the bids ? To all which, I
gave the answer I do not know ; when a good deal of
surprise was expressed ; the applicants supposing that, as
the proposals had emanated from my office, and bore my
signature, I must, of course, be in possession of the deci-
sion of the department, and knew to whom it had been de-
cided to give the contract. I referred the parties to the
Secretary of War.

I was soon after in the secretary's office, and men-
tioned to him that such inquiries had been made of me.

212 MEMOIRS, dec., &c.

when he replied, " I have received no offers, except Hous-
ton's, in the name of Ben Hawkins.* I expressed sur-
prise, and said This is throwing responsibilities too heavily
upon me. I was here interrupted by the secretary, who
said " If men will not be prompt, and hand in their pro-
posals in time, they have no one to blame but themselves ;"
when I continued my remarks, by saying, I had received
several packages in my office, having written on them,
" Proposals for rations," which I had, with my own hand,
on the afternoon of the day previous to the time fixed for
opening them, placed in the. hands of his chief clerk,
Dr. Randolph, saying These are proposals or bids, for
supplying rations to Indians, the time expiring to-morrow ;
you will, therefore, be careful to place them before the
Secretary of War, in time for his action upon them. If
these proposals, I added, have not been placed before you,
it is not owing to any fault of mine.

I had no knowledge, from any source, of what was go-
ing on, touching this ration business, from the time the
proposals were issued, to the interview, as above referred
to, with the Secretary of War. There had been great de-
rangement in every branch of our Indian relations, caused by
the intermeddling of the Second Comptroller, and which
greatly embarrassed the right action of that important
branch of the public service. When the Indian Bureau
was organized, it was made the repository of all transac-
tions relating to this branch of the public service ; and all
transactions, and of every sort, whether between the gov-
ernment and the Indians, or the Indians and our citizens,
passed through it. It so continued, until a short time be-
fore Mr. Barbour's administration of the War Depart-
ment had ceased ; when, without his knowledge, or my
own, the Second Comptroller issued a circular, directing
the superintendents and agents to make their returns di-
rect to either the Second Comptroller, or Second Auditor.

* Ben Hawkins was a half-breed Indian.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 213

The effect of this order was, to divert from the Indian
Bureau, and from the knowledge of the officer having
charge of it, that very business, which, by his commission,
he was required to act upon ; taking from the Indian Bu-
reau, at once, both its action, and its responsibility. The
records of the office will show the efforts that were made
by me to restore to the Bureau its proper action, and re-
establish the responsibility of the officer having charge of
it. The evil, however, was never cured, but grew worse
and worse, until I left it.

Over this ration business, however, I had no control. It
belonged, legitimately, to the Secretary of War to judge
of the bids, and to decide upon them. But this action, on
his part, over the entire duties of carrying out his deci-
sions, devolved, not of right, perhaps, but in some sense
of necessity, upon the Indian Bureau it being impossible
for the Secretary of War to attend to the details of the
business. My action upon this ration business had ceased,
when I put in the hands of his chief clerk such proposals
as had been committed, by those who made them, to my
charge ; but it should have revived immediately after " thir-
ty days" for receiving bids, and a deciding upon them, had
expired. I very soon discovered, however, that difficul-
ties of some sort had arisen to embarrass this business.
The first light thrown upon this darkness, was by Luther
Blake, of Alabama, who, coming into my office a few days
after the expiration of the " thirty days," in a state of ex-
citement, said he had just parted from Houston, who had
told him that he (Houston) had seen all the bids, and that
his (Blake's) was the lowest ; that if Blake would withdraw
his bid, he (Houston) could secure the contract, and that
Blake should make more out of this step, than he could
realize if he should get the contract. Blake's anger had
been kindled, as he told me, at the permission which had
been given to Houston " to see behind the curtain," and at

214 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

his attempt, by a collusion of the sort, " to defraud, (as he
phrased it,) the government."

The expenditure contemplated under these contracts for
rations for emigrating Indians, was enormous. In view of
it, I had given the subject my closest attention, and the
result was, that a ration (under a system of contracts which
I had recommended, as preferable to the previous system
of referring the procuring of the supplies to the agents,)
need not have cost over six cents and two-thirds. I de-
rived this estimate from a thorough examination and ave-
rage of previous expenditures, chiefly from accounts of
agents on expenditures actually made, and returned to the
office of the Second Auditor. On the 6th April, 1830, I
made a report to the Secretary of War, from which what
follows is an extract. I give it, to show that there was no
lack of information in the proper Bureau, touching the cost
of rations, if it had been thought proper to call for it.
This information was elicited by a resolution of Congress,
if my memory serves me, calling on the Secretary of War
for the information contained in the extract such calls
being uniformly sent to the Indian Bureau, to be respond-
ed to.

EXTRACT.

" DEPARTMENT OF WAR, )
" Office Indian Affairs, April 6, 1830. >
" To MAJOR EATON, Secretary of War :

" The average expense, per head, of removing the
Creek Indians, who have emigrated, has been thirty-three
dollars ; but it is believed, under the system of contracts
which I had the honor to recommend in my annual re-
port of the 7th of November last, the cost may be consid-
erably reduced. The cost of supporting the Indians for a
year after their arrival, has been, in application to the
Creeks, at the rate of six cents per day, each.

" The incidental expense which has attended the removal
of the Creeks, is embraced in the foregoing ; from which

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 215

it appears the entire cost of removing each Creek, and
supporting him, has been fifteen cents per day, or fifty-four
dollars per year. But subsequent experience in taking
over the last party, has shown that, under the present sys-
tem, it need not amount to more than about half the cost
of the first movement ; and it may, as I have stated, be
still reduced, by a system of contracts. The value of im-
provements abandoned by the Indians, is not included ;
nor is it supposed it was intended to be, since what is
paid for these will be reimbursed, it is fair to presume, in
the additional value which these improvements will give
to the land.

" If fifty-five dollars be assumed as the cost attending
the removal of each Indian, and supporting him for a year
after his removal ; and if there are, as is presumed to be,
eighty thousand Indians east of the Mississippi, the entire
cost will be, for removing them, and supporting them for a
year, four millions four hundred thousand dollars. If from
this be deducted the difference between the actual cost of
the first and the last party, it would cost two millions
eight hundred and eighty thousand dollars ; and if one-
third be deducted from this, under a system of contracts,
which I think would be a fair reduction, it would be two
millions two hundred and ninety-four thousand dollars.

" It is proper to remark, that this estimate is based on
the removal of eighty thousand Indians. This number
has been assumed, because the inquiry contained in the
resolution of the House of Representatives embraces " all
the Indians on the east of the Mississippi." If, however,
it were confined to the Indians which it is presumed may
have been intended to be embraced, viz : the four southern
tribes Chickasaws, Choctaws, Creeks, and Cherokees
the Seminoles in Florida, and the fragments of bands in
Ohio, Indiana, &c., those numbering about fifty thousand,
it would be proper to deduct one-fourth, which would leave
one million seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars.

216 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

This sum would be a charge upon the treasury for so much
expended in removing the Indians to, and supporting them
for a year in the country heretofore described ; but, if the
inquiries embraced the question of reimbursing it, there
would be no difficulty in showing that the lands abandoned
by those Indians would, when sold, reimburse not only
this sum, but furnish a fund, besides, for their improvement
in the west, for many years. As, however, this informa-
tion is not called for, I forbear to enter upon a calculation
of the number of acres of land that are now claimed by
those eighty thousand Indians, and to show the probable
value of the same."

It was the duty of the Indian Bureau to operate upon
all such elements, and be prepared, at the shortest possi-
ble notice, to furnish this, and all other information which
came within the sphere of its legitimate operations ; and
yet, pending this contract business, embracing so vast an
amount of expenditure, and when, to know the price of
the ration, was indispensable to an enlightened, as well as
just action upon the subject, I was never inquired of, di-
rectly, and, I may say, or indirectly, for information which,
in view of the call for proposals, I had prepared myself to
furnish.

The bids, for this large business, varied from eight cents
per ration, to twenty. I gather this from the public and
published documents ; for I knew nothing of who bid, or
of the prices bid, until a committee of the House of Re-
presentatives published them. Luther Blake's bid was the
lowest, viz : eight cents. There were others at nine cents,
nine and a half, ten, twelve, thirteen, &c., up to twenty.
Houston's, it appears, was eighteen cents per ration.

I extract the following, from Document No. 502, House
of Representatives, Twenty-Second Congress, First Ses-
sion. It is Duff Green's testimony, on oath, before the
committee of Congress, appointed to investigate this busi-
ness. To the question, " Do you know anything in rela-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 217

tion to a contract, said to have been attempted to have
been made between Samuel Houston, and the late Secre-
tary of War, to supply the emigrating Indians with ra-
tions ? If you do, state that knowledge."

" Answer. About the time that the advertisement was
published in the Telegraph for proposals, which advertise-
ment has been referred to, in the testimony of Mr. McKen-
ney, I was at the President's, and saw Major Eaton, then
the Secretary of War, and General Houston, sitting toge-
ther in earnest conversation; one of whom (I believe the
secretary) beckoned me to them, and asked at what time
an advertisement intended for publication on the next day
should be sent to the office. I replied, at any time before
ten o'clock. He said, I will send you one to-morrow.
General Houston said, ' No, I will call and take it.' The
advertisement was inserted ; and some time thereafter, I
believe on the 18th of March, I was in conversation with
Major Eaton : he told me that he was about to close an
important contract for supplying the emigrant Indians with
rations ; that he had ascertained that the ration had here-
tofore cost about twenty- two cents ; that General Hous-
ton had gone on to New York, and, having obtained a
wealthy partner, (or security,) would take the contract at
eighteen cents. He estimated that the rations, at that
rate, would amount to twelve thousand dollars per day,
and seemed desirous to impress on my mind a belief that
the difference between twenty-two cents and eighteen
cents per ration, would be so much saved to the govern-
ment on the issue to that extent. He spoke of the num-
ber of Indians whom he expected to emigrate, which, as
well as I recollect, he estimated from sixty to eighty thou-
sand.

" I told him that I was satisfied that, instead of a saving,
there would be a great loss to the government. I told him
that I knew that beef could be purchased in Missouri and
Illinois, on foot, at from one dollar to one dollar and fifty

VOL. i. 28

218 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

cents per hundred pounds, and that, without further inquiry,
I should suppose that the ration ought not to cost more
than six cents. He manifested considerable impatience,
and seemed unwilling to listen to me. I believe that
I then urged him to advertise again, and thus give to
the western people an opportunity to bid, assuring him
that the result would be a great saving on the contract. I
left him under a firm conviction that he had determined to
give the contract to Houston, and that his object in speak-
ing to me was to induce me to make a favorable mention
of the contract in the United States Telegraph. Upon
reaching home, I consulted with a friend from Missouri,
then at my house, and expressed my wish that some one
could be induced to put in a lower bid. He suggested
that Mr. John Shackford, then a respectable merchant at
St. Louis, and now the door-keeper of the Senate, then in
the city, would be a proper person to do so; and I imme-
diately sent for Mr. Shackford. I explained to him my
suspicions ; told him what had transpired between Major
Eaton and myself, and urged him to put in a lower bid,
saying to him that my object in sending for him was, first,
to induce some one to bid the contract down as near as
possible to a fair price, so as to save the money of the
government ; and, next, to prevent the effect which I plainly
foresaw such a contract as that contemplated with Hous-
ton would have on the character and popularity of the ad-
ministration ; and that, knowing that he was not a parti-
san of the administration, I relied upon his honor not to
use the facts then disclosed, to the prejudice of the admin-
istration, if we could prevent the contemplated contract.
He told me that he had invested a large amount of his
property in the Louisville and Portland canal, and, that the
stock being unproductive and below par, he was not in funds,
and that his disappointment made him fearful to enter into
any enterprise attended with uncertainty. We examined
the proposals, and he commented upon the power which

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 219

the secretary would have over the contract, and the dan-
ger of embarking in it against his wishes, and seemed un-
willing to put in a bid at what I considered a fair price.
He agreed, however, to think of it until the next day, and
did call on the next morning. Finding that he would not
consent to put in a bid at such a price as I believed the
government ought to accept, I resolved to see the Presi-
dent, and, if possible, to prevail on him to extend the time
of receiving proposals.

" When I entered the President's room, I found him in
conversation with Governor Branch. (It is my impres-
sion, although the governor, the other day, told me that he
thinks he entered the room after I did.) I apologized for
calling, by referring immediately to the contract ; said that
I was confident that it could be furnished for much less
than I understood the department was about to give. The
President said that they had ascertained that the ration
had cost twenty-two cents ; General Houston had gone on
to New York, and had brought with him (or obtained) a
wealthy partner, (or security,) and that the contract would
be given to him at eighteen cents. I then referred to the
price of beef, corn, &c., in the west, and said that I was
confident the rations could be furnished at six cents. He
replied, quickly, ' Will you take it at ten ?' I said, no, sir.
He then said, ' Will you take it at twelve cents ; if you will,
you shall have it at that ?' I told him that I was not a
bidder for the contract ; that, although I was satisfied that
I could realize an immense sum upon such a contract, I was
influenced to call upon him by a desire to serve him
and the administration, and not by a wish to speculate ;
and left him. Upon reaching home, I wrote to Major
Eaton a letter, which I gave to my youngest brother, then
living with me, to copy in my confidential letter-book,
with instructions to carry it to Major Eaton ; which he
told me that he did. The letter was as follows :

220 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

" WASHINGTON, March 19, 1830.
" To MAJOR EATON :

" After leaving you last evening, I examined, for the first
time, your proposals for rations. From my knowledge of
the prices of beef and corn in the Western States, I am
confident that the proposed rations ought not to cost ten
cents ; yet I understand you to say that you expect to give
from eighteen to twenty cents, and that the issue, at these
prices, will amount to twelve thousand dollars per day.

" That a contract of such amount should be made with-
out giving notice to the Western States, where provisions
must be purchased, will be a cause of attack ; but when I
read the advertisement, and see that it is so worded as not
to convey any idea of the speculation it affords, and con-
nect it with the facts, which are within my own knowledge,
that it was prepared under the special advisement of Gen-
eral Houston, who has gone on to New York, and has
brought from there a wealthy partner to join him in the
contract, I should be unfaithful to the administration, to
General Jackson, and to myself, if I did not bring the sub-
ject before you in such a shape as to guard against the
consequences which I foresee will follow any such contract
as the one he contemplates.

" Such a contract may enrich a few who are concerned
in it, but will destroy the confidence of the public, I fear,
in the administration, and impair the fair fame of the Pres-
ident, which it is your duty and mine to guard. Will it
not be well to extend the time, so as to enable the people
of Missouri and Arkansas to bid ?

" Yours, &c., D. GREEN."

Duff Green swore further, that " he had no doubt, at the
time of examining the proposals, that they were so framed
as to prevent competition, by presenting difficulties, as
well in the fulfilment of the contract, as in the control
which was reserved to the department. The tendency

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 221

was to prevent bidders from making accurate calculations
of the cost, inasmuch as he believed that the contract
could have been made at six cents, allowing a fair profit to
the contractor, in case he had full confidence in the de-
partment. He had no doubt, that, even under the propo-
sals, a contract could have been made, if due notice had
been given in the Western States, to furnish the rations at
ten cents." And further

" When I found that Mr. Shackford would not put in a
bid at what I considered a fair price, I then appealed
to the President (General Jackson) for the same purpose,
(which was to defeat the contract with Houston.) During
my interview with him, I became satisfied that he would
interpose no obstacle to the contract with Houston."

The bidders at eight and nine cents being the lowest
became restless. One of them, William Prentiss, opened
quite a sharp correspondence with the Secretary of War.

Colonel Sevier, United States Senator, of Arkansas, tes-
tified that " he was a good deal provoked, and took every
step in his power to defeat the contract. He thought the
citizens of Arkansas, who had the supplies of beef and
corn among themselves, were shut out from making bids ;
the advertisement allowing but thirty days for the recep-
tion of bids, when it would take nearly thirty days to reach
Arkansas. He saw the Secretary of War, and remonstra-
ted ; wrote to him, &c. ; and learned from him something
about turning it (the providing of rations) to the manage-
ment of General Gibson, of the Commissary Depart-
ment."

I had not only incurred General Houston's displeasure,
in the preliminary steps of this business, as recorded in
this narrative, but on learning from my chief clerk, Mr.
Hambleton, that he was in the habit of going into his
room, pending this ration business season, and asking for
papers, and taking them out with him ; and in reply to my
question whether he brought with him the order of the

222 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Secretary of War, and receiving for answer that he had
not, I directed that such unauthorized liberties should be
granted to no one.

The next day General Houston entered my office through
the door leading to the clerk's room, in a highly excited
state, and demanded to know if I had forbidden to him the
use of such papers as he might want. I replied I have
given such orders. He gave vent to much threatening,
and retired, grating his teeth, saying, " You shall suffer for
it" I reported to the Secretary of War the nature of this
interview ; told him that I had directed my chief clerk to
allow no one, without his orders, to take from the office
any paper belonging to it, as I felt myself responsible for
the safe-keeping of the records, &c. I received no an-
swer ; but pointing to a sofa which was in the room, the
secretary said, " There are some papers ;" (and I think a
letter-book,) " you had better take them." I did so, and
restored them to their proper places. Mr. Hambleton told
me these were the papers that had been taken from the of-
fice by General Houston.

The conclusion of all this ration business, was, to re-
cognize no one who had made proposals ; but, overlooking
the bids that had been made, the duty of providing the ra-
tions for the emigrating Indians was referred to the Sub-
sistence Department.

Whether before, or after this transaction, I forget, my
chief clerk, Mr. Hambleton, came into my room one morn-
ing, soon after I had taken my seat at my table, and put-
ting his hands upon it, leaned over. I looked up, and saw
his eyes were full of tears ! To my question Is anything
the matter, Mr. Hambleton? " Yes, sir I am pained to in-
form you, that you are to be displaced to-day ! We all
feel it. Our connexion has been one of unbroken Jiajmony ;
and we are grieved at the thought of a separation. The
President has appointed General Thompson, a member of
Congress, of Georgia he boards at my mother's, and I

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 223

have it from himself. He says 1 shall remain, but the rest
of the clerks he shall dismiss, to make room for some of
the President's friends."

Well, Mr. H., I replied, it is what I have been constantly
looking for. Your annunciation does not at all surprise
me ; indeed, it puts an end to my suspense ; and, apart from
the pain of leaving you all, and the thought that others are
to be cut adrift, as well as myself, I feel relieved. He
walked a few times across my room, and then retired to
his, which joined mine. Two hours after, I heard walk-
ing, and earnest talking in the passage. They continued
for half an hour. When they ceased, Mr. Hambleton came
into my room, his face all dressed in smiles, saying, " It is
not to be /" What is not to be ? " You are not to go out.
When General Thompson came to the secretary this
morning, with the President's reference to him, to assign
him to your place, he was told, before he could act, he
(the secretary) must see the President. The result of the
secretary's interview with the President was, you were to
be retained, and General Thompson is referred back to
the President, for explanation, &c. Thompson is in a
rage about it and among other things said, " IPs a pretty
business, indeed, that Eaton thinks he can command a frigate,
and I carft manage a cock-boat /"

224 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

CHAPTER X.

PLANS FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE INDIANS.
HINDRANCES IN THE WAY OF THEIR EXECUTION.

Organization of " the Indian Board" at New York Address before the Indian
Board Claims of the Indians presented Massasoit Pocahontas Benevolent
designs of the Pilgrims Obstacles to be overcome The Indian vindicated
The Indian a victim to the vices of civilization Some of the obstacles to his
improvement removed His anticipated progress Destiny of our country
Duty to the Indians Views of President John Quincy Adams Different
views of emigration Diminution of the tribes Some wholly exterminated
An erroneous impression corrected Terms of the proposed removal Imagi-
nary talk with the Indians Conclusion Letter of " the Indian Board" to the
Executive Reply by General Eaton Comment upon this correspondence
Total failure ot the objects of this organization The causes of this failure
Protection promised the Indian Promise fulfilled by force.

IN July of the year 1829, the Secretary of War respond-
ed to a call made upon him by an association of distin-
guished and benevolent citizens (chiefly clergymen and
laymen of the Dutch Reformed Church) of New York, for
my presence in that city, and services, in aiding them in
the formation of a Board whose object was, to advance
the interest, and promote the well-being of the Indians, by
authorizing me to meet them. These intelligent and phi-
lanthropic gentlemen saw the increasing dangers by which
the Indians within our States and organized Territories
were surrounded ; and contemplated, with anxious solici-
tude, the perishing result, in the total extinction of the
portions of this race who were thus situated, and sought to
save them, by the only means which they believed were
adapted to so noble an object ; and these were, by a pro-
per enlightening of the Indians, to procure their assent to

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 225

change their relations to the whites, by emigrating to lands
west of the Mississippi, and beyond the limits of our
States, and to a condition, there social, political, moral,
and religious that could, as they viewed it, never be
-realized where they were. The entire scheme, however,
was based on the voluntary consent of the Indians to re-
move, and upon the granting of the appropriate privileges
and powers to them, in their new homes, by the government,
for their security, preservation, exaltation, and happiness. I
repaired to New York, and met the gentlemen who had
originated this benevolent scheme.

At a preliminary meeting, it was " Resolved, That the
Rev. Eli Baldwin, Colonel McKenney, and the Rev. Dr.
Brodhead, be a committee to draft a constitution, which
shall be to direct the proceedings of a proposed associa-
tion for the salvation of the Indian race."

The following preamble and constitution were read in
presence of a number of citizens of various denominations,
from the Reformed Dutch, Episcopal, Presbyterian, and
Moravian churches, at the consistory chamber, corner of
Nassau and Ann streets, the Rev. Dr. McLeod being chair-
man, and Rev. Eli Baldwin, secretary :

PREAMBLE.

The situation of the scattered remains of the Aborigines of this country, in-
volving, on the one side, the wrongs, the calamities, and the probable extermina-
tion of an interesting race of men ; and on the other side, the great perplexity of
the government of the United States, arising from its unwillingness, as well as
from its want of power, to interfere with the sovereignty of the States' govern-
ments, has for a long time employed the skill of the statesman, and the benevo-
lence of the religious community.

Although what has been done, has neither accomplished the magnanimous
and enlarged views of our government, nor realized the expectations of religious
enterprise ; yet, from the experience of the past, we have arrived at the conclusion
that the harmony of these United States, the preservation of the American In-
dians from total extermination, and, consequently, the cause of humanity, require
some prompt and decisive measures, calculated to carry into effect the only alter-
native left namely, the final and speedy removal of the scattered remains of the
Indian tribes from within the jurisdictional limits of sovereign States, to such
place or places as will put them fully within the sovereign control of the federal
VOL. i. 29

226 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

government, so as to prevent the calamities of the past, and secure the perpetuity
of their rights, in the future. Therefore, in order to promote an object so impera-
tive and desirable, an Association is hereby formed, under the following

CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.

This Association shall be known by the style of " THE INDIAN BOARD, FOR

THE EMIGRATION, PRESERVATION, AND IMPROVEMENT OF THE ABORIGINES OF NORTH

AMERICA."

ARTICLE II.

The acting members of this Association shall not exceed thirty in number ; not
less than one-half of whom shall be residents of the city of New York ; all of
whom shall have signed the Constitution ; and seven shall constitute a quorum at
a meeting regularly convened.

ARTICLE in.

The officers of this Association shall be, a President, five Vice-Presidents, a
Corresponding Secretary, (who shall be authorized to employ a clerk,) and a
Treasurer, chosen by ballot out of the acting members of the Association.

ARTICLE IV.

This Board engages to afford to the emigrant Indians, all the necessary instruc-
tion in the arts of life, and in the duties of religion.

ARTICLE V.

This Board is pledged to co-operate with the federal government of the United
States, in its operations in Indian affairs ; and at no time contravene its laws.

ARTICLE VI.

This Association invite the citizens of the United States, without respect to
sect or party, religious or political, to co-operate with them in this benevolent
enterprise.

ARTICLE VH.

This Board shall fill up vacancies, occurring from any cause, by ballot.

ARTICLE vm.

This Board shall have power to elect honorary members by ballot ; no choice,
however, shall be made at the same meeting in which they are proposed. Per-
sons so elected, shall have the privileges of members, with the exception of a
right to vote.

ARTICLE IX.

No alterations or amendments of this Constitution shall be made, unless con-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 227

curred in by three-fourths of the acting members ; and no proposed amendment
shall be acted upon, at the same meeting at which it may be submitted.

[Signed]

Alexander McLeod, Samuel Van Wyck,

Philip Milledolar, T. L. Ogden,

Jacob Brodhead, George W. Strong,

Isaac Van Hook, Jno. Clark,

W. C. Brownlee, Stephen Van Rensselaer,

R. McCartee, Eli Baldwin,

N. J. Marcelus, S. H. Meeker,

Thomas G. Talmadge, Cornelius C. Cuyler,

Cornelius D. Westbrook, Abraham Van Nest,

Peter P. Rouse, Cornelius Heyer,

Hugh Auchincloss, Jacob R. Hardenberg,

Joseph V. Varick, Thomas DeWitt,

Joseph M. Smith, Abraham Bloodgood,

Stephen Hasbrouck, Wm. H. Van Vleck.
Richard Duryee,
NEW YORK, July 22, 1829.

A ballot being cast, the following were chosen officers
of the Association :

Hon. STEPHEN VAN RENSSELAER, President.
Rev. ALEXANDER McLEOD, D. D.,
PHILIP MILLEDOLAR, D. D.,

JACOB BRODHEAD, D. D.,

Vice-Presidents.

CORNELIUS D. WESTBROOK, D. D.,
ABRAHAM VAN NEST, Esq.,
Rev. ELI BALDWIN, Corresponding Secretary.
JNO. CLARK, M. D., Treasurer.

To a letter enclosing a copy of the constitution to Gen-
eral Van Rensselaer, the following reply was addressed to
the Corresponding Secretary :

" ALBANY, August 4, 1829.

" MY DEAR SIR : On my return on Saturday, from an official tour to Lake
Erie, I received Dr. Westbrook's letter, and the constitution of the Indian Board,
&c. I congratulate you, and the friends of the poor Aborigines of our country,
on the organization of the Board. I anticipate the happiest results. I only re-
gret that my distance from New York will render me less efficient than I wi|fi.
To co-operate with the government in the laudable undertaking, will be my pride.
" My recent return from a fatiguing journey is my apology for not attending the
meeting on Wednesday.

" Very respectfully your friend, &c.

S. VAN RENSSELAER."

228 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

It was resolved, at a meeting of the Board held at Dr.
McLeod's church, Chambers-street, on the afternoon of
the 28th, to invite me to deliver an address to the public
meeting which was called to assemble at that church. In
pursuance of which, the following letter was addressed to
me, by the Corresponding Secretary :

"NEW YORK, July 29, 1829.

" DEAR SIR : At a meeting of ' the Indian Board, for the emigration, preser-
vation, and improvement of the Aborigines of North America,' held yesterday
afternoon, the following resolution was passed, viz :

" Resolved, That the secretary invite Colonel McKenney to deliver an address
at the public meeting, to be held at Dr. McLeod's church, in Chambers-street,
on the 5th proximo, at half-past seven o'clock, P. M.

" Permit me, sir, earnestly to entreat your compliance with the above. From a
long acquaintance with Indian affairs, (as the head of the department) you are
doubtless conversant with many facts and circumstances, calculated to interest the
feelings, and inform the minds of the public ; these would be peculiarly grateful
on that occasion, and facilitate the future operations of the Board.

" It is scarcely necessary to say, that a favorable answer to the above, will give
personal pleasure to, sir,

" Your obedient servant,

ELI BALDWIN, Cor. Sec'y."

ANSWER.

" NEW YORK, July 30, 1829.
" To the Rev. ELI BALDWIN, Corresponding Secretary, &c., &c.

" DEAR SIR : I am just favored with your letter of yesterday, informing me of
a resolution of your Board, embracing an invitation to me to deliver an address
at the public meeting, to be held in Dr. McLeod's church, in Chambers-street, on
the 5th proximo ; and conveying your own earnest entreaty that I would comply
with the wishes of the Board.

" In reply, I have to state, that having been sent on here, by the Executive, in
compliance with a request made by you, in behalf of the Association, then about
to be formed, to aid you with such information as I might possess, in the further-
ance of your benevolent intentions towards the Indians, I do not well see
how I could, with propriety, decline to render any aid which you might consider
important in its bearing on the great object you have in view ; and, however
convinced I may be, that more efficient service might be rendered in this part of
the plan of your operations, by others better qualified for the task than I feel my-
self to be, still, I will be present at the meeting, and, as far as I may be able, act
in compliance with the wishes of your Board.

" I am, Reverend sir, &c., &c.

THOMAS L. MCKENNEY."

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 229

ADDRESS.

There are, to use the words of a distinguished citizen
of Virginia, two problems yet to be solved, both having,
so far, puzzled the ingenuity of the politician, and baffled
the wisdom of the sage. "One of these relates to the black
population which we carry in our bosom ; the other to the
red population which we carry on our back." The inqui-
ry is, how shall we, upon principles of sound policy, work
out solutions that shall provide a remedy for the evils of
the one, and a plan for the civilization and preservation of
the other. These are questions, it must be admitted, of
grave import. They are full of interest, and demand the
untiring exertions of the wise and good, to answer them
practically and satisfactorily.

Our business, on the present occasion, is with our red
population the remains of a once lofty and independent,
but now degraded race ; a people, who are, in all respects,
entitled to our sympathies, and not to ours, only, but those,
also, of the civilized world. Any appeal which can be
made in behalf of the Aborigines of America, we consider
as entitled to the privilege of passing, not the bounds of
neighborhood, only, but of the republic. Every heart, no
matter on what spot of earth it pulsates, must feel, if it
have become humanized, the deepest interest in any prop-
osition that looks to their rescue from the savage, and ele-
vation into the civilized and Christian state.

Perhaps there are some in this assembly, who question
the extent to which the sympathies of our race are claimed
for our Indians. If so, we would refer such to Plymouth and
to Jamestown ; to Samoset and Massasoit, at the one place,
and to Pocahontas at the other. It were not difficult to fancy
these distinguished natives in the midst of this assembly,
prepared to defend, by their own simple, but powerful elo-
quence, the claims assumed for their race. Massasoit would
appear, doubtless, arrayed in the habiliments of his nor-
thern forests ; with moccasins and leggins, made of the

230 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

skins of beasts he had slain ; and a robe over his shoulder
of the same material. His porte, erect and manly. With
one hand at his breast, he would grasp the partial and
shaggy covering of his body, and with the other bared and
extended, he would thus speak

" When your pilgrim fathers approached the shore of
my domain, I eyed them well. They were strangers. I
knew not who they were, or whence they had come ; but
I saw they were men. The rock on which they landed,
was my rock ; and it was washed by the waters of my
river. I stood up, and saw they were afraid. My heart
felt pity for them. I bade my warrior-bands retire, and
unstring their bows, and put up their arrows in their quiv-
ers. They did as I bade them. I, alone, advanced to-
wards the strangers. Their faces were white with fear !
They looked upon each other, and spoke not ; and then
looked upon me, and trembled ! In this hand, I held an ear
of corn ; with it, I advanced towards their leader, and ex-
tended it to him. He understood me. It was the offer of
peace, and the token of my friendship. I welcomed them
to my lands, and gave them protection. Who doubts my
power, by a single glance of my eye, to have sent a thou-
sand deaths to quiver in the breasts of these your fathers,
and to have strewed the beach with their dead bodies ?"

" And what," we might fancy Pocahontas to say, " would
have been the fate of Captain Smith, the leader of those
who came across the deep waters to the lands of Powhatan,
my father, had not a gush of pity forced itself on my heart,
and impelled me to throw myself between that leader of
your fathers, and the club that was uplifted to dash out his
brains ? And what the fate of those who attended him ?"
" And where," we may fancy them both asking, " would
now be their descendants, who, numerous as the leaves of
our forests, fill our valleys, and sail upon our rivers, and
hunt in our mountains ?" And where, we ask, would have
been the hundreds of thousands of the oppressed and dis-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 231

tressed of the old world, who in later times, like the pil-
grim fathers, have sought, and like them found, an asylum
in the new ? Who can doubt that those generous savages
gave us this country ; or that, with other dispositions than
those which animated them, we might not have possessed
it for centuries to come, if ever ?

If this be so, and if this western world have, in its soil
and climate ; in its institutions, civil, and political, and re-
ligious, anything to endear it to the heart of man, then
does the obligation exist, not in those only who possess
this fair inheritance, but in those, also, who enjoy it in
prospect, or draw lessons from our admirable institutions
for the better regulation of their liberty, or the mainte-
nance of their own peace and security, to feel for, and suc-
cor those who were once the proprietors of this domain
a domain on which is now acting the most engaging scenes
in practical government ever presented to the observation
of the world. The beautiful theory, long thought to be
Utopian, of a government like ours, is no longer matter of
speculation, but of practical operation. The predictions
of its weakness and instability, have had their answers in
the new and increasing glory which shines upon it ; and
which has been struck out by collisions, the prospect of
which made many a patriotic and stout heart tremble.

The more exalted our state, and the more perfect our
happiness, the deeper should we feel the obligation not to
suffer those to whose country we have succeeded, to per-
ish before our eyes. We have often, when surveying the
wretched condition of our Indians, felt the apprehension,
that perhaps enough of anxiety was not felt by our fathers
for their condition ; and that they were permitted to de-
scend to us in a state unfavorable to improvement : but
the more we have examined into this subject, the more
thorough has become our conviction that the reputation
of the pilgrims for humanity and kind intentions, is unim-
peachable. They meditated no exterminating designs ;

232 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

they cherished no feelings of hostility, but the contrary,
towards those untutored people. If we consult what re-
mains of the records of those earlier, and we will add later,
times, we shall find that so soon, and wheresoever it w r as
practicable to begin the work of enlightening the natives,
it was attempted. Let it not be assumed, that because
those efforts failed, as they did, except partially, to accom-
plish the benevolent ends contemplated, that they were not
cherished and acted upon. Never were labors more apos-
tolic than were those which the Elliots, and Mayhews, and
Brainards, and Kirklands, introduced into the wilderness
of mind by which they were surrounded ; nor purer, or
more disinterested purposes formed, in reference to any
object, than were those that contemplated to confer upon
the Aborigines the blessings of civilization and Christian-
ity. Roxbury, Nantucket, Elizabeth Isles, Martha's Vine-
yard, and numerous other places, attest the sincerity and
zeal of those who labored to reform these people. Com-
parative success, only, attended those labors ; when, from
the failure to accomplish anything more than a partial
change, arguments were drawn adverse in their conclu-
sions to the Indian's capacity for improvement, and the
question has often been asked

Why, if the Indians are endowed with the faculties com-
mon to the whites, and are susceptible, like ourselves, to be
improved by the lessons of civilization, have they remained
uncivilized, as a people, to this day ? Numerous, we an-
swer, have been always the obstacles to such a change ;
but not one of these involves the dreary and disheartening
conclusion that, by any law of his nature, the Indian is
precluded from the benefits which civilization confers ; or
from a participation in all that is great and good amongst
men. But what were those obstacles ? We would enume-
rate, as constituting some of them the almost boundless
extent of the forests, and the easy means of subsistence
furnished the Indian, in the game that abounded there ; his

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 233

passion for the chase, and for war ; his conceptions of his
own power and independence, and the consequent indispo-
sition arising out of all these to submit to restraint ; the
preference he cherishes for the sports and pastimes, and
the traditions of his fathers ; the habits which become
grafted on these ; the indolence consequent upon such a
state of being, and the aversion arising out of it to intellec-
tual exertion. To these may be superadded various influ-
ences acting upon the Indian from without, and the inflic-
tion upon him, by avarice, of wrongs and outrages, which
tended to destroy his confidence in the white man, and fill
him with suspicion and jealousy.

Those are some of the obstacles which benevolence
sought to overcome ; but they are not all. Which of us
has not listened with sensations of horror to the nursery
stories that are told of the Indian and his cruelties ? In
our infant mind, he stood for the Moloch of our country.
We have been made to hear his yell ; and to our eyes
have been presented his tall, gaunt form, with the skins of
beasts dangling round his limbs, and his eyes like fire, eager
to find some new victim on which to fasten himself, and
glut his appetite for blood. We have been made to see
the desperate onset ; to hear the piercing war-cry, and the
clash of arms, and the heavy, dead sound of the war-club,
as it fell on the head of the victim and then, from the
midst of a partial stillness, we have been startled by the
shrieks of the dying mother ; and hushed, that we might
hear the last sigh of the expiring infant and then we have
had disclosed to us the scene of carnage ; and the Indian
striding amidst the bodies of the slain ; or beheld him seat-
ed over some favorite victim, with his fingers dripping with
blood, and his face disclosing a ferocious smile, as he en-
joyed the sight of the quivering limbs, and the agonies of
the dying !

And thus were we, on our part, alienated from the Indi-

VOL. i. 30

234 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

an; and it was natural we should be for amidst descrip-
tions of savage barbarity like these, it was not to be ex-
pected that our feelings should be kind towards the au-
thors of them. There was no time left us then to tear
ourselves away from the resentments which were kindled
in our bosoms, to inquire into the great moving cause of
all this bloody strife ; or whether these butcheries disclo-
sed the native propensity of the Indian, or were the out-
breakings of savage revenge, in retaliation for wrongs
which it has not been given to human nature patiently to
endure. Had it been given to us to know what we now
know, whilst our infant feelings would have bled over the
recital of those Indian cruelties, inflicted often on the un-
protected, and unsuspecting, and unresisting, and deplored
the sacrifice of innocent life, we must have indulged, also,
a deep sympathy for the Indian.

We would take occasion here, in connexion with our
reference to the Indian, and to his bloody acts, to vindi-
cate him before this assembly, from any imputation that
would go to establish cruelty as a necessary law of his na-
ture ; or any other feeling which we do not possess in
common with him. We have had some opportunities
of personally inspecting his character, and amidst his
own plains and mountains, where are yet left to him
some traces of the original domain, and where the face of
his beautiful country has not yet been despoiled of its for-
ests. Wherever we found him not yet imbued with the
vices of civilization for these are swift to reach him, and
always reach him first we found a being hospitable, kind,
generous, with the natural affections, warm and constant.
In his hospitality he vied with the most refined ; not, it is
true, in the extent, or variety, or nicety of his accommo-
dations for these, alas ! are always forbidding enough ;
but in the promptings of the heart, and the freeness with
which he would place before us all his little store of sup-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 235

plies, and in the gratification he would discover when he
saw his offerings accepted. We have witnessed some rare
examples of those virtues in the solitude of the desert, and
never without feeling an anxious desire for the speedy ar-
rival of the period that should bring with it a change in
the condition of these people.

We have noticed some of the difficulties with which
those had to contend, who undertook, in the earlier peri-
ods of our history, to reform the habits, and elevate the
condition of the natives many of these exist no longer.
The forests, (we mean those within our States,) and their
game, are gone. The Indian can no longer bury himself
in the one, nor subsist on the other. He has become now
a creature of necessity he must labor, or starve. But not
only are the forests and the game gone, but with these has
disappeared also that feeling of independence which once
made the native as uncontrollable, as he was invincible.
Long and nobly did he struggle to maintain this. From
the days of Pontiac, and long anterior to these, although
often cut to pieces in their wars, and reduced in numbers,
did this proud spirit display itself, until Tecumthe fell.
Pontiac ! What a noble specimen of man existed in the
person, and displayed itself in the acts of this warrior-
chief! He could not brook the idea of surrendering his
relations to the French ; and to which he and his bands
had become reconciled, if not attached. So soon, there-
fore, as the French power fell, and that of the British suc-
ceeded, we find him mustering his legions, and with a
spirit and enterprise that nothing could subdue, and a skill
equal to that displayed by our most finished tacticians,
aiming a death-blow at the newly established power. As
long as history lasts, so long will the siege of Detroit be
remembered, and Pontiac ranked amongst the most skilful
and valiant in war. A like spirit, and under like circum-
stances, animated Tecumthe. His partialities wese for

236 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the British, and his skill and power were arrayed against
us. He sought, by a skilful combination of Indian bands,
from the lakes to the Mississippi, not to fortify and defend
himself, only, but by a sudden and simultaneous stroke
upon our borders, to regain the territory of his people,
and reign absolute, not as monarch of his forests, only,
but as lord, also, of his bands. His life paid the forfeit of
the gallant enterprise ; and with it vanished all hopes of
all allied to him, of ever again becoming lords of their do-
main. Thus fell another of the obstacles in the way of
Indian improvement.

It was to this state of things our fathers looked. We
have found, they doubtless said, this singular being to be
unmanageable ; but when this empire shall have become
established, and the sceptre of freedom be swayed over its
teeming population, then, surely, will that which is now
literally a wilderness to the Indian, be made to blossom as
the rose ; and then will his solitary places become glad.
No longer able to bury himself in his forests, or subsist on
their game, or measure strength with the white man, he
will yield to necessity, resort to the earth for his support,
and practice gladly those lessons which are at present
lost upon him. Then will be displayed before his eyes,
the neat, well-cultivated farm, and the flocks covering the
pastures. The earth will pour out her treasures in his
very presence. He will imitate all he sees. The wigwam
will be made to give place to the cottage, and thrift and
comfort succeed to improvidence and want. Then will he
and the white man be one in feeling, one in principles,
one in friendship, one in the enjoyment of the same hap-
piness ; and they will be seen together in the long vista of
the future, brothers in the arts and conveniences of culti-
vated hfe. Then, too, will rise into her high distinction,
and shine out in all her loveliness, heaven's best gift to
man. * No longer will woman be the drudge of her wilder-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 237

ness companion, and doomed to toil in abject and degra-
ding servitude ; for the more man's faculties become im-
proved, and the more he can analyze his relations to the
things of earth, and the things of heaven, the more devo-
tedly does he attach himself to woman, promote her com-
forts, and minister to her happiness.

This, doubtless, was the prospect so fondly cherished
by our fathers. But, alas ! what has experience brought
along with it in regard to all these matters ? How little
of all that was hoped for, has been realized ! True, as
was anticipated, many of those obstacles which existed in
earlier times, and which opposed, so successfully, the la-
bors of our fathers, have disappeared ; but these have been
succeeded by circumstances arising out of the peculiar re-
lations which it has been the fate of the Indian to have
established between him and us, far more perishing in their
effects upon him, than were those earlier difficulties with
which our fathers had to contend. What these circum-
stances are, may be inferred from the sequel.

Shall we stop to indulge in useless lamentations over
what has been done ; or to arraign " the ways of Provi-
dence to man ;" or question his merciful designs in peo-
pling this land with a race such as ours ? The first would
be useless, and the last impious. This country, in the
plans of the Eternal, was to be the empire of freedom, and
of mind. Here, in the purposes of infinite wisdom, it was
determined, that science, and the arts, and religion, should
flourish, and man attain, untrammelled by despotism or
bigotry, the highest state of perfection and happiness, of
which his nature is susceptible. All this was to be r and
it has been. Nor were any of the consequences, which
have attended the accomplishment of these purposes, un-
foreseen by Infinite Wisdom, even to those which have
been so destructive in their effects upon the Indians. But it
was not given to man to penetrate the mysterious purpo-
ses of the Infinite ; we, therefore, resolve all this into those

238 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

inscrutable dispensations, which, in the futurity, we may
expect to see revealed in all their godlike forms.

" Blind unbelief is sure to err,

And scan his work in vain ;
God is his own interpreter,

And he will make it plain."

But for any part we may have taken, as willing instru-
ments in producing, or not taken, in preventing the mis-
erable condition of the Indians, we must expect to be
held accountable. Heaven, we doubt not, wills the happi-
ness of man. ' Under this belief, it becomes our duty to
look at the condition of the Indian, as we see it ; and, it
being one of great suffering, and degradation, seek for the
best means for his relief.

Nothing, we think, can be more clear, than that there
has been, and yet is, something radically, fatally, wrong,
in the system of our relations with those people. We
have seen that zealous efforts were made in times past,
and with what effect, to reform them. And our own
knowledge of those of later times, justifies the conclusion,
that it has been a favorite design of our government, and
a large portion of our citizens, to improve their destiny.
That spirit animates the councils of this nation at this mo-
ment ; and is more extensively felt among our citizens
than at any other period. The Father of his Country was
scarcely seated in the chair of state, before he fixed a kind
and constant eye upon his red children. He counselled
them zealously, and with a wisdom equalled only by his
benevolence. These counsels, sustained by large appro-
priations of money to make them, if possible, effective,
have been continued to this day, by every succeeding
President, and by almost every Congress, varying only in
some instances as to the course which, under all circum-
stances, it was considered best for the Indian to pursue.
But the great object has been the same in all to make
better, and not worse, his condition. Those plans of im-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 239

provement, however, could never have contemplated the
carving out from the members of our confederacy, against
their will, portions of their territory, on which to erect
separate and independent Indian states. No such design
could have been meditated ; and apart from all abstract
reasoning on the subject, the indications of late years may
be referred to, as demonstrating that if it had been, it was
not in accordance with either the genius of our institutions,
or the prosperity of the Indians. And it may be assumed
that whatever system shall not harmonize with the ac-
knowledged principles of our Union, must be defective ; and
to suppose that any weaker power could withstand their
opposing actions, would be adverse, not only to our con-
ceptions of the high bearing of our system upon the hopes
and the destiny of man, but to our notions of the relations
of power ; and, as applicable to the present question, al-
together unreasonable. As well might it be assumed as a
right inherent in the Senecas, and the other fragments of
tribes of this state, to erect themselves into one or more
sovereignties, and, under a constitution and laws of their
own, exercise the corresponding attributes, and thus at-
tempt the invasion of the sovereignty of this state, as for
the same right to be argued in favor of any one, or all of
the fragments of tribes, residing within the jurisdiction of
the states in the south. The question is embarrassing ;
but the bearing of it, in any emergency in which the angry
feelings may be excited, is wholly upon the Indians ; hence,
the constant anxiety which has manifested itself every-
where, but especially in our government, to devise some
plan that should maintain the harmony of our beautiful
system, and save those who, from the peculiarity of their
relations, are every day liable to come into collision with
it ; and from the fatal consequences, to them, of such an
event.

In a message of the President of the United States to
Congress in 1825, may be seen the evidence of this anxie-

240 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ty. " Being deeply impressed," says the message, " with
the opinion that the removal of the Indian tribes from the
lands which they now occupy within the limits of the sev-
eral States and Territories, to the country lying westward
and northward thereof, within our acknowledged bounda-
ries, is of very high importance to our Union, and may be
accomplished on conditions, and in a manner to promote
the interest and happiness of these tribes, the attention of
the government has been long drawn, with great solicitude,
to the subject." Again, " experience has clearly demon-
strated, that in their present state, it is impossible to incor-
porate them in masses, in any form whatever, into our sys-
tem. It has also demonstrated with equal certainty, that
without a timely anticipation of, and provision against
the dangers to which they are exposed, under causes which
it will be difficult, if not impossible, to control, their degra-
dation and extermination will be INEVITABLE !"

This is the language of humanity, dictated by wisdom
and experience. It appeals to the understanding, and
comes with the voice of warning to us all ; but especially
to those of us who profess to be friends of the Indian, and
engaged to promote the welfare of his race. We are ad-
monished to beware, and not permit a misguided philan-
thropy to give accelerated force to those causes which
have been so long warring upon the happiness and lives
of this people.

That men, and good men, should differ in their views of
what ought to be done for the preservation and improve-
ment of our Indians, is natural. We know there are men,
and good men, who are opposed to the emigration of the
Indians. We respect them, and their motives. They
seek to save and civilize these people. We profess to aim
at the accomplishment of the same end, and differ only as
to the mode. We once entertained similar views of this
question with them, and thought it practicable to preserve
and elevate the character of our Indians, even in their

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 241

present anomalous relations to the States; but it was
"distance that lent this enchantment to the view ;" we have
since seen for ourselves, and that which before looked like
a flying cloud, we found, on a near inspection, to be an im-
passable mountain. We believe if the Indians do not emi-
grate, and fly the causes, which are fixed in themselves,
and which have proved so destructive in the past, they
must perish ! We might distrust our own conclusions,
though derived from personal investigation, did not expe-
rience confirm them. But alas ! it is the admonition of
experience, more than anything else, that alarms, and urges
us to employ all honorable means to persuade these hap-
less people to acquiesce in the policy which is proposed to
them. Experience, did we say ? Yes, experience.

Has it ever occurred to this assembly to reflect upon the
period when this island was a wilderness ? when it was the
home of the Indians ? when nothing was heard but the
growling of the wolves and bears, the barking of foxes,
and the yells of the savage, and the moaning of the winds
of heaven amidst the forest, save now and then, in a mo-
ment of stillness, the twang of the Indian's bow, as he sped
the arrow into some animal whose fur he needed to make
him warm, or whose flesh he sought to appease his hun-
ger ? Nothing then disturbed the waters of your lordly
Hudson but the winds of heaven, save when a canoe would
cross its smooth bosom, and then the sounds were confined
to the plash of the Indian's paddle, and the little murmur
at the prow of his frail vessel. At night, who can fancy
the stillness that prevailed ? Then was there nothing of
life here, that we call life ; it was all the silence of the
desert. The Indian was monarch here, and he saw no
limits to his kingdom. Behold the change ! And where
now are the Indian and his canoe ? They are gone ! The
one retired long ere your temples or your palaces were
erected, or remained and perished under the influence of
those vices which accompany the march of civilization ;

VOL. I. 31

242 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the other waited not until your Hudson was put in a foam
by your ships, but fell to pieces under the first undulations
of your opening commerce. True, a few of the natives
yet linger on your western limits, but they serve to attest
the truth of what we are aiming to establish, viz : the per-
ishing consequences to the Indian, of a near connexion with a
white population. What are the remains of those once
powerful tribes, but broken columns, mutilated fragments,
of their once powerful confederacy ? Look at them ! Who
sees any likeness in what is left to the Six Nations ? Ev-
ery vestige is gone ! The race of the Skenandoahs is ex-
tinct ! What was it, we ask, that destroyed the Indians of
this island, and sent such a mildew, to exterminate those who
yet hang upon your borders ? The same causes, we an-
swer, that have reduced the once countless bands that in-
habited Maine, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut,
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North and
South Carolina, to a few over six thousand souls !

In Massachusetts, the great theatre of benevolence,
where the missionary labors have been, both in early and
later times, so unceasing ; and where the spirit of kindness
has never slumbered, and where the Indians, themselves,
built churches and worshipped in them ; and where the
work of their complete reformation appeared so nearly
accomplished ; and where there was as much to cheer the
heart of the philanthropist, as now exists in the most im-
proved of the present day, there remain only about seven
hundred and fifty souls ! Penn was never suspected of
cherishing unkind purposes towards the Indians, nor were
his descendants ; yet where are the natives of that district
of country now comprehended in the state of Pennsylva-
nia ? And where are the bands of Jersey, and Delaware,
and Maryland ? All gone. And where the once power-
ful and numerous bands of Virginia? Where the descend-
ants of Powhatan ? Within the limits of that vast terri-
tory, there remain but forty -seven Indians ! The plough,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 243

it is true, often turns up the stone axes, and arrow-points,
once used by the natives, and in quantities to attest how
numerous those were who once used them. These are all
that remain now, to remind the traveller in Virginia, that
the ground over which he rides, was once alive with an
Indian population. But leave the Atlantic States, and go
into the west go to Ohio linger among the tumuli of
that great country, in which are the bones of so many
thousands of the natives, and catch the echoes of the war-
whoop, which resound through all the valleys ; for it was
but yesterday when it was sounded ; and but yesterday,
when the Indian exerted his power in triumph over all
that country. Look for the savage bands. Go to the
banks of that river that gives name to the State, and ask,
where are the canoes that used to float down its tide, so fill-
ed with the painted natives. One, now and then, perhaps,
may steal in silence along ; and, here and there, upon the
lands of their fathers, and clinging to the soil that covers
their bones, you will find a few remaining ; but of all who
once occupied that State, there remain, at present, but a
few over two thousand. Here, then, is our experience ;
and, from it, we deduce the inference, that, whilst the In-
dians retain their present degraded relations to us, inhab-
iting a State, but excluded from all that is honorable in it,
and even from the hope of any elevation of character and
privileges in the future, he must deteriorate and go to de-
cay ; for there lives not a man, who is insensible to con-
tempt and disgrace : and the more men become enlight-
ened, to see the disparaging nature of the relations they
bear to those around them, the more afflictive are those
relations felt to be. It is important to provide different
relations, if only for the one thousand three hundred In-
dian youths, who are at this moment enjoying the benefits
of education ; for to expect the Indians, circumstanced as
they are, to advance and flourish as men and Christians, is

244 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

to expect more of them than we should feel authorized to
hope for, even of ourselves.

Under the operation of moral causes, does man rise or
fall, in the scale of being ? The whole mass of these, is
against the Indian. Shut out from all participation in those
ennobling connexions and pursuits, which give ardor to
hope, and " fix the generous purpose in the glowing breast,"
why should we be surprised to find the Indian just such
a being as he is ? or doubt the fatal tendencies and ter-
mination of such a state of things ? We confess, we trem-
ble for the consequences, and feel, that if we are right,
those who may have counselled the Indians to remain
where they are, and in opposition to the kind designs of
the government towards them, have assumed a tremendous
responsibility !

We esteem it to be our duty on this occasion to cor-
rect an error which has obtained in regard to this business
of emigration. It seems to be thought by some, that the
Indians are opposed to removal; and that force is me-
ditated to be employed to compel them to go. In regard
to the disposition of the great body of the Indians within
our States, we speak advisedly when we say, they are
anxious to remove. The present excitement is occasioned,
in great part, by the opposition of those persons, whose
interest it is to keep the Indians where they are. Protection
has actually been sought of the government by those who
wish to better their destiny, against the threats of others,
in which an enrolment for emigration has been forbidden on
pain of death ! This may be received as the real state of
the case, obtained in good part by us, on personal oppor-
tunities, and from official information confirming our ob-
servation and experience. In regard to the employment
of force to drive the Indians from the country they inhabit,
so far from this being correct, they have been told by the
Executive, in one of the documents read to you to-night,
that if they choose to remain, they shall be protected in

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 245

all their rights ;* but they are advised to remove, for rea-
sons relating wholly to themselves. Is there anything in
this that looks like hostility to this people? There is
nothing of cruelty cherished either by our government or
people towards the Indians. The only point in contro-
versy at present, is that which divides those who differ on
the question of emigration. And surely this difference
may be permitted without involving those of us who think
the salvation of the Indians depends on a change of their
relations to us, (and which cannot be realized, as we firm-
ly believe, but on the basis of a removal,) in the charge
of meditating evil, or cherishing a spirit of vindictiveness
against this hapless race !

But it may be expected of us to state the terms on
which we propose the removal.

It is proposed, in the first place, to give them a country,
and to secure it to them by the most ample and solemn
sanctions, suitable in all respects, in exchange for theirs ;
to pay them for all their improvements and see them,
free of cost, to their new homes to aid them after their
arrival there and protect them; to put over them, at
once, the frame-work of a government, and to fill this up
as their advancement in civilization may require it ; to se-
cure them the privilege of participating in it ; to establish
schools over their country, for the enlightening of the
rising generation ; and give them the Gospel. In fine, it
is proposed to place them in a Territorial relation to us, and
in all respects ; and in the enjoyment of all the privileges
consequent upon such a relation, civil, political and reli-
gious. Thus will they attain an elevation, to which, in
their present relations, they can never aspire. And thus
would new influences be created, ennobling in their ten-
dencies, and animating in their effects. Under these, the

* Unfortunately for the honor and humanity of the nation, this " protection"
was shortly after not only virtually withdrawn, but force was employed to com-
pel the Indians to leave their country !

246 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Indian would rise into the distinction to which he has
always been a stranger ; and live and act with reference to
the corresponding honors and benefits of such a state.

We have in the United States, about three hundred
thousand Indians, about seventy thousand of whom, it is
proposed to advance at once, into this state of exalted
privileges. The country on wliich it is proposed to settle
these, is immediately beyond, and west of Missouri and
Arkansas. It is believed to be unexceptionable in extent,
and soil, and salubrity. Our information is derived from
actual surveys which have been made of it.

Were the Indians present, we would address them
thus :

Brothers We doubt not your sincere attachment to the
country in which you live. Some of you believe you have
a sovereign right over all within the limits designated for
your occupancy. And suppose there was no dispute on
this point, would you linger and die on it merely for that
reason ? Do you not see the degrading nature of the rela-
tion in which you stand to the whites ? Do you not feel
how perishing it is to you? Are you not aliens and
even worse, though living in the heart of the country ?
Has not this anomalous relation destroyed hundreds of
thousands of your race ; and unpeopled whole states of
those of whom you are descended ? Do you expect that
you can escape a similar destruction unless you fly from
the causes which have heretofore proved so fatal ? Do you
not look in utter hopelessness on the destiny of your chil-
dren?

Brothers Whether is it wise in you thus to linger out
a chafed, and impoverished, and disheartening existence,
and die as your fathers have died, and leave the same des-
tiny to your children ; or to leave your country, and the
bones of your fathers, (which cannot benefit you, stay
where they are as long as you may,) and go to one where
none of those perishing influences will be permitted to ex-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 247

ist, and where upon you and your posterity shall be en-
tailed all that is valuable in government, all that is exalted
in privileges, and all that is refined in happiness ?

Brothers Be not deluded, nor think us your enemy
because we seek to advance your happiness. Listen to
our voice. We have long felt for your sad condition, and
mourned over it. Listen to us, and be advised. Yield up
your prejudices. Try us this once. Do not distrust our
object ; it is your welfare, only, we seek.

But they are not present, and our voice is not heard ; or
if it were, the counsel it conveys, especially in the moment
of excitement that prevails now, might be lost. But it is
pleasant to know that we have done our duty. This con-
sciousness, gentlemen, must, on an occasion like the pres-
ent, be extremely grateful to you. We have witnessed
your solicitude to save these hapless people; we have
seen, and do highly appreciate your labors. We know
your motive, and pronounce it pure. Like men zealous
for the attainment of a great object, you have risen above
the influences of political and sectarian feelings, and ap-
preciating the importance of the work to be accomplished,
and seeing it involves human happiness, and human life,
you have given the invitation to all to unite with you in
saving these people. You see, and truly, that the experi-
ments of the past will not do to be further relied on, and
you have adopted the only remaining alternative. You
have thought well of this matter, and examined it with
your accustomed energies of thought and action. Your
conclusion is, that unless the Indians can be prevailed on
to remove, and place themselves under the redeeming in-
fluences which you are ready, in their behalf, to see faith-
fully applied, they must perish. This conclusion has brought
you together in the ardor of friendship, and with the hope
of Christians ; and you have associated, and now stand
pledged to the world, and to heaven, to exert your best
energies for the " emigration, preservation, and improve-

248 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

ment of the Indians." We wish you, in a work so noble,
and over which mercy will delight to preside, and on which
you may with so much confidence implore the blessings of
heaven, the most abundant success.

To Colonel McKenney.

NEW YORK, August, 1829.

DEAR SIR Permit me, through you, to communicate to the distinguished in-
dividuals therein named, the following resolution of the Indian Board, &c., passed
at their last meeting, viz :

" Resolved, That the thanks of this Board be transmitted to the President of the
United States, and the Secretary of War, for their prompt compliance with the
wishes of this Association, as conveyed in a letter addressed to the department,
by the Rev. Eli Baldwin, soliciting the aid of Colonel McKenney, in the business
which has engaged its attentions."

Allow me further to address to you personally, the following resolution, passed
at the same time :

" Resolved, That the thanks of this Board be presented to Colonel McKenney,
for his very eloquent address, delivered on the evening of the 12th instant; and
that a copy of the same be requested for publication."

And to assure you of my hearty concurrence in the expression of gratitude, and
in the request,

I am, dear Sir, very respectfully, yours,

ELI BALDWIN, Cor. Sec'y.

To the Rev. Eli Baldwin, Corresponding Secretary, tyc.

NEW YORK, August 17, 1829.

DEAR SIR I have received your letter of this date, embodying two resolutions
of your Board. I will take great pleasure in conveying the first to the President
and Secretary of War, who will, I am sure, duly appreciate the expression of the
thanks of the Board in the matter referred to.

I am gratified that the Address delivered by me, in pursuance of a resolution
of your Board, is acceptable to you ; and highly appreciate the thanks of the
Board, as conveyed in the second resolution of the same. The request for a
copy for publication is complied with.

With my best wishes for the success of your Board in the noble object which
engages its attentions, and for your individual prosperity and happiness,
I am, dear Sir, yours, most truly,

THOMAS L. MCKENNEY.

To the President of the United States.

NEW YORK, August 14, 1829.
SIR The condition of the Indian tribes, and their present relations to the gen-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 249

eral and state governments, have occasioned, among the friends of these interest-
ing people, feelings of deep anxiety ; and awakened a disposition, among various
citizens of the Union, to harmonize, if possible, the present discordant relations,
and in a way that shall secure to the Indians peace and prosperity for the future.
Participating in this common feeling, an Association of citizens of various de-
nominations has been formed, with the view of contributing to ends so important.

The principles on which this Association proposes to act and be governed, are
disclosed in the accompanying documents, which embrace the preliminary pro-
ceedings, the origin of the Association, and the Constitution of the Board.

By a resolution therein, you will perceive that it is made my duty to communi-
cate for the information, and with a view to obtain the approbation and co-opera-
tion of the Executive, a copy of those proceedings to you.

The Board looks with confidence to the Executive of the United States for
such patronage as it may have the power to bestow ; and with deep anxiety to
the Congress, to whom it doubts not the Executive will submit the subject for
those ways and means upon which reliance is placed for the promotion of its be-
nevolent intentions.

I am, most respectfully, your obedient servant,

ELI BALDWIN,
Corresponding Secretary of the Indian Board, &c.

To the Rev. Eli Baldwin.

RIP RAPS, VIRGINIA, August 25, 1829.

SIR Last evening, by the steamboat Norfolk, from Baltimore, your letter to
the President was received at this place, with a transcript of the Constitution, re-
lating to the Indians, recently adopted at New York by your Convention. With
the course pursued at your meeting, the President is much gratified, and desires
me so to declare to you. He cannot but appreciate highly the views taken by
you of a course of policy, which justice to principles recognized, and humanity
towards our Indian brethren, constrained him, as a matter of conceived duty, to
adopt. He regrets that so many inaccuracies, both as to object and motive,
should have found a place in the public journals of the day, evidently misrepre-
senting, and calculated to produce incorrect impressions. The great consolation
entertained by him, though, is, that time will prove that his only end, and object,
and purpose, is to do full and impartial justice, to the extent that his official dis-
charge of duty will sanction.

I BEG LEAVE TO ASSURE YOU, THAT NOTHING OF A COMPULSORY COURSE, TO EF-
FECT THE REMOVAL OF THE UNFORTUNATE RACE OF PEOPLE, EVER HAS BEEN THOUGHT

OF BY THE PRESIDENT, ALTHOUGH IT HAS BEEN ASSERTED. The considerations
which controlled, in the course pursued, were such, as he really and in fact be-
lieved were required, as well by a regard for the just rights which the State of
Georgia was authorized to assert, as from a conscientious conviction, that by it,
humanity towards the Indians would more effectually be subserved. Of this they
have been assured, and in that assurance, no other disposition was had than to
explain fully to them, and the country, the actual ground on which it was be-
lieved they were rightfully entitled to stand.
VOL. i. 32

250 MEMOIRS, dec., &c.

How can the United States government contest with Georgia the authority to
regulate her own internal affairs ? If the doctrine everywhere maintained be
true, that a State is sovereign, so far as by the constitution adopted it has not
been parted with to the general government, then must it follow as matter of
certainty, that within the limits of a State there can be none other, than her own
sovereign power, that can claim to exercise the functions of government. It is
certainly contrary to every idea entertained of an independent government, for
any other to assert adverse dominion and authority, within her jurisdictional
limits : they are things that cannot exist together.

Between the State of Georgia and the Indian tribes within her limits, no com-
pact or agreement was ever entered into ; who then is to yield, for it is certain,
in the ordinary course of exercised authority, that one or the other must ? The
answer heretofore presented from the government, and which you, by your adop-
tion, have sanctioned as correct, is the only one that can be offered. Georgia, by
her acknowledged confederative authority, may legally and rightfully govern and
control throughout her own limits, or else our knowledge of the science and prin-
ciple of government, as they relate to our own forms, are wrong, and have been
wholly misunderstood.

Sympathy indulged is a noble and generous trait of character ; but should never
assume a form calculated to outrage settled principles, or to produce in the end a
greater evil than it would remedy. Admit it were in the disposition of the go-
vernment at Washington to hold a course and language different from that they
have heretofore employed ; and to encourage the Indians to the belief that right-
fully they may remain and exercise civil government in despite of Georgia ? do
those who are the advocates of such a course, and consider it reconcilable to pro-
priety, dream of the consequences to which it would lead, or consider after what
manner so strange an idea could be put in practice ? Have they looked to the
State of Georgia, conscious in the rectitude of her own construction of right, de-
manding of the United States their constitutional authority to interfere, and ap-
pealing to the States to sustain her against encroachments, which, if submitted
to, might, in the end, prove destructive of the whole ? If nothing else can be
traced through such an appeal and in such an issue, I think the good and the hu-
mane may at least perceive that in it peril is to be discerned, and that the weak
and undisciplined Indians, in such a contest, would be so utterly destroyed, that
the places which now know them, would presently know them no more.

From the conversations had with the President, recently and formerly, on the
subject of the Indians, I am satisfied that no man in the country entertains
towards them better feelings, or has a stronger desire to see them placed in that
condition which may conduce to their advancement and happiness. But to en-
courage them to the idea, that within the confines of a State, they may exercise
all the forms and requisites of a government, fashioned to their own condition and
necessities, he does not consider can be advantageous to them, or that the ex-
ercise of such a right can properly be conceded. What would the authorities of
the State of New York say to an attempt, on the part of the Six Nations, to es-
tablish, within her limits, a separate and independent government ; and yet their
authority, to do so, would be as undeniable as that of the Creeks, or Cherokees,
within the territory of Georgia, or Alabama ? Would they agree, that the Indi-
an law of retaliation on the next of kin, should be enforced for the accidental kill-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 251

ing of one of their tribe ? Or, that nothing of trade and commerce, by her citi-
zens, should take place within their limits, except in conformity to the provisions
of their muncipal code ? Would they assent to have their citizens rendered
liable to be arraigned at the bar of an Indian court of justice, and to have meted
out to them the penalties of their criminal code ? It is obvious, that no State of
this Union would grant such authority. 'Concede, however, that these Indians
are entitled to be considered sovereign within their own limits, and you concede
everything else as matter of consequence. Admit the principle, and all is admit-
ted and what then ? The sword, the alone arbiter in any community, where
questions of adverse sovereignty and power are to be settled, would, in the end,
have to be appealed to : and, when this shall be the case, the humblest prophet in
our land cannot but discern what will be the finale of the contest. Is it not pre-
ferable, and does not their own peace, and quiet, and happiness, demand, that
they should surrender, at once, such visionary opinions, and, by retiring beyond
the Mississippi, place themselves where every conflict, as to State authority, will
cease ; and where the most enlarged and generous efforts, by the government,
will be made to improve their minds, better their condition, and aid them in their
efforts of self-government ? For your efforts, and those associated with you in
convention, furthering this liberal and only practical scheme, the time will come
when all good and generous men will thank you.

In conclusion, the President desires me to thank you for the communication
made to him, and to offer you an assurance, that every legitimate power of his,
will be freely bestowed to further and assist the laudable and humane course
which your convention has adopted.

I have the honor to be, with great respect,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN H. EATON.

This item of history may serve to indicate the spirit that
was at that time alive, and active, for the enlightening and
preservation of the Indians ; also the basis upon which it
proposed to operate. It looked to a rescue of this hap-
less people, by the agency of pacific and friendly influ-
ences, from the unhappy and perishing condition in which
their residence within the jurisdiction of States had pla-
ced them. Those who had been moved to undertake, and
carry out this work of mercy, held high rank as men of
influence, and Christians and the undertaking was wholly
free from anything personal, sectarian, or selfish. It is
only necessary for the reader to look over the names of
members who compose this society, from that pure patriot
and philanthropist, Hon. S. Van Rensselaer, the president,
to its secretary and treasurer, to see proof positive, that

252 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the principles of the society were not only sound, but that
there was intelligence and influence, and a power over the
necessary means, sufficient to carry out their kind designs,
provided the government would co-operate in the same
spirit, and with a view to the same ends. And that pledge
was given, and reiterated in Mr. Secretary Eaton's letter
to the corresponding secretary, as above, in which the as-
surance was unequivocally given, that " nothing of a com-
pulsory course, to effect the removal of this unfortunate
race of people, has ever been thought of by the Presi-
dent."

There would seem, therefore, to have been perfect har-
mony between the Executive, and the objects of this
Board, and this is declared by the Secretary, in the letter
aforesaid, in express terms. " With the course pursued
at your meeting," says the Secretary, " the President is
much gratified." As for myself, I never contemplated any
act touching the emigration of the Indians, that should not
have for its object, first, their voluntary acquiescence ;
and, second, the immediate adoption of the appropriate
measures for their improvement and happiness, and posi-
tive security in all the future, against a recurrence of the
evils from which I sought to separate them.

The reader may feel anxious to know what were the
fruits of the association, organized for these holy objects,
and under such high auspices. I answer, there were none !
So far as my knowledge extends, there went forth from
that Board not a single influence towards the accomplish-
ment of the great ends of its creation. It had being given
to it, and life, but it was struck by paralysis ! I never
heard the cause for this assigned, either by the Board, or
by any member thereof, but was at no loss myself to ac-
count for it. It was in the abandonment by the adminis-
tration, not long after the organization of the Board, of the
fundamental principle of its existence, viz : the operation,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 253

upon the Indians, by a policy that excluded everything
like compulsion both direct and indirect.

The fourth article of the constitution of the Board bound
it " to co-operate with the federal government of the Uni-
ted States, in its operations cm Indian affairs ; and at no
time to contravene its laws." The letter of the Secretary
of War, Major Eaton, of the 18th April, 1829, to the del-
egation of Cherokees, then in Washington, was before the
committee when the constitution of the Board was adopted,
and was read to the assembly of the people, when it was
ratified. In that letter he says, " An interference to the
extent of affording you protection, and the occupancy of
your soil, is what is demanded of the justice of this country,
and will not be withheld" This was the guarantee, as well
to the Cherokees as to the Board, that the quiet, at least,
of this people would be preserved, during which, it was
contemplated to operate by judicious and enlightened
agencies, in convincing the Indians that it was better for
their present and future happiness, to make terms, and ac-
cept a home where all things would be peaceful, and where
the Indian Board was pledged, as well as the government,
to follow them with all the means necessary for their ad-
vancement, and security, and happiness. Upon this branch
of the question, the same letter that promised " protec-
tion," and " the occupancy of their soil," contained the fol-
lowing appeal to the Indians : " It must be obvious to
you, and the President has instructed me to bring it to
your candid and serious consideration, that to continue
where you are, within the territorial limits of an indepen-
dent State, can promise you nothing but INTERRUPTION
and DISQUIETUDE. Beyond the Mississippi, your pros-
pects will be different. There you will find no conflicting
interests. The United States' power and sovereignty, un-
controlled by the high authority of State jurisdiction, and
resting on its own energies, will be able to say to you, in

254 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

the language of your own nation, the soil shall be yours
while the trees grow, or the streams run"

These two quotations from the letter of the Secretary
of War contained all of what the Cherokees, and other
Indians similarly situated, ^fcid to hope for. Under the
first, while in a state of "protection" though they should
have nothing, under that panoply, but " INTERRUPTION and
DISQUIETUDE" where they were, the Board saw it could
operate ; and employing this very state of " disquietude and
interruption" as an argument, convince these harrassed peo-
ple that it would be indeed better for them to escape from
these evils, to where " the United States' power and sov-
ereignty, uncontrolled by the high authority of State ju-
risdiction," could be exercised for their permanent welfare ;
and where, as was held out in another part of the same
letter, " the government of the United States will be able
to exercise over them a paternal and superintending care,
to happier advantage ; to stay encroachments, and preserve
them in peace and amity with each other ; while, with the
aid of schools, a hope may be indulged, that ere long, in-
dustry and refinement will take the place of those wander-
ing habits now so peculiar to the Indian character, the
tendency of which is to impede them in their march to
civilization."

The moment it became manifest that "protection" was
not to be extended to them, but that a system of encroach-
ments upon their lands, and upon their vested rights, would
be tolerated, even to the driving from their own home the
wife and children of the Cherokee chief, who were forced
to build a shelter with branches of trees, in the woods ;
and on his return to it, (the Georgia guard, as it was
called, yet holding possession,) the chief himself was re-
fused corn from his own crib, to feed his own horse, and
food from his own larder, to feed himself, unless he
should pay for both ; I say, the moment it became
manifest that elements of this oppressive sort were to be

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 255

employed by those who sought to possess themselves of
the Indians' domain, and that the general government was
prepared to allow them, storm-like, to beat upon this har-
rassed people the ground on which the Board had rested
their hope, gave way, and wit* it, all their plans and pur-
poses. It being an article in its constitution " to co-ope-
rate with the federal government of the United States in
its operation on Indian affairs, &c.," if the Board should
move at all, it must have been in concert with this' oppres-
sion, this literal war upon the rights and peace of the
Cherokees ; and not having been organized for any such
purpose, there was no alternative left, but to stand still,
and not operate at all.

If the foregoing, or something like them, were not the
reasons why the Indian Board of New York never ad-
vanced a step after its formation, towards carrying out the
humane object of its creaton, then I know not what the
reasons were. I had been cut off from all official relations
with the government, by command of President Jackson,
before those outbreaks had reached the height of their
enormity upon the peace and happiness, and rights of the
Cherokees ; and with that severance, fell my official rela-
tions and intercourse with this Board.

256 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

CHAPTER XL

ABOMINABLE ABUSE OF POWER IN OUR RELATIONS WITH

THE INDIANS.

Protection guarantied by treaty to the Indians Some extracts from these treaties
How interpreted by Mr. Calhoun Trampled upon by General Jackson A
Circular Address to the Indians A very essential modification A thrust at the
Cherokees Newspaper comments Dr. Randolph in the fidgets Leave of ab-
sence Dismissed from office Charges of defalcation Four years persecu-
tion Mr. Berrien's influence in the treatment of the Cherokees The treaty (?)
of New Euchota Repudiated by the Cherokees Force to be employed Ge-
neral Scott Ridge's apology for the New Euchota treaty Formation of a new
government west of the Mississippi The Ridges and Boudinot killed Refusal
to recognize the Cherokee delegation at Washington My interview with Mr.
Poinsett A new treaty proposed Mr. Van Buren's objections A diplomatic
way of getting round them A plan proposed to bring the Seminole war to a
close More diplomacy, ending in treachery Vindication of John Ross Fur-
ther developments of the injustice done to the Cherokees The treaty of
Payne's Landing Jackson's " talk" Outrages upon the Florida Indians In-
dian talk Micanopy Jumper Osceola The mad policy which provoked the
Florida war.

THAT all encroachments upon the lands not ceded by
the Indians to the United States, and all trespasses, were
forbidden by the treaty, and that the authority and power
of the United States were solemnly pledged to protect the
Cherokees from intrusions and trespasses, &c., the trea-
ties with that tribe, as well as others, make manifest.

The fifth article of the treaty of Washington, of the 27th
of February, 1819, between John C. Calhoun, on the part
of the United States, and a delegation of chiefs and head
men of the Cherokee nation, duly authorized and em-
powered by said nation, contains this provision : " And
all white people who have intruded, or may hereafter in-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 257

trude on the lands reserved for the Cherokees, shall be re-
moved by the United States, and proceeded against, accor-
ding to the provisions of the act passed thirtieth of March,
eighteen hundred and two, entitled an act to regulate trade
and intercourse with the Indikn tribes, and to preserve
peace on the frontiers."

Well, what are the provisions of that act ? There are
several articles all binding upon the United States to pro-
tect the Indians, and under almost every variety of form in
which these rights could be invaded.

The fifth article, however, contains enough of both ob-
ligation and power, for the full illustration of the Indian's
rights and claims, and of the government's duty, in regard
to them. It reads thus : " And be it further enacted,
That if any such citizen, or other person, shall make a
settlement on any lands belonging, or secured, or granted,
by treaty with the United States, to any Indian tribe, or
shall survey, or attempt to survey such lands, or designate
any of the boundaries, by marking trees, or otherwise, such
offender shall forfeit a sum not exceeding one thousand
dollars, and suffer imprisonment, not exceeding twelve
months. And it shall, moreover, be lawful for the Presi-
dent of the United States to take such measures, and to
employ such military force, as he may judge necessary, to
remove from lands belonging or secured by treaty, as
aforesaid, to any Indian tribe, any such citizen, or other
person, who has made, or shall hereafter make, or attempt
to make, a settlement thereon."

This act passed through all the forms of law, and was
approved by Thomas Jefferson. So far as my experience
went, or my knowledge, it was, from its passage till several
months after General Jackson's accession to the presidency,
regarded as the law of the land, and had been enforced, in
good faith, by the government, as such.

One example, out of many, occurs to me. Trespassers
had encroached on the Cherokee lands, put up cabins, and

VOL. I. 33

258 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

planted corn. Complaints were made by the Cherokees,
to their agent. The agent proceeded, as was the custom,
to drive them off. They resisted. He reported the case
to me, and I to the then Secretary of War, Mr. Calhoun,
who, forthwith, under the binding obligations of the treaty
of 1819, and of the sanction of this law of 1802, ordered
Captain Turk, then stationed somewhere in that quarter,
to march with a competent force to the district that had
been encroached upon, and order the intruders off; if they
refused to go, to cut down their corn and demolish their
cabins ; if they resisted, to employ force. They did resist
a battle was fought, in which some one or more of the
trespassers were killed. These intruders, being citizens
of Georgia, the authorities of that State arrested Captain
Turk for murder. The case was tried in a Georgia Court
and by a Georgia jury, and he was acquitted. Thus were
the Indians treated with good faith, and the law vindicated.
But this law was destined, at last, though unrepealed, to
become a dead letter ! The solemn compacts with the In-
dians, guaranteeing to them " protection," were treated as
things obsolete, or regarded as mockeries. In the face,
and in violation of the provisions of the one, and of the
enactments of the other, surveyors were permitted to pene-
trate the Indian territory, roam over it, lay it off into coun-
ties, and to proceed, in all things, for its settlement, as
though no Indians occupied it, and no laws existed, de-
manding the interference of the government to prevent
it ! In vain did the Indians implore the government to pro-
tect them ; in vain did they call the attention of the Execu-
tive to the provisions of treaties, and to the pledges of the
law. It was when these outrages first began to show them-
selves, and thinking President Jackson could not be aware
of their existence, that I called on him, and referred to
them, and also to the provisions of laws and treaties that
guarantied to the Indians a freedom from such trespasses.
His answer was, " /Sir, the sovereignty of the States must be

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 259

preserved" concluding with a termination so solemn, and
the whole being spoken in a manner so emphatic, as to
satisfy me that he had concluded to permit Georgia, and
the other States in which the Indians were included, to
take their own way in their plans, to harrass, persecute, and
force out their Indian population.

Finally, General Jackson was to leave for the Hermitage,
accompanied by the Secretary of War, Major Eaton, the
latter on his way to consummate, under the treaty form, the
conventional arrangements I had established in 1827, with
the Chickasaw and Choc taw Indians. They had not left
the President's mansion more than an hour, when Dr.
Randolph, chief clerk of the War Department, and who
was brother-in-law of Major Eaton, and who had been left
acting Secretary of War, came to my room, saying
" Colonel, the President and Secretary of War wanted me
to see you, and request you to prepare a circular address
to the Indians." What is the nature of the address, I
asked ; and to what Indians is it to be sent ? " Why," he
answered, " the General said you would know all about
it." This is the first I have heard of this circular, Doctor,
and how am I to prepare it ? " Oh, that is nothing," he
replied, " you have the business at your fingers' ends, and
must know what he means." He retired. I wrote a cir-
cular of general import, but containing nothing very par-
ticular or very important, and taking it to the acting Sec-
retary of War, asked if that was what the Secretary and
President wanted ? " The very thing" he answered.

I soon discovered that Doctor Randolph's position, as
acting Secretary of War, was only nominal, and that there
was a real, acting secretary at hand ; for I had not been
back to my chair ten minutes, when Frank, the colored
messenger of the War Department, who deserves to have
been born white, came to my room, saying, with his al-
ways bland and obliging manner, " Colonel, Judge Berrien
is in the secretary's room, and desires to see you." (Judge

260 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Berrien was then Attorney General.) I reported myself,
when the judge, holding the circular in his hand, that I had
awhile before taken to Doctor Randolph, said to me, "Col-
onel, do you not know that this (holding the circular up
to me) is not what the President wants ?" I know no
more of the matter, I replied, than what Doctor Randolph
has communicated to me. He brought me the order from
the Secretary of War and President, and says, it is exactly
what they want. He then put the circular upon the table
before him, and added a paragraph, saying, " This is what
is wanted." I saw at a glance, what was its object and
aim ; and that was. so far as that could go to accomplish
it, to break up the Cherokee government, and resolve it
into its former and scattered elements.

Many years before, and at the instance, if I mistake
not, of Colonel Meigs, it was agreed by the then President,
that the amount paid for rations to feed the Indians when
they were called together to receive, each, his portion of
the annuity, should, henceforth, be paid in money, to the
authorities of the Cherokee nation ; and that they would
account to the nation for the same. The sum, I think,
was about twelve hundred dollars ; I write from memory.
This amount had been remitted annually, for many years,
with their annuities ; and at last, when the Cherokees or-
ganized themselves into a regular government, with all the
usual offices and their incumbents, this sum was put into
their treasury, as part of the nation's rights.

An order forbidding this money to be any longer thus
paid to the authorities of the nation, was an order which
struck directly at their system of government, and looked
to a return to the old system of the distribution of the
amount among the Indians, reducing them, so far as this
item went, to their original elements. And this was the ob-
ject of this circular. As in the business of sapping and
mining, to carry a fortress in war, a first entrenchment,
unseen, if possible, by the enemy, must be made, so I saw

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 261

in this, a first step, intended to be well covered, was taken,
towards the overthrow of the Cherokee government, and
a consequent breaking up of the power of this people.

I took the circular, with Judge Berrien's addition, to my
copying clerk, Mr. Miller, and directed him to omit the
customary heading of all writings emanating from my of-
fice which was "War Department, Office of Indian Affairs"
and head it, WAR DEPARTMENT, only. The copy being
made, I took it to Doctor Randolph, and told him, as this
was an emanation direct from the War Department, it
ought to be signed by him, as acting Secretary of War.
" Certainly," said the doctor, when he signed it, and it was
sent off.

By and by, the newspapers got hold of this move upon
the Cherokee government, and spoke of it as unbecoming
a government like ours, thus to vex and war upon a feeble
people who were just emerging from barbarism into civiliza-
tion, and from anarchy to a system of government, &c. ;
and some not very complimentary remarks were made
upon the acting Secretary of War, for his manifesto.
These assaults having reached the doctor, he came into my
office, quite excited, and asked, " Why, sir, did you make
me sign that paper ?" What paper ? " That circular to
the Cherokees." I referred, its signature to you, I an-
swered, because it emanated from the department proper,
and not from me. I did not deem it proper for me to sign
it, nor do I now. If it has worked ill, I had no agency in
it. The doctor continued some time to be annoyed by the
newspapers, and did not seem, afterwards, to regard me
with the usual civilities that had heretofore marked his in-
tercourse with me.

I had at that time on hand the large work on the Histo-
ry, &c., of the North American Indians. It was in the
hands of Samuel F. Bradford, of Philadelphia, as publisher.
I needed rest from my labors, and withal I was not well. I
requested and obtained leave of absence, to go and look after

262 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

this work, and for relaxation, and to better my health and
extended my journey to New York. On my return to Phila-
delphia, and on my way from the wharf to the hotel, I
stopped at the post-office, and took from it a letter from
Doctor Randolph, informing me that, from and after the
first day of October next ensuing, my services in the In-
dian Department would not be required. Returning to
Washington, I inquired of him what the grounds of my
dismissal were. " Why, sir," was his reply, " everybody
knows your qualifications for the place, but General Jack-
son has been long satisfied that you are not in harmony
with him, in his views in regard to the Indians." And thus
closed my connexion with the government.

It was, immediately upon my dismissal, thrown out,
through the party press, that my accounts were not set-
tled ; and the impression became general, that I was a de-
faulter. It is true, those very accounts to which I have
referred, as having been adjusted, and " approved" by the
Secretary of War, had not been carried to my credit, but
remained in the hands of the auditor. I urged, entreated,
prayed that they might be acted upon, but in vain ! At
last, and after I had been made to endure the persecution
of the dominant press and party, and subjected to a with-
drawal of confidence in the public mind, so far as that
mind was affected by the implication of my being a de-
faulter, and four years had been allowed, that is, from 1829
to 1833, to pass on, leaving me thus exposed, those very
accounts were passed upon, and allowed, without the varia-
tion of a cent, or any exception whatever taken to their
correctness, not by the party, or by any officer, with which,
or with whom, I was in political affinity, but by General
Jackson's personal friend and auditor, William B. Lewis.
The following is the copy of his letter to me, announcing
the settlement :

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 263

"TREASURY DEPARTMENT, )
Second Au-.'Hor's office, 16th November, 1833. $

" SIR : Communication from the Comptroller of the Treasury, having been
made to this office, on the 1st inst., that your accounts as late Superintendent of
Indian Trade, had been closed on the books of that department, I hereby inform
you that the balance of four hundred and fifty-five dollars, and thirty cents,
arising out of an account presented by you, and sanctioned by J. Barbour, Sec-
retary of War, for expenses incurred, presents made, and services rendered,
under instructions from the War Department, of 28th March, and 10th April,
1827, on a tour among the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Creek Indians, in 1827, has
been admitted. The above balance has been paid agreeable to your directions,
viz : one hundred and thirty-eight dollars, and fifty-nine cents, to the American
Fur Company, and three hundred and sixteen dollars, and seventy-one cents, to
Major Trueman Cross. This transaction closes your accounts on the books of
this office.

% "I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM B. LEWIS."

I have referred only to the indirect assault upon the
Cherokees, excepting the direct attack upon their system
of government, through their treasury, in the paper writ-
ten by Judge Berrien. If I am not mistaken, this distin-
guished gentleman published, on leaving General Jack-
son's cabinet, that his object in coming into that cabinet
had reference, mainly, if not wholly, to that Indian
subject. It is not therefore impossible, he being At-
torney General, that his counsels in regard to the posi-
tion the Executive ought to assume, as between the claims
of sovereignty on the part of Georgia, and the treaties
and laws which went to protect the Indians from its action
upon them, were what influenced General Jackson to take
the course he did. I am far from saying this was the
case.

These distressing intrusions continued to afflict the
Cherokees, who, in their midst, maintained their position
in the best manner they could, down to the date of the
instrument got up at New Euchota, and miscalled a treaty ;
when a stronger force was employed, and more direct
movements were made, to expel them from their country.
An instrument was found, in the person of the Rev. Mr.

264 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Schermerhorn, for the making of a final move upon the
Cherokees. This gentleman having secured the assent
of Major Ridge, his son John, and Elias Boudinot, all men
of influence among the Cherokees, called a council to
meet at New Euchota, for the purpose of making a treaty
for the final surrender of all their country remaining to
them, on the east of the Mississippi. The instrument
bearing the title of treaty, and purporting to be made
with the Cherokee nation, was signed by the two Ridges
and Boudinot, and a few obscure individuals, and sent on
to Washington as the act of the nation ! And in despite
of the almost unanimous voice of the Cherokee popula-
tion, declaring the act done at New Euchota, to be a fraud,
and that it was the work of a few individuals only, and not
of the nation, it was received, accepted, acted upon, and
ratified !

The time limited in this mock treaty of New Euchota, for
the removal of the Cherokees, approaching, and a steady
determination having been expressed by them, that they
would not regard the obligations alleged by the authorities
of Washington to be imposed upon them by it, General
Scott was ordered to move upon, and by force of arms,
drive them from the country. At one time the Cherokees
had well-nigh resolved to stand their ground, preferring,
rather than have the provisions of an instrument, such as
that framed at New Euchota, made binding on them, or
to accept the provisions of any compact so base and so
fraudulent as that, to bare their bosoms, and receive un-
resistingly the bayonet and the ball, and mingle their re-
mains with the dust of their country, and the ashes of their
ancestors. This purpose was, I know, seriously medita-
ted by many.

The command to remove the Cherokees, fortunately for
all parties, was referred to hands that moved in harmony
with just dealings, and under the impulses of a humane heart.
General Scott, appreciating his position, and the condition

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 265

of the Cherokees, employed, and successfully, his influence
to bring about a state of feeling, on their part, that should,
at the same time, harmonize with the policy of the Execu-
tive in regard to their removal, and their own sense of
their own rights ; when such a compact was entered into,
combining both, as led to the voluntary emigration, so far
as the nature of the case would admit of the acquiescence
of this long harrassed and suffering people. But their dif-
ficulties were destined to assume a new aspect ; and those
grew out of the relations which the party who signed the
instrument at New Euchota, and the party who opposed
it, might naturally be supposed to bear towards each other.
Major Ridge, and his son John, being on a visit to Phila-
delphia, spent some time with me, when the subject of their
agency in consummating the New Euchota treaty, so called,
was discussed. Major Ridge, in reply to my reference to
the peril in which he had, in my opinion, placed himself,
said, " / expect to die for it" The treaty, he admitted,
was not made by the nation, but in opposition to its known
and expressed will. He admitted, also, that the only three
names of influence attached to it, were his own, his son's,
and Boudinot's, and that the remainder would have signed
with the same freedom a paper of any other sort. Why,
I asked, major, if you expected your life to pay the for-
feit, did you take that step ? "I thought my people," was
his answer, " were very unhappy where they were. Geor-
gia was pressing hard upon them ; the government at
Washington would do nothing to relieve them." He saw
things getting worse and worse, and he thought if he could,
any how, bring about a removal of his people, it would be
for their present and future good ; and that he was old, and
his life would be of but little loss, compared with such gain
to them. And yet, there is no reason for believing other-
wise than that, when the nation agreed to remove under
the arrangement made with General Scott, the enmity
against the two Ridges, and Boudinot, had in a great de-

266 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

gree ceased, if not altogether. 'Tis true, the wrong which
had been done, was never esteemed to be the less deep or
lasting ; but if the purpose to avenge it in the mode com-
mon to these people, for such an offence, had ever been
formed, it had been wholly abandoned.

The emigration being over, and the eastern portion of
the Cherokees, (such as survived the Exodus, there having
died in their passage, something like two thousand,) being
now joined with their brethren who had preceded them
under the treaties of 1817 and 1819, they called a general
council of the whole nation, for the purpose of forming a
government, and perfecting that which had been com-
menced on the east of the Mississippi. The council met,
the Ridges and Boudinot forming part, when, to the sur-
prise of the entire body of the late emigrants, except the
party in the interest of the Ridges and Boudinot, the right
of government was claimed to be in the old emigrants
who numbered about one-third of the whole the Ridges
and Boudinot taking the lead in this new opposition. This
it was, that rekindled the fires of the previous enmity,
which resulted in the killing of the two Ridges and
Boudinot.

The federal Executive having taken sides with the Ridge
or treaty party, when the Cherokee nation deputed its
delegation to represent it at Washington, President
Van Buren and his Secretary of War refused to receive
JOHN Ross and his accredited associates, in their capacity
as representatives ! Moreover, official communications,
emanating from the officer in charge of the Indian Depart-
ment, openly implicated Ross, the chief of the Cherokee
nation, as accessory to the murder of the Ridges and Bou-
dinot ! ! ! Being in Washington during this state of things,
Mr. Poinsett being Secretary of War, I called on this func-
tionary. I had long known him personally, and knew him
to be a gentleman, a man of talents, and, as I believed, sin-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 267

cerely devoted to the cause of justice. If he had not con-
fided, under the honest impulses of his own heart, too much
in others, for reports of facts and details, in this controversy,
his decisions, I doubt not, would have been different, at least
on several points, from what they were. I took the liberty
of referring to the situation of the delegation of Cherokees
then in Washington to the notorious fact that they had
been deputed by the Cherokee nation, to represent it at
Washington and yet, there they were, under the ban hav-
ing been refused to be recognized in their official capacity
literal wanderers ! I referred to his having, as I had been
informed, deputed Mr. Mason, the same who had been with
him as Secretary of Legation, in Mexico, to the Chero-
kee country, to ascertain the relative numbers of the two
parties, whose report, as I had been informed, was, in sub-
stance, that the Ridge party was merely a thing in name,
and that the Ross party was literally the nation. Under
such circumstances, I ventured to express the hope that
the delegation then in Washington, headed by the chief,
Ross, might be received ; further stating, that, in my opin-
ion, the certain way to harmonize all the distractions that
had grown out of the New Euchota treaty, would be to
annul it, and make a new one. There was precedent for
it, I proceeded to state, in the treaty of Washington, of
the 24th January, 1826, made with the Creeks. Mclntosh
had sold the country of the Creeks, at the Indian Springs,
against the law and the will of the nation ; for which he
was summarily shot. Meantime, the treaty had been pro-
tested against, but was, by some haste in getting it through
the Senate, ratified by that body, and approved by the
President. The Creeks sent a deputation to Washington,
who peremptorily refused, not only to acknowledge the
validity or binding force of the treaty of the Indian Springs,
made by Mclntosh and his party, but to enter upon any
negotiations for a new one, till, as they phrased it, " the
head of that treaty was cut off" In my interview with the

268 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

delegation, I ascertained that, this condition being agreed
to, they were not only prepared to make a new treaty, but
such a one as I knew would be acceptable to the govern-
ment when the condition was agreed to, and, as a refer-
ence to the treaty of Washington will show, complied
with, in the first article, in these words : "Article 1. The
treaty concluded at the Indian Springs, on the twelfth day of
February, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-Jive, between
commissioners on the part of the United States, and the said
Creek nation of Indians, and ratified by the United States
on the seventh day of March, one thousand eight hundred
and twenty-Jive, is hereby declared to be null and void, to
every intent and purpose whatsoever; and every right and
claim arising from the same, is hereby cancelled and sur-
rendered."

That, sir, I continued, is the precedent, and the cases
are, in almost all respects, precisely similar. To which
Mr. Poinsett replied, "Colonel McKenney, Mr. Van Buren
will never consent to undo anything that General Jackson has
done."

Then, sir, that being the case, I propose another method.
Make a treaty with this delegation, embracing, without any
reference to the New Euchota treaty, such of its provisions
as may be acceptable to both the parties to it, including
all other matters which may be deemed important, and
leave the offensive treaty to stand as a dead letter.
" That," he answered, " might, possibly, be done." He
then consented to receive the delegation, as such, and did
so ; I having, after a little further conversation, gone after
them, and accompanied them to the War Department, giv-
ing the usual introduction. Mr. Poinsett accompanied
them to the President's, who, after the usual ceremonies,
(and which, as I learned from the delegation afterwards,
were quite courteous,) said, " Whatever arrangements the
Secretary of War might make with them, would be agree-
able to him."

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 269

The further conversation which I had with Mr. Poinsett,
had relation to the Seminole war, and the readiest way to
bring it to a close. That way, I gave it as my belief, was,
to interest the chief of the Cherokees, John Ross, in the
matter, and procure his co-operation. I said, I was sure,
if asked to do so, he would depute a delegation from his na-
tion, of intelligent and prudent men, who, going as pacifi-
cators, would, in my opinion, secure a peace. " But to
ask this of Ross," said Mr. Poinsett, " would be like ac-
knowledging that the United States was not competent to
subdue these Seminoles." Well, sir, I said, so far, they
have not been, and the world knows it ; and my opinion is,
the conclusion of that war is yet a great way off unless
other means are resorted to, than mere force. To obviate
your objection, then, suppose Ross shall ask permission to
interfere in the way proposed how then ? " That would
alter the case," replied the secretary.

I made known all this to Ross, who came very cheer-
fully into the measure, saying, it would afford him great
pleasure to assist in restoring peace between the United
States and the Seminoles. The result was, an under-
standing between the secretary and Ross, upon this sub-
ject ; the appointment by Ross, of several of his most
intelligent and prudent men ; (the estimable and pious
Jesse Bushyhead, afterwards judge of the Cherokee na-
tion, being one,) their going among the Seminoles, and
obtaining the consent of the chiefs to make a peace, (with
the exception of Sam Jones, who said Micanopy was his
chief, whatever he should do he would agree to,) the bringing
these chiefs in to the American camp, for the purpose of
making a treaty of peace ; and in these chiefs being cap-
tured, and made prisoners of war of !

The effect upon the Cherokee mediators, of this pro-
ceeding, was, to expose them to the resentment of the
Seminoles, and to their vengeance, as traitors. They all,

270 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

however, reached their homes in safety, though not with-
out enduring many hardships.

Meantime, Ross was, by the countenance which the
Executive had given to the Ridge party but more to
the open charge that he had been accessory to the mur-
der of the Ridges and Boudinot exposed to the feelings
which all civilized men entertain towards a murderer ; and
to the open or secret vengeance of those who were of the
Ridge party ; and he stands thus exposed to this hour ! I
have diligently examined the whole of this subject ; and
here make the record, that John Ross, principal chief of
the Cherokee nation, had no more agency, directly or indi-
rectly, in procuring the death of the Ridges and Boudinot,
than I had. Moreover, that if he had suspected the existence
of any such purpose, on the part of any of his people, he
would have put a stop to it. No man deplored the tragedy
more than he did. Great injustice has been done this
intelligent, efficient, and excellent man.

There is, perhaps, no man living who is better acquaint-
ed with John Ross, than I am. My knowledge of him
dates back as far as thirty years. I have known him in
his official, personal, and private relations ; in his official
relations, from the time he succeeded the venerable
Charles R. Hicks, as principal chief of the Cherokee na-
tion ; and personally, before that time, and ever since. It
were a useless expenditure of time for me to dwell upon
Mr. Ross's official character. This is stamped upon his en-
tire career as chief of the Cherokees ; and the ability, and
firmness, and patience, with which he has vindicated and
maintained the rights of the Cherokees in their relations
to the general government, are matters of record in the
archives of the government ; whilst the influence which he
has exerted over his people, for their good, are matters of
public notoriety.

That divisions should exist among his people, is most

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 271

natural ; that he should have enemies, implacable, bitter,
relentless, is to share the lot of all who are patriotic and
faithful, including our own Washington. But there is no-
thing more true, than if left to themselves, and to the en-
lightened, mild, and pacific counsels of Ross and his lead-
ing men ; and intermeddling, and vicious, and avaricious
white men had not originated the elements of strife, and
thrown them in among the Cherokees, and promoted, for
their own ends, the discords that have distracted that peo-
ple, they would be, at this moment, harmonious, united
and happy.

Mr. Ross is, and has always been, strictly temperate.
In his private character he is without reproach. As a fa-
ther, brother, husband, friend, he is beloved, and justly so.
He is kind, and courteous, and unobtrusive a man of few
words, but of sound, deep thinking, a high sense of honor,
and of indomitable firmness.

To his people, for whom he has endured much, and been
exposed to all sorts of personal hazards, he is devotedly
attached ; and, except those who have been played upon
and misled by intermeddling white men, is beloved and
confided in by them. In proof of this, reference need only
be made to their continued confidence, as shown in his
election, for so long a period, as their principal chief, both
east and west of the Mississippi. With less of confidence
in him, on the part of the Cherokees, and less ability and
foresight on his part, or less devotion in him towards them
and their interests, the partizan strife which has been made
to distract the Cherokees, must long before now have re-
duced them to insignificance, and resulted, finally, in their
extinction. It is to Ross's great prudence, self-command,
intelligence, and firmness, that this people owe their pres-
ent freedom from far greater and more overwhelming ca-
lamities than have befallen them.

It is my firm belief that the United States owe to Mr.
Ross a freedom from more than one outbreak on the part

272 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

of the Cherokees, that would have produced great suffer-
ing along the frontiers, and immense expenditures of blood
and treasure. His counsels have been always in favor of
peace, and a patient endurance of the evils, with which
the policy of the general government, for the last sixteen
years, has overwhelmed them. Such was the stand taken
by him, for the preservation of pacific relations between
his people and the States, and so constant were his pro-
mises, that justice would finally be done his people, as to
lead them, soon after General Harrison was elected, and
when nothing was yet accomplished in their behalf, to
the very brink of a rupture with the United States, at-
tended by a full purpose to kill the chief, so soon as he
should leave Washington, who had, as they now believed,
so long deceived them. Fortunately, by the agency of
General Scott, in his appeals to the War Department, in
behalf of the justice of the Cherokee claims, Ross was
enabled to carry home with him a large amount of mo-
ney, though only a part of what was due to the Chero-
kees, thus restoring to himself the confidence, which, by
the delays of the general government, he had lost ; and
with this confidence, came a state of, at least, comparative
personal security to himself.

The reader has already, I am sure, traced all this pain-
ful business to its source. It proceeded from a fraudulent
act, connived at by the Executive of the United States,
first, in permitting the treaty (as it was styled) of New
Euchota to be made at all ; second, after it was made, in
refusing to yield to the protestations of some sixteen
thousand Cherokees, that the treaty was not made by the
nation, but only by a few, who had no authority to make
it ; and third, in the resolve, at all hazards, to enforce its
provisions, vi et armis. The responsibility, assumed by the
Executive, in this view of the subject, was, indeed, most
fearful !

But the whole affair assumes a yet more painful aspect,

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 273

when a treaty, with the nation, was then, and had long been,
within reach of the Executive ; and I am the witness. The
Cherokee delegation, with Ross at its head, during a pe-
riod of its greatest excitement, being in Philadelphia, I
visited them at Mrs. Yohe's hotel, on Chesnut-street ; and
received the following from their own lips : " It is true
we do not wish to sell our country. The very thought is
painful to us. But the injustice of the United States go-
vernment, its total disregard of treaties, and our exposed
and unprotected condition being such, we would not hesi-
tate to negotiate for an exchange, that we might go where
we would be free from the consuming policy which is per-
mitted to be exercised towards us. And yet, what can
we do ? The President keeps sending among us, to ne-
gotiate for our lands, men for whom we have no respect,
in whom we have no confidence ; men, in a word, who are
known to us to be our enemies. If it were referred to you,
or to any one who was competent, and was our friend,
and had our confidence, and who would co-operate with
us in aiding us to obtain justice we want nothing more
and would not seek to entrap, and deceive, and cneat us,
we would consent to treat."

Being anxious to bring to a harmonious close the contro-
versy that was being carried on for these people's lands,
and securing for them a permanent and peaceful home west
of the Mississippi, I wrote immediately to Governor Cass, at
that time Secretary of War, and also to the Hon. William
R. King, then United States Senator from Alabama, now
Minister to France, communicating this conversation, and
making known to the former my readiness to undertake, if
permitted, as a private citizen, not as a commissioner, to lay
the basis of a treaty which could be consummated by oth-
ers. Governor Cass acknowledged the receipt of my letter.
Mr. King afterwards told me he had replied to me also,
but his letter never reached me ; and there the matter
ended. The resolve of the Executive seemed to be, to

VOL. I. 35

274 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

carry on all the business of the government by the agency
of his political friends, only ; and, as in the case of the
Cherokees, when these, from no matter what cause, failed
to accomplish the work assigned to them by the ordinary
means, to assume the responsibility himself, and resort to
those which were extraordinary. Whatever of suffering,
therefore, or of blood, has succeeded that New Euchota
treaty, including the murder of the Ridges and Boudinot,
with all the subsequent afflictions and present distractions
which agitate and distress the Cherokees, as also all the
sufferings that may hereafter overtake them, and the shed-
ding of blood, the result of this strife, it needs not the
wisdom of Solomon to perceive, has come, and will come,
as do poisoned waters from their source, from the so-called
treaty of New Euchota. There lives not the man, with his
intellects in order, and his moral balance adjusted, having
a knowledge of all the facts, who will not put the seal of
his condemnation upon that New Euchota instrument, and
upon the power that was assumed for its ratification and
enforcement. It was an open fraud, and is a foul blot upon
the escutcheon of the nation, and will remain there forever.
The same may be said of the treaty, and the means re-
sorted to for its enforcement, of Payne's Landing, in Flori-
da. The objection is not so much to the treaty itself, as
to the usurpation of power to enforce at least one provi-
sion which it did not contain ; or, in other words, to de-
mand of the Seminoles to remove, under a conditional stip-
ulation, as though they had made the article unconditional,
and had offered no remonstrances against its fulfilment.
" There is a condition prefixed to the agreement," says
Colonel Gadsden, the commissioner who negotiated the
treaty, in his letter to the Secretary of War, " without as-
senting to which, the Indians most positively refused to ne-
gotiate for their removal west of the Mississippi. Even
with the condition annexed, there was reluctance, (which
with some difficulty was overcome,) on the part of the In-

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 275

dians, to bind themselves to any stipulations, before a
knowledge of facts and circumstances would enable them
to judge of the advantages or disadvantages of the dispo-
sition the government of the United States wished to make
of them."

Again, in the same letter, Colonel Gadsden says, " The
final ratification of the treaty will depend upon the opinion
of the seven chiefs selected to explore the country west
of the Mississippi river. If that corresponds to the de-
scription given, or is equal to the expectations formed of
it, there will be no difficulty on the part of the Seminoles.
If the Creeks, however, raise any objections, this will be
a sufficient pretext, on the part of some of the Seminole
deputation, to oppose the execution of the whole arrange-
ment." The Creeks did raise objections. The Seminoles
wanted a separate country. The Creeks refused it, and
wished them to live with them in common.

Again, the treaty, even if the Seminoles had not made
known their objections to it instead of having been passed
through the forms of law at the proper time was not rat-
ified by the United States government, and its validity
acknowledged, for two years after it was made. It was
signed on the 9th May, 1832, and not ratified till 1834 ;
and yet, one of its provisions stipulated, (that is, if it were
finally accepted by the Seminoles, which, however, it never
was,) that a removal of one- third of their population should
take place in 1833. Not only did this delay of the ratifi-
cation occur, but it was not for some time after, that means
were appropriated to carry it into effect. It was, there-
fore, vitiated throughout had lost every spark of its vi-
tality all of its binding force upon the other party and
was celled by the Indians, in derision, "A white marts trea-
ty" And yet, in a talk sent to them by President Jackson,
of the 16th February, 1835, he tells them, " I have ordered
a large military force to be sent among you. I have di-
rected the commanding officer, and likewise the agent,

276 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

your friend, General Thompson, that every reasonable in-
dulgence be held out to you. But I have also directed
that one-third of your people, as provided for in the treaty,
be removed during the present season" Now the treaty
provided for no such thing. It provided for such removal
in 1833 the Indians ratifying it but not in 1835. The
talk proceeds " If you listen to the voice of friendship
and truth, you will go quietly and voluntarily. But should
you listen to bad birds, that are always flying about you,
and refuse to remove, I have then directed the command-
ing officer to remove you by force. This will be done"

The Indians, however, could not comprehend the justice
of this attempt to enforce upon them a compliance with
obligations, on their part, that did not exist. Every spe-
cies of outrage was committed on the Indians, the details
of which are almost too shocking to be recorded. (Be-
sides, by the then existing treaty of Fort Moultrie, they
were guarantied in their right to continue where they
were for twenty years from its date, of which time twelve
years then remained to them.) Formal examinations were
made into the causes of these outrages, and the results
may be found, as also the details, in a work entitled " The
War in Florida ; being an Exposition of its Causes, and
an Accurate History of the Campaigns of Generals Clinch,
Gaines, and Scott " " By a late Staff-Officer." In the
straight-forward testimony of the Indians, is set forth, in
one place, that " while six of them were encamped togeth-
er, a party of whites arrived, took their guns from three of
them, examined their packs, and commenced whipping them,
and the Indians ran off," &c., &c. At another place, " six
other Indians were at a camp. A party of white men
came upon that camp, and began to whip the Indians? when
two other Indians came up, and commenced firing on the
whites. The arms of six Indians had been taken from
them, and stacked against a tree. The six unarmed In-
dians were kept confined thirty-three days," &c., &c.

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 277

They were robbed of their money and their negroes.
Chiefs, including Micanopy, their principal, were broke
by the agent, for refusing to emigrate. Every possible in-
dignity was offered them. Osceola was put in irons.
Many were reduced to the greatest distress for want of
provisions. They were forced, by their hunger, to go out
in quest of subsistence. " On one of these occasions,"
says the author I have referred to, " three of the Long
Swamp Indians were surprised, and two of them secured,
by the owner of the land, who tied them by the hands and
feet with a rope, and carried them to his barn, where they
were confined without sustenance for three days, unable to
extricate themselves, and obliged to remain in one position.
Not returning to their homes, their friends became alarmed
for their safety, and the chief of the town where they re-
sided went forward and demanded them. Being refused,
he returned to his town, and taking several of his people
with him, he again demanded the release of the prisoners,
and was again refused, with a threat by the white fellows,
that if the chief dared to effect their release, complaint
should be entered against him.

" Upon this, the whole party rushed to the barn, whence
they heard the moaning of their friends ; and there they
beheld a most pitiable sight. The rope with which those
poor fellows had been tied, had worn through their flesh ;
they had temporarily lost the use of their limbs, being un-
able to stand or walk ; they had bled profusely, and had
received no food during their confinement. The owner
of the barn then fired upon the Indians, and slightly wound-
ed one of the party ; when their exasperation attained to
such a height, that, in retaliation for this brutal outrage,
they set fire to the barn, and would not permit the owner
to take anything therefrom ; nor did they leave the spot
until the whole was consumed."

" These outrages," proceeds the narrator, " continued
to increase with each succeeding week, and the Indians,

278 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

discerning the hopelessness of their situation, at once con-
cluded to oppose the efforts of the government, and call
for a general assemblage of the nation."

There had been previous meetings between the agent
and the chiefs; eight of the chiefs and sub-chiefs had
signed a paper which the agent had prepared, in which the
validity of the treaty of Payne's Landing, of the 9th May,

1832, as also that of Fort .Gibson, of the 28th March,

1833, was acknowledged. It was then when Micanopy,
through Jumper, refused to abide by the treaty, that his
name was struck from the council of the nation, as also
four others. It is not possible to read the petitions of
these Indians to be saved from a connexion with those
western Indians, to be mingled with the Creeks, and ex-
posed to the treachery and thieving habits of the Pawnees,
without feelings of the deepest sympathy. At one of the
councils, convened by the agent to press upon them their
removal, Micanopy said, " When we were at Camp Moul-
trie, we made a treaty ; and we were to be paid our annui-
ties for twenty years. That is all I have to say."

Jumper said, " At Camp Moultrie, they told us all diffi-
culties should be buried for twenty years from the date of
the treaty made there, (September 18th, 1823 ;) that after
this, we held a treaty at Payne's Landing, before the twenty
years were out, (by nine years,) and they told us we might
go and see the country, but that we were not obliged to
remove, &c., &c. When we went to see the land, we had
not sold our land here, and we were told only to go and
see it. The Indians there steal horses, and take packs on
their horses ; they steal horses from the different tribes. I
do not want to go among such people. Your talk (ad-
dressing the agent,) seems always good, but we don't feel
disposed to go west."

Charley Amathla spoke, and said, " The speakers of the
nation are all dead, but I remember some of their words
when they had the meeting at Camp Moultrie. I was not

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 279

there, but heard that we should be at peace, and that we
would have our annuity paid for twenty years. White
people have told me that the treaty at Camp Moultrie,
which was made by great men, and not to be broken, had
secured them for twenty years ; that seven years of that
treaty are still unexpired. I am no half-breed, and do not
lean on one side. If they tell me to go, after the seven
years, I say nothing. As to the proposition made us by
the agent, about removing, I do not say I will not go, but
I think not ; until the seven years are out, I give no an-
swer. My family I love dearly and sacredly. I do not
think it right to take them right off. Our father has often
said to me that he loves his children, and they love him, &c.
I do not complain of the agent's talk. My young men
and family are all around me ; should I go west, I should
lose many on the path. As to the country west, I looked
at it ; a weak man cannot get there ; the fatigue would be
great ; it requires a strong man. I hardly got there, &c.
If I know my own heart, I think I am true. If I differ
from the agent, he is a free man, and has his right to talk.
I hope this talk will bring all things right ; that hereafter
we may all live well together." The council adjourned
till the next day ; when the agent said he was ready to re-
ceive their answers to the questions he submitted yesterday.

Holata Micco spoke " I have only to repeat what I
said yesterday, and to say that the twenty years from the
treaty at Moultrie have not yet expired. I never gave my
consent to go west. The whites may say so ; but I never
gave my consent."

Jumper " We are not satisfied to go until the end of
the twenty years, according to the treaty at Camp Moul-
trie," &c.

Micanopy " I say what I said yesterday I did not sign
the treaty."

Agent " Abraham, tell Micanopy that I say he lies ; he
did sign the treaty, for here is his name."

280 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Charley AmatUa " The agent told us yesterday we did
not talk to the point. I have nothing to say different from
what I said yesterday. At Payne's Landing, the white
people forced us into the treaty. I was there. I agreed
to go west, and did go west. I went in a vessel, and it
made me sick. I think that for so many people, it would
be very bad," &c., &c.

At a previous private council of the chiefs and others,
Osceola said, " My brothers ! The white people got some
of our chiefs to sign a paper to give our lands to them, but
our chiefs did not do as we told them to do ; they did
wrong. We must do right. The agent tells us we must
go away from the lands we live on our homes, and the
graves of our fathers and go over the big river among bad
Indians. When the agent tells me to go from my home, I
hate him, because I love my home, and will not go from it.

" My brothers ! When the Great Spirit tells me to go
with the white man, I go ; but he tells me not to go. The
white man says I shall go, and he will send people to make
me go. But I have a rifle, and I have some powder and
lead. I say we must not leave our homes and lands. If
any of our people want to go west, we won't let them ;
and I tell them they are enemies, and we will treat them
so ; for the Great Spirit will protect us."

There is much of the same sort of proof that the treaty
of Payne's Landing was only conditional, as well as of the
determined spirit of the Indians, as a body, to resist any
attempt that might be made to compel a compliance with
its alleged provisions. At the last council held with the
chiefs, the agent, General Thompson, said, among other
things, " I stand up for the last time, to tell you that you
must go ; and if not willingly, you will be compelled to go.
I should have told you that no more annuity will be paid
to you here. (Osceola replied that he did not care wheth-
er any more was ever paid.) I hope you will, on more
mature reflection, act like honest men, and not compel me

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 28]

to report you to your father, the President, as faithless to
your agreements."

Osceola said, " The decision of the chiefs was given ;
that they did not intend to give any other answer." Mica-
nopy said, " I do not intend to remove."

It was at this " last council" the last, in more ways
than one, to General Thompson that this fated agent
committed an act, which, like the spark to the magazine,
exploded it. I give the narrative as it has been, on several
occasions, repeated to me, not from my personal knowledge
of its entire correctness, or from any written account of
it. But I have told it to gentlemen who, by the part they
afterwards took in the Seminole war, and from their acquain-
tance with the circumstances that led to it, should be enti-
tled to credit ; and they all recognized the statement as one
which was generally received as correct, about the parts
where the provocative and the tragedy were enacted.

It was at this " last council" the " last time" that Gen-
eral Thompson " stood up" in one that during his ad-
dress, Osceola, being a little distant from the speaker, stood
with his arms folded, eyeing him with those mingled feel-
ings of reproach and resentment, which the occasion was
so well calculated to produce ; when, being observed by
General Thompson, he became indignant, and the emigra-
tion roll being open, and lying on the table, he commanded
Osceola to come up and sign it. The indignant chief said
he should do no such thing. " Tell him," said General
Thompson, addressing the interpreter, " that I have a talk
from General Jackson for him presently, which, when he
hears it, will teach him better." To which Osceola replied,
" Tell him I care no more for General Jackson, than I care
for him ; but," seizing his knife, and rushing up to the ta-
ble, said, " if he must have my mark," driving his knife
through the emigration roll, " there it is /" when, instantly,
General Thompson ordered him seized and put in irons.
The order was forthwith obeyed.

VOL. i. 36

282 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

Sometime during the night, and after Osceola had been
some hours manacled, and shut out from light and liberty,
he called to the interpreter and said, " Go, tell my father,
if he will take these off, (his irons,) and let me go, I will
come in to-morrow, (pointing over his head to meridian,)
when the sun gets up there, and will sign the paper, and
will bring with me one hundred who will sign also." The
message was delivered ; when General Thompson con-
gratulated himself with having subdued the refractory
chief, and ordered him to be set at liberty.

True to his promise, Osceola came in, at twelve o'clock,
bringing with him a hundred of his people, all of whom
signed the roll, when all retired. This was a moment of
triumph to the agent, who, it is due to his memory that I
should state, acted in all this matter, not because he ap-
proved the work he had been sent to do, but to fulfil the
orders of his superiors at Washington. There is proof
of this in the official government documents.

The roll having been signed, Osceola, with the Indians
he had brought in, retired to some distant and out-of-the-
way place, where he thus addressed them : " Go, all of
you, except these six, on the trail that leads to Fort King.
Take with you all the Indians you can muster, and sleep
not, and eat not, till you have collected a strong force, and
reached about midway on the trail, and there wait my ar-
rival having your rifles and knives in good order, and
your pouches filled with powder and ball."

They all retired, except those Osceola kept about his
person. To these he said, " Never be out of sight of my
finger ; watch me, and keep near me."

They sauntered about until the second day after this,
when the agent went to dine with the post-master. Osce-
ola kept his eye on him. When the proper moment ar-
rived, he gave the signal to his associates. They clustered
about him. To one he said, " Do you take him," pointing
to one of the party ; to another, " and you him," and so

MEMOIRS, &c., &c. 283

on, till he had assigned a victim to each, when he added,
" leave the agent to me." The positions being taken, the
concerted signal was given, all fired, when General Thomp-
son, and those who were with him, fell.

Immediately the alarm was given the Indians have
killed the agent ; and so of the others. The war-cry went
forth ; Dade's command was put in motion for Fort King.
Osceola had, meantime, joined his comrades. The attack
on Dade was commenced, and every man of it, save one,
was killed.

Now all this plan of attack, both at the agency, and on
the trail to Fort King, Osceola contrived while he was in
irons ; and it was a double revenge that he meditated, the
joint product of the heavy pressure upon him and his peo-
ple of the government hand, which was forcing them from
their country, and the degradation to which he had been
subjected, by being put in irons and in prison. Upon
whom, I ask, is blood thus shed, justly chargeable ?

It is not possible to contemplate this picture, without
experiencing a feeling of the deepest regret ! A terrible
retribution awaited the resolve of the administration to
expel these people by force. It was little thought of, that
the employment of it, to compel acquiescence to the terms
of a treaty, which were never binding upon the Indians,
would cost some thirty millions of dollars, and lead to as
lavish a waste of as patriotic blood as ever the earth drank
up, and that a train of disasters would follow, through
nearly a seven years' war, reflecting anything and every-
thing upon our arms and country, but honor. The war was
alike unjust, inhuman, and inglorious. But the agony is
over, and there remains no remedy but to study, in the fu-
ture, to atone for the evils of the past. The Indians are
now, nearly all of them, beyond the limits of our States
and organized Territories. The means employed in plac-
ing them there, which have been resorted to for the last
sixteen years, can never be approved by the good, the hu-

284 MEMOIRS, &c., &c.

mane, or the just. And yet, the Indians, though through
so much tribulation and suffering, and amidst such accu-
mulated wrongs, are not only in a far better condition for
their tranquillity and peace, than when surrounded by the
whites, and in the midst of organized States, but where,
under a suitable system, and one altogether adapted to
their condition, they can rise in the scale of human ad-
vancement, to a level with those at whose hands they have
experienced so many wrongs, and by whose agency they
have been made to endure such deep sorrows.

It was in the hope of awakening the public mind to a
proper sense of the duty which this nation owes to this
persecuted race, that I conceived and executed the plan
in part, at least of delivering addresses to such assem-
blies of the people as might be induced to hear me. The
favor with which these addresses were received, from
Maine to Maryland, and my inability, owing to certain
causes, of travelling the entire rounds of the country with
these messages in connexion with a plan for the preser-
vation of the remnants of the Indian race, and their ad-
vancement into the higher privileges of their nature has
led me, in connexion with the advice of friends, to publish
them, and by this means send them round the entire coun-
try. They will form the second part of this volume.

END OF MEMOIRS, ETC., ETC.

APPENDIX.

(A.) j

To the Editors of the National Intelligencer.

GENTLEMEN I have a few remarks to offer to the public through the medium of
your paper, on the speech delivered in the United States Senate by Mr. Benton, of
Missouri, on the amendment offered by him to the bill to abolish the Indian factory
system, as it appears printed in the National Intelligencer of the 10th inst. I of-
fer no apology for this, as my object is to give to the people, by this public, and only
direct route to their observation, the proper explanations of several positions which,
it appears, were assumed in that speech, and which the people have a right to ex-
pect me to explain.

The object avowed by Mr. Benton, is to " look into the practical operation of the
iactory system." He proposes to examine, first, the conduct of the superinten-
dent in purchasing goods ; second, the conduct of the factors in selling them ;
third, the conduct of the superintendents in selling furs and peltries. The speci-
fications are :

First. In purchasing goods not adapted to the Indian trade.

Second. In purchasing goods of bad quality.

Third. In purchasing at improper places, and at extravagant prices.

In support of the first specification, Mr. Benton read, from a printed document,
sundry articles of supplies which had been sent by the superintendent to the fac-
tories ; among these, " eight gross of jews-harps ;" all which, and other articles,
he states are " adapted to a common country store, but unknown to the Indian
trade."

The only reply I have to make to this is, that every article enumerated by Mr.
Benton, even including jews-harps, was sent to the Indians in compliance with
their own request, which request is forwarded, annually, by each factor stationed
among them respectively, under the title of " a list of articles wanted for this
trading-house for this year." This annual call is always complied with, so far as
the superintendent may be able to command the articles enumerated. It is sub-
mitted to the public, which of the two, Mr. Benton or the Indians, is best ac-

286 APPENDIX.

quainted with the wants and wishes of the latter. If the Indians do call for the
articles which Mr. Benton has asserted are " unknown to the Indian trade," then
it is fair to infer that Mr. Benton is not correctly informed on the subject ; and
that they do thus call, and for the very articles excepted against by Mr. Benton, I
herewith furnish the proof, for your inspection, in the original annual requisitions
made from the wilderness.

Specification 2. " In purchasing goods of bad quality." It is admitted that the
factories do contain goods of bad quality, and that there are some articles to be
fo.und in the stock comprising them, not even suited to the trade. But this was
explained by the Superintendent of Indian Trade, in the hearing of Mr. Benton,
and afterwards written and printed for the information of the committee. For the
information of the public, who have a right to know, exactly what their public ser-
vants are about, I will, in as few words as possible, explain the charge included
in this specification.

It is known to everybody, that, about the close of the war, merchandise of every
description was scarce and dear. The articles required for our Indian supplies
partook of this universal scarcity, and exorbitancy of price. It was, however,
determined, and very properly, by the then incumbent, to procure the best articles
the country could furnish, and upon the best terms. They were accordingly pro-
cured. It was thought better to send the Indians cloth, although some of it should
be made of hair, than to let them perish for lack of something to cover them. It
is also known that, soon after the war, an influx of merchandise overrun our
country. It was the business and duty of the superintendent of the trade to go
into this abundant market, get the supplies, regardless of what was on hand, and
forward them forthwith. It was accordingly done. It follows, as a very natural
consequence, that, whilst these better, cheaper, and more suitable goods were on
hand, the Indians would prefer them to the old stock. Hence, the unsuitable ar-
ticles, or a good many of them, remain undisposed of. Let this be taken in ex-
planation of the numerous references made by the three gentlemen, (among them
Mr. Ramsay Crooks, agent of the American Fur Company,') who were before the
committee of the Senate, and who, as that committee know, said nothing impli-
cating the honor or integrity of any one concerned, but afterwards wrote to Mr.
Benton and the committee. It is from these written statements, that Mr. Benton
has made such copious extracts in his speech. I will just stop here to remark
upon the charge of remnants and cut goods being sent to the factories. It were
strange if remnants were not made at the factories ; and, therefore, doubtless
remnants have been seen there. And it were equally strange, if a business of
some twenty years had not resulted in the accumulation of at least the usual
quantity of remnants. The existence of remnants at the factories is, therefore,
admitted. So, also, is it admitted that " cut goods" are sometimes sent among the
supplies. But could there be no reason assigned for this, but one worthy of being
brought in to justify a specification involving an abuse of an honorable trust ? It
seems not ! I will, therefore, furnish it. It often happens that an entire piece of
an article is more than a supply for any one factory, and that it will serve three
or four. When this is the case, the piece is cut into as many parts. Sometimes,
too, lots of goods are bought at auction ; among these, there will be, occasionally,
" cut goods." But, under no other circumstances, are cut goods bought for the
factory supplies.

APPENDIX. 287

Specification 3. "In purchasing at improper places, and at extravagant
prices."

Here, the item of shot, amounting to $105, appears in the front, to support this
specification ; and which derives its chief odiousness from having been purchased
in Georgetown, D. C., and from having cost, as Mr. Benton asserts, more than it
could have been purchased for in St. Louis. Seven cents, he states to have been
the price there in 1820 ; whereas, as the printed documents show, it cost here ten
dollars per hundred weight, which is less than eight and a half cents per pound.
Now for the facts.

First, then, owing to the nature of the transportation of dry goods, a wagon-load
of which often cannot be made to weigh the amount which it is essential to bar-
gain for, (to wit, 3,000 weight,) shot, and other heavy articles, are, therefore, added,
which, whether added or not, never increases or diminishes the cost of the trans-
portation as far as Pittsburgh. Thus, nothing, on account of transportation, is
added to the cost of the price of shot and axes, corn hoes, knives, nails, frying-
pans, and the rest, as enumerated by Mr. Benton, to Pittsburgh. There, the arti-
cles, in company with the body of the supplies, go on to their several destinations ;
but shot, BE IT REMEMBERED, always, (if purchased here,) to the lakes, and never,
as has been charged upon this office, to St. Louis. But, suppose this article to
have been purchased at St. Louis, and forwarded over the route pointed out by
Mr. Benton ; this office had no agencies on that route. It would require their
appointment, before the shot could be got along with safety, or at all ; and this
implies new commissions. But would it be worth while, even admitting the price
of shot to be a few cents cheaper at St. Louis than at Georgetown, to organize a
new route, just to convey, annually, from the Herculaneum establishment, $105
worth of this article ? But, then, I have before me a bill of shot, purchased at St.
Louis, by James Kennerly, Esq., (brother-in-law to Governor Clark, both well
known, no doubt, to Mr. Benton,) which bill is dated 14th August, in this same
year, (to wit, 1820,) in which is charged two hundred pounds of shot, at eleven
cents per pound. In Georgetown, it cost not quite eight and a half cents, and
nothing for its transportation to Pittsburgh. The inference is, Mr. Kennerly be-
ing an honest man, of which I have not the least reason to doubt, Mr. Benton
was not correctly informed as to the price of shot in St. Louis, in 1820.

Next comes the article of gunpowder. Many, and no doubt just eulogiums,
are passed upon the manufacture of this article in the West. But, suppose it
really was the best powder in the world, yet, if those for whom the purchase was
to be made, (having tried it, as the Indians have the powder of the West,) direct
their organ of communication to the Superintendent of the Indian Trade, to ask
him to send the kmd which used to be sent, the presumption is, there can arise
out of this case no very serious charge against the Superintendent of Indian
Trade for complying. The gunpowder of the West is, no doubt, very good ; but
that is no reason why the Indians should not prefer Dupont's.. That they do, and
that they have requested to have it sent to them, I refer for proof to documents in
the office of Indian Trade, and to Mr. Sibley, of Fort Osage, who is now in
Washington. But let us compare the price, with that which it has been found
necessary to pay at St. Louis. For Dupont's best FF glazed rifle powder, I pay
twenty-two cents per pound. I have a bill now before me, dated " St. Louis, Oc-
tober 1, 1820," in which is a charge of four hundred pounds best gunpowder, at

288 APPENDIX.

forty-five cents per pound. In this same bill is charged five hundred and twenty-
nine pounds of tobacco, at sixteen and two-thirds cents per pound. Mr. Benton
excepts to the price paid by the Superintendent of Indian Trade, for this same
kind of tobacco, at Pittsburgh, though it cost there only seven cents per pound ;
and says, " in Kentucky" it could be had for two and three cents. If so, it must be
for the leaf tobacco, and that is not suited to the trade ; or, if Mr. Benton means
plug, or manufactured tobacco, then everybody knows it cannot be bought for
those prices. Hence Mr. Benton is not correctly informed in relation to the price
of tobacco.

I enclose you the original bills for those articles. It is best, in these times,
when appeals are made to the law and the testimony, and when even these are
not considered as being sufficient, to put such matters to rest by facts and docu-
ments.

Next comes the sale of deer-skins, and the letter from Mr. George Astor, of
New York, complaining that, because of this private sale, he could not get a
chance to bid. I will just remark, that deer-skins are a perishable article. They
require to be sold immediately, else what the worms leave, the expenses are sure
to devour. From the factories on the Sulphur Fork of Red River, and Fort Con-
federation, on the Tombigbee, a considerable quantity of this article was on its
way to Mobile and New Orleans. I wrote to New Yorfc, to my agent there, to be
informed of the state of that market for those articles. From Philadelphia, I re-
ceived offers from two houses, and got the price of the Orleans market. I sold
to the gentlemen who offered most, AS THE PRINTED DOCUMENTS BEFORE THE SENATE
WILL TESTIFY. But, in addition to the extra price which I obtained, I inserted a
condition in the contract, which provided, that, in the event of the skins having
left New Orleans and Mobile before the purchasers' agent could receive them, the
freight, &c., was to be paid by the purchasers. This saved the cost of freight on
nearly $8,000 worth, which had actually left Mobile before the agent could arrest
their departure. To have delayed selling a month longer, might have involved
the loss of the whole amount ; and it would have required more than that time to
have notified the public of a public sale, when, by a combination of purchasers,
the result might have been very different from that which has been realized. The
commissions for selling, and storage, and all such charges, are understood to mean
something when applying especially to the New Orleans market. The letters,
and contract, and everything belonging to this sale, were furnished the committee,
and may be seen and judged of, by referring to the printed documents of February
11, 1822, No. 60.

As to the remarks implicating the Georgetown market, as unsuited to the sale
of furs and peltries, and the contrast drawn between it and the market at St.
Louis, I am prepared to demonstrate, by actual sales which have been made in
Georgetown for ten years, at least, that 1 it has produced higher prices than were
giving at any other point in the Union, at the periods when the sales were made.
But I have an evidence more directly in point. Mr. Kennerly sold, of the parcel
which was destined to this market, and which it was intended should constitute
part of the annual sales of this last fall, and without instructions, (but doubtless
with the best intentions,) rackoon, muskrat, and beaver, for $1.128 50, which
would have brought here, at the rates at which the rest were sold, $2,078 81,
after deducting the price of transportation! This is comment enough on the

APPENDIX. 289

comparative prices, at least between this market and the market at St.
Louis.*

Next comes the item of transportation. Mr. Benton was " constrained" to be-
lieve that the carriage of the goods from Georgetown to St. Louis cost more than
I had reported, to wit : from four and a half to nine cents per pound varying
with the demand for the means of transportation. He states his reason for this
belief to be derived from the exhibit furnished by me in 1820, and which is to be
seen in Vol. II. of the State papers of that year, in which he finds that between
the years 1811 and 1820, $110,543 had been paid for transporting $466,874 worth
of supplies. Now, it might have occurred to Mr. Benton that there was a period
of nearly three years, between 1811 and 1820, when the cost of carriage was
enormously enhanced by the occurrences of those times ; and which, falling into
the average of ordinary times, would swell the amount above the customary lim-
its. But everybody knows, including the wagoners themselves, that what once
cost $300 to be conveyed to Pittsburgh, can be got there now, and in ordinary
times, for less than one-fourth of this sum.

Mr. Benton proceeds by conveying the imputation, that large profits have been
charged on goods furnished on account of treaties, annuities, and presents ; and
asks, in this interrogatory of implication " and where are the pro/its?" In 1818
he says, $165,611 96 worth of goods was sent to the Indians in presents. How
much of this went through the factories, he professes he does not know, but says "it
must have been large." NOT A DOLLAR of the presents of that year went through
the factories ; and what went from this office direct to the agents (not the factors)
of the Indian Department for distribution, amounted to $50,185 47, and on which
the cost of transportation only was charged to the original cost prices, as the
books of this office will show, and also the returns made to the office of the Sec-
ond Auditor. The disbursements of the Indian Department for 1818, on Indian
account, Mr. Benton puts down at $559,367 47. Of this I know nothing, fur-
ther, at least, than the requisitions on me for that year go ; and these amounted to
$90,260 47 ; and this was all of that sum, except the pay to the superintendent,
factors, and clerks, that went through the hands of the Superintendent of Indian
Trade. No annuities are paid through the factories, save only the annuity to the
Osages of the Missouri, and this is at their own request, and the amount of it is
$1,500,

It is true, the law as referred to, Vol. IV., page 342. makes it the duty of the
Superintendent of Indian Trade to purchase and transmit, on orders from the De-
partment of War, all goods required for annuities, treaties, and presents. But he
provides no more than the orders specify and of late, since so much of this trans-

* Mr. Benton says, " Georgetown is, perhaps, the last place in the world that any per.
son would think of for a fur market:" and, in proof of this, says, "the superintendent
sold, during the year 1821, eleven hundred and eight pounds of beaver for $2,115 02,
a fraction less than two dollars per pound. At St Louis, beaver sells for three dollars
per pound." It is true, the quantity mentioned by Mr. Benton was sold during that year,,
and produced the sum stated ; but more than two-thirds of the quantity was southern
beaver, a great proportion of which is little better than dog's hair. Of the quantity sold,
however, only four hundred and sixty-seven pounds were sold in Georgetown, and pro~
duced $1,396 15, nearly three dollars per pound: that portion which was good northern
beaver, averaged more than four dollars per pound. The rest was sold in New York,
New Orleans, and Philadelphia at New York, by J. L. Dias : at New Orleans, by
Lieutenant Symington ; at Philadelphia, by Price dc Morgan.
VOL. i. 37

290 APPENDIX.

mission has been made in specie, (a most impoverishing process to the Indians,)
a very small part of the supplies go through the hands of the superintendent.
But whatever is furnished by him, is furnished at cost, with the charge of trans-
portation, alone, added. I refer to the office of the Second Auditor, where the
original invoices may be seen.

So, then, Mr. JBenton is no less in error as to the amount of goods which passes
through this office, than as to the profits which have been added. If an Indian
agent want, for the purposes of his agency, any articles to give to the Indians, or
for any other purpose, and if fifty per cent, were charged upon them, which it is
admitted has been the case, the profits go only out of one of the government
pockets into the other. And the quarter returns from the factories account for
such addition in the same satisfactory manner as they account for other sales.

As head of the Trade Department, and responsible for its support, I have no
more option to give goods out of the factory, or to let them go at cost, to an In-
dian agent, than I have to any other person. The capital of the trade is to be
preserved ; and my business is with that.

Much error has originated by blending the Indian Department, and its opera-
tions, with the Indian Trade Office. And yet it should seem, every legislator, at
least, should know the distinction, and at what points to apply the respective ope-
rations of these two distinct branches of the government.

Mr. Benton, in stating the amount of business which, he says, was done at sev-
eral of the factories, must have confined himself solely to the abstracts, and omit-
ted to read the letter which accompanied them. The abstracts set forth the amount
"received," and no more; but the letter explains that what had Taeen "received"
was not all that had been taken in at the factories in that year. Mr. Benton's
call embraced the terms " how much of each article has been RECEIVED by the Su-
perintendent of Indian Trade in 1821." Of course, only what had been " re-
ceived" was put down in the abstract. But let the letter explain this.

It remains now for me to remark upon the manner of purchasing the supplies.
It embraces calls for information of the markets of our principal cities ; replies to
some of which were sent in to the committee, and printed ; reference to which is
made, to show how far the imputation of " purchases at improper places, and at ex-
travagant prices," is merited. I will just add an extract from a letter received by
me from Governor Cass, to whom forty odd thousand dollars' worth of goods had
been sent in one year, to show his opinion of this branch of the subject.

" / have been much gratified to find the goods sent here for the Indians, are very
well selected. Perfect justice has been done. I am informed by per sons in the Indian
Department, that such a selection was never sent to this country. In fact, I cannot
conceive that they could be better suited to the objects for which they are sent."

In justice to the gentlemen engaged in the arduous duties of factors, it is due to
them, that I should assure the public that I have no cause to doubt their honor, in-
tegrity, or ability ; against whom no charge rests, except the vague rumors, from
the disagreeableness of which no officer of the government, if he be a disbursing
officer, need ever console himself with the hope of being free. For myself, I
ask no favors in relation to the trust with which I have been honored, but jus-
tice, only.

I find, on looking over what, I have thus very hastily written, that I have not no-
ticed, in this place, the charge of selling goods to persons other than Indians.

APPENDIX.

291

This was fully explained in the printed reports and documents, and may be, in a
condensed form, explained thus for the public.

First. It was thought good policy to open a way to get rid of unsuitable stores.
This was attempted by granting the privilege to the factors to sell to white people
any articles not needed for Indian trade, at an advance of 15 per cent, above the
Indian prices.

Second. Outfits to Indians, who requested them, and to others who it was known
needed them, was authorized, under special directions, on all the points necessary
to guard the Indians from the fraudulent speculations of those to whom these sup.
plies were entrusted. By this policy, the sphere of the public business was en-
larged, and rendered thereby more useful. Reference is made to the documents
furnished the committee of the Senate, by this office, and which are printed, and
which explain, fully, this branch of alleged abuses.

I will close these remarks, by putting before the public an abstract of the ac-
count of property on hand at this office, and at the several factories, as made
to the committee of the Senate, on a call made by it for this information, of the
27th of December, 1821. It will be seen that the capital being no more than
$236,630 39, and the property, at the original cost prices, amounting to $295,632 36,
(distributed thus, at the period when the statement was made out, to wit : 30th of
September, 1821 ;) the gain is $59,001 97 the property was thus distributed in
September last :

Amount merchandise in the stores of the Superintendent of Indian

Trade, . . . . . ^ $30,489 88
Furs and peltries in store, and on their way to the Superinten-
dent's office, . .. ' .v, 'V . . . 12,50000
Cash on hand, .' . "' ; ' ' '; '.-'. . 5,483 00
Bills receivable, . . ' . V. .>." 8,744 94
Balances on the Superintendent's books, ,, ' , 6,455 10

Am't of merchandise in the hands of the transport agent at St. Louis,
Am't of property on hand at the several factories, as per their
inventory, viz. :
Prairie du Chien, . . - . . . . $52,041 77

$63,672 92
10,100 00

Fort Edwards, ....
FortOsage, .

Branch of do

Green Bay, .....

Chicago,

Arkansas,

Choctaw, .

Red River, . .

Merchandise on the way to factories,

15,205 76
26,015 25
6,057 98
22,521 31
13,164 33
14,074 09
40,613 10
15,736 41
16,429 34

221,859 44

$295,632 36

I have presented this view of the trade fund to the public, merely as a set-off to
these words at the close of Mr. Benton's speech" that the capital be returned

292 APPENDIX.

to the public Treasury, so far as it can be found" from which many persons in
this " good-natured age" might infer Mr. Benton's meaning to be, that it was not to
be found at all.

I have now performed what I conceive to be an act of justice to the people.
They have had spread before them the speech on which I have endeavored to cast
the proper light and if there be errors in whatever may be given to the public,
however innocent may be the intention of the speaker, or praiseworthy his mo-
tive, it is but justice that they should be corrected. It needs only, in a country
like ours, where every citizen is born with the inheritance of freedom, and where
the love of liberty and equal rights has not yet degenerated into the mere shadow
of this mighty substance, to place any subject before the people in its true light, to
insure a just decision upon its merits.

I do not intend that anything I have written should be interpreted an attempt
to arrest any decision which the wisdom of Congress may lead that body to make,
in relation to the continuance or discontinuance of the public Indian trade. I
have no such object. My views have been given in official reports on that sub-
ject. I will just add, that my opinions have never been disguised they have
been frankly, and I think now, as I stated in an official report in 1818, that, unless
the. proper support be given to the public trade, it were as well to discontinue it.
Nevertheless, no man doubts that trade, properly regulated, is the best, and, indeed,
the only efficient power for the control and guidance of our Indian population, at
least in their present state of improvement.

I trust the practice and policy of this office have been now freed from, at least,
many of the imputations which have been, with so little ceremony, and with less
justice, heaped upon them.

THOMAS L. MCKJENNEY, S. I. T.
Office of Indian Trade, >)
Georgetown, April 26^, 1822. $

(B.)

The charges preferred against me were, generally, as I was told, anonymous.
My accusers were never produced. The charges embraced, in a general way,
the implication against me, of " favoritism ;" of a " corrupt abuse of my trust,"
in purchasing supplies of merchants in the District of Columbia, instead of from
merchants in the larger cities, where better and more suitable, and cheaper goods,
it was alleged, could be had ; and that I had been led, as was asserted, to this
favoritism, by collusions with those with whom I dealt, and the being paid certain
douceurs, as the price of my alleged corrupt contracts.

The parties charged to be in collusion with me were named by these anony-
mous libellers, and were summoned, together with myself, before the Committee
on Indian Afiairs of the House of Representatives, when the following examina-
tion into all the charges took place. (See Gales & Seaton's collection of State
Papers Vol. II. of Indian Affairs, pages 418 to 427, inclusive.)

Examination of John Cox.

Question 1. Has Mr. McKenney participated, directly or indirectly, in any gains
made by you on any merchandise applied for the Indian trade, annuities, or presents?
Answer. No, he has not.

APPENDIX. 293

Ques. 2. Have you at any time made presents to him, or to any member of his
family ; and if so, when, and to what extent ?

Ans. Not to my recollection.

Ques. 3. Have you lent, or advanced to, or paid for him, any moneys, or for
any of his family ; and if so, when, and to what amount ?

Ans. No.

Ques. 4. Do you know any other person who has furnished supplies for the In-
dian trade, &c., with whom Mr. McKenney has participated in any manner in any
gain therefrom ; or who has lent or paid for him, or any of his family, moneys ; or
who has made presents to him, or any of his family ?

Ans. I do not.

Ques. 5. Do you know of any store, or mercantile establishment, in which
Mr. McKenney was concerned, at the time of, or at any time subsequent to, his
appointment as superintendent ; if so, state what you know of the same.

Ans. I believe, but am not positive, that he was in partnership with a Mr. Hall,
who had been living with him in Washington city before he received the appoint-
ment of superintendent ; but not to my knowledge afterwards.

Testimony of John Cox, continued.

I have been an importing merchant during the time Colonel McKenney has
been superintendent. My importations generally have been (since 1817) with a
view to the Indian trade. I have supplied Colonel McKenney with goods to the
amount of about $50,000 annually. I sold the goods in currency, without refer-
ence to sterling cost. Considered I sold them as low as they could be purchased
at fair sale. I have not made Mr. McKenney any compensation, in any way,
with a view to obtain the trade. I have endorsed some notes for Mr. McKenney,
and Mr. McKenney has likewise endorsed for me. I am now on Mr. McKenney's
paper as endorser, but am secured by his property.

Fifty per cent, on the sterling is equal to 150 per cent. Maryland currency;
that is, suppose 100 sterling sells in this country for 150 sterling, that is equal
to 250 Maryland currency. JOHN Cox.

Second examination of Colonel Cox by Colonel McKenney.

Question 1 . How long have you been a merchant in Georgetown ?

Answer. Since June, 1798.

Ques. 2. When did you first turn your attention to the nature of the demand
for Indian supplies, occasioned by the removal of the office from Philadelphia to
Georgetown ?

Ans. I think it was in the year 1809.

Ques. 3. Did you not sell, especially during the two or three years before I was
appointed, large amounts to my predecessor ?

Ans. I did.

Ques. 4. Did not your increasing ability to meet the demands of this office
grow out of your increasing knowledge of the peculiar articles in which it
dealt?

Ans. It did.

Ques. 5. Was there ever and even the least evidence of partiality shown you ?

Ans. Not that I know of.

294 APPENDIX.

Ques. 6. On the contrary, did you not think the rigor of the inspection, and
the closeness of the comparisons I made, were sometimes too pointed ?

Ans. I did.

Ques. 7. Did there not, on at least one occasion, words pass between us, by
reason of my strictness, in which you conceived I questioned too closely your
statements ?

Ans. There was one occasion, within my perfect recollection, in which Mr.
McKenney and myself differed as to the relative value of some goods, in which I
thought that Mr. McKenney was too tenacious of his own opinion and judgment.

Examination of J. W. Bronaugh.

J. W. Bronaugh, chief clerk in the store of the superintendent at Georgetown,
says : That, when Colonel McKenney took the store as superintendent, an inven-
tory was taken of all the goods on hand, agreeably to the original invoices. That
the goods purchased since Colonel McKenney has been superintendent have been
generally bought at Georgetown, of Colonel Cox, and of Mr. Wright, who were
importers. Besides these, goods to the amount of from two to three thousand dol-
lars per year have been bought at each of the stores of Messrs. J. & J. Cockran,
W. Corcoran & Co., R. H. Fitzhugh, G. Gaither, and some others occasionally.
That, besides those, goods were purchased for the trade at New York and in Phil-
adelphia. That, when Mr. McKenney was appointed superintendent, he was in
partnership with a Mr. Hall, on Pennsylvania Avenue ; that, on his appointment,
Mr. McKenney dissolved partnership with Mr. Hall. Does not know that Mr.
McKenney has, since his appointment, had any interest with Mr. Hall in trade,
or with any other person. That, since the dissolution, Mr. McKenney purchased
from Mr. Hall an invoice of from ten to twelve thousand dollars' worth of goods,
which were bought by Hall at Baltimore, on memorandum of Mr. McKenney.
Knows of no other goods being bought of Hall by superintendent. The goods
from Mr. Cox, importer, were bought without reference to sterling cost. Those
from Wright were generally bought by the original invoice. Thinks the goods
of Wright cheaper than those purchased from Cox, but not so good in quality.
Thinks the goods purchased from the merchants in Georgetown, who were not
importers, but who bought their goods in Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New York,
as cheap as those bought of Cox and Wright. Understood that Mr. Cox was the
endorser of Mr. McKenney on notes to be discounted at the banks. Has seen
such notes, but does not know that this induced Mr. McKenney to purchase from
him more than from others.

JER. W. BRONAUGH.

Second examination of J. W. Bronaugh, by Colonel McKenney.

Question 1. Were not due pains taken, by correspondence and intercourse
with merchants, to ascertain yearly the state of the markets, before I decided to
buy the annual supplies?

Answer. I think all necessary pains were taken.

Ques. 2. Was there ever, according to your judgment, an article bought of
any man, when, after taking the pains to ascertain it, that article could have been
bought, combining its suitableness and cheapness, for a less price of another ?

Ans. I have no recollection that any article was purchased when it was known
it could be had cheaper from another.

APPENDIX. 295

Ques. 3. Do you not believe that the Georgetown market was the best, for
several years past, (say since 1815 and 1816,) for Indian goods, of any other
market in the United States, especially for the great and leading articles ?

Ans. I believe it was the best for blankets and strouds.

Ques. 4. Was it not the practice of the office to encourage competition, by
giving samples to merchants, and every information touching the kind of goods in
which we dealt ?

Ans. It was.

Ques. 5. Was it not the business of the office to provide, as near as it was
possible, and transport, the articles enumerated in the annual calls of the factors ?

Ans. It was.

Ques. 6. Did you not, whilst packing in the spring of 1816, make out the list
of articles enumerated in my letter to Mr. Edward Hall, of the 23d April, 1816,
and report it to me as being then wanted ? And were not the articles, including
the blankets, which he offered, in all respects suitable and valuable goods, and
wanted at the time ?

Ans. I think I made out the list, and I know the articles were very suitable,
and as cheap as others.

Ques. 7. When the articles arrived, did you not inspect them, and report on all
of them that were bought that they were within the limits, were good goods, and
suitable ?

Ans. I did.

Ques. 8. Have not invoices been sent, year after year, from some of the older
factories, containing the same quantity of the same articles, which, from their
having been bought so long, and being unsuited to the trade, remained on hand ?

Ans. I believe nearly so.

Ques. 9. Was not the advance of from sixty-six and two-thirds to one hun-
dred per cent., the tested advance which had been adopted by my predecessor,
essential, in the general operations of the establishment, to sustain the capital
from diminution ?

Ans. I think sixty-six and two-thirds per cent, was the maximum authorized
by General Mason.

Ques. 10. Did not Colonel Cox show a good deal of feeling, and often declare,
upon his honor, that he was not dealt as fairly by as he should be, by reason of the
scrutiny which was exercised in buying goods of him ?

Ans. He did.

Ques. 11. Was there not one occasion in which he told you he and I had had
some words because of my exceptions to his goods, and perhaps questioning too
closely his statements ?

Ans. He did.

Ques. 12. Did you not, by my instructions, weigh, and examine, and adjust
the parcel of goods referred to in my letter to Colonel Cox of the 10th April,
1821, and graduate the prices to a former purchase, to which this purchase re-
ferred ?

Ans. I did.

Ques. 13. Was not the Georgetown market for furs and peltries considered by
General Mason, and did you not believe it to be the best in the United States ?

Ans. It has always been considered by me the best ; and I have heard many

296 APPENDIX.

dealers in the articles from New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, express the
same opinion. I know General Mason believed it to be one of the best.

Ques. 14. Did we not uniformly realize more in Georgetown, for the sales
made there, than was given at the same periods in any market in the United
States ?

Ans. I believe so.

Ques. 15. Did not the purchasers attending, from Boston to Richmond, unite
in this declaration ?

Ans. They did.

Ques. 16. Did not Mr. Kennerly, agent at St. Louis, in violation of my instruc-
tions, sell furs and other articles at St. Louis, in the year 1821, to wit : 625 rac-
koon skins, contained in packs Nos. 56, 57, 58, 64, and 65, from the Prairie du
Chien factory ; 2,500 muskrat skins, in packs Nos. 68, 69, 70, 72, and 73, also
from Prairie du Chien ; 80 wolf skins ; 2,360 pounds feathers ; 214 mats ; 81
pounds beaver fur ; 66 pounds deer skins ; which, after deducting transportation
from St. Louis to this place, would have sold for $3,597 11, according to the
sale in Georgetown, to which they were destined ?

Ans. Mr. Kennerly did sell the furs at St. Louis, in violation of his instruc-
tions, and at lower prices than were obtained for them at Georgetown.

Ques. 17. And does not the said Kennerly now stand charged with said amount
on the books of the Indian Office ?

Ans. He does.

Ques. 18. Did I ever, to the best of your knowledge and belief, apply a single
cent, more or less, of the public money in my charge, to my own private affairs ?

Ans. Not to my knowledge.

Ques. 19. If I had so applied it, were not the checks and rules in the ac-
counting system, which had been established, such as would have detected it ?

Ans. They would.

Ques. 20. Did I not make it one of these rules never to fill up or number a
check ; but, when payment was to be made, was it not made the duty, and did not
you, or the book-keeper, or copying clerk, fill up the check, number it, and hand
it to me for my signature, and then yourselves retire with it and apply it ?

Ans. We did.

Ques. 21. Was it not the rule of the office to write in the body of each check,
and on the margin of the check-book, what each check was for, and to whom
paid?

Ans. It was.

Ques. 22. Were ever any payments made, except by checks thus prepared ?

Ans. Never, to my knowledge or belief.

Ques. 23. Were any moneys ever kept, except in bank, more than from ten to
twenty dollars ? And did not the messenger receive this by a check ? and was
he not held accountable for its disbursement in paying of dray and cart hire, and
other incidental expenses?

Ans. There never was.

A. B. Lindsley's statement.

A. B. Lindsley, agent to close the factory concern at Chicago, says : The sam-
ples exhibited were taken by him from the goods received from Mr. Varnum ; and

APPENDIX. 297

the prices affixed to them were those charged in the inventory. That the goods
received from Governor Woodbridge, at Detroit, were equally high charged, and
worse goods than received from Mr. Varnum, and worse damaged. Is of opinion
that the goods received by him were generally charged from thirty to one hundred
per cent, higher than they were worth in the Atlantic cities in 1822. This opin-
ion is confirmed by comparison with goods bought by Indian traders in New York,
in the spring of 1822, as well as by his previous knowledge of the market. A
penknife, now shown to the committee, was charged at seven dollars per dozen,
which was purchased in 1820, by the invoice, as recognized by Mr. Varnum, and
which was not worth more than four dollars at private sale in Philadelphia in
1816. A. B. LINDSLEY.

Second examination of Mr. Lindsley, by Colonel McKenney.

Question 1 . Were you ever engaged in Indian trade ?

Answer. Never, except in settling the United States' factory business.

Ques. 2. How much should a three point northwest blanket weigh, to be good ?
and how long and how wide should it be ?

Ans. I do not know.

Ques. 3. Do you know how long the goods you have reported so unfavorably
of were in the factory, the business of which you went to close ; and by whom
they were sent whether by me or by my predecessor ?

Ans. I do not.

Ques. 4. Did you not assign as a reason why the goods were sacrificed at De-
troit, that of a combination among the purchasers ?

Ans. It is probable ; but I consider they generally brought their present value.
But combinations existed, I believe, among the merchants, which I resisted all I
could.

Ques. 5. Do you know whether the samples you have exhibited to the commit-
tee, of calicoes and baftas, were, or were not, from the fag ends of these goods ?

Ans. I do not know that they were.

Ques. 6. Did you not sell some of the goods at cost ? Ana how much more
than cost ? Of what articles ?

Ans. I do not now recollect the articles, but some of the goods sold at Chicago
brought more than cost, and others brought the cost. Some of them were not
high ; the flag handkerchiefs, for instance.

J. B. Varnum's statement.

Jacob B. Varnum produced several invoices received from Mr. McKenney.
The first for merchandise forwarded from Philadelphia, in May, 1816, amounting
to JC315 Is. 9$d. sterling, on which an advance of 33 per cent, was charged.
Second, for merchandise forwarded from Pittsburgh, in 1816, being heavy articles,
amounting to $495 33. Third, for merchandise forwarded by J. W. Bronaugh,
by order of the superintendent, to Mr. Wooley, at Pittsburgh, to be forwarded to
Chicago, amounting to $4,464 53 ; one per cent, advance charged as usual.
Several other invoices were produced, none of which state from whence the goods
were purchased.

Several samples of cloth, calico, &c., taken from the goods at Chicago by A.
B. Lindsley, were shown Mr. Varnum. He could not recognize the samples, but
is of opinion that the green cloth, from which the sample is said to be taken, was
VOL, i. 38

298 APPENDIX.

purchased in 1815, by General Mason; the calicoes in 1818, and the blue cloth
in 1820, by Mr. McKenney. He was instructed, generally, to sell goods from
66f to 100 per cent, advance, but much was left to his discretion. Finding he
could not get that advance on the old stock of goods, he applied to Mr. McKenney
for other instructions, who stated, in return, that his (Varnum's) situation would
best enable him to judge of the propriety of reducing the prices, and gave discre-
tionary power to sell at such prices as the nature of the case required, or to that
effect. Mr. Varnum was not bred a merchant ; was factor at Sandusky a short
time before the war, and since the war had been at Chicago ; has had no other
practical knowledge of mercantile transactions than was acquired in those ca-
pacities ; was in the habit of supplying Indian agents with goods from the factory ;
same profit as to Indian purchasers. Furnished Mr. Jouett, in one quarter, he
thinks, about $1,800 worth, but usually not more than from $75 to $150 in a
quarter; sold to officers and soldiers such articles as were not in immediate de-
mand for the Indians. The powder received from the superintendent at $15 70
was accompanied by a letter from him, dated October 29, 1817, now produced,
which shows it was purchased during the war.

JACOB B. VARNTJM.

Second examination of Mr. Varnum, by Colonel McKenney.

Question 1 . Were not the goods sent you by me, in general, good and valuable
goods?

Answer. They were.

Ques. 2. After you selected the old and damaged goods for General Cass, were
not those which remained on hand good and valuable goods, and suited to Indian
trade?

Ans. They were.

Ques. 3. Were they not, generally, those sent by me?

Ans. They were, generally. JACOB B. VARNUM.

John Hersey's statement.

I, John Hersey, resident at Georgetown, late factor at the Choctaw trading-
house, in the State of Alabama, testify and say: That in October, 1819, 1 was
appointed factor at said trading-house, and continued to act in that capacity to
October, 1822 ; that, on entering on the business at said house, as near as I now
recollect, the amount of goods delivered over to me by my predecessor was about
$14,000 ; many of which goods were so much damaged, or so unsaleable, as to
render it impossible to sell more than $2,000 or $3,000, probably, of them during
the time I was factor.

During the time I was factor, I received, as near as I now recollect, about
$12,000 by the year, all which came to me through the medium of Mr. T. L.
McKenney ; about one-sixth of which came from New Orleans and Mobile ; such
as coffee, sugar, lead, and salt ; the residue were from Columbia District and
New York. When we received the goods at said house, we generally received
accompanying invoices. I then thought most of the articles were of a fair price,
and certainly of a good quality ; except, in a few instances, some were damaged
on their passage. From Colonel McKenney I received instructions to add from
66 f to 100 per cent, to the invoice prices ; and the sales, on an average for the
whole three years, were above 80 per cent, advance on the invoice prices. In

APPENDIX. 299

payment of these things sold, I received deer-skins, furs, beeswax, tallow, and
cash. The nett gains to government during the whole three years were between
$8,000 and $9,000, after paying freight on such articles as were received from
Mobile, and besides a remuneration of myself and all others employed there.

When I took charge of the house, I think, as near as I now can recollect, the
amount of outstanding debts due the government was upwards of $13,000, not
more than $1,000 of which were probably collected while I was there; and I
now am of opinion that one-third of the remaining $12,000 may be collected.

I presume a majority of the debtors to government, when I went there, after-
wards traded with me, many of whom might deliver me peltry and other things to
an amount as great as the debts then due from them severally ; each one, how-
ever, took other goods to an equal, and sometimes greater amount ; so that, in
most instances, the old debts remained on the books, uncancelled and unliquidated.

JOHN HERSEY, Late Factor C. T. H.
Mr. Hersetfs second examination, by Colonel McKenney.

Question 1. Was there not in the Choctaw factory, when you took charge of
it, a large quantity of old and unsuitable goods ?
Answer. There was.

Ques. 2. Did I not, in my letters, direct that they should be disposed of at re-
duced prices, and on long credit, provided you could get unexceptionable security ?
Ans. I was requested by you to dispose of the old arid damaged goods, I think,
at reduced prices, and on long credits, provided such security could be obtained.

Ques. 3. Were not the goods which you received of me in general suitable and
fairly charged ? and did you not do out of them your principal business ?

Ans. To the best of my knowledge, they were charged at fair prices ; they were
of good quality ; and out of them I did the principal business while there.

James Kennerly's statement.

I, James Kennerly, of St. Louis, do testify and say : That, about nine years
ago, I was appointed transportation agent for the United States at St. Louis, and
have transported all Articles from said St. Louis to Fort Edwards, and to Prairie
du Chien, on the Mississippi ; Fort Osage, on the Missouri ; and, within the last
year or two, to Marie Decine. Among the articles transported were large quan-
tities of powder and tobacco. In November, 1820, Colonel T. L. McKenney or-
dered into my hands forty packages of goods, supposed for the Indian trade, and
the same are still in my possession unopened ; and last spring I received the
amount of $1,100, or thereabouts, in goods sent to me by Robert B. Belt, United
States factor, from Fort Armstrong. Colonel McKenney never gave me any di-
rections as to the disposal of these forty packages ; but he told me they were pur-
chased for the Indian annuities of the Chickasaw tribe ; however, as they preferred
specie, he agreed to take them again to the trade department. Four years ago, or
thereabouts, I received several packages of goods sent to me by J. W. Johnson,
United States factor at Prairie du Chien, which he considered as unsaleable in the
Indian trade. I, by direction of Colonel McKenney, sold them at auction at St.
Louis, and they went off at a great sacrifice, bringing, from the best of my recol-
lection, not more than half invoice cost or price. Among the said articles sold,
were coarse strouding, a large quantity of printed cotton shawls and of Madras
handkerchiefs, a few pairs of morocco shoes, and a large number of gun screws.

300 APPENDIX.

All the furs and peltries which I sold at St. Louis were sold at a profit, without
selection ; but Colonel McKenney was dissatisfied at the sales made by me at St.
Louis, and directed lhat the said furs and peltries might be sent by me to George-
town. Accordingly, I sold only a small quantity at St. Louis, and forwarded the
residue to Georgetown, which I could, without selection, have sold at a handsome
profit at St. Louis. As to the goods at factories, Messrs. Johnston, Belt, and Sib-
ley, told me they sold at sixteen per cent, advance on the cost and carriage. Three
or four years, the fall supplies, intended for the Indian trade, did arrive so late in
' the season at St. Louis, that, in consequence of it, they could not be made to
reach their place of destination till spring ; by reason of which, the goods sus-
tained damage, and the advantages of the trade with the Indians were not reali-
zed ; though Colonel McKenney, on being informed of it, expressed his surprise,
and said the goods were sent in season, and requested me to ascertain the reasons
of the delay, in order that a prosecution might be commenced against the freighter.

JAMES KENNERLY.

Examination of Mr. FitzhiLgh.

Question 1. How long have you been clerk and assistant packer in the Indian
Office?

Answer. Between fourteen and fifteen years.

Ques. 2. Were not the heavy articles generally purchased at St. Louis and
Pittsburgh ? or, when here, were they not always put in with light loads, which
weighed less than the weight for which payment must have been made, whether
they had been sent or not ?

Ans. Yes.

Ques. 3. Were not the supplies always sent off from the office, by the way of
St. Louis, in season ?

Ans. They were.

Ques. 4. Have you not copied many severe letters from me to Mr. Kennerly,
complaining of his inattention to their transportation, with assurances that I could
not, with all my good opinion of his integrity, permit the Indian supplies to be so
delayed ?

Ans. I have.

Ques. 5. Did not Mr. Kennerly reply, on one occasion, that he had not been as
attentive as he ought to have been, and that he had trusted to others, but would
in future be more vigilant ?

Ans. I think he did.

Ques. 6. Did you help to pack the calicoes and cotton, samples of which Mr.
Lindsley has produced ?

Ans. I recollect having packed the knives and calicoes.

Ques. 7. Are they fair samples ?

Ans. I do not know.

Ques. 8. Would you consent either to buy or sell by such samples ?

Ans. I think the samples are rather too small to judge of the quality of the
goods.

Ques. 9. Have you examined the invoices in regard to these goods ?

Ans. I have. The calicoes sent to Chicago in 1818, at forty-five cents, were
purchased in Philadelphia ; and the knives in Georgetown, of Wharton & Grindage.

APPENDIX. 301

Mr. W, stated that the knives he sold to Mr. McKenuey at seven dollars a dozen,
he had retailed at eighty-seven and a half cents each.

M. FITZHUGH.

After the examination of the witnesses, Colonel McKenney addressed the chair-
man thus :

Mr. Chairman I have, by your permission, looked over the several depositions
of the gentlemen examined by the committee the other day, under the resolution
of the House of Representatives of the 14th instant, " instructing the committee
to inquire whether any, and if any, what abuses have been committed by the late
superintendent of Indian trade, (Colonel Thomas L. McKenney,) in the purchase
or sale of goods under the several laws formerly regulating the Indian trade, with
power to send for persons and papers ;" and I have submitted to the same gentle-
men, to-day, such interrogatories as appeared to me to have a bearing upon the
subject of the present inquiry.

I beg leave to trouble the committee with a few remarks, not because I have
discovered anything in any of the statements going to sanction, in the smallest
degree, the imputations which led to this inquiry, but because the occasion having
been furnished by others, (I do not mean the committee,) in the expectation of
detecting something in my official transactions which would tarnish my reputation,
I cannot consent to let it pass without exhibiting such proofs as shall not only es-
tablish my claims to the confidence of the government under which, for six years,
I was in the exercise of an important and responsible trust, (at least so far as the
duties connected with that trust are concerned ;) but, by disclosing the principles
which governed me in the discharge of my duties as a public officer, place my in-
tegrity before the eyes of the committee, of the Congress, and the world, in the
same light in which I have always had the happiness to contemplate it myself.

It is certainly very unpleasant even to appear to be one's own eulogist, but I
trust to the nature of this inquiry to furnish the apology.

It may be proper for me to premise a few things.

1st. I was bred a merchant, and had all the advantages of information arising
out of a large business, and frequent intercourse with our principal cities, as well
since as during my initiatory progress in the counting-house of my father. From
this, the committee may infer my competency to conduct a business entirely mer-
cantile, as was the Indian trade ; and not to conduct it only, but to judge of the
suitableness or unsuitableness of the supplies required in its prosecution, and of
their comparative cheapness.

2d. The calls for the articles constituting those supplies were furnished, an-
nually, by the factors stationed at the several trading posts in the Indian country,
and who, it is but reasonable to suppose, enumerated such articles only as were
required in the prosecution of the trade. These calls, as far as it was practica-
ble, were always complied with. From this, the committee may infer whether the
articles forwarded were suitable or not.

3d. It was my good fortune to succeed to the superintendency of this trade a
gentleman whose character for mercantile intelligence, and system, and integrity,
needs no commendation of mine to give it weight. I found in the office the evi-
dences of the most perfect system. I found in the several branches of it, among
the agents, (so far as it was possible for me to judge of them,) intelligence and

302 APPENDIX.

integrity, and, in the nature of their returns, the most perfect system of account-
ability. They were all, except the clerks in my office, strangers to me. I had
never seen but one of them. I judged of them by their works. I supplanted
none of them, neither those who were attached to the system, nor the purchasing
agents in our cities, by others of my own selecting. When removals occurred,
they were produced by death and resignations ; when, with a view to the public
interests, I recommended to the President such as I believed were " capable and
honest." In doing this I consulted, as far as I was able, my own actual know-
ledge of the ability and integrity of the applicants. This was due to myself, for
the responsibility was mine. From this the committee may infer whether my
trust was made the instrument of " abuse" in conferring, so far as it relates to
appointments to office, favors on my friends.

I have thought proper thus to premise; but I intend to show, before I have
done, by something more than inference, what were the principles which governed
me in the discharge of my duty as superintendent of Indian trade. My commis-
sion bears date the 2d day of April, 1816. I entered upon the duties of my office
on the 12th of the same month. I had for some time, nearly two years before,
disposed of my mercantile establishments, of which I was owner of two in George-
town, and held an interest, till about the period of my appointment, in a store in
Washington, under the firm of J. C. Hall & Co. The obligations of my oath of
office, which forbade me to participate, directly or indirectly, in any trade or bar-
ter, except on the public account, made it necessary for me to give up my interest
in that concern. I did so ; and, in adjusting the preliminaries to that sale, I was
kept from entering upon the duties of my office from the 2d to the 12th day of
April, having solicited and obtained the superintendence of my predecessor, Gene-
ral Mason, till that concern was disposed of.

I had not been long in office before I heard the buzz of those insects whose
business it is, according to Dr. Johnson, " to sting one, and fly away ;" a kind of
invisible agency of the prince of darkness, sent to annoy, and, if possible, to
wound and destroy. They multiply in the atmosphere of public agencies, espe-
cially if they be disbursing agencies ; and we have illustrated their activity and
venom from their attacks upon the hero who first broke the charm of British in-
vincibility, and who had established such claims upon the confidence and gratitude
of his country, as one might suppose would have guarded him from such annoy-
ances as these, even down to your door-keeper in a public office, who has entrust-
ed to him no more of the public money than will suffice to purchase a straw broom
or a mat. It was not for me, in the discharge of the trust with which I was
honored, involving as it did disbursements of such various applications, to expect
to live free from this kind of annoyance. I did not expect it. It was my duty,
and I made it my business, therefore, to begin by providing such guards as should,
at least, preserve me from any fatal consequences.

The first of these slanders was one which identified me, after my entrance upon
the duties of my office, as a party in the concern of J. C. Hall & Co. ; and again,
if not a party, yet as deriving an indirect emolument in the purchases which it
was circulated I was constantly making of that concern. And these slanders,
after having remained in their elementary state for six years, have at last been
embodied and made (and I thank the committee for bringing them within my
reach) part of the subject matter of this inquiry.

APPENDIX. 303

So soon as I had ascertained that those insinuations were in circulation, I re-
quested Mr. Edward Hall, through whom I had negotiated the sale, and who was
interested, as he told me, in it, to embody the entire affair, down to the purchase
of the only parcel of goods I ever made of him, (for, although there was a small
invoice in addition to the first, yet it is believed to have been part of the principal
purchase,) in a certificate, giving to it the solemnity and sanction of an oath.
This was accordingly done, and signed in Georgetown, as the original, which I
now submit, and which is the paper marked A, shows, on the 12th of November,
1817, and witnessed by John W. Rich, then book-keeper in my office. Mr. Hall
being, as I learn, in Virginia, and Mr. Rich dead, I have procured the certificate
of the brother of the latter, now in Washington, certifying to his brother's hand-
writing ; and the oath of Mr. Richard Thompson, of Georgetown, identifying the
signature of Mr. Hall. I have procured these, that no cavil may arise. I also
beg leave to read the following letter (B) from my letter-book D, page 1 3, which
will explain the test to which the goods he proposed to procure would be subjected,
viz : an inspection and approval after they should arrive at the warehouses in
Georgetown. They were subjected to this test, like all other goods which were
ever bought in Georgetown, as Mr. Bronaugh has deposed ; and, having passed it,
were bought ; and because I had been connected with the firm of J. C. Hall & Co.,
it has been insinuated that I participated in the profits of that transaction. I refer
to paper A, just submitted, and ask if there be anything in it which would author-
ize such an insinuation ? And I ask whether I must not have been constituted
of more than degraded baseness, to have placed myself before Mr. Hall, who
knew the binding obligations of my oath of office, as a perjured man ? But I
repel the insinuation ; and, under the solemnities of the oath which kept the way
to my passage to the office to which I was appointed, till I had " washed my hands"
of all connexion with that concern, do I now swear, that I never participated one
cent, either by profit or by present, more or less, in that purchase ; nor, from the
hour when the terms of sale were agreed upon, which separated me from that
concern, in any transaction connected, either directly or indirectly, with the agen-
cy of either J. C. Hall or Edward Hall, or with any other individual who ever had
transactions with the office of Indian trade during the period of my superintendency :
and I challenge the worst enemy I have upon earth to convict me in this matter.

Let it be recollected that it was made my duty, by virtue of my commission,
which constituted me sole judge of the purchases, to provide the best and the cheapest
goods for the prosecution of this trade. For my attention to the state of the mar-
kets, I refer to my letter-books, and to the testimony of Mr. Bronaugh, in answer
to questions touching this part of his examination. I never bought of any one
without first satisfying myself that I was making the best purchases which the
markets enabled me to make, taking the range of the New York, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, and other markets, and bringing the prices and kinds of goods into a
just comparison with the prices and kinds which were offered in our home mar-
ket, and purchasing accordingly. ,

I beg leave to read to the committee a few letters, and the answers to them :
say one to New York, to my agent in that city, J. L. Dias, (C,) with his answer,
(D ;) and another to Henry Simpson, agent at Philadelphia, (E,) with his answer,
(F ;) and to these I add a general reference to my letter-books, now in possession
of the committee.

304 APPENDIX.

From the letters which I have read, and the replies to them, the committee may
infer the state of those markets for Indian goods ; I say Indian goods, because he
who judges of the high or low cost of leading Indian articles, blankets and strouds,
by a comparison, the blankets with any other kinds of blankets, no matter thougli
the points be the same, or the strouding with any other kinds of cloth, and makes
up his judgment from an external inspection, and not by weighing and measuring
them, betrays at once his ignorance of the comparative value of these goods ; and
I appeal for the truth of this to the whole mercantile community.

Yet those goods, although, as these letters show, not to be had in either the
New York or Philadelphia market, were to be had in Georgetown. My object in
writing was to ascertain their value. The reason why the Georgetown market
was the best, is plain : it was the place where the demand existed ; and he must
be a novice, indeed, in mercantile matters, who does not know the first principle
of trade, " that where a demand is, there will be also a corresponding ability to supply
it." The progress towards this ability in the Georgetown market was gradual ;
and, by referring to the invoices, as did the committee of Congress, in 1817, of
which the Hon. J. Pickens was chairman, it will be seen that, during the first
years of the removal of the office to Georgetown, but few articles were purchased
except in Philadelphia, where the office had been ; but every succeeding year les-
sened the ability where the demand had ceased to exist, and increased it where it
did exist.

I have one evidence in point, which I will submit to the committee, as to the
ability of the Georgetown market to supply, (when the demand existed there, I
mean,) the calls for Indian supplies. The arrearages of annuities occasioned by
the war brought together, in 1816, the very first year of my agency, several of
them ; that is, for the years 1813, 1814, 1815, and 1816, all to be purchased and
transported in one season, besides $20,000 worth of presents. Of these annuities
and presents, forty odd thousand dollars' worth were purchased and transported to
Governor Cass, at Detroit, for the purposes of his agency ; but only about eight
hundred dollars' worth were purchased outside of the District of Columbia. And
what did Governor Cass say of those supplies ? I will read an extract from the
letter-book D, page 251, (G,) which I find incorporated in a report to the Hon. J.
Pickens. Here, then, is prima facie evidence that it was not an "abuse" or cor-
ruption of office that led me to make purchases to so large an amount in
Georgetown, but the capacity in that market to supply the demand. It may be well
to remark, that a two-fold advantage was realized, which a purchase by agency,
in other places, did not embrace : first, the selections were made under my own
eye ; and, second, the commissions were saved.

It may be asked, " Why, if I had such means of forwarding goods of such good
quality, and upon such good terms, are there so many bad and high-charged goods
at the factories ?" The answer is plain. The factories contain goods which
have been on hand from seven to twenty years. But for .these goods, it is to be
presumed, I am not accountable. I am, however, far from pretending that there
never went, among the vast amount of purchases which I made in the six years
of my superintendency, any high-charged and unsuitable goods. It would be
preposterous : for where, let me ask, is the merchant, who, with all his care in
supplying his single store, never gets, with his good and valuable goods, some
which are not so ?

APPENDIX. 305

But a short time before I received my appointment, the state of the markets
throughout the United States was such as almost to forbid those who were of the
mercantile community from purchasing at all. And as to the articles suited to
Indian purposes, these were nearly out of the market. Powder, in those days,
cost three times the price at which it has sold for since ; and as to blankets,
these were, of the proper kinds, entirely out of the question. Many of those
which were sent among the Indian supplies, were manufactured with a texture
like that of a hat, rolled out like a pelt ; and cloth had to be bought, in some in-
stances, made, in part, of hair ! Yet this was the best that could be done ; and no
person will think of censuring my predecessor for sending those goods, because
none better could be procured. We all remember to what a height, at about the
period I refer to, all articles of merchandize had attained from one to three hun-
dred per cent, above what they have ever been since. But no one will think of
laying the weight of such portions of these goods as are to this hour on hand at
the factories, in the shape of censure, at my door.

It is asked, " Why I did not get rid of those old goods ?" I appeal to my letter-
book for the proofs that I made efforts to do so. But the difficulty in the way of
accomplishing such an end is great indeed, next to insurmountable. The mer-
chants in our cities can>and do, disembogue their remnants and bad goods, through
auctions, at any sacrifices. But there are no such facilities, let it be remembered,
in the wilderness. Parts of the old stock at Prairie du Chien I did order to St.
Louis, where they were sold at great sacrifices. (See my letter-book D, bottom
of page 411.) The old goods at Chicago and Green Bay were sold to Governor
Cass, for the Indian Department, at a sacrifice on the cost, (see letter-book G G,
page 271 ;) and efforts were made at other points, as my letter-books will de-
monstrate.

But implications are made, and suspicion has been busy, because the great body
of the leading articles for Indian supplies were bought at Georgetown ; and be-
cause two persons, Colonel Cox and Thomas C. Wright, and not two hundred,
had greater means, were better provided, and of course sold more to the Indian
Office, than others. It is known to at least the citizens of this District, that these
gentlemen have been at particular pains to provide themselves with the best sup-
plies for Indian purposes ; and Colonel Cox, in particular, for years, (as the testi-
mony before the committee establishes,) before I had anything to do with these
purchases, was a dealer with the office, and to very large amounts.

I have said, and I repeat it, and under the solemnities of the same oath under
which I discharged my general duties as superintendent, that my purchases were
made wherever and of whomsoever they could be best made. Nor did it become
me to consider how little or how much was purchased of any man ; but only
whether what was bought of him was the best, the cheapest, and most suitable,
which, at the time of buying, the markets could furnish. For the scrutiny that
was exercised in my purchases of Colonel Cox, (and it was not peculiar to him,)
I refer to the testimony of Mr. Bronaugh, and to a letter which I find in my let-
ter-book G G, page 176, (H,) which I addressed to him on the subject of the sup-
ply of leading articles, which had been bought in the expectation, and with
the understanding, that they were of the same quality and weight of the goods of
the previous year. My terms in this letter were complied with. (See Mr. Bro-
naugh's testimony.)

VOL. i. 39

306 APPENDIX.

I know no man, in my official relations, as a friend, to be favored at the public
expense ; and what my view of this subject is, and the principles which governed
me, I have the evidence, and shall presently disclose it, to demonstrate. I will
call the attention of the committee to another of the whispers which seldom fail
to be made in relation to disbursing public officers : I mean those which embrace
imputations of applying the public money to private uses. However this abuse
may have sometimes occurred, yet, as the examination of Mr. Bronaugh has
tested, it has no application to me. I never did, (and I add the awful sanction of
my own appeal to the Deity in truth of it to that of Mr. Bronaugh,) apply, during
the whole term of my superintendence of the Indian Trade Department, one cent
of the public moneys, more or less save those only which were allowed me for
my salary to my private uses. No ; it was around this branch of my duty that
I placed the most inflexible guards. And I defy the closest scrutiny into every
transaction of the moneyed sort and hundreds of thousands passed through my
hands to detect a single departure from the inflexible rule, to keep the public mo-
neys separate from what I might have of my own, and apply them ONLY to the pur-
poses for which they had been entrusted to me.

I will now, in conclusion, proceed to illustrate before the committee what the
estimate was, which, as a public officer, I attached to my integrity ; and how
scrupulous I was in providing against the attacks of even the veriest veterans in
the art of detraction and slander. I certainly feel how unpleasant -it is to be com-
pelled to speak of one's self; but, as I have said already, the occasion must fur-
nish the apology.

I submit the oaths of two brothers ; and I appeal for the testimony of their in-
tegrity and good name to General .Reed, of the House of Representatives, who
has known us all from our infancy, and who is himself known to be an honorable
man ; and also to the principal families of this District, among whom I will ven-
ture to take the liberty of naming General Mason, and Doctor Worthington, and
General Walter Smith and his family, and the Rev. Mr. Addison, and the Rev.
Henry Foxall ; and I make these references, because the testimony I am going to
submit is the testimony of my brothers. For these brothers I have the warmest
and most affectionate attachment ; nor did I ever decline, in a single instance,
when it was in my power, and when my sense of duty authorized it, to do them
any favor they asked. I submit their statements on oath, marked I, J, and ask
that judgment be pronounced, whether, if I could be inflexible to an appeal like
this be driven from a compliance with the proposition, so reasonable in itself, by
an instinctive dread of slander, and the imputations which I knew well enough
would attach to. and perhaps tarnish my integrity I could be influenced by cor-
rupt motives to deal with others who, although acquaintances and friends, are, in
the comparison of a brotherly relation, strangers ? and whether, with these feelings
on my part, I could consent, by participating, as has been insinuated, in the pur-
chase made of Mr. Hall, to stand before him, he knowing the nature of my oath
of office, a perjured man ? No, sir ; my good name was, and yet is, my all. Mo-
ney is not the god of my idolatry, as those who know me will attest. It had been
better for me to-day, perhaps, had I worshipped a little more devotionally at this
shrine. My good name I have labored hard to preserve. I received it as a legacy
from parents who died and left me little else with which to combat the roughnesses
of this bleak and cheerless world ; and the business of my life has been, and I

APPENDIX. 307

trust will ever be to its close, to preserve that legacy, and to hand it over untar-
nished to an only son, to whom, although I may have little more to give, it may
constitute a source of the most agreeable reflections ; and, by a reference to the
example which this very inquiry furnishes, he may be induced the more vigilantly
to guard it, and hand it over in perfect purity to his posterity. I am concerned
for its preservation. I will not, I could not, disguise it ; but I shall expect it to
be protected, on this occasion, only on the grounds of my having demonstrated
that it has been unrighteously assailed.

I do hereby certify, that, at or about the time Thomas L. McKenney was ap-
pointed superintendent of Indian trade, he was engaged in a mercantile business
in Washington city with my brother, J. C. Hall ; and that, of the term of said
partnership, which was five years, about one only had elapsed when the appoint-
ment above named was made ; that Mr. McKenney, aforesaid, stated to my brother
his necessity, under his oath of office, to relinquish all mercantile affairs on his
own account, and proposed to sell out to my brother. His terms were, for his inte-
rest in the concern for the four years then to come the profits having been about
$1,000 for the first year five annual payments of $1,000, to include the propor-
tion of profits that had arisen on the first year's sales ; he (the said McKenney)
to afford his endorsement on paper running in bank for Mr. Hall's accommodation,
to the amount of $5,000. My brother declined giving as much as the sum re-
quired ; but, through me, proposed to give a less amount, in similar payments, and
on the same privilege of endorsement as referred to.

It. was here I suggested to Mr. McKenney that my brother could be essentially
served by any dealings he might have with him as a merchant for the public sup-
plies, and that any promise of countenance to this effect would enable my brother
to give more for the interest in the establishment about to be bought out ; when
Mr. McKenney replied, " I can make no stipulations on such a subject. I can
hold out TIO inducements of the sort : if your brother have goods, such as my offi-
cial duty requires me to procure, and his terms be as good as others, his chance
will be equal. I cannot say anything to justify any expectations of the sort."

Such was the manner and feeling of the said McKenney on the subject, that I
feared he supposed me inclined to induce him, by an additional offer, to commit
himself to deal with my brother upon terms which might include his own inte-
rests, apart from his official duty and obligations ; whereupon I explained that my
intention was not to insinuate that I thought he could be tempted to barter away
his honor ; far from it ; but I only wished to get as much information as I could
for my brother, as to the probable amount of purchases he might be able to make,
as that would enable him to form a more correct estimate of the annual worth of
the business he was in ; to which Mr. McKenney replied, " It is a point on which
I cannot converse."

The bargain was at last concluded, by and through me, for my brother, and the
sum agreed upon to be given was $2,000, in full of his proportion of the first
year's profits, and for his interest in it for the four following years of the term of
the partnership, in annual notes of $400 each : he (Mr. McKenney) agreeing to
continue his endorsement on my brother's paper for $5,000.

Thus ended the purchase on the part of my brother, and the sale on the part
of Mr. McKenney.

308 APPENDIX.

I do further certify and swear, that the notes above specified were all that were
given, and that they were given solely as compensation for the said McKenney's
proportion of profits that were then made, and for his interest in the business for
four years then to come.

I do further swear, that Mr. McKenney urged me to come to some conclusion
I having undertaken to be the organ for my brother to Mr. McKenney as he
felt himself incapable to engage in the duties of his office until he had washed
his hands of his own personal mercantile concerns ; and further, that he the said
McKenney always, during the negotiation, manifested the utmost repugnance to
listen to the conversation which I had with him about selling to the Indian De-
partment ; nor did he ever justify the least expectations that any countenance, of
any sort, would be shown to my brother or myself ; and, finally, he " begged that
no more might be said upon that subject."

Now, in justice to myself, it becomes me to say, that my whole motive in asking
for information was to obtain, not any commitment from Mr. McKenney, but only
to enable my brother to make his arrangements, by providing such goods as might
be in demand, and to get some information of their kinds, and to place ourselves
my brother, Joseph C. Hall, and myself, I mean before Mr. McKenney's view
as sellers of goods, and to express a hope for a suitable patronage.

Finally, Mr. McKenney, some time after the sale, and when I called to offer
him some goods, declined even to look at them himself ; and then stated that " his
having been in business with my brother would prevent him from ever making
any purchases ; that, whatever goods we might have to offer, we must present to
Mr. Bronaugh," which we did.

I further swear, that I never in my life witnessed more circumspect caution, or
apprehensions of suspicion, in any man, than I did in Mr. McKenney , nor did
my brother ever sell but one parcel of goods to the Indian Department, and these
were inspected and approved by Mr. Bronaugh.

EDWD. HALL.

Georgetown, November 12, 1817.

DISTRICT or COLUMBIA, County of Washington, to wit :

On this 24th day of February, 1823, personally appears Richard Thompson
before me, the subscriber, and makes oath, according to law, that the signature
to the foregoing instrument of writing he believes to be the true signature of Ed-
ward Hall, brother of Joseph C. Hall, formerly of the firm of Joseph C. Hall &
Co., of Washington. JAMES ORD, J. P.

JOHN W. RICH, Witness.

I hereby certify that the signature to this instrument, as witness, is the genuine
signature of John W. Rich, as it purports to be.

WM. RICH, Brother of John W. Rich.
Washington, February 24, 1823.

INDIAN OFFICE, GEORGETOWN, April 23, 1816.

SIR You mentioned to me the other evening that your brother was then in Balti-
more, and that he would be glad to attend to the purchase of any articles of mer-
chandise I might want for this office. I respectfully avail myself of this tender
of services, which you will be pleased to understand as being accepted only upon

APPENDIX. 309

the condition that the articles I am about to name be, if purchased, entirely ac-
ceptable in price and quality, and in such other respects as shall render them entirely
proper for the purpose for which they are intended. With this condition, you may
write to your brother to procure and send on, with as little delay as possible,
twenty pieces of dark purple and chocolate brown cloth, (that is to say, ten
pieces of each,) to be three quarters of a yard wide, good quality, to cost here not
more than seventy-five cents per yard ; one hundred pieces of strouds, (about
twenty yards in a piece.) Strouds are a blue cloth, six quarters wide, with a
narrow cord about one inch from the selvage. For these I will allow (if good)
one dollar and twenty-five cents per yard. Six pieces of green cloth (nearly
grass-green,) six quarters wide, not to exceed in price one dollar and twenty-five
cents per yard.

If these goods can be procured, and can be furnished to this office in fifteen or
twenty days, (sooner would be desirable,) and under the conditions named, I will
buy them. I am, &c. THOS. L. MCKENNEY, S. I. T.

Mr. EDWARD HALL, Georgetoim.

NOTE. Mr. Hall bought, also, a parcel of blankets, at his own risk, which, on
arriving, were inspected ; and, being then wanted were bought for the supplies
then making up.

OFFICE OF INDIAN TRADE, May 8, 1818.

SIR I will thank you if you will take the trouble to make inquiries in your
city after the following articles, and of the following descriptions : Northwest
Company blankets so called three points, to measure six feet six inches long,
and five feet six inches wide ; to weigh, per pair, eight pounds and a half.
Two and a half points, to measure six feet three inches long, and five feet two
inches wide ; to weigh, per pair, seven pounds and a half. Strouds, from six to
seven quarters wide, to weigh, per yard, from one and half to one pound and
three-quarters.

If these goods can be had, please inform me at what prices.

Respectfully, &c., THOS. L. MCKENNEY, S. /. T.

To J. L. DIAS, New York.

Extract from so much of J. L. Dias's letter as relates to the call on him for infor-
mation of prices, as per letter C.

As to the inquiries contained in your favor of the 8th, I regret to inform you
that I have not been able to find out any blankets of the description therein sta-
ted, nor do I believe it possible to meet with any.

In 1813, 1 purchased, by order of General Mason, and forwarded to some of the
factories, some two and a half and three point blankets, but I believe they were of
the ordinary sizes and weights, for I remember that I had previously endeavored,
in vain, to procure such ones as you describe.

Note by Colonel McKenney. It will be recollected that both Mr. Dias and Mr.
Simpson had the inducements of a commission for buying

The same letter as that to Mr. Dias to Mr. H. Simpson, of Philadelphia.

310 APPENDIX.

Copy of H. Simpson's letter.

PHILADELPHIA, May 11, 1818.

SIR In reply to your favor of the 8th instant, I beg leave to state, that there
are no blankets in this market of the precise quality and dimensions as those you
ask for. For the particulars of the quality of mine, which are the best in the mar-
ket, I refer you to my letter to you of the 14th March, &c. &c. H. SIMPSON.
THOS. L. MCKENNEY, Esq., S. I. T.

Extract of a letter from General Cass to the Superintendent of Indian Trade.

I have been much gratified to find the goods sent here for the Indians are very
well selected. Perfect justice has been done. I am informed, by persons in the
Indian Department, that such a selection was never sent to this country. In
fact, I cannot conceive that they could be better suited to the objects for which
they are sent.

I refer to my letter-book D, page 348, to a letter of 24th June, 1817, in reply, in
part, to one which I had received from J. W. Johnston, of Prairie du Chien.
From the following paragraph, (although his letter to me is not at hand, but may
be found by referring to the records of the Indian Office,) an inference may be
made of the tenor of his letter to me from the following reply :

" It affords me pleasure (I say to him in reply) to learn that those goods are so
very acceptable. It is surely a high commendation you bestow : and it is the
more welcome, because you certainly know how to estimate an entire suitableness
of the articles to the tastes of the Indians in your quarter. I notice with pleasure
that you are attracting, by means of those goods, the attention of the Indians."

T. L. MCKENNEY, S. L T.
H.
Letter to Colonel Cox.

OFFICE OF INDIAN TRADE, April 10, 1821.

SIR Understanding that you are in Baltimore, I think proper to write to you
on the subject of the merchandise conditionally purchased of you. The blankets,
on being opened, turn out to be so inferior as to be almost unsuited to the trade.
Besides the appearance and poorness of covering, which shows the twill on both
sides, the wrong side almost uncovered, and having a black narrow stripe instead
of an indigo-blue and wide one, the three points are charged to weigh eight
pounds and a quarter, and weighs only seven pounds and a half. The smaller
blankets are of a similar quality.

The strouding, charged as being the same with the best of last year's purchase,
weighs four pounds less, and is narrower and thinner, of course.

It will be difficult to use these goods at all, and impossible to do so at the prices
charged in the memorandum left by you. Nothing can authorize the admission
of any part of them into the stock except a reduction of prices, governing the de-
preciation by the falling short of the weights.

I wish you to write me immediately, and say whether you are willing to let
these articles be used at the rates embraced by the unlikeness of their quality to
those that they have been called equal to in your invoice. If not, it is proper I

APPENDIX. 311

should say, they cannot be used at all I regret this the more, as there will be an
interruption in the packing until I hear from you. Write definitely and conclusive-
ly ; and this you can do, because I have no interest in misrepresenting these
goods, and I wish to receive them only on fair terms.

Respectfully, &c. THOMAS L. MCKENNEY, S. I. T.

To Col. JOHN Cox.

GEORGETOWN, D. C., February 21, 1823.

DEAR BROTHER I received, late this evening, your letter of yesterday, in
which you request me to " embody the offer I had made me by a gentleman of
New York, to engage with me in a mercantile establishment in Georgetown, sta-
ting the amount in cash which he proposed to furnish, the chief object of that pro-
position, and the conversation that passed between you and myself when I
made it known to you."

In accordance with said request, I now make the following statement :

Not long after you had received the appointment of superintendent of Indian trade,
a gentleman (Mr. William Floyd) from New York, then trading under the firm
of Floyd, Smith & Co., proposed to me to engage with him in a large dry
goods establishment in this town, which should have for one of its objects, or its
principal object, a reference to sales to your office, and, of course, to keep the
most abundant and suitable supplies of Indian goods. He proposed to furnish the
means to carry it on extensively.

I communicated to you information of this oner, and stated its principal ob-
ject, expressing my belief that we should be able to sell to you upon as good
terms as any other merchants, and that the offer was one of importance to me. You
instantly, with some degree of excitement, rejected the plan ; and, as well as I can
recollect, replied, " tell or write the gentleman that I can consider his proposition
in no other light than an indirect attempt upon my honor and reputation." You
further said, that no disbursing officer could, with every possible precaution,
keep himself free from the suspicions of the evil-disposed, the disappointed and the
malicious, deal with whomsoever he might ; and that for me, however fair and
honorable were my views, and would or might be your purchases, were you to
make any, yet, as I was your brother, the public would never be satisfied but
that corruptions and frauds were practised ; that you had set out to avoid, as far as
might be in your power, any just grounds of suspicion against any act of yours in
the discharge of the trust which had been committed to you ; and you never
would, no matter how advantageous it might be to me, sanction the offer that had
been made me, so far as it looked to your office to purchase goods of us. I re-
collect perfectly well that I endeavored to remonstrate with you, and begged you
to consider that we never should ask you or expect you to buy a single article
that should not be at a fair price, as low as it could be had elsewhere, and suita-
ble to your wants, or the Indian trade ; and that I could not see why it must fol-
low, because I was your brother, and you made purchases of me, that therefore
you must be corrupt. I assured you that it was not expected by Mr. Floyd, when
he made me the offer, that you should or would, in any instance, depart from the
strict line of your duty, for we would only expect you to purchase of us when
our offers were good, and as cheap as others. You replied to me, with some
sharpness : " Hush it. I never will sanction it. I am a better judge of this mat-

312 APPENDIX.

ter than you can be," or words to that import. Seeing me considerably hurt at
your manner, and refusal of what I considered a perfectly fair and honorable
offer, which might be of great advantage to me, you stated that it was your duty
to yourself and reputation that forbade you to sanction the contemplated business
between Mr. Floyd and myself, and that I knew you had the best and most affec-
tionate feelings towards me ; but, nevertheless, you reiterated your refusal, and
declared most solemnly that you would not countenance the offer, nor buy of us,
directly or indirectly, no matter how superior and cheap our goods might be.
Not seeing the justice of your resolution, after I had repeatedly told you we
could only expect or desire you to purchase when our goods were suitable to your
wants, and as cJieap as they could be had elsewhere, I made known to my brother
Samuel what had passed, and requested him, as he thought you were fastidious,
to call and see you on the subject. He did so, but without being able to change
your views or purpose ; and I abandoned the contemplated establishment.

Your affectionate brother. WM. MCKENNEY.

WASHINGTON COUNTY, District of Columbia, ss :

On the 22d day of February, 1823, came Wm. McKenney before me, the sub-
scriber, a justice of the peace, in and for the said county, and made oath on the
Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that the foregoing statement is true, to the
best of his knowledge. DANIEL BUSSARD.

GEORGETOWN, February 22, 1823.

DEAR BROTHER I received your letter of the 20th instant, in which you re-
quest me " to state, on oath, the conversation you had with me on the subject of
the proposition which our brother William had made to him by a gentleman from
New York."

I recollect that our brother William, I think in 1817 or 1818 I forget which
came to me, and represented that he thought you had taken a very unjustifiable
stand in relation to an offer he had made to him by a gentleman of New York, of
a considerable capital, to open a dry goods store in Georgetown, by refusing, if
he did commence the business, to buy an article from him, at no matter what rates
he might offer it. Thinking that you had not duly weighed the subject, and know-
ing that it was not necessary for a purchaser, because he dealt with his brother,
to be a rogue, I went to your house, and found you in the fields. I represented
my views to you, and urged you to think differently ; and that, if William sold
as cheap as any one else, and dealt in the right kind of goods, I could not see any
reason why you should not deal with him. Your answer was, in substance, that
you were a public officer ; suspicion would attach to you, deal with him as fairly
as you might, and that your reputation was worth more to you than any moneyed
advantage, arising under his proposed establishment, would be to him. You re-
jected my entreaties, and with fervor declared you never would deal with him
while you remained a public officer, thereby subjecting yourself to the slanders
of the suspicious, which you might never have it in your power to put down.
This I believe to be the substance of our conversation ; and I am now con-
strained to acknowledge the propriety of your decision.

I remain your affectionate brother, SAML. MCKENNEY.

Mr. THOS. L. MCKENNEY.

APPENDIX. 313

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, County of Washington, to wit :

On this 22d day of February, 1823, before me, the subscriber, one of the jus-
tices of the peace in and for said county, personally appears Samuel McKenney,
and makes oath on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God, that the foregoing
statement of the matters and things as therein mentioned is just and true to the
best of his knowledge and belief. JAMES ORD.

GEORGETOWN, February 24, 1823.

We, the undersigned, having sold to Thomas L. McKenney, superintendent of
Indian trade, on the 23d of March, 1820, two dozen single-bladed penknives, at
$7 per dozen, and two dozen double-bladed penknives, at $5 50 per dozen, have
no hesitation to say that they were charged at the fair market price, at that pe-
riod ; but have no recollection that the one knife furnished as a pattern is any
part of the above sale. WHARTON & GRINDAGE.

We certify that we packed the above knives for Chicago factory in the year
1820. JERE. W. BRONAUGH,

M. FITZHUGH.

(C.)

June 9fh, 1819. With delight we find in the few publications which reach
us, that Christians of the different denominations are gradually approaching each
other in a spirit of Christian love, tending to a closer union. Oh ! that all those
who feel themselves called to take an active part in the conversion of the hea-
then, would enjoin it on their missionaries to keep, as much as in them lieth, the
heathen ignorant of the deplorable dissensions prevailing among Christians, and
to live with laborers of other churches, whom they may find in the countries to
which they are sent, or who may come after them, in such harmony, that the
heathen of our day may be induced to repeat what those of the first ages of
Christianity used to say : " See how these Christians love one another."

November 18//1, 1819. Upon our repeated request, the directors of our society
at Salem, N. C., sent unto us the Rev. Abraham Steiner, late inspector of the
young ladies' academy at that place, who actually, twenty years since, had gone
out thence, as the first missionary to the Cherokees. He is a warm friend to the
Indians, and in particular to the Cherokees, to whom this was his seventh visit.
If I tell our esteemed friend, Colonel McKenney, that we expect much good to
redound to the poor Cherokees from this visit, I know, from manifold proofs of
his cordial interest in our undertaking, and great love to our dear people, he
will kindly pardon our otherwise inexcusable silence. You kindly notice the
state of my health. With thanks to our Almighty Benefactor, I can assure you,
my dear sir, that since the cool weather has set in, I feel greatly revived. I own
my constitutional weaknesses make me dread summer's return ; yet, whenever
a dreadful thought arises in my breast, I am reminded of our dear Saviour's
prohibition, Matthew vi., 34. This sets my mind at ease ; and I can truly enjoy
the blessings of the present season, casting my cares for the future on Him who
has with mercy upholden His poor weak child hitherto. Truly, no thought would
to me be more grievous, than to be necessitated to bid farewell to the dear Chero-
kees, whose welfare is so very closely united with mine own ; likewise, that
VOL. i. 40

314 APPENDIX.

for my weakness' sake, my good husband should be torn from his element
serving that dear people, according to their spiritual and bodily wants. We will
trust in the Lord, and serve His cause with gladness here, while he affords
strength. He can support us in our greatest weakness by his Almighty hand !

Of the marvellous manifestations of the power of our dear Lord, in the conver-
sion of our people, and of the bright examples they give to others of a real change
of heart, I will let your friend G. speak to you. Suffice it to say, for the present,
that our hearts rejoice, and our eyes overflow with grateful tears ! Yes, dear
friend, you will yet see joy ! You will hear true, good report, of your dear In-
dians ! Thus will your unwearied faithful labors for their welfare be rewarded
by Him, who alone is able to reward, and that most gloriously !

How sweet, how heart-melting are your sentiments, respecting our favorite
bard! Truly, the sublime, the well-tried in the furnace of affliction, well-
refined Cowper, had no thought, when he held forth the purest Gospel in his ini-
mitable poems, that his spiritual songs would reach the poor heathen also
yea, even the North American Indians, and he be loved and admired by the Che-
rokees also ! How would such an idea have gladdened his mind, and raised his
drooping spirits ; for he was the warm friend of all mankind ! Some of his most
expressive hymns are among our collection of hymns, used in our church, and fre-
quently sung, even here, in our meetings of worship.

November 26th, 1819. I will not intrude upon your valuable time, by a long
apology for my too-long interrupted correspondence, but simply tell you, that
now I snatch the first leisure moment, granted me by other multifarious avoca-
tions, for the self-gratification of conversing with you, and to paint on paper some
expressions of gratefulness for your disinterested friendship, and its valuable
effects. On the 14th of September we received three communications from your
hand of the 17th July and 2d August, for which please to accept our warmest
thanks. Since then, viz., on the 10th of November, I received from the General
Post-Office an appointment, as postmaster at Spring Place, no doubt by your inter-
cession. What can I render in return ? My situation affords no probability that
I shall ever be able to do anything for you. All I can do is, to draw on my faith-
ful Banker above, to reward, in His divine way, your kind works of love. I have
still another proof of your assiduous friendship, in a letter from the Hon. the Se-
cretary of War, requesting me to report to his office the present state of our
school, with the views and prospects for extending the plan, &c., &c., in order to
come in for a share of the ten thousand dollars, which the President wishes to
divide among those who are laboring for the instruction of our aborigines. The
present year, 1819, will, in the eyes of posterity, form a memorable era in the
annals of the Cherokee nation. Great things have been achieved for them, and
deep and pure plans for their future felicity, have been laid. Memorable, also,
will this year be in the annals of Spring Place. The number of souls gained to
the banner of Christ, in this place, since the commencement of this year, though
not great in itself, exceeds the number of those gained in the nineteen years pre-
ceding. It was in 1799, when the Cherokee chiefs granted permission to mis-
sionaries of our church to reside among them, which, therefore, is deemed the
beginning of this mission. The first ten years produced no apparent fruit of the
preaching of the Gospel ; then the first person was by baptism engrafted in
the Church of Christ. Two years later, a second person, and at the same

APPENDIX. 315

time a white man, joined it. These three constituted our whole church, until the
month of March last. But although the number was deplorably small, yet we
have found the promise of Jesus truly verified : " Where two or three are gathered
together, in my name, there will I be in the midst of them." In March, the mo-
ther of the renowned James Vaun was baptized, and shortly after her husband,
a white man, joined the church. Since the beginning of September, William
A. Hicks, brother to your friend, Charles R. Hicks, and his wife, and the wife of
Major Ridge, whom you probably have seen, as he was formerly with a deputa-
tion at Washington, have been baptized into Christ's death. Perhaps, ere the
year closes, another may be added to this number, as we know some who are
earnestly seeking those things which the world cannot give. Do not these
things, and many more, not here enumerated, warrant us to say : " The Lord
hath done great things for us," &c. Our faith has, indeed, been much strength-
ened, and our hope enlivened, that we shall yet see the knowledge of our God
and Redeemer fill this land, and the poor Cherokees walk in the light of His
countenance. May He make us faithful in His service, diligent in the work as-
signed us, humble in ourselves, but confident in our reliance on Him. May He
also be with you, our esteemed friend, and make your house His temple,
wherein He dwelleth.

Spring Place, July IQth, 1820. From this wilderness, we cannot, indeed,
cheer your heart with the news that a nation is born, or converted in a day. The
work of the Lord is progressing but slowly still it is progressing ; and for the
smallness of the number of converts, we are amply compensated by the humble
Christian walk of those who profess the religion of Jesus. Hitherto we have
not had the painful experience to make use of church discipline, on account of
deviations ; how long we shall be favored to continue in this pleasing course, is
known to Him only, before whose eyes the secrets of hearts are disclosed. May
He grant us a long continuance of it ; and whenever it shall be our lot to expe-
rience a reverse, may He endow us with wisdom from on high, to act accord-
ing to the mind of Christ. On Sunday next, God willing, two more of the
Cherokee tribe shall receive the seal of regeneration in holy baptism. May their
names, and the names of their predecessors, be enrolled in the book of the Lamb,
and there found unblotted in His great day ! Our little flock will then, besides
ourselves, consist of twelve persons.

(D.)
CITY OF WASHINGTON, 25th January, 1827.

Sir We beg leave to state, that in our opinion, much good would result to the
various Indian tribes within our jurisdiction, and the humane objects of the gov-
ernment be greatly promoted, by sending some intelligent individual to visit those
tribes upon whom it is deemed most important to make a favorable impression as
to their settlement west of the river Mississippi.

Colonel McKenney is not only fully possessed with the views of the govern-
ment, but, in our opinion, he possesses more the confidence of the Indians than
any person in the United States, who could so easily be employed for this desira-
ble object. He has perhaps, likewise, equal, if not a superior knowledge of the
Indian character and disposition than any person who would likely undertake this

316 APPENDIX.

work. We would, therefore, suggest the propriety and expediency of directing
him under proper instructions to visit the Chickasaws, Choctaws, and other south-
ern tribes, after he has completed his work to the north, with Governor Cass, this
coming summer. The seat of that operation will be at Green Bay, we under-
stand, from which point it would be easy and convenient for him to pass through
the Western States to the tribes, and visit most, if not all, previous to the next
session of Congress.

There is a peculiar propriety of devolving this duty upon the person who is at the
head of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and if he should fail in making as deep and
favorable an impression, in a first visit, as may be anticipated or desired, yet the in-
formation which he would acquire, and bring back to the government, of the con-
dition, feelings and disposition of those tribes, would be, in our opinion, exceed-
ingly valuable ; and the good resulting from such a tour, in this respect, would
be worth the trouble and little expense attending such a work. With these im-
pressions we recommend that such information be obtained, as to what are the
real views and feelings of these tribes, and we respectfully recommend that Colo-
nel McKenney be employed to ascertain and report them, and to execute such
other trust as you may deem it proper to confide to him.

With great respect,

Your obedient servants,

RICHARD M. JOHNSON,
THOMAS B. REED,
WILLIAM H. HARRISON,
WILLIAM HENDRICKS,

H. W. CONWAY,

J. S. JOHNSTON,
H. W. EDWARDS,
E. F. CHAMBERS,
T. P. MOORE,
WILLIAM McLEAN,
WILLIAM HAILE,
JOSEPH M. WHITE.

(E.)
CHICKASAW NATION, 10th October, 1827.

Sir I have met the Chickasaw chiefs in council, and, in pursuance of your
instructions, ascertained their views in regard to their removal west of the Mis-
sissippi. They consent to go, on the following basis :

First, that provision be made for three chiefs from each of their districts, (there
are four of these,) three white men of their own choosing, and a physician, to be
joined by three scientific men from Washington, or elsewhere, to be appointed by
the government, to go with them and visit the country, and judge of its fitness in
soil, climate, &c. They agree to go upon this business of examination on the
first of May next.

Second. If they approve the country, they consent to accept it, acre for acre,
for theirs, provided it be cleared of every body, and guarantied to them for ever ;
and provided they be placed upon it, in such improvements as, on examination,

APPENDIX. 317

they may be found to own here, in houses, mills, fences, orchards, stock, &c. ;
and provided the country be laid off into counties, and schools established in suf-
ficient number for the education of their sons and daughters, and a government
be established over them, upon the basis of that of the Michigan Territory ; and
provided that a suitable force be kept among them to secure them from harm,
which they propose to augment by an organization of their people upon the plan
of our militia ; the whole to embrace, on their part, political privileges and civil
advantages, as these are laid down in your report.

I need not tell you, that I found the subject one of extreme delicacy, and the
way to it almost wholly barred by excited prejudices and a deep sense of wrongs
long endured. Upon a full survey of the whole ground, from Saturday till yes-
terday, I concluded there was but one way of approach this I attempted, and it
succeeded as stated.

I will have the honor of forwarding, the moment I can find time to copy them,
my address, with a minute of the proceedings of the council, and the answer of
the chiefs. The council included all the chiefs of the nation except three, and
these were prevented, by causes over which they had no control, from attending
but the nation will bear out those who have acted, and it now remains for the gov-
ernment to sanction and confirm the understanding, or to decline it.

I shall leave here in half an hour for the Choctaw Nation, having sent runners
ahead to Colonel Ward, to assemble the chiefs to meet me. I wrote in haste,
and in my tent, and upon my knee, not a little fatigued from the anxiety and toil
of yesterday, and from being up till late concluding and signing the conditional
understanding with these people.

The Rev. Messrs. Stuart and Bell, and Blair and Holmes, attended the council.
It affords me sincere pleasure to state, that those gentlemen most heartily co-
operate with the government on the subject of removing, to a permanent and
suitable home, these long oppressed people. They agree that the salvation of
these people can be secured in no other way. You may rely upon it that the
Chickasaws are honest in their designs to fulfil every tittle of their obligations, if
their terms are accepted. I believe it is the only ground on which they will lis-
ten to an exchange of country, and, I must add, we ought to ask of them to as-
sume no other.

I have the honor to be,
With great respect,

Your most obedient servant,

THOMAS L. MCKENNET.

To the Hon. JAMES BARBOUR, Secretary of War.

I omitted to add, that a condition is inserted providing for reservations for some
of their people, not exceeding twenty. I could not do else, after so unexpectedly
favorable a result, than make these chiefs, some of them aged and poor, and who
had come from twenty to fifty miles to meet me, without knowing for what, (for
I kept everything to myself till yesterday, except to tell them and to counsel
them as their friend,) a present of $50 each, and the lesser chiefs $25, with a
present of goods amounting to about $245, for their families, in all about $750,
on bills to each one on Major Smith, with authority to him to draw on you for
their respective amounts.

318 APPENDIX.

This is a cheap council. I have promised a medal to each chief in addition,
and some three or four rifles to the young men. I have tried to give pleasure to
all, and I believe have succeeded.

THOMAS L. MCKENNEY.

MAYHEW MISSION STATION,
Choctaw Country, October 10th, 1827.

Sir I had the honor of writing to you yesterday from the Chickasaw Nation,
thirty-five miles from this, that I had, the day before, concluded a conditional ar-
rangement with the chiefs of that nation for an exchange of their country ; the
outlines of which arrangement I had the honor, in that letter, hastily to embody.
I now enclose, herewith, copies of my address, their answer, and my reply, mark-
ed A. B. C.

It will be seen from my address, that I act, as well for the Indians as for the
government ; and from their answer, that the address was. in all things, fully re-
sponded to. It may, perhaps, be proper for me to explain why I assumed to act in
this twofold character ; and why the Indians were not left to propose their own
terms. It might be sufficient for me to state, that I have never been able to sepa-
rate the justice and honor of the government from the best interests of the Indians ;
and assuming this to be true, my duty, to say nothing of policy, embraced not only
the province of a negotiator on the part of the government, but under the existing
state of things, of moderator, and so far as I might esteem it essential to the great
object in view, guide also. And it might be added, that no exception ought to be
taken against the adoption of any means, that are in themselves moral and just,
which may be used with the view of accomplishing a righteous end ; and surely
none, if those means result, as in the present case, in the accomplishment of such
an end. But I prefer to be more particular.

Aware of the settled dislike of these people to anything in the shape of a direct
proposition for their country, and that recent negotiations, though conducted by
three distinguished citizens, chosen no less on account of their intelligence, than
for their admitted knowledge of the Indian character, had totally failed ; and that
the large amount of means, which, by Congressional appropriation, had been pla-
ced at their disposal as an auxiliary aid, had been equally inoperative, it would
have been presumptuous in me, when employed in the same service, and so imme-
diately after the recent failure, and unsupported by a single dollar, to have occu-
pied any one of the positions assumed by those commissioners ; or to have ap-
proached the subject by any one of the avenues which had been trodden by them.
There appeared to me to be one way, and only one way, left, and that was the way
of my preference, and would have been under any circumstances. But although
thus restricted by my views of the subject, I felt the greater enlargement, and
more confirmed hopes of success. The way, in a word, was precisely that in
which, from my heart, I preferred to approach these people. Accordingly, I gave
out, on entering the nation, that my visit was a visit of friendship, that I had taken
a long journey to see and shake hands with my brothers, the chiefs of the Chicka-
saw nation, and as they were scattered over the country, and my time was short,
I hoped they would meet me at Levi Colbert's, where I would remain a few days
to give them time to come in. And to make sure of their receiving this message,
I sent runners, where I could do so, to deliver it to the chiefs, personally. On ar-

APPENDIX. 319

riving at Colbert's, which was on the eighth day after my leaving Memphis, (vis-
iting in my way, in pursuance of your instructions, the missionary establishments,
which, together with my visits to the agencies on my entire route, also in pursu-
ance of your instructions, will form the subject of a special communication,) I
found I had been preceded by Major James Colbert, and the old interpreter,
McGee, who, on receiving my message, had hastened to meet me. I was receiv-
ed by Levi Colbert, who is the counsellor of the nation, and by these two men, with
every demonstration of gladness. I repeated the message that I had sent through
their country, when Levi Colbert, in reply to the hope I expressed that I should
not be disappointed, asked how long I could remain ? I answered, until Monday.
" If," said he, " you will tarry till Wednesday, I will try and have them all in, and
if possible, by Tuesday, at twelve o'clock." I consented ; when he immediately
sent off runners from twenty to fifty miles round. Meanwhile the chiefs began to
arrive, until by Monday night they had all come in except three, and two of these
were sick, and one was absent ; one of the former, however, sent an aid to repre-
sent him. Each chief met me with the utmost cordiality, and in terms of friend-
ship and confidence that it would be tedious to state. I will, however, note the
language of Levi Colbert. " It makes my heart glad, brother," said he, " to see
you. I feel as if some good thing was to happen to us." Then grasping my
hand, he continued : " Yes, and never since, about three years ago, when I left
my son with you, have I gone to sleep without having you before my eyes. You
are our friend, and we all look upon your visit as a great blessing, for we are in
trouble." * I replied, that a regard for them, and a strong desire to see them, and
to see them happy, had brought me into their country ; that their troubles, of
whatever sort they might be, should have my closest attention, and such as I could
relieve on the spot, I would ; and such as I could not, I would take home to their
Great Father at Washington, who looked upon them as his children, and would
listen attentively to their cries ; and then added, that I knew of some of their trou-
bles, and serious enough they were, and if they would meet me in council, in the
morning, I would prove to them that I was their friend, by showing them the way
to become a great and happy people, and by advice in other things, which, if they
regarded their own happiness, and the happiness of their children, I hoped they
would take. They greeted this language like a people would the return of milder
and calmer seasons, after having been long buffeted by storms and tempests, and
replied : " We know you well. We promise to meet you in council, and listen well
to what you may say." I then prepared the address, as it now stands, giving none
of them, meanwhile, the slightest conception of the nature of the advice to which
I had referred, nor had they any idea of it until it was disclosed by the address it-
self, in council.

It may now be seen why I adopted the course I did. I found myself surround-
ed by a people who appeared to look up to me as their friend. I felt that I had
their confidence, and knew well that the charm of this powerful influence would
have been dissipated by the very first sentence that I might have delivered, bear-
ing directly on the subject of an exchange of their country. All their hopes in my

* His reference was, as I found afterwards, to their domestic matters, but especially to
their agency concerns.

320 APPENDIX.

friendship would have vanished, and the issue, I am confident, would have been a
total failure, besides a loss of their confidence in the future.

Our council met the next day, (Tuesday,) at 10 o'clock. There had been the
evening before a severe storm of thunder and lightning, and rain. The morning
was bright, and calm, and beautiful. I told them I could not help thinking that
the confusion and storm of last night, its restless and unsettled character, and the
suffering which everything around appeared to endure, was an emblem of their
own past lives. They had never been a composed and settled people, but were
like the storm of yesterday, in constant excitement, and knew no rest. They an-
swered, " It is so." But this morning, I continued, is calm and beautiful ; and I
cannot help hoping that the Great Spirit has sent it as an emblem of what your
future lives are to be. They said, " It did look a good deal like it." Four of the
missionaries being present, having come that morning on my invitation to attend
the council, I added The business we are about to engage in being viewed by me
of the greatest importance, and as the Great Spirit directs and governs all things,
and takes pleasure in seeing his children happy, it is my wish, if you have no ob-
jection, that our aged father Bell, would ask the Great Spirit to smile upon our
council, and direct our deliberations to a happy and prosperous issue ; that in their
Great Father's great council in Washington, a good man every morning spoke to
the Great Spirit, and asked for direction in all things, and to bless their delibera-
tions. They answered, " It will be very agreeable to us ;" when this excellent,
and useful, and venerable missionary, prayed accordingly. I then told them I had
a great respect for the pipe : it was an emblem of peace and friendship : that I had
brought a long and handsome one, made by their brothers on the other side of the
Mississippi ; which, if one of their young men would fill and light, we would
smoke. They answered " That is good the pipe is the Indian's we will be
glad to smoke." It was lit, and smoked accordingly.

I then told them I was ready to hear them ; and, as they had spoken of troubles,
I would listen attentively to them, and promised to relieve them all I could.
[These I will have the honor to hand to you on my return, with a statement of
my reply, and what I did towards a relief of their grievances.]

Having heard all they had to say, and noted it all down, I told them I would
now make good my word, by showing them that I was their friend, and give them
advice which I doubted not they would follow ; that to have all well understood,
and that their interpreter might be able the better to interpret it, I had written it
down, and would read it. They spoke and said, " We will be glad to hear you."
I then delivered the address, and the council rose at about one o'clock. In the
afternoon they assembled, by themselves, to deliberate ; and in two hours sent me
word they had agreed to all I had said, and asked for my paper, from which to
make out their answer. By twelve o'clock at night the whole business was
closed.

I hope I may be excused for including in this report the foregoing detail. It
will no doubt be tedious, but I mean it to take the place of the usual accompani-
ment of a separate paper containing the proceedings of such councils.

I will now proceed to offer some remarks on the terms proposed for an exchange
of country with those people, and which they are sincere in their desire to carry
into effect ; and upon the probable cost attending their execution.

The reasonableness of the liberty proposed to be granted to them first to exam-

APPENDIX. 321

ine the country, will not be disputed ; nor will, it is presumed, the stipulation
which provides that the cost of the examination shall be ours. The justice of
both is too apparent to need illustration or justification. The proposition to emi-
grate comes from us, not from them. The cost of looking at the country to which
they are invited to go, and which we propose to give them in exchange for theirs,
it were time thrown away to attempt to prove, should be ours. And as little would
it comport with justice, for us to ask them to leave their homes, and such comforts
as they have here, without providing them with homes as good there, and comforts
of at least equal extent. Their work-shops and their mills, though few in num-
ber, and common enough, are the labor of their own hands, and should not be
asked of them without an equivalent, not in quantity only, but in kind and even
improved. They should not be left to toil again in their erection. A want of
skill quadruples the labor, if performed by them, and the absence of science mul-
tiplies it even beyond that. The work should be done for them. As to their
stock, it is their personal wealth ; and not attaching to the soil here, and being in-
dispensable to them anywhere, it should not be considered a burden to replace it
for them, and at our cost, at their new homes. Theirs they could not get there ;
and it would not comport with our magnanimity, as a great nation, to ask them to
sell, and give us the money wherewith to purchase more ! When they shall sell,
they will need the proceeds to pay off their debts, settle up their affairs here, and
should any be left, it will be needed, wherewith to secure those little comforts
which, as human beings, they may require in a new country ; and for which there
is no provision in the terms of exchange, not even the usual one of support for a
year after they shall arrive at their new homes. This, then, will be the only item
for which we do not receive at least a partial equivalent here, in the increased
value which their houses and fences, &c., will add to the lands proposed to be left
by them ; unless, indeed, it be thought proper to count the cost of supporting the
government of the territory proposed to be established over them, and of the coun-
ty schools. These latter, we are bound, in common justice, to support anywhere,
if we mean to maintain our character for an enlightened and humane and Chris-
tian people ; and as to the former, or both, what, I ask, is their cost, compared
with the proceeds of all this vast and fine country which they propose to abandon ?
Nor will it be thought unreasonable, that they should be made secure, in the new
country to which they propose to go ; because, here they lie down and rise up in
the most perfect security there their fears, at least, may be alarmed, if no more.
It becomes us, therefore, to see to their security. Justice and humanity both
demand it.

It is presumed that no exception will be taken to their having a government, or
their being represented in the manner stipulated in the Congress. Both measures
are right in themselves ; and as to the privilege of sending a delegate to Congress,
if the privilege of living under a government be ceded, it appears to follow as a
consequence, and a consequence no less important to ourselves than to them.
This connecting tie between the territorial government there, and the Congress
here, it is presumed, would be esteemed indispensable. But if there be any ex-
ceptions taken to it, they can be those only arising out of prejudice ; and this feel-
ing it is easier to meet and overcome by precedent than argument. In compli-
ment to it, therefore, I will refer to a similar privilege, guarantied in 1785, 1

322 APPENDIX.

think ; and in the 12th article of the treaty of Hopewell. If I am not mistaken,
the provision is in these words :

" That the Indians, (meaning the Cherokees,) may have full confidence in the
justice of the United States, respecting their interests, they shall have the right to
send a deputy, of THEIR OWN CHOICE, whenever they think fit, to Congress" This
may suffice.

It may possibly be thought by some, that money should have been proposed, as
an equivalent for the enumerated improvements which it is proposed to abandon,
and on the grounds, that the government would be saved the trouble of building
and putting up houses, and mills and fences, &c., in their new country. I could
not in my conscience recommend this. All who know anything of the Indian
character, know how improvident they are, and will admit that a moneyed consid-
eration would be a fruitful source of evil to them, and would, doubtless, render the
majority of them homeless and houseless for the rest of their lives. A recent il-
lustration has been had, of the impoverishing effects of a money payment, in the
Creeks. I believe them to be poorer, and to have suffered more, since they re-
ceived the large amount secured to them under the treaty of Washington, than
they have been for twenty years before. Besides, it will not be a task of such
difficult accomplishment, nor will the cost be so enormous, as perhaps at first view
it might appear ; and this I proceed now to show.

In regard to the first, the whole undertaking should be upon contracts, in the
usual form of public advertisement, and by bond and security for the faithful exe-
cution of the trust. There should be three contracts ; one for building houses and
mills ; one for putting up fences and planting orchards ; and one for supplying the
stock, &c. Commissioners should be appointed, to examine and report the kind,
and sizes, and numbers of houses, and the quantity of fences and orchards, &c.,
here. And now for the probable cost.

The population of the Chickasaw nation may be put down at four thousand,
they having increased about four hundred within the last five or six years. I will
suppose the families to average five souls each ; which will give eight hundred
houses. These houses, judging from what I have seen, and from inquiries made
with a view to the estimate, may be built, with the addition of puncheon floors,
for an average cost of one hundred and fifty dollars. This I think a high estimate.
The most of them I have seen, are of rough logs, piled up in a square, with roofs
of boards, confined down by pins and saplings, and daubed in, (such of them as
are filled in at all,) with mud. The chimneys, those that have any, are generally
of split or round sticks, put up in squares, and daubed with mud ; and the houses
are generally small and comfortless, and might, numbers of them, be put up for
ten and twenty dollars. But there are some comfortable houses owned by the half
and quarter breeds, some of which, and the best of them, (but they are few,) may
have cost a thousand, and some, including their cribs and stables, &c., two thou-
sand dollars. The estimate of one hundred and fifty dollars for each family, I
think, will cover the cost of building, if the country they may select be a wooded
country, and they will take care to select no other. This branch of the expendi-
ture, then, may be put down at one hundred and twenty thousand dollars.

The number of their mills, it is believed, does not exceed ten. I estimate these
to cost an average of five hundred dollars each, which is five thousand dollars.

APPENDIX. 323

Their work-shops, I do not think, exceed fifty which, with their tools, may be
estimated at fifty dollars each ; or twenty-five hundred dollars for this item.

Their orchards are few, and limited in extent, and may be replaced for one
thousand dollars.

Their fences may be estimated to cost fifty thousand dollars.

Their stock of all kinds, averaging two horses and two cows, and five hogs and
a dozen of poultry to each ; and the price of a horse at forty dollars, of a cow at
ten, a hog at five, and a dozen of poultry at one dollar, will make a total of eighty-
four thousand eight hundred dollars.

The probable cost of the visit to examine the country, I estimate at $10,000 ;
and of their removal to it, at one hundred thousand dollars.

The total of cost, (except the annual estimate for the government, the schools,
and the military,) is, according to the foregoing estimate, three hundred and nine-
ty-five thousand eight hundred dollars or, suppose a fourth be added, so as to show
the utmost extent of cost, it will make the cost $494,750.

The annual expense, on account of the government, may be assumed to be the
same as that of Florida or Michigan ; for the support of schools annually, for
twenty years, (where the limit may be fixed,) at $50,000, and for the military,
not more than it would require to support ten companies elsewhere ; and I as-
sume, that this force, if judiciously located or moved about, would be sufficient, in
the present broken state of the Indian power ; nor need this be retained but for a
few years, as the proposed organization of their own people will doubtless, very
soon, supersede the necessity for it.

In regard to the missionary establishments these would, of course, be broken
up here ; but these excellent people would follow their present charge to their new
homes. Whilst justice would demand that a remuneration of the amount expend-
ed by them in buildings and improvements, over and above that received from the
government, should be made them, it would, from what I have seen, be fully reali-
zed in the extra price which the lands they stand on would bring ; and which
might be sold, owing to the high state of improvement in most of them, at a great
advance. This sum, too, would form part of the fund for the civilization and
improvement of the Indians, wherever they may settle, as it has been applied
here.

I am aware that exceptions are taken by some to the policy of a removal, even
under such circumstances, or, indeed, under any ; but, whenever the time may
come for a trial, it can be defended ; and unless I am wholly deceived in the en-
tire scheme, it can be demonstrated to be the only policy by which the Indians can
be saved, and elevated to that rank of being which there can be doubt it is the
pleasure of their Maker they should enjoy.

I shall leave here to-morrow for the Choctaw Agency, having sent an express
with my greetings to the chiefs, and an invitation to meet me at the agency. I
hope to conclude my interview with them by Tuesday next, when I shall pass on
to the Cherokees, and thence to the Creeks. Should the Creeks not have con-
cluded to cede that strip of land, I shall endeavor, under your special instructions,
to secure it ; and will, at the same time, ascertain their dispositions to unite in the
plan adopted by the Chickasaws. I can form no opinion of the probable success
which may attend my interviews with the remaining tribes, but hope for the best.

324 APPENDIX.

One thing, I think, may be assumed as certain ; and that is, if the Chickasaws be-
come once placed under the kind of government proposed to be given to them, the
other three southern tribes will follow. It may require time, but they will all, in
my opinion, with suitable management, eventually go.
I have the honor to be,

With great respect, your ob't serv't,

THOS. L. MCKENNEY.
Hon. JAMES BARBOUR, Secretary of War.

Talk delivered to the Council held with the Chiefs of the Chickasaw Nation, at Levi

Colbert's, on Tuesday, October 9th, 1827, by Thomas L. McKenney.

FRIENDS AND BROTHERS : I have long wished to see and shake hands with the
chiefs and head men of the Chickasaw nation. The Great Spirit has made my
way clearj and I am come. My heart is glad.

Brothers : This visit, so long wished for on my part, I sincerely hope may not be
without its use to you and your people. It is to show you my heart that I have
come. I know there is nothing in it but friendship for you ; and the more I can
make my heart plain, the more will you see why I am come. I have nothing to
conceal from you ; you are my brothers. My great difficulty will be in making
plain to you what I see, though I see it so clearly myself ; and that is, the path
which is to lead you and your children's children to prosperity and happiness. Is
not this the path you all desire to walk in ?

Brothers : Give me your ears, and, what is of equal importance, give me your
confidence. If you think I am come to do you wrong, or give you bad coun-
sels, you do me great injustice. I am not come but as your friend, and if there is a
chief present who doubts this, let him speak, and I will not say another word.

Brothers : I know well who you are that I am addressing. I know you are
not children, but men, and men of experience, and men of wisdom. I know,
too, that the smoke of this council-fire comes not of ashes, but of living fire it
rises out of our hearts, for we are friends.

Brothers : You have long had your eyes open upon the past. You have seen
much, and your hearts have suffered much.

Brothers : What have you seen ? It pains me to call your attention to it
but I must be just to you ; and if a review of what has gone by is painful, it may
also be useful. Look to the rising sun ! Was there not a time when the red
man roamed free over all the hills, and reposed in all the valleys, even to where
the sun comes up from behind the eastern mountains ? But who occupies all
that great country now ? Not the red men ! Purchase after purchase has been
made until those who are left, and they are few, indeed ; (like the few dying
leaves that quiver on the trees, after the frost has come,) until those few, I say,
have got back to this distant region ; and now, though you were once a strong
and mighty people, you are weak, and poor and helpless !

Brothers : This thought would not be painful to you, if, after all your difficul-
ties, and the thinning of your people, those of you who remain were situated as
men ought to be ; if your present state were secure ; if you felt easy on your
lands ; and if no more evils appear to await, or if you had hope to cheer you a
hope that would say something like this to you :

APPENDIX. 325

" It is true you have been a wandering and afflicted people ; you have become
diminished to a few ; but see there ! In the future you will rejoice and be glad ;
there you will find a firm footing. No people will ever move you more. Your
children will flourish, and your children's children will be a happy and a great
people."

Brothers : Behold that hope now : I am come to bring it to you. It was that
you might hear this cheering voice, and see that lovely prospect, that I am come.
I knew you were afflicted, and I was sorry for you I knew you were in dark-
ness, and I am come to bring you light. But listen yet longer to what is not so
agreeable.

Brothers : Need I tell you, who know so well, what strife there is all around
you ? How your father, the President, is pressed to buy your lands ? Need I tell
you that it is because your country is surrounded, and pressed upon all sides by
the whites, that he has so much trouble to keep you from being crushed by
them ? Need I tell you that your friends everywhere are full of anxiety about
you ? I am sure I need not. You know all this, and you feel it in your hearts,
and it makes you sad !

Brothers : When you are asked to exchange your country, and leave it, and
go to another, you remember the past, and think of your fathers. You say,
" Here lie the bones of our fathers, and here has been the home of our infancy,
and we love this country." This is honorable to you. It is proof that you have
hearts, and that you are men. I think the more of a man who cherishes in his heart
a sacred remembrance of his father and mother, and who loves the land which co-
vers their bones.

Brothers : All that is noble : but then you are not to forget your children, and
your children's children. Your fathers are no more their spirits are gone up to
the Great Spirit. What remains of them is but dust. They feel not, and care
not, whether the foot of the red or the white man treads upon their graves. But
your children live, and they feel, and they will feel, down to the latest genera-
tions.

Brothers : Whilst, then, you cherish a sacred remembrance for the bones of your
fathers, forget not to provide for your children, and never stop a moment, but
hasten with all speed to place them in a situation that will secure them against
the evils that your fathers have endured, and from the sorrows that fill and afflict
your own hearts. This, brothers, is wisdom. The past, I know, has been cloudy
and dark enough ; but, brothers, be not discouraged : the Great Spirit will yet
open your way, and shine upon your path.

Brothers : Am I too long keeping you from a sight of that path ? Be patient,
and I will show it to you in good time.

Brothers: It was but the other day that you met commissioners who were
sent to buy your country you know what passed between you on that occa-
sion. Now, brothers, I admit that no people ought to be asked to exchange their
situation, without a certain prospect of realizing a better ; but no people should
be so unwise, if an offer is made that will better their condition, to reject it.
That, you know, would be foolish, and men do not act so. Men always are
seeking to do better. That is right ; and it was to improve, and do better, that
the Great Spirit put man on the earth.

Brothers : I am not for the Indian's taking the white man's word in an affair

326 APPENDIX.

of bargain and sale, but I advise him always to examine for himself. As your
friend, I tell you, now, always hear attentively, and then examine closely, and
then decide ; and when you convince yourselves that you can make a good bar-
gain, make it, but be careful.

Brothers: I know I am your friend I have even suffered for being so yet I
would not ask you to take my word in anything affecting your present or future
welfare ; but I would prefer that you should examine well into such momentous
subjects for yourselves. All I feel free to do, is to shed light upon your destiny ;
and, as a brother, advise ; and were I not to do this, I should not be worthy to
be called your friend.

Brothers : I wish to counsel you as men, and not as children ; and I am mis-
taken, if your wisdom will not lead you, by the light of this council-fire, to adopt
my counsels, so far as these may go ; and I shall take care that they shall go no
farther than they ought. I will point out your path, and show you the way to
honor and prosperity. It will be left to you to walk in it, or take another.

Brothers : It is said, since you did not agree to the proposals of the commis-
sioners, that you are a self-willed and obstinate people. I do not believe it. But
many people, who do not know you as well as I do, may incline to think this true.
This, as far as it may be believed, will lessen the number of your friends ; and
these are few ; you have not to spare. Now, I wish you to put it out of the power
of anybody to say so. I wish you to take such steps as shall convince the world
that you are a people who require no more, when an offer is made to you, than
that your acceptance of it should improve your condition, and put you out of
reach of the evils that have afflicted you in the past, and make sure your prosper-
ity for the future. When, by your conduct, you do this, you strike a stroke that
will break down the power of your enemies, and this will make your friends nu-
merous and strong, and make sure your prosperity wherever you may be.

Brothers : Is not all this reasonable ? Have I said a single word that is not ex-
actly agreeable to your own views ? Do you not feel in your hearts that what I
say is the truth ?

Brothers : I see the causes of your weakness and poverty I see why it is that
your fathers never maintained their ground, and the reason why you are as you
are. I will tell you.

Brothers : Here you are on a piece of land surrounded by a great and powerful
nation. In that nation you see a distribution of honors and appointments to office,
in the state, in the army, and in the navy. You see the white man and his chil-
dren flourish and prosper all round you, and made great ; then you look round on
yourselves, and on your children, and your hearts sink in you because you are
shut out from all these, and are no people. You feel no emulation ; you give up,
and say, what's the use of it ? An impassable mountain is between our people, and
the honors and profits which the whites enjoy ; they flourish and prosper, but we
fade away, and decay, and die, like our fathers !

Brothers : THERE is A CAUSE FOR THIS.

Now listen, and I will tell you what that cause is Open wide your ears, and I
will tell you how to break down that mountain, and then you will see the path
with light shining upon it, for you and your children to walk in.

Brothers : When you were asked by the commissioners to exchange your coun-
try, that was your time : then you had an opportunity of making yourselves a great

APPENDIX. 327

people, and in all respects like the whites. That was your time to have put your
feet on strong ground that never would have slipped from under them more.

Brothers : Our country, you might have said, is good enough for us. We are
contented, so far as that is concerned ; but as you want it, you may have it, if you
will agree to our terms. You ought to have told them, like all other people, we
wish to better our condition. Show us how we are to do this, make it plain to us,
prove it, and we will exchange. You might have asked if the country they offer-
ed you, is healthy ? if it is rich ? if the water is plenty and good ? and if it is well
wooded ? If it is, point it out to us, and we will go directly and examine it ; and
then, you might have said, if we like it we will exchange, provided you will agree
to make us a people, by your first marking it out to us, acre for acre, for ours, and
then dividing it into counties : leaving a good piece in the centre for a seat of
government ; and provided you give us parchment for our farms, that we may
choose within that country ; you driving everybody from it, and provided you gua-
rantee it to us forever, with the right to sell to our brothers, * by permission of
our great father, the President of the United States ; and provided you put us up
there houses, and mills, and fences, and work-shops, as good as we have got here ;
and provided you will give us stock there as we have it here ; and provided you
establish schools in all the counties, sufficient for the education of our children,
and to teach our girls how to spin, and manage household affairs ; and provided
you send a force there to protect us from danger ; and organize our people into
companies like your militia, to be commissioned by our great father, the President
of the United States ; and then establish a government over us, suited to our con-
dition, with plain good laws, like one of your territories and then give our peo-
ple the right of suffrage, as they may be prepared by education to vote and take
part in the government ; and then allow us, after the territory is organized, to send
a delegate to Congress, like your territories ; and give us here a few reservations
for people who may want them ; and then we will exchange, if, after we look at
the country, and examine it well, we like it you paying the expense of our going
to see it, and when we go, of our removal to it. Make us in this way, you might
have said, a people, and part of yourselves give us and our children the hope of
rising above the sorrows and sufferings, and degradation of the past secure to us
our privileges as members of the great family of man and then we will go.

Brothers : An answer like that, would have been the proper answer. You see
in it the ground-work of your future greatness as a people. You see it includes
everything.

Brothers : Tt is this I have been aiming at for you. This is your path, and the
light of reason, of justice, and of Heaven, shines upon it.

Brothers : I will suppose the commissioners had rejected such terms what
then ? why, you would have convinced the world that you are not a self-willed and
obstinate people. You would have made your friends strong, because you would
have asked nothing but what is just, and in doing so, you would have broken the
power of your enemies.

Brothers : I now put my finger on a country f will you not go and look at it ?
Should it turn out to be sickly, or poor, or not be sufficiently watered, and not well

* Meaning Indians.

t The map was open, and before me.

328 APPENDIX.

wooded and should you be able to find no good country, why, then, who could ask
you to leave your own ? No good man would wish to impose it upon you to go to
a country that you could not live in and then, should that be the case, that there
is no suitable country, why the next step would be to improve you all here as fast
as possible, that the distinction which exists now, might exist no longer for you
know, as many of you can read, that one great reason urged against your improve-
ment, is, that if you are improved, you will be less likely to part from your lands.

Brothers : Am I understood ? Do you feel the force of my remarks ? Have I
opened the way for your eyes to see your future greatness ? It is not yet too late.
But perhaps you doubt whether anything so good could be granted ? That is pre-
cisely what I want you to authorize me to try. I wish to carry home such an an-
swer, as I have told you ought to have been given to the commissioners, to your
great father. Let your terms be stated say how you will treat for your lands
and thus decide the question.

Brothers : Say to me, for the sake of your children, and children's children, that
you will go quick and look at the country fix the day, and let it be the first of
next May. Now, let me tell you, is your time. The time for such terms never
came before, and it may never come again. Take hold of it, then and if you think
I know anything, and am your friend, put such a paper in my hands to take home
with me. It may secure your future happiness, which is what I want, and your
children's prosperity forever and this will serve to make amends, in some way, for
the sufferings of the past.

Brothers : If you do not, I shall still fear for the storm about Indian's lands is
terrible indeed ! I wish to screen you from it.

Brothers : I have done I pray the Great Spirit to direct you.

Answer of the Chickasaw Chiefs to Colonel McKenney's talk.

COUNCIL-ROOM, CHICKASAW NATION,
October 9, 1827.

Brother : We have opened our ears wide to your talk ; we have not lost a word
of it. We came together to meet you, as an old friend, and to shake hands with
you. We were happy, and our hearts grew big, when we heard you had come to
our country. We have always thought of you as our friend ; we have confidence
in you ; we have listened more close, because we think so much of you ; we
know well you would not deceive us, and we believe you know what is best for
us, and for our children.

Brother : Do not you forsake us. Our friends, as you told us, are few, we have
none to spare ; we know that.

Brother : You think it will be better for us to take your advice. It has truly
made deep impressions on our hearts. Without making a long talk, as you are
to leave us in the morning, we will state our terms for an exchange of country.
We have no objection to our country ; if we could be let alone, we might do well ;
but we are great sufferers ; everything seems against us, and we will agree to al-
most anything that can make our condition better. We believe, if the government
of the United States is honest towards us, and wish us to be a people, and not
outcasts always, that we may yet do better. We will now tell you what we will do.

Brother : You would not wish us to move away, and into a country where we
could not live, and as well as we live here. Then, as you have pointed us out a

APPENDIX. 329

country, on the north of the State of Missouri, and between the Missouri and
Mississippi river, and speak well of it, we agree, first and foremost, to go and look
at it, and any other country that we may choose ; when twelve of our people,
three from each district, have examined it, assisted by a scientific doctor, to see to
our health ; and by three good white men, to be selected by ourselves, and three
of your men of science, from Washington or elsewhere ; we say, when we have
examined it, if we like it, if its soil is good, and well wooded ; if water is plenty
and good, we will agree to exchange acre for acre, provided you, on your part,
will mark out the country, and divide it into counties, and leave a place in the
.centre for a seat of government ; and then drive everybody off it, and guarantee
it to us forever ; and as soon as may be, divide it for us into farms, and give us a
parchment for them to be recorded, with a right to sell to our brothers, with the
consent of our father, the President of the United States. And provided, also,
that in addition, you examine our houses, and mills, and fences, and our work-
shops here ; also, our orchards, and build, and put up, and plant as good there, at
such places, within the territory, as we may choose. Also, provided you count
our stocks here, and put an equal number, of each kind, within their respective
owners' limits there. Also, provided you establish schools in all the counties,
sufficient for the education of our children, and to teach our girls how to spin and
manage household affairs ; and provided, also, you send a sufficient force there to
insure our protection, and organize our people into companies, like your militia,
to be commissioned by our father, the President of the United States ; and provi-
ded that you establish a government over us, in all respects like one of your
territories, (Michigan, for example,) and give the right of suffrage to our people,
as they shall be prepared by education to vote and act; and allow us, after the
territory is organized, a delegate, like your territories enjoy, in Congress ; and
provided there be allowed, to some of our people, reservations, not exceeding
twenty, to be surveyed, and given to them on parchment, to sell, if they please,
like the white man.

Brother : Grant us these terms ; better our condition as a people ; give us the
privileges of men ; and if the country you point us to, or any other we may find,
turns out to be acceptable to us, we will treat for exchange upon the above basis.
We ask, also, for a millwright, and three blacksmiths ; they will Jbe needed by us.

Brother : We are willing to go next May, in steamboats, from Memphis to St.
Louis, and thence over the line, and examine the country thoroughly ; and, on the
following spring, then we shall know all the seasons, and how the climate is.
Should you think proper to take us at our offer, provide the means, and let us
know the time, (say by the first of April next ;) the cost is to be yours, and every-
thing ; and each of our people, who may go, must have a fine rifle, and horn, and
powder, and lead, and plenty of things for an outfit, in provisions, and tobacco, and
blankets, and the like.

Brother : Should our offer not be accepted, then we are done. We hope to be
let alone where we are, and that your people will be made to treat us like men and
Christians, and not like dogs. We tell you now, we want to make our children
men and women, and to raise them high as yours, in privileges : we will have in-
ducements then to do so ; now we have not.

Brother : Understand, nothing is done, unless the country we go to look at suits ;
and not then, unless all we require is agreed to on your part.
VOL. i. 42

330 APPENDIX.

Brother : We shall shake hands with you, and our hearts go with you.

TISH-A MINGO, his + mark.
WILLIAM M'GILVERY, his + mark.
LEVI COLBERT, his + mark.

Committee of the Nation.
STIMO-LUCT, his -f mark.
PUS-TA-LA-TUBBEE, his + mark.
MA-TAASH-TO, his -f mark.
Witness :

PITMAN COLBERT, Secretary.
To Col. THOMAS L. MCKENNEY.

Col. McKenney's reply to the Chickasaw Chiefs.

COUNCIL-ROOM, CHICKASAW NATION, >
October 9th, 1827. $

FRIENDS AND BROTHERS : I have received, and read your answer to my talk to
you of this morning. Having no power to conclude an agreement with you, I
have to state in answer, that I will lose no time in laying before your father, the
President of the United States, the terms on which you propose a compliance with
his wish to see you a happy people on lands west of the Mississippi. So soon as
he makes your views known to his great council, he will direct an answer to be
made to you.

In return for the confidence you have expressed in me, and for the promise that
your hearts will go with me, I have to assure you that your confidence is not mis-
placed. In me you have always had a friend, and I hope always to remain so. I
will never advise you but for your good.

I will bear in mind that the hearts of the Chickasaw chiefs go with me : and
this will make my journey home the more agreeable ; for the hearts that go with
me are the same that have stood by my country in the hour of danger, and often
fearlessly entered the battle-field in defence of American rights and liberty. It is
not possible but that I should wish you and your posterity every possible prosperi-
ty and happiness.

I shake hands with you, and pray the Great Spirit to preserve and bless you.

Your friend and brother,
[Signed] THOMAS L. McKENNEY.

To TISH-A MINGO, LEVI COLBERT, and other Chiefs of the Chickasaw Nation.

(F.)

DEPARTMENT OF WAR,
Office of Indian Affairs, May 1, 1829.
DEAR SIR Whatever relates to our Indians will, I know, be interesting to
you. Indeed, the subject is one which takes hold not only of your feelings and
the feelings of your Board, but of other associations similarly organized, and also
of the feelings of the good citizens of our republic, generally. All unite in the
wish to see those people rescued, and elevated into a participation of the blessings
of the civilized and Christian state. The question is, how can this be best ac-
complished? Now, we know, men often agree in regard to various matters

APPENDIX. 331

as to the end, but often differ as to the means for its accomplishment. This is
precisely the case with this Indian subject. All desire to save the remnants of
this once mighty race, but the means have not, I humbly conceive, been as yet
exactly hit upon at least they have not been carried out fully. If I am not mis-
taken, I will be able, in the course of this letter, to lay bare to you the cause, to
a great extent, of the present degraded state of this people. To make mani-
fest the evil, will make manifest also the remedy. I do not mean to be general in
my remarks, but apply them chiefly to one great point and that relates to their
landed possessions within our States and organized Territories ; and the neces-
sary, but fatal connection of the Indians, arising out of that relation.

For myself, I have always viewed the subject of our Indian landed possessions,
and the relation which these bear to our States and Territories, as full of interest,
and pregnant with difficulty. All that I have felt of hope for the preservation
and improvement of our Indians, has been clouded with fear, that the time would
arrive, when, between them and the States, and the General Government, the
issue would have at last to be tried. It cannot have escaped the observation of
those who have paid attention to this subject, that the right of the Indians to the
lands held by them, is but a possessory right ; and that whatever guarantees may
exist, as they do in our treaties, these cover no more than a right of this sort. It
could not have been otherwise. To interpret these guarantees by any other rule,
would be to decide that sovereignty should be set up against sovereignty the so-
vereignty of the Indians against the sovereignty of the States. It never was
so meant. Whenever, then, with a view to the cultivation of their local re-
sources, or for an extension of power, the States should feel their Indian po-
pulation to be burdensome, it was most clear that this feeling would, in some
way, manifest itself. At first, it was natural to suppose it would be disclosed in
acts of the legislatures, extending over the Indians, as one attribute of sovereignty,
their respective laws. This, in two of the States, Georgia and Alabama, has
been actually done. The laws of the latter are now in full operation ; those of
the former are prospectively enacted, and are to take effect in 1830. In this
state of things, it was natural to suppose the Indians would look, under their mis-
taken conception of the nature of the guarantee, spoken of in treaties with them, for
protection, from the operation of those laws, to the Federal Government ; nor
was it less natural that they should be, whensoever the question should be raised,
undeceived in regard to this matter since it could never have been contemplated
that the General Government would bare its arm, and go forth with an array of
power to contend against the exercise of any one attribute of sovereignty of
any one of the States. The States having made no grant, expressed or implied,
to the Federal Union of the kind, it was not to be expected that the General
Government would assume the power.

I have never before, I believe, attempted to place this subject before you in
this light, but looking more to the issue of the question, I have, from time to
time, urged upon you, and the friends of Indian improvement, generally, the
importance of so enlightening the Indians as to show them clearly the very de-
licate, nay, hazardous, relation in which they stand to the States, within whose
bosom they are. I never doubted, nor do I now doubt, that if they were made to
see the peril of this relation, they would seek to establish a better one upon a dif-
ferent basis than that which secures their lands to them, as possessory tenants,

332 APPENDIX.

only ; and this would lead them west of our States and Territories, where every
sort of guarantee could, and I doubt not would, be given to them ; and every
protection and blessing within the power of the General Government to confer,
extended to their race. Upon such a basis, only, can they expect to be preserved,
and improve themselves, or be improved by others. Need I stop to demonstrate
how utterly impracticable it is to remodel the Indian character, and fashion
it after the civilized form, situated as are those tribes who are within our
States ? Where is the example of a single transformation in a tribe of this
sort ? I know of not one. But I know of many in which, even amidst efforts the
most untiring, the Indians have (although individuals have profited) disappeared,
until now many of our States, that once swarmed with an Indian population, con-
tain not a vestige of one ! Whence comes this decay, and final disappearing of
the red before the white man ? It comes not of the color, nor of physical or
moral malformation ; nor of destiny but from causes the most natural, which a
change in our relations to each other would work, even upon us. The elements
may all be found to lie in the intellectual, moral, political and social relations which
exist between them and us. It would require a volume to descant upon these. I
will merely touch each, and pass on.

Who does not see the effect of intellectual superiority, even among our own
citizens ? And where we see one absolutely superior, and another absolutely
inferior, does not the consciousness of that inferiority, in the person feeling it,
depress his energies, and paralyze his efforts ? Do we not see this daily ?
Now, why should a different result of the same cause be looked for in the In-
dian ? But the relations between the white man and the Indian stop not here.
The latter finds himself always the victim of that intellectual superiority, and
feels that he must always remain so. Bereaved in the past, by superior
tact, he feels that he is no less so in the present ; and what he sees of the
future is even more hopeless still. The existence of this relation alone, did it
stop here, would, in time, work his overthrow but there are others. The
moral energies which will sustain, to a degree, even conscious inferiority, are not
felt by the Indian. To these, he is almost a stranger. And where does he de-
rive anything but depression and despair, when he sees the political distinctions
enjoyed by the white man by his side ; the high honors to which he is elevated ;
the privileges which these confer, and the freedom they entail ? Is there any-
thing in this view calculated to inspire him with the spirit of emulation ? to
rouse him to action, and to the performance of deeds of virtue, or of renown ?
Far from it. If he be human and that he is, none will deny what must he feel
when even his oath is not deemed worthy to be taken ? Can a human heart beat
free when oppressed by such degradation ? Must it not sink into despair ?
And what then ? We all know. But the Indian has to endure one more thought.
It is the total impracticability of his ever participating in those refinements of the
social state, which are the necessary result of the white man's superiority over
him, in intellectual, moral, and political advantages. If there had been any
light left to shine, although but dimly, on his prospects, this would obscure it, and
shroud his prospect in the deepest gloom. Well, then, this is the relation in
which the red man stands to his more cultivated white brother.

This, however, is but one side of the question. There is another : the
action of the white man upon him. The first is the worm within, eating out his

APPENDIX. 333

vitals the last the storm that crushes the shell which the worm may not
have devoured. This comes of the same elements. The Indian is seen to be
degraded ; and unfortunately for man, it is too true, there is the disposition in his
nature to exercise upon such, cruelty, injustice and revenge. Will any one sup-
pose it possible that thus situated, the Indians can exist ? much less, rise into
that high state, as to take station alongside of our citizens ? If they could,
then would they demonstrate themselves to be more than human.

I assume it, then, that the Indians cannot be saved and elevated in their condi-
tion, without a change in existing relations. But to return.

I did certainly look to the period when the issue between the States and their
Indian population would be tried. I have for some time past seen the elements
forming, out of which the question would arise. I supposed it highly probable the
next Congress would be applied to ; and that it would have been then decided.
The Cherokees, I supposed, would bring it up. They have presented it. It has
been accelerated by the very efforts of some of their best informed, to improve their
own condition, and that of their people, in the constitution and laws they have fra-
med and adopted. Sovereignty was here sought after, and the States, it was to be
expected, would meet the attempt at its exercise. Hence the State of Georgia ex-
tends her laws over them, as an intimation of where the sovereign power does lie.
" If," as Georgia no doubt reasoned, " these people are competent to self-government,
they can receive and act under our own laws." The Indians, alarmed at this act
of Georgia, have appealed to the President of the United States, to interfere and
save them from the consequence of the operation of those laws. The appeal has
been promptly met, and the matter decided. The Secretary of War, in the name
of the President, tells them what they wish cannot be done the government of
the United States will not resist Georgia in this exercise of her sovereignty. The
die, therefore, is cast !

The grounds on which the question is met by the Secretary, are the fol-
lowing : .

1st. These people, the Cherokees, were arrayed against us, and in league with
Great Britain, in the war of the Revolution.

2d. With the fall of the British power, fell their power ; and with the extin-
guishment of the British rights, was extinguished their rights.

3d. By the treaty of peace with Great Britain, sovereignty was acknowledged
to be in the United States, over all the territory over which the British crown had
previously exercised it ; no reservation is made in favor of those Indians, vesting
in them any attribute to sovereignty ; but

4th. The United States gave peace, three years after the pacification with
Great Britain, to the Cherokees, and took them under the protection of the Union,
and into favor. Limits were allotted to them, within which, (as possessory occu-
pants,*) they were permitted to live and hunt, and a guarantee given.

5th. Subsequently to the pacification, and between 1785 and 1791, those same
Indians waged war upon our border population. This was a treaty of peace and
of limits ; and in this treaty the Cherokees were again taken under the protection
of the Government of the Union, and their limits guarantied to them, as posses-
sory occupants, however, and of course, for the reasons which I have hastily
glanced at.

6th. Those limits, embracing in part certain portions of the jurisdictional limits

334 APPENDIX.

of Georgia, it became necessary for an understanding to be had between the Uni-
ted States and Georgia, on the subject, which resulted in a compact, (in 1802,) in
which the United States pledged to possess Georgia of her territory, as soon as it
could be done upon peaceable and reasonable terms. Thus it appears that so far
back as 1802, it was fixed (as the compact fully implies,) that not the Indians, but
Georgia, held the right of sovereignty ; and the Indians retained the soil, only as
possessory occupants.

Under those several heads the Secretary of War has, with great force and
clearness, and in a spirit of frankness, surpassed only by its kindness, demonstrated
the true state of the question. He tells the Cherokees that whilst the General
Government can never oppose Georgia in the exercise of her right of sovereignty,
it will protect them in the full enjoyment of all their possessory rights.

He then presents to them two alternatives one is, to come under the laws of
the State, the other to emigrate ; and advises them to adopt the latter. He then
adverts to the power of the General Government, to establish them upon a different
basis, on the lands west of our States and Territories, west of the Mississippi ; and
expresses a readiness on the part of the General Government to protect them there,
and invest them with such rights and privileges as will preserve and elevate them as
a people.

Now this is precisely the end at which every friend to the Indians should aim.
It is worse than useless to take other ground. It is unkind, nay, unmerciful to
the Indians, to do it. That they cannot exist in their present relations to us, I
think has been shown ; to flatter them with the belief to the contrary, would be
fatal. The past proves it, and the present teems with admonition. Nothing
could be more kind to these people, than the frank and firm answer which has
been given to them. It requires, however, to make it effectual, that the bodies of
citizens who have associated to meliorate and reform the condition of these peo-
ple, as also all who really wish well to them, should heartily co-operate in con-
vincing them of the destroying effects of their existing relations, and of their ne-
cessary, and final, and fatal issue, and of the vast benefits which would flow to
them from a change.

I glanced rapidly, in a previous part of this letter, at the elements of those
causes which are working the destruction of those Indians who reside within our
States and organized Territories. You may, perhaps, expect me to say something
upon the subject of those preserving influences, which would operate to save
them, were they to withdraw from within their present limits ; and also of a plan
of operations for their advancement, and reformation, and prosperity as a people.

Three of the four southern tribes who are more immediately concerned in this
question, to wit : the Choctaws, Cherokees, and Creeks, have now, west and
north of Arkansas, and west ot Missouri, a country which, on recent examination,
is represented to be in soil, climate and salubrity, unexceptionable. The Chicka-
saws and the Choctaws, being neighbors in their present possessions, and the
Chickasaws numbering only about four thousand souls, would, there is no doubt
of it, be received gladly by their Choctaw brothers ; and the Government would
doubtless compensate the latter for this accommodation. The Creeks have already
expressed their willingness to receive the Seminoles of Florida. Here, then, is a
home for all those southern Indians, unexceptionable in all respects, and even de-
sirable.

APPENDIX. 335

In the occupancy of this country, those Indians would be at once relieved from
the direct action of those elements, which, as I have shown, beat so destructively
upon them in the States. This negative result would prepare them at once for
an action of another sort, and what this ought to be, I will now briefly state.

They should hold those possessions in the west by a tenure as durable as time ;
and the guarantee of the Union ought so to secure them in such right. Their
lands should be divided and parcelled out among all the families. The frame-
work, at least, of a government, ought to be immediately placed over them, for their
protection and improvement. In the administration of this government they
should participate. Their relation to the Union should be that of one of our Ter-
ritories ; and the entire scheme should look to their elevation to the enjoyment of
all the privileges of American citizens, civil, political, and religious. They should
be assisted in their agriculture, and encouraged to cultivate the ground. Schools
should be distributed over all their country. The children should be taken into
these, and instructed, in addition to the usual branches, reading, writing and
arithmetic, in mechanics and the arts ; and the girls in all the business of the do-
mestic duties. They should have the Gospel ; and be enlightened as they could
bear its rays at this great source of light and blessedness. In a word, the work
of their preservation and improvement, and happiness, ought to be undertaken in
earnest, persevered in with diligence, and followed out in all those departments
which govern us in our rights, and privileges, and advancements.

For their property here, they should be justly paid ; but in money to those only
who would husband it to improve their western homes. Others less enlightened,
and less provident, should have it applied for them in building their houses, fenc-
ing their fields, buying them cattle, hogs, poultry, &c., &c., implements of hus-
bandry, and articles for domestic use.

Now can any one doubt, who knows the present unhappy and depressed condi-
tion of our Indians, that this removal, and this system, would not lift them in a
single generation to a level with ourselves ? But suppose any should doubt the
happy issue of such experiment ? To such, I would put the questions : Does
not the present wretched condition of these people demand the adoption of some
effort to save them ? And if something is not attempted, is it not plain that while
we are reasoning in the forum, the enemy, having scaled the walls, is within the
city, devastating and whelming it in ruins ? My own opinion is, and I speak
from a personal knowledge of the condition of most of our Indians, that the crisis
has arrived in which they are to be saved or lost ! The call of humanity is loud
in their behalf. Justice also demands for them a last resting-place for the soles
of their feet ; and the Union, in dread of the final and fatal issue, demands that
the stain of permitting these people longer to suffer, and finally to perish, may be
not found on its ermine, to be regretted and deplored by posterity.

But the questions may be asked, will all this be recognized by the Government ?
Will the Congress sanction such a provision ? and will the Indians accept it ? To
the first I answer, / have not a doubt of it. To the second, it is my sincere be-
lief that it will ; and to the third, all that can be done by their friends, is to labor
to induce them to do so. If they shall persist in refusing to accept terms like those
I have glanced at, and which, perhaps, may be made still more inviting, then the
reproach of being idle, and letting the Aborigines of North America perish, will be
wiped off; and posterity will recur with gratification to the honest efforts of their

336 APPENDIX.

forefathers to arrest so great a calamity. All that can be required of any indivi-
dual in a righteous cause is to exert his best efforts if these fail, then he is blame-
less. So with nations ; and although history may often overlook the honest efforts
of individuals, in the cause of humanity and justice, her eye is wide open to nation-
al acts, and these she will be sure to record, and to convey to posterity. Our
country is deeply concerned in the question of saving our Indians, or permitting
their destruction. I believe it has the power to accomplish the one, and avert the
other. Dreadful will be the responsibility if it shall not act !

If the answer of the Secretary of War to the Cherokees, which conveys to
them the decision of the President, shall awaken these people to a sense of their
real situation, and induce a wish in them to change it, much will have been done
towards the accomplishment of the end which we all have in view : viz. the pre-
servation, improvement, and happiness of our Indians.

I am, dear Sir,

With great respect and regard,
Your friend,
THOMAS L.

(G.)
T. L. McKenney to the Secretary of War.

CHOCTAW AGENCY, October 17, 1827.

Sir I had the honor of writing to you, by the last mail, from this place, that
I expected to hold a council with the Choctaw chiefs to-day. The arrival of
Colonel Leflore, at an earlier hour of the afternoon of yesterday than I expected,
enabled me to convene the council a little before sun-down, which I was the
more anxious to do, from the peculiar slow movements of Indians ; the tedious
process of passing through the mouth of the interpreter what may be to be
said ; and above all, from my increasing anxiety to get home.

I was aware that I should have some obstacles to contend with, of a new and
imposing character, and such as it was doubtful whether any thing could move.
I knew that two chiefs, Mushulatubbee and Cole, had been displaced to make
way for Colonels Folsom and Leflore, and on the express grounds that they
were to resist any and every proposition that might be made to the nation, for a
sale or exchange of territory. Then, again, I saw difficulties in the plan of in-
viting them to another country, other than that which they already claim in
Arkansas ; and difficulties, (on the ground of the objections of that territory
to Indians forming part of its population,) in pointing them to their lands there ;
for to do this would destroy the harmony of the plan of uniting them under one
head, in a territory, on the plan as approved by the Chickasaws. I concluded,
finally, that all things should give way to the proposition as made to the Chickasaws,
hoping that their acceptance of it might act as an encouragement, and produce,
if not a prompt acceptance, at least a willingness to break ground under cover of
some pretext, so as to co-operate, actually, in the plan accepted by the Chicka-
saws, though by seeming to reject it. I thought I saw this much, in my first in-
terview. It was afterwards confirmed. The chiefs were bound, I discovered,
to reject, openly, any proposition of the sort, or bring upon themselves the
charge of inconsistency, and possibly the rebuke, if not chastisement, of the na-

APPENDIX. 337

tion. I, nevertheless, resolved to try ; and I accordingly addressed them, in the
main, upon the same ground as stated in the copy of my talk to the Chicka-
saws, adding some reasons derived from the question of State sovereignty and
State rights, and of their operation upon them, and in the simplest forms. It
made a deep impression. came to my room, and conversed with me till

twelve o'clock at night, palliating his intended objections to the propositions,
and yet manifestly approving them. He is an intelligent man, and withal am-
bitious, though honorably so, and felt the influence of the prospect which a go-
vernment, and the proposed provisions, held out for his people, as, indeed,

did , who is also a man of vigorous intellect. But I anticipated the

answer which I should receive from them in council, and meanwhile prepared to

elude its force. Indeed, one of the told me, in plain terms, it was not

possible for the chiefs even to seem to approve it, as, before another day, the
opposition (meaning the party who had been unchiefed by them,) would declare
they had sold their country, which, if it did not result in shooting them by the
way-side, or cutting their throats, would lose them their influence, and put it out
of their power, after the country should be examined and approved, to lead their
people to it, as proposed. He added, it would be much easier to have persons go
under any other form, get their report, and treat afterwards.

On receiving their verbal answer in counsel, (which I have the honor herewith
to enclose in writing, marked A,) I made a reply pretty much in substance like
the answer herewith enclosed, marked B, in which I concluded by the proposi-
tion to them to send two men from each of their districts, (six persons in number,)
to accompany their elder brothers, the Chickasaws ; when they might return by
the way of Arkansas, and see their country and their friends there. I told them,
I made the offer on the grounds that their great father would approve of it, and
purely to oblige them ; but that I could not promise anything until it should be
sanctioned at Washington. You will see their answer on this head in the paper
marked A.

I am decidedly of opinion, from all I can gather, and I have literally sifted these
people, that nothing but the recent change in the chiefs, or rather their pledges
to the nation, kept the council from adopting openly, and fully, and cheerfully,
and unanimously, the proposition submitted. This plan of a government, and of
civil and political privileges, is very agreeable to them, and they think of it with
pleasure ; yet each feels the possible peril in which a declaration might involve him.

They speak much of the failures in the propositions of former times, and
doubt the promises made to them. And, whilst upon this head, Leflore went so
far in council, (as you may see in the written answer to me,) as to say, in sub-
stance, that, " if the guarantees were with me, from their confidence in my friendship
for them, and had not to pass into other hands, the answer might have been different"

The way I consider to be fairly open ; it will depend wholly upon those who
may go with those Indians in search of a country, whether what has been thus
favorably commenced, be carried to a successful issue, or shall stop short of it.
Upon this part of the subject, I will have the honor to converse with you at large
on my return, and to give, at large, in conversation, my reasons for the belief that
the Choctaws, as a people, are even now willing to adopt the offer made to
them.

The plan of opening the way, and fixing depots, with suitable inducements in
VOL. i. 43

338 APPENDIX.

accommodations in the Indian territory, and comforts by the way, should be at once
adopted, and be made ready against the return of those who go to look at the
country. There is no difficulty in regard to the country. Of this I will satisfy you.
I shall leave here in the morning, early, rain or shine, and lose no time in see-
ing the other two tribes, if I can, but certainly the Creeks.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.,

[Signed] THOMAS L. MCKENNEY.

Hon. JAMES BARBOUR, Secretary of War.

Answer of the Choctaw Chiefs to Colonel McKenney.

CHOCTAW AGENCY, October 17^, 1827.

BELOVED BROTHER We rejoice to have taken you by the hand, and that the
Great Spirit above has given you health and strength to perform a long and te-
dious road. Our hearts are proud we have attentively listened to your talk ;
and, after much thinking and consultation, we are sorry we cannot agree to your
proposition of yesterday. It was the talk of a friend. We are thankful for your
advice but more than sorry, that we have been unanimous in declining to accept
it. It always gives us pain to disagree to a friend's talk we are poor and blind
people, and need much advice and indulgence you gave us much good advice.
If you had the power to do everything, and it had not to go into other hands, it
might be different. We have confidence in you we hope to part friends, as we
met friends ; and although we do not agree to your proposition for an exchange of
country, we would have no objection, if our great father would permit, although
not with any view to exchange our country, to let six of our people go with our
older brothers, the Chickasaws, and return home by the way of the Arkansas.
We make this proposal, because you suggested it in council.

We now wish you a plain and straight path home, and that health and happi-
ness may attend you.

Your friends and brothers,

WA SHA SHI MAS TUBBE, his + mark.

HOOP PA YA SKIT TA NA, his + mark.

RED DOG, his -f- mark. . . 7 ~, . -

' \ Principal Chiefs.

DAVID FOLSOM,

TAPENA HOMMA, his + mark.
GREENWOOD LEFLORE, , ., d

E, YAH, HO TUBBEE, his -f mark.
AH CHE LU LUH, his + mark.
MITLOKACHU, his -f mark.
WILLIAM HAY, his + mark.
JERH FOLSOM, his -f mark.
. HOLUHBEE, his -f mark.

HOK LOON TUBBEE, his -f mark.
; ;fc HOOSH SHI HOOM MA, his -f mark.
JAMES PICKENS, his -j- mark.
OOK CHAUH YAH, his + mark.
P. P. PITCHLYNN, Secretary pro tern.
M. FOSTER, Jr., National Secretary.
To Colonel T. L. MCKENNEY.

APPENDIX. 339

Colonel McKenney's Reply to the Choctaw Chiefs.

CHOCTAW AGENCY, October 17th, 1827.

FRIENDS AND BROTHERS I have received your answer to my talk, declining to
accept the conditional arrangement I proposed to enter into with you in council
yesterday. I am sorry for it, because it contained the elements of your greatness,
and which, if complied with, would have made you, at no distant day, a great and
prosperous people. I do not yet despair of your asking for these privileges.
This hope comforts my heart. I told you I had come to counsel with you as
men, not as children ; and to mark out a path for you, and then leave you to
walk in it, or take another. Your declining to walk in my path has not changed
my feelings towards one of you but rather increases my anxiety for your
happiness.

I thank you for the kindness with which you have received me, and for your
good wishes, as expressed for my safety home, over a plain, straight path.

Brothers : I cannot but feel troubled for you 1 wish you may escape the
thickets, I think I see you may be entangled in and the dark mountains, in
which I tremble to think you must be lost, if you do not rise up and look around
you. Let my voice keep sounding in your ears think of me, and of my coun-
sels ; and if you get into trouble, send me word, and, if I can, I will help you.
Do not fear we will part friends. I never will forsake you. I am the red man's
friend, and shall always be so.

Brothers : I have no presents with me, but have put means in the hands of
your agent to get a few things for your wives and children. They will be few
but they will be marks of my good-will for you, and so I hope you will receive
them.

Brothers : You spoke in your talk in council, about your blood having been
mingled with our blood in wars, and of your friendship for the American govern-
ment. I felt that I know it well and that is one reason why I want you to be
a great people. You desire to be great, and to enjoy rewards and honors, like
our great men. I tell you, I yet have hope. I do not think you will long hold
back, but soon (taking my advice,) I shall see you smile over your children, re-
joicing to think they are born to the enjoyment of the rights and privileges of our
free and happy republic.

Brothers : I will ask your great father to let six of your people, and an inter-
preter, go with your elder brothers, the Chickasaws ; and, on their way home, to
visit their friends in Arkansas. I hope he may grant the request.

I shake hands with you, and pray the Great Spirit to preserve and bless you.
Your friend and brother,

[Signed] THOMAS L. McKENNEY.

To Colonel DAVID FOLSOM, Colonel GREENWOOD LEFLORE, TUP-PE-NA-HOMO,
and others.

(H.)
Colonel McKenney to the Secretary of War.

MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, November 17, 1827.

Sir I am happy in having it in my power to inform you, that articles of agree-
ment and cession were, on the morning of the 15th inst., entered into, at the
Creek agency, with the Creeks, and which were concluded at the moment of the

340 APPENDIX.

arrival of the stage, which left me no time to announce it from there, which secure
to the United States all the lands owned or claimed by them, within the chartered
limits of Georgia. This agreement is signed by the Little Prince, the head of
the nation, and five of his principal men, and is to be binding, when approved and
ratified by the President and Senate, on the one hand, and sanctioned on the
other by a council of the Creeks, which, it is stipulated in the articles, shall be
immediately convened for the purpose. This sanctioning, in council, is required
by one of their laws.

I left the articles with the agent, who will attend to the council, and superadd
the usual certificate in such cases. The agent having been previously enjoined
to prosecute this subject, if possible, to a favorable issue, is joined in the instrument
with me. It is due to him that he should be so associated, no less on account of
the powers with which I found him vested, than to the zeal with which I disco-
vered he had endeavored to fulfil your instructions with regard to this matter.

I have time only to add, that the condition-money for the land is forty-two
thousand five hundred and ninety-one dollars.

I derive an additional gratification in making this communication, from my
knowledge of the deep anxiety which you have so long felt to have this contro-
versy settled.

I will make you, as soon after my return as possible, a detailed report of my
proceedings under this, as also other branches of your instructions of 28th March
last, and 10th April ; and submit, also, views of policy in regard to our Indian
relations, especially those of the four southern tribes, which have been suggested
by a personal inspection of the condition of three of them.
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

THOMAS L. MCKENNEY.

Hon. JAMES BARBOUR, Secretary of War.

END OF VOLUME I.

7% original portrait painted in. JLondorv in /6/6 was copied, bf SuUf in, /83O. From Mat copy

this likeness was enyrayed;. For d&ttultd, t-videjicf* of its cuUJienticify see M c JCeruiey <b Halt s work
ont/ie Afortfa Anif-ficaji, Indians, J?ic&. Clark's edrition fhtlad'?'

ON THE

ORIGIN, HISTORY, CHARACTER,

WRONGS AND RIGHTS

OF THE

INDIANS,

WITH

A PLAN FOR THE PRESERVATION AND HAPPINESS OF THE
REMNANTS OF THAT PERSECUTED RACE.

BY
THOMAS I. M'KENNEY,

VOLUME II.

NEW YORK:

PAINE AND BURGESS, 60 JOHN-ST.
1846

Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1846,
By PAINE & BURGESS,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New York.

DEDICATION OF VOL. II.

To MRS. E. SAUNDERS, Salem, Mass.

Madam The moment I concluded to publish my Dis-
courses on the Origin, History and Character, and the
Wrongs and Rights of the Indians, it was in association
with your name. How natural ! You have, with your
pen, most eloquently pleaded the cause of the poor Indians,
and by your purse sustained the efforts of others, made in
their behalf. These very Discourses were made to reach
the ears of thousands, by the instrumentality of your un-
solicited, unlooked for, and generous co-operation ; and
you occupy that distinguished position alone ; no assist-
ance, of a like sort, having been proffered by any other
hand.

The victors, in the ancient games, were crowned with
laurel. Theirs was the ephemeral glory of a day ; or, at
most, of a generation, unmingled with a single ray of hu-
manity, and unadorned by a particle of benevolence. Your
writings, madam, in behalf of the one, and your contribu-
tions in aid of the other, have secured to you a crown of
enduring brightness, with which FAME never fails to sur-
mount the brows of all who contribute their aid towards
the relief of suffering humanity.

Accept, madam, the humble offering I now make of a
dedication of these Discourses to you of my prayers that
you may long live to adorn human nature, illustrate the

IV DEDICATION, ETC.

benevolence of the Gospel, and make happy and bless the
society of your family and friends.

THOMAS L. McKENNEY.
Cape Cottage, February, 1845.

SALEM, November, 1845.

Dear Sir The Origin, History and Character, and the
Wrongs and Rights of the Indians these are all too
deeply impressed on my heart and mind, ever to be ef-
faced and could my name or influence afford any weight
to your just and powerful arguments in favor of this ill-
fated but noble race, it would give me the highest satisfac-
tion. Should our government have the justice and mag-
nanimity to do all now in their power to restore this fallen
race, our country may be saved from that retributive jus-
tice which our manifold offences demand.

That your noble efforts may be crowned with success,
is the fervent prayer of your very sincere friend,

ELIZABETH SAUNDERS.

COLONEL MCKENNEY.

PREFACE TO VOL II.

THE Discourses which are presented to the public, in
the following pages, are the same that were delivered
during the years 1843-4, in various parts of Maine, New
Hampshire, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania and Maryland, including Annapolis, before the
legislature, and Harrisburgh, in the capitol of Pennsylva-
nia, by a vote of the House, granting the hall for the pur-
pose. Numerous distinguished citizens, among the crowds
that honored the author with their presence, in all of
these states, were kind enough, by letters and otherwise,
to bestow high commendations upon them, as did also the
press, both political and religious, embracing all parties,
and all sects.

The author's object was to awaken in the public mind
an interest in behalf of the Indian race, and their destiny ;
to give impetus to public opinion in regard to what ought
to be done, and done speedily, for their welfare ; and when
that opinion should be fully formed, bring it to bear on
Congress, in connection with a plan for the preservation
and well-being of the remnants of this hapless people.

Circumstances over which the author has no control,
will not allow of his carrying out his original purpose of
visiting and traversing all the states, in person and still
anxious to accomplish the same objects which he be-
lieves concern not the Indian race alone, but the honor
and fame, as well as the peace of the nation has con-
cluded to refer to this volume the performance of what
yet remains to be done.

VI PREFACE TO VOL. II.

In this little messenger, the reader will find discussed
the question of THE ORIGIN of the Indian race ; their HIS-
TORY will be glanced at, and their CHARACTER portrayed ;
whilst their WRONGS will be made manifest, and their
RIGHTS enforced.

It not having been in the view of the author, at the
time of preparing these Discourses, to publish them, he
was not particular in making, always, quotation marks, or
marks of reference to authors whom he consulted ; and it
sometimes happened, when their language was better than
his own, he employed it. The reader will find the ad-
dresses printed as they were delivered. He will be kind
enough, therefore, to accept of this explanation, and apply
it to all cases where quotations are not made, and the
usual marks of reference happen to be omitted.

After all, however, the author has no very strong reason
for being particularly sensitive on this point, as his own
writings have had very free liberties taken with them by
many who have written on this Indian subject, since it
first claimed, over twenty years ago, his attention ; and yet
he would not be thought insensible to the claims of others,
in such matters.

And now, whoever may take up this work, will consider
him or herself as being appealed to by the thousands of
the sons and daughters of the wilderness in whose bosoms
quiver the arrows shot from the bow of the white man's
cruelty, and down whose cheeks stream tears of supplica-
tion for relief !

Who, in view of the fact that we are now enjoying the
blessings and benefits arising out of a country and home
that were once owned by this down-trodden, impoverished,
and suffering race, who have been persecuted and driven
into their present wretched exile by our fathers and our-
selves, will refuse to lend an hour to their cause, or to
second and sustain a plan for their relief ?

DISCOUKSE I.

ORIGIN OF THE RACES, ANCIENT AND MODERN, THAT
PEOPLED AMERICA, PREVIOUS TO ITS DISCOVERY BY
COLUMBUS.

PART I.

PROBABLE ORIGIN OF THE PRESENT INDIAN TRIBES OF
NORTH AMERICA.

Limits of the question proposed Deep interest felt in it Lasting effect of early
impressions Their injustice to Indian character Who are the Indians ? Are
they descendants of the lost tribes of Israel ? Adair Boudinot Hubbard
Lord Kaimes' theory An original, underived race Absurdity, as well as infi-
delity of this theory Nea-Mathla's theory of the distinctive races of man
American Indians of Tartar origin Similarity of language no proper criterion
of judgment Ledyard's opinion The Indians resemble the Tartars in physical
conformation Remarkable uniformity of features Ledyard The same monu-
ments Habitations, and wandering habits Ineffectual efforts to induce them
to adopt more comfortable dwellings Their improvidence Modes of dress
Use and value of wampum Remarkable wampum belt among the Wyandots
Similarity of faith and worship- Dr. Wolf Mon-Catchape, an Indian antiqua-
rian His researches and their results By what route did the Indians reach
our shores ? Behring's Strait not so wide formerly as now The two conti-
nents probably joined Probable causes of the original emigration Deacon
Sockbason and his voyage.

HE who proposes, at this time of day, to discuss the
question of the ORIGIN of the Indian tribes of North Amer-
ica, can mean nothing more, of course, than to offer the
theory which has, as he views it, the strongest claims to
be considered the true one. This is the position I occupy,
on this occasion, in relation to this question. All I can
promise, is, to lift as much as I may be able of the age-

VOL. n. 2

10 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

worn and cumbrous curtain that time has let fall between
the early history of this race, and the period when, from
our closer proximity, we are made better acquainted with
their character, and with the events that give such thrilling
interest to their history. Nothing of absolute certainty
will ever, in all probability, be discovered, beyond those
limits everything there being involved in the " outer dark-
ness," and buried amidst the accumulated ruins of ages.

It is scarcely possible, I think, no matter in what way
the subject is approached, to deprive it of its intrinsic in-
terest. Whether we bring it to the mind's imaginings, and
employ these as drapery, to adorn a favorite theory, or
come to it laden with facts and lumbered up with details,
the ear will listen to these imaginings, and the memory will
store away the more solid materials, drawn from the rec-
ords of this hapless race.

BURNS, the celebrated Scottish bard, owed much of his
poetry, he tells us in one of his letters, to " an old woman
who resided in the family, remarkable for her ignorance,
credulity, and superstition. She had, I suppose," says
Burns, " the largest collection in the country, of tales and
songs concerning devils, ghosts, fairies, brownies, witches,
warlocks, spunkies, kelpies, elf-candles, towers, dragons,
and other trumpery." Besides " cultivating the latent
seeds of poetry," these songs and stories, he says, " had
so strong an effect upon his imagination, that to the hour
when he wrote that letter, in his nocturnal rambles, he
kept a sharp look-out in suspicious places," &c.

Now, there are few of us who have not been similarly
affected, in our juvenile years, by our nurses, and others,
in the pictures they would draw of the border wars, in
which the Indian was always in the foreground, engaged in
the death-grapple with the settler or in striking his tom-
ahawk, and leaving it there, quivering and bloody, into the
victim's temples or in firing the frontier cabin or shoot-
ing, with his rifle, some flying female, until we fancied we

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. u

heard the crack of it or in personal contest with a moth-
er, to wrest from her her infant, whose brains were in the
next moment dashed out upon the ground whilst the yell
and the war-whoop were made to ring in our ears from all
the borders.

It is to these early impressions, doubtless, that so many
of us owe much of the interest we take in whatever re-
lates to this hapless race ; and especially are we to attrib-
ute all of the enmity that so many cherish toward the red
man, upon whom we had been taught to look as the bar-
barous instigator to those appalling tragedies. It will be
part of my business in my second discourse, to rescue the
Indian from this imputation, and to show that he was acting
only on the defensive.

But I am anticipated by you, and already have the fol-
lowing questions been revolving in your minds : " WHO
ARE THE INDIANS ? WHENCE CAME THEY ? WHEN, AND
BY WHAT ROUTE, WAS THEIR ExODUS FROM THE LAND OF
THEIR ORIGIN, TO THIS, IN WHICH OUR ANCESTORS FOUND
THEM ? WHO WERE THEY, IF ANY, THAT PRECEDED THEM
IN THE OCCUPANCY OF THIS COUNTRY ? To WHAT PEO-
PLE, IF NOT TO THE INDIANS, ARE WE TO ATTRIBUTE THE
ERECTION OF THOSE MOUNDS AND CIRCUMVALLATIONS, THE
REMAINS OF WHICH ARE TO BE FOUND REACHING FROM OUR

NORTHERN LAKES TO FLORIDA ? IF BUILT BY ANOTHER
RACE, BY WHAT RACE ? AND WHAT HAS BECOME OF THAT
PEOPLE ?"

These are embarrassing questions ! They pass over a
lengthened void terminate in the far-distant past, and
amidst a darkness such as comes of another night upon
midnight. Our resort, in the absence of almost everything
that could be converted into authentic data, must be, there-
fore, necessarily, in great part, at least, to theory.

Who, then, are the Indians ?

They are supposed by some, as you all know, to be de-
scendants of the Israelites. A world of speculat'cn has

12 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

been exhausted in support of this theory. Among those
who labored most to establish it, was ADAIR, who wrote
and published a large quarto volume in its support. Bou-
DINOT, in his Star in the West, backs Adair manfully, and
reasons himself into the conclusion that the " long-lost ten
tribes of Israel," are, by descent, seen in the persons and
tribes of the American Indians. This theory has found
favor with many, and some have adopted it. Long, how-
ever, before Adair wrote, and as far back as 1680 and
when the rituals of the Indians were more clearly marked,
and less diluted with other ceremonies HUBBARD had
sifted this question, and after winnowing away the chaff,
says, " Doubtless those who fancy the Indians to be de-
scended from the ten tribes of the Israelites, carried cap-
tive by Shalmaneser and Esarhaddin, hath the least show
of reason of any other ; there being no footsteps to be
observed of their propinquity to them, more than to any
other tribes of the earth, either as to their language or
manners."

Now, Hubbard was a divine and a historian, and lived
at a time when the Indians were numerous, and more ob-
servant, it is fair to presume, of their pristine customs.
As a divine, he was, doubtless, well acquainted with the
Jewish ceremonies ; and living in the early period of the
settlement of this country, and in close personal connexion
with the Indian tribes, and being a man of education and
talents, it is a fair inference, that if there had been any re-
semblance, either in language or rituals, of any sort, be-
tween the Jews and the Indians, he would have detected
it. But the testimony from such a source, and from that
early period, is in direct opposition to the theory of Adair,
and those who agree with him in opinion.

Doctor Wolf, whose travels have been extensive, and
whose observation is close and pertinent, having journeyed
from Abyssinia to Bombay, and from Bombay to the United
States, made, on his arrival here, some reference to

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 13

this question, which has thrown a good deal of light
upon it.

" Worthy people," says the doctor, " desired me to tra-
vel about with them, in order that I might convince the
Indians of their extraction from the Jews ; but this was
putting the argument the wrong way. I wanted the Indians
to convince me of their origin, and not to aid in deluding
them into the notion, as I perceived many well-intentioned
people did.

" I came among the Mohican tribe, near New York,
and asked them * Whose descendants are you ?' They re-
plied, ' We are of Israel.' I asked, ' Who told you so ?' and
expected to hear much ancient tradition. To my great
surprise, they said, ' Mr. and Mrs. Simon, of Scotland.' "

My own personal observation has led me to the same
conclusion, that our Indians are not the descendants of the
lost tribes of Israel*

Lord KAIMES is not willing to admit that they are of for-
eign origin at all ; or that they are the descendants of any
people, and claims for them the distinction of an original
and separate race. "America," says his lordship, "has
not been peopled from any part of the old world." His
lordship blunders, however, in one, at least, of his proofs :
he asserts that " the Americans" meaning the Indians
" have no beards." This we all know to be an error. It
is true, very few of them are thus equipped. It is not,
however, because nature has denied to them this append-
age, but because they decline the acceptance of the boon,
and, in token of their dislike to it, pluck it out. Aged In-
dians, however, tired of the process, sometimes omit to do
this, when the appendage re-appears.

But this hypothesis of his lordship may be fairly met by
something more conclusive than by the overturning of that
part of it which denies beards to the Indians. It is true, he

* The only resemblance observed by me, (and that was confined to the Chip-
peways,) was in their houses of purification.

14 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

may reserve the right, although he does not express it, to lo-
cate the ancient paradise in some one of the fair portions
of this continent ; and assume that creative power was ex-
ercised here ; that here the first man Adam was " formed of
the dust of the ground ;" and that the Indians are the im-
mediate descendants of this Adam, and that the world has
been peopled from America, and thus jump to the conclu-
sion that " America has not been peopled from any part
of the old world."

Apart from such surmises, and with the Bible before us,
both his lordship's assumptions and conclusions must be
denied ; and especially, since, before either can be admitted,
it would be required of him to tell in what part of this con-
tinent " the garden was planted," and where the river went
out that watered it ; and where this river " was parted, and
became into four heads ;" and where the lands that were
compassed by these four rivers. All this must be made
plain, or we who differ with his lordship, have the right to
insist that the garden was nowhere in America ; and if not
here, then it must have been elsewhere ; and wherever that
elsewhere is, there we have the recorded testimony of the
Bible to authorize our belief, man was formed ; and thence,
it is fair to infer, came his descendants to people the earth.

I am aware that opinions are entertained by some, em-
bracing the theory of multiform creations ; by such, the
doctrine that the whole family of man sprang from one
original and common stock, is denied. There is, however,
but one source whence information can be derived on this
subject and that is the Bible ; and, until those who base
their convictions on Bible testimony, consent to throw
aside that great land-mark of truth, they must continue in
the belief that " the Lord God formed man of the dust of
the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of
life, when he became a living soul." Being thus formed,
and thus endowed, he was put by his Creator in the gar-
den, which was eastward, in Eden, whence flowed the river

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 15

which parted, and became into four heads ; and that from
his fruitfulness his species were propagated.

But this Bible account of the creation of man has been
sustained from the beginning till now ; for nowhere have
external elements, whether of the " dust of the ground," or
any other, combined to form man, or anything in the least
approximating to him. If man, as some have assumed,
were the product of certain combinations of external ele-
ments, apart from the direct and life-giving energy of God-
like power, why have not such creations, and under these
forms, been continued ?

That the whole human family sprang from an original
pair, that pair being the product of the power of God,
operating upon external matter, is a truth so universally
admitted, as to render any elaborate argument in its sup-
port superfluous. If, therefore, the garden of Eden is
nowhere in America, Adam, (the Adam of the Bible, and
we have no authentic record of any other,) could not have
been created here. The Indians cannot be, therefore, in-
digenous to America, but, being descendants of the origi-
nal pair, they must have come of some one of the families
that settled and peopled some one of the divisions of the
globe. In other words, they must be of Asiatic, of Afri-
can, or of European descent.

Having thus given the opinions of some of the learned
of our race respecting the creation of man, it may not be
deemed irrelevant to state the belief of at least some of
the Indians upon that same subject.

The government had made arrangements, somewhere
about the year 1825, for introducing among the Seminoles
of Florida, the school system, and a sum of money was
appropriated for that object. It was resisted by NEA-
MATHLA, a chief, at that time, of distinction, and exerci-
sing over that tribe great authority. After several ineffec-
tual attempts to apply the government bounty under that
form, a council was held, when Nea-Mathla rose and ad-

16 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

dressed Governor Duval, ex-officio Superintendent of In-
dian Affairs, as follows :

" Father It is not my wish to have my red children
made white children of. When the Great Spirit made
man, he made him as he is, and under three marks. He
assigned to each color, at the creation, the duties of each ;
and it was never intended that they should mingle.

" Father This was the way in which the Great Spirit
made man. He stood upon a high place. Then taking
into his hand some dust, he mixed it, and dried it, and then
blew upon it, sending it from his hand in front of him
when there stood up before him a white man !

" The Great Spirit was sorry. He saw that what he had
made was not what he aimed at. The man was white !
He looked feeble and sickly. When the Great Spirit,
looking at him, said, ' White man, I have given you life.
You are not what I want. I could send you where you
came from ; but no I will not take away your life. Stand
aside.' The Great Spirit mixed up the dust again, and
drying it, blew upon it again and there stood before him
a black man !

" The Great Spirit was grieved. He saw, now, this man
was black and ugly ; so he bade him stand aside ; when,
mixing up the dust again, he blew upon it and there stood
before him A RED MAN ! The Great Spirit smiled. At
this moment, all looked up and saw an opening in the hea-
vens, and through it descended, slowly, three boxes. They
came down, at last, and rested on the ground ; when the
Great Spirit spoke, saying, ' I have given life to you all.
The red man, alone, is my favorite ; but you shall all live.
You must, however, fulfil, each of you, the duties that are
suited to you. These three boxes contain the tools you
are to use in getting what is necessary to support you.'
So saying, he called to him the white man. ' White man,'
said the Great Spirit, ' you are not my favorite but I made
you first. Open these boxes, and look, and choose which

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 17

you will take. They contain the implements you are all
three to use through life.

" The white man opened the boxes, looked in, and said,
' /'// take this.' It was full of pens, and ink, and paper, and
all the things you white people use. He looked at the
black man, saying, * I made you next, but I cannot allow
you to have the second choice ;' then turning to the red
man, he smiled, and spoke, saying, ' Come, my favorite,
and make a choice.' The red man looked into the two
remaining boxes, and said, ' /'// take this' That was full
of beaver-traps, bows and arrows, and all the kind of things
the Indians use. Then the Great Spirit said to the negro,
' You can take this ;' and that was full of hoes and axes
plainly showing that the black man was made to labor for
both the white and red man.

" Father Thus did the Great Spirit make man, and in
this way did he provide the instruments for him to labor
with. It is not his will that our red children shall use the
articles that came down in the box which the white man
chose, any more than it is proper for the white man to take
of the implements that were prepared by the Great Spirit
for the use of his red children."

The result was, the means provided for the support of
schools were rejected, and have never been employed to
this day.

Nea-Mathla's account of the creation of man may ap-
pear visionary, and doubtless is so. But is it any more so
than are others emanating from some of the learned of our
race, who venture to strike light from their own minds, and
not from the Source of all Light ?

If the Indians are not the descendants of the lost tribes
of Israel, nor indigenous to this continent, the question re-
curs, " WHO ARE THEY ?"

I believe them to be branches of the great Tartar stock.
I have had occasion to publish my views of this subject,
and beg leave to introduce, on this occasion, a portion, at

VOL. n. 3

18 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

least, of what has been heretofore written. In arriving at
the conclusion that the Indians are of Tartar origin, I have
not given much weight to any casual coincidences that
may be discovered between the Asiatic and American dia-
lects. Of all the sources of information by which the de-
scent of nations can be traced, I consider the deductions
of comparative etymology, when applied to a written lan-
guage, the most uncertain. It is difficult, in such cases, to
fix, with accuracy, the true sound of words ; and it is well
known that coincidences exist in many languages, radically
different from one another, and spoken by communities
whose separation from any common stock, precedes all
historic monuments. Such coincidences are either acci-
dental, or the analagous words are the common relics of
that universal tongue which was lost in the miraculous in-
terposition upon the plains of Shinar.

I will state a fact illustrative of this position, which de-
monstrates the futility of any conclusion drawn from such
premises. It is well known that the practice of dividing
fields in England, by ditches, was introduced in the last
century. When it was first adopted, the common people
were suddenly arrested in their walks upon the brink of
these ditches, without being aware of their existence, until
they approached them. Their surprise was manifested by
the exclamation "JEZa-Aa;" and eventually, the ditches
themselves were denominated Ha-ha. Among the Sioux
Indians, the Falls of St. Anthony are called Ha-ha. These
falls, approached from below, are not visible until a pro-
jecting point is passed, when they burst upon the traveller
in all their grandeur. The Indians, no doubt, struck with
the sudden and glorious prospect, marked their surprise, as
did the English peasants, with the same exclamation,
" Ha-ha ;" and this exclamation has become, in the Sioux
language, the name of the cataract. He who would de-
duce from this coincidence, the common origin of the Eng-
lish and the Sioux Indians, would reason as logically as

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 19

many of those who arrange the branches of the human
family into classes, because a few doubtful resemblances
in their vocabularies are discovered.

Some curious observations were made on this subject,
by the celebrated American traveller, John Ledyard.* The
wide extent of his travels among savage nations, in almost
every region of the globe, together with his remarkable
sagacity in discriminating, and facility in recording the pe-
culiarities of savage manners and character, give a value
to his opinions and remarks on this subject, which those
of few other persons can claim.

" I have not," says Ledyard, (as he states in his journal
written in Siberia,) " I have not yet taken any vocabula-
ries written in the Tartar language. If I take any, they
will be very short ones. Nothing is more apt to deceive
than vocabularies, when taken by an entire stranger. Men
of scientific curiosity make use of them in investigating
questions of philosophy as well as history, and, I think, of-
ten with too much confidence, since nothing is more diffi-
cult than to take a vocabulary that shall answer any good
ends for that purpose. The different sounds of the same
letters, and of the same combinations of letters, in the lan-
guages of Europe, present an insurmountable obstacle to
making a vocabulary that shall be of general use. The
different manner, also, in which persons of the same lan-
guage, would write the words of a new language, would be
such that a stranger might suppose them to be two lan-
guages.

" Most uncultivated languages," he proceeds, " are very
difficult to be orthographised in another language. They
are generally guttural ; but when not so, the ear of a for-
eigner cannot accommodate itself to the inflection of a
speaker's voice, soon enough to catch the true sound. This
must be done instantaneously; and even in a language
with which we are acquainted, we are not able to do it for

* See Sparks's Life of Ledyard a most valuable book.

20 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

several years. I seize, for instance, the accidental moment
when the savage is inclined to give me the names of things.
The medium of this conversation is only signs. The sav-
age may wish to give me the word for head ; and lays his
hand on the top of his head. I am not certain whether he
means the head, or the top of the head, or perhaps, the hair
of the head. He may wish to say leg, and puts his hand
to the calf. I cannot tell whether he means the leg, or the
calf; or flesh, or the flesh.

" There are other difficulties. The island of Onalaska
is on the coast of America, opposite to Asia. There are
few traders on it. Being there with Captain Cook, I was
walking, one day, on the shore, in company with a native,
who spoke the Russian language. I did not understand it.
I was writing the names of several things, and pointed to
the ship, supposing he would understand that I wanted the
name of it. He answered me in a phrase, which, in Russ,
meant / know. I wrote down a ship. I gave him some
snuff, which he took, and held out his hand for more,
making use of a word which signified, in Russ, a little I
wrote more.

The claims of our primitive people to an Asiatic de-
scent, are founded upon other and stronger testimony;
upon the general resemblance which they bear, in many
points of character, manners, customs, and institutions,
(circumstances not easily changed, or easily mistaken,) to
the various tribes occupying the great table-lands of Tar-
tary. Superadded to these, is the color, which is the same
in the Tartar and the North American Indian. If black,
wherever found, is the sure evidence of the African, and
white of the Caucasian races, why should not red, or cop-
per, be recognized, wherever found, as indicating the pres-
ence of the Tartar ? If no other race known to us, except
the African, are black, and none except the European, are
white, why should it be thought incredible that red, where-
ever found, should designate the Tartar race ?

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 21

But there is another, and scarcely less striking resem-
blance. This is to be found in the structure and form of
the crania of both, and in the conformity of the bones of
the face. We see, in both, the low and compressed fore-
head the same width and prominence of the cheek bones
the breadth of the jaw, and structure of the coronal and
occipital regions, are alike, in both. These resemblances
are regarded as tests, not of the identity of the Tartar and
the Indian races, only, but of other races ; and they have
been often and successfully referred to, after those traces
were removed by decay, by which the dead are ordinarily
recognized. On the battle-field, where men of several na-
tions, as at Waterloo, have met, and fought, and fallen,
making one great and mingled mass of English, and French,
and German, &c., it has been found no difficult matter to
arrange and classify the skulls of these several nations ; and
if a Tartar had chanced to have fallen in that battle, there
would have been even less difficulty in recognizing his cra-
nium, since admixtures have broken in upon, and to a cer-
tain extent, at least, given a more general uniformity to
the rest. When the skull of the red man of Tartary is
placed beside that of the red man of America both being
genuine they are found in all things to correspond, with
disagreements nowhere ; and to be, at the same time, un-
like those of the natives of both Europe and Africa.
Would it not be a departure from our customary methods
of arriving at conclusions upon other matters, where com-
parison is the test, to doubt the common origin of the Tar-
tar and the Indian ; or to refuse our assent to the position
I have assumed that they belong to the same common
stock ?

Ledyard says, " I know of no people among whom there
is such a uniformity of features, (except the Chinese, the
Jews, and the Negroes,) as among the Asiatic Tartars
(this remark applies with equal truth to our Indians.)
They are distinguished, indeed, by different tribes, but this

22 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

is only nominal. Nature has not acknowledged the dis-
tinction ; but on the contrary, marked them, wherever found,
with the indisputable stamp of Tartars. Whether in Nova
Zembla, Mongolia, Greenland, or on the banks of the Mis-
sissippi, they are the same people, forming the most nume-
rous, and, if we must except the Chinese, the most ancient
nation on the globe. But I, for myself," continues Led-
yard, " do not except the Chinese, because I have no doubt
of their being the same family." Again he says, in a letter
addressed to Mr. Jefferson, " I am certain that all the peo-
ple on the continent of America, and on the continents of
Europe and Asia, as far south as the southern parts of
China, are all one people, by whatever names distinguished,
and that the best general name would be Tartar. I sus-
pect that all red people are of the same family. I am sat-
isfied that America was peopled from Asia, and had some,
if not all, its animals from thence." But this distinguished
traveller does not confine himself to opinions, but produces
a number of proofs, all going to show the identity of the
North American Indian with the Tartar race. I have time
to notice only a few of these for it forms no part of my
plan, further than I may deem it necessary, to deal in de-
tails. Ledyard says, that in his route to Kazan, he saw
large mounds of earth, often of twenty, thirty, and forty
feet elevation, which he conjectured, and found to be, on
inquiry, ancient sepulchres. "There is," he continues,
an analogy between these and our own graves, and the
Egyptian Pyramids, and an exact resemblance between them
and those piles, supposed to be of monumental earth, which
are found among some of the tribes of North America."
I have examined some of these mounds, which Ledyard
says are supposed to be of monumental earth, and found
them to be, invariably, depositories of the dead.

Doctor Wolf says, " Many of their customs, besides
words in their language, and their physiognomy, rather
seem to betray a Tartar race. Thus, for instance, they

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 23

have the word Kelaun great which is also used in the
same sense at Bokhara. They have nine as a favorite
number, which the Tartars also have. The Turkomauns
also play on a flute, in a melancholy strain, around the
dwellings of their beloved mistresses, and the Indians do
the same."

Another point of resemblance may be traced in the at-
tachment of the Tartar and the Indian to the wigwam.
" Offers have been made," says Ledyard, " by the Crown,
to build the Yakutes commodious and comfortable houses,
with strong, superadded inducements, for them to occupy
them ; among these was freedom from the charge for rent.
But they refused the offer, preferring their yontees" which
answer to the wigwams of our Indians.

The same aversion to fixed habitations is seen in the In-
dians. In a failure to establish a colony in Virginia, the
settlers having been driven away by the natives, there
were left standing many comfortable cabins, which it was
reasonable to suppose would have been taken possession
of by the Indians ; but not so. On the arrival of a new
colony sent over by Sir Walter Raleigh, the year after
in 1587 these buildings were found as they had been left,
untenanted and uninjured, and ready, after the weeds were
removed and the deer driven away, for the accommodation
of the new comers. This having been in the south,
where the weather is comparatively warm, it may be
thought not very unreasonable in the Indian to prefer, as a
matter of superior comfort, his wigwam.

But the same preference is shown by the Indians of the
north. I have known, as stated in my memoirs, excel-
lent log houses put up by our people on the Fox river, in
Michigan, for purposes connected with the ceremonies of
a treaty, and left standing after these ceremonies were
concluded. In that region of snows and frosts, we would
think such shelters would prove highly acceptable to the
shivering natives. But not so ; for we had scarcely lost

24 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

sight of the theatre of our negotiations, before the Indians
fired these buildings, and consumed them. Like their pro-
genitors, the Tartars, they preferred their wigwams. The
yonti of the Tartar, and the wigwam of the Indian, are
built after the same fashion, and constructed of the same
materials. These are of skins, the bark of trees, of grass
or mats, and sometimes of mud.

They resemble each other, also, in their improvidence.
Of the Tartars, Ledyard says, " They discover the same
indifference about accumulating more, and for the concerns
of to-morrow, that a North American Indian does. They
stroll about the village, and, if they can, get drunk, smoke
their pipe, or go to sleep."

It is not possible for a comparison to be more perfect ;
its exact similitude will be recognized by all who have
visited our border towns and villages, that are resorted to
by our Indians. Their moccasins are also alike ; and wam-
pum is prized by both, and is employed to hand down
traditions by both. The Tartar, sometimes, works his
up into the initials of his name, and ornaments with it the
borders of his garments. The Indian employs the same
material in ornamenting his garments, also, wears it in
strings about his neck, dangles it from his ears, works it
up on his belts into forms, though not of letters, that can be
read from generation to generation.

I have recorded and published a remarkable illustration
of this which I take the liberty to repeat on this occa-
sion. It has been stated by Mr. Stickney, an intelligent
observer, well acquainted with the Indians, (having been
formerly Indian agent at Fort Wayne) that he once saw
a very ancient belt among the Wyandots, which they told
him had come from a large Indian nation, in the south-
west. At the time of its reception, as ever since, the
Wyandots were the leading tribe in this quarter of the
continent. Placed at the head of the great Indian com-
monwealth, by circumstances which even their tradition

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 25

does not record, they held the great council-fire, and pos-
sessed the right of convening the various tribes around it,
whenever any important occurrence required general deli-
beration. This belt had been specially transmitted to
them ; and, from the attendant circumstances, and accom-
panying narrative, Mr. Stickney had no doubt it was sent
by the Mexican emperor, at the period of the invasion of
that country, by Cortez. The speech stated, in substance,
that a new and strange animal had appeared upon the
coast, describing him like the fabled Centaurs of antiquity,
as part man, and part quadruped ; and adding, that he com-
manded the thunder and lightning. The object seemed to
be, to put the Indians on their guard against this terrible
monster, whenever he might appear.

Could a collection of these ancient belts be now made,
and the accompanying narratives recorded, it would afford
curious and interesting materials, reflecting, no doubt,
much light upon the former situation and history of the
Indians. But it is vain to expect such a discovery. In
the mutations and migrations of the various tribes, mis-
fortunes have pressed so heavily upon them, that they have
been unable to preserve their people or their country,
much less the memorials of their former power. These
have perished in the general wreck of their fortunes lost,
as have been the sites of their council-fires, and the graves
of their fathers.

But further, on the subject of comparison. A highly
important matter with both, is, to have, well-defined, the
limits of their hunting grounds ; and nothing leads so di-
rectly to conflicts, as encroachments, by tribes or hunting
parties, upon these ascertained limits.

The Tartars are a roving people ; so are the Indians.
They both believe in the existence of one great and good
spirit, and that from him they receive everything that is
good ; and in the existence, also, of a bad spirit, of whom
comes all that they suffer. To this bad spirit, they offer

VOL. n. 4

26 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

sacrifice, and under various forms deprecate his wrath.
Some of these, the sacrifice of the Wabana, for example,
are so demoniac in their manifestations, that a stranger
might be easily tempted to believe his Satanic majesty
was himself present, directing and governing the semi-
infernal ritual.

Among those who have made diligent search after ma-
terials for the ascertainment of the origin of the Indians,
was Du Pratz. The great theatre of his investigations
was among the tribes of the southwest. All he could
gather from their traditions or otherwise, was, that they
had come " from between the north and where the sun
sets." This was their tradition then, and to it they ad-
here. It was during his researches in that quarter, that
he fell in with the famous Yazoo chief, Mon-Catchape, who
had himself been in search of like materials. To know
his origin, and the origin of his race, was, to Mon-Catchape,
an all-absorbing feeling. Five years were spent by this
chief, in travels, in pursuit of this knowledge. His first move
was to visit the Chickasaws, of whom the Yazoos inher-
ited their language ; and who, for that reason, were look-
ed upon as the elders of their tribe. Finding nothing sat-
isfactory there, he made for the country of the Chaoua-
noes, thence up the Ohio, and onward till he reached that
occupied by the Iroquois. There he took an old Indian
for his guide, and travelled towards sunrise, till he came
to what is called " the great water." The noise of the
billows, and the coming in and going out of the tide,
greatly alarmed him ; but on being assured that they could
not pass the barriers assigned by the Great Spirit, to keep
them from overflowing the land, he became satisfied.
This great water, doubtless, was the Atlantic ocean.

Returning from the sea-board, he wintered among the
Wabanackies which means Indians of the East. Thence
he made his way to the St. Lawrence, and to Niagara.
The sight of this great cataract, he told Du Pratz, " made

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 27

his hair stand on end, and his heart almost leap out of its
place." Before quitting it, however, he mustered sufficient
courage to walk under it. Without following this chief
in his wanderings, suffice it to say, he continued on, reach-
ed the Missouri, visited the Missouri, Kansas, and other
bands and passing on, joined himself to those who lived
more westward on the coast, and with these he " travelled
along the shore of the great water, (the Pacific, doubt-
less,) which bends directly between the north and setting
sun." Here he found the days very long, and the nights
very short ; and here the old men persuaded him to give
over all thoughts of continuing his journey.

From these old men he learned that " the land extended
still a long way in a direction between the north and the
setting sun ; after which it ran directly west, till it was cut
by the great water from north to south." One of these
old men added, when he was young, he knew a very
old man, who had seen that distant land before it was cut
away by the great water ; and that when the great water
was low, many rocks still appeared in those parts. Mon-
Catchape finding it impossible, owing to the severity of the
weather and the absence of game, to proceed farther, re-
turned home by the route he had travelled in going out.
This account, (the entire details of which are very inte-
resting,) satisfied Du Pratz that the Indians came from the
continent of Asia by the way of Behring's Straits.

I find I have anticipated the question, " Whence came
the Indians ?" But when, and by what route was their
Exodus from the land of their origin, to this in which our
progenitors found them ? That period, and that route, can
never be known ! Time, " the grave of all things," has
closed upon the answer to these questions, and shut it
up in endless night. Nobody knows, nor will anybody
ever know, when the Exodus of our Indians was begun, or
when it was ended. Whether, like the Israelites, they
were forty years in a wilderness, led off by some Moses,

28 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

from the cruel exactions of some Pharaoh ; or were stung,
any of them, by flying fiery serpents ; or were fed by the
way on manna ; or clung to their flesh-pots ; or were re-
freshed by water made to gush from the rock by miracu-
lous agency ; or whether they wandered hither in pairs, or
by tribes, or bands, to where the waters divided this con-
tinent from theirs ; and whether they crossed upon ice, or
were driven over by some storm, in rude vessels, or sought
the passage by design all, all is buried from our view, and
forever ! Not a trace remains by which we can be guided
into anything more than a plausible theory ; and by means
of it, if not to a satisfactory, perhaps to some acceptable
conclusion.

It is not unreasonable to presume that nothing was
known of this continent, and nothing of its resources, by
these Tartar rovers, previous to the time of crossing the
strait ; or, if the crossing was by design, and with a know-
ledge of the continent and its resources, it was to ascertain
whether game abounded, and fish were plenty ; or, they
might have been forced over by the scourge of persecution,
as were the pilgrim fathers ; or, as were the ancient Is-
raelites, to avoid the pursuit and exactions of some Tartar
Pharaoh. It is by no means unreasonable to suppose that
there was not any, or if any, but a very narrow crossing
to be made. The more enlightened opinion is, that there
was a connexion, by means of an isthmus, and that at the
period of which I am speaking, Asia and America, as they
are now known, formed one undivided portion of the globe,
and the report of Mon-Catchape to Du Pratz would seem
to favor this theory. If what is now a strait of only about
forty miles wide, was, not over three hundred and fifty
years ago, a passage in which, at low water, many rocks
were visible, the conclusion would seem to be reasonable
that the two continents were once united. We err, in my
opinion, in compressing the events touching the peopling
of this continent in too narrow a compass of time ; as we

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 39

do, also, in supposing, as we are apt to do, that straits and
water-falls have always been where they now are. How
many are there, who, on beholding the Falls of Niagara,
suppose them to have been always where they now are ?
And yet how evident, upon the slightest examination, are
the proofs to the contrary. The changes upon the face of
the globe are as various as they are endless.

In what numbers they came, or how long they continued
to cross over, we know nothing. The high probability is,
the crossing was accidental,* and by a few, who, having

* Storms have, doubtless, been instrumental, from the earliest ages, in peopling
islands in every part of the ocean. It is not improbable that this continent owes
the advent of its Tartar population to their agency. During my official connex-
ion with the government, as Chief of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, news reached
me that a party of Indians had arrived in Washington, and that they had found
their way to the city by the route of the Potomac. I directed my informant to
send or bring them to my office. They came. There were five of them. To the
questions To what tribe did they belong ? and what business had brought them
to Washington ? I was answered, that they " belonged to the Quoddy tribe, away
down towards sunrise, where the land stops, in the East ;" meaning the neigh-
borhood of Eastport, in Maine. Their visit to Washington, they said, was very
unexpected to them ; and they had reached there without any power of control
over their movements. It seems the party had gone out in two bark canoes to
shoot porpoises and while away off from land, a storm came on, that forced them
far out to sea. It continued to blow for two or three days and nights ; when, at
last, a vessel hove in sight. By the aid of their paddles, with something white
attached to them, they attracted the attention of the crew, when the vessel tacked
and came to them, taking them on board. They were then off the capes of Vir-
ginia. The two canoes kept within sight of each other all the time, when there
was daylight to see one another ; but at night, each was left ignorant of the fate
of the other.

The principal was DEACON SOCKBASIN, who spoke English tolerably well, and
could write also with sufficient accuracy to make known what he had to say, on
paper. His name had been made familiar to me by various communications bear-
ing hi& signature, on matters relating to their school.

Their wants were supplied, and the means given them to bear their expenses
home. One of the canoes the other having been injured I had brought to the
War Department, and hung up in the passage, over the door of my office, where it
remained till the Indian portraits and other relics which I had collected there,
were sent to the Columbian Institute, with the canoe, where the latter yet remains
to attest in how frail a vessel human beings may be driven by a storm, upon the
ocean, for at least one thousand miles.

If this party of Quoddy Indians could survive such a storm as Sockbasin de-
scribed that to be which drove him and his party from off Eastport, in Maine, to

30 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, dec., OF THE

passed over, returned and reported what they had discov-
ered to their countrymen, when everything having been
found to be abundant, and in accordance with their wants
and tastes, colony after colony came over, until the Tartar
hordes were drained of their most adventurous, and dar-
ing, and restless associates.

And now, having made the crossing, (whether upon what
was then an isthmus, or across what is now a strait, is im-
material,) they spread themselves over the country, under
the impulse of their natural habits, as well as for the sake
of freedom from the pressure of those in their rear, as to
find retreats where the game was most plenty, and fish
were most easily taken ; whilst the game, doubtless, with
the instinct common to all animals, retired before the ad-
vances of the invaders. It is characteristic of the Indian
to go where he can get what he wants with the least trou-
ble ; but in this he only shows himself to be in close alli-
ance with his intellectually and morally elevated pale-faced
brother ; for, after all, it is not more true of man that he
is an imitative, than that he is an indolent animal.

the capes of Virginia, it is not unreasonable to conclude that other adventurers on
the deep blue sea may have, in all times, been subject to like transitions, and by
the same cause. In this way, as I have said, this continent may have had thrown
upon it the progenitors of the Indian race.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 31

PART II

CONDITION, CHARACTER AND CUSTOMS OF THE INDIAN
RACES. REMARKABLE ANCIENT WORKS OF ART. BY
WHOM BUILT. THEIR FATE, AND THAT OF THEIR CON-
QUERORS.

Aspect of the country on the advent of the Indians The varied destiny that
awaited them Their simple habits Their ignorance The degraded condition
of their women Their increase and division into tribes Present races of Indi-
ans not the first occupants of America Discoveries of the Northmen Re-
markable remains of fortifications, mounds, &c. Extent of these works at
Camillus, Marietta, &c. Great age of these works Absence of tradition
respecting them Improbability that the present races constructed them
Theirs was scarcely more than a physical existence No culture No ad-
vance for ages Works of ancient Greeks, Romans, Egyptians, considered
Further notice of the Northmen These works not constructed by them
They were erected by ancient Mexicans or Peruvians Resemblance in form
and use to works of those nations They were not the progenitors of the pre-
sent Mexicans, but an extinct race Dr. Warren's collection of skulls Combe
Further speculations upon this theory Warlike character of Indians A
Chippewa war-song Cause of the division into tribes and confederacies
Great numbers of the Indians Devastating effects of their wars The ac-
companiments of European civilization still more desolating Obligations of
Americans to arrest these destroying influences.

HAVING now (in accordance with this theory, at least,)
fairly landed the Indian upon this continent, and offer-
ed a few brief reasons in support of my opinions that
he is of Tartar origin, and glanced at the probable route
he took in getting here ; it may be well to pause awhile,
and contemplate the scenes by which he found himself
surrounded in this new world, and himself moving in their
midst.

Upon what a theatre had the red man now entered !
How full of varied interests, henceforth, was to be his

32 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

destiny ! Could he have run his eye down the vista of
time, and seen only a part of what his race was doomed
to suffer, he would have turned from the terrible pros-
pect, and with his bands, recrossed the strait, though
tasks, and stripes, and even death, awaited him ! Better,
he would have reasoned, better to die at home, and among
kindred and friends, and be covered with the same turf
that rests upon the remains of my fathers, than to be made
wretched in a distant land, and die there an outcast ! How
merciful is that provision of our Creator, that shuts the
future from our view !

The Indian saw nothing of all that was to befall his race ;
and so onward he came. Above him, was the same sun
that now daily shines, and had shone for ages before, and
that blesses all it shines upon. And there was the same
moon, upon whose silvery face he had so often vacantly ga-
zed, in the land he had left ; and there, also, were the same
stars. " The Seven Stars, and Orion," were there ; and
there was the Galaxy, and there the Aurora Borealis the
first, as now, looked upon by him as the path of the
ghosts ; the last, as the graceful evolutions of dancing
spirits. The lightning's flash illumined the heaven, and
the thunder uttered its voice. The ocean was the same
as now lifted into billows by the storm, or sunk to rest
in the calm, as if to gather strength from its repose for
some fresh onset upon the boundaries that had been fixed,
and beyond which, the mandate of the Eternal had gone
forth, forbidding it to pass. And there were the forests,
time-worn, and moss-grown wild, tangled, interminable
furnishing shelter, by excluding the sun's rays, for winter,
where he lay concealed in his magazine of snows. The
vernal year came then, as now, breathing its violet breath
upon the desert air, where it was wasted. Wild flowers
bloomed, and the valleys were everywhere clothed with
" the livery nature delights to wear." Upon every hill-
side, animals browsed and reposed. And there were the

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 33

mountains rocky and barren, crowned as now, with pine,
and spruce, and hemlock ; amidst which the aspen's leaves
quivered, as the breeze played upon, and among them.

BUT THERE WAS NO SABBATH THERE !

Amidst all this grandeur and magnificence of earth, and
sky, and ocean, roamed those emigrant Tartar bands
the progenitors of the Indian race. It was cause of no
gratulation to them, nor did they profit by it, that the
earth was full of germinating stores, the richest and most
varied ; nor was it perceived that it was waiting in gentle
and sweet repose, for the direction of the appropriate in-
telligence, for the " seed time, and the harvest." Nor did
they dream that the plough was destined to open its teem-
ing bosom, and " side-long turn the glebe." Nor was the
value of the refreshing rains and fertilizing dews compre-
hended. So far as the cultivated fruits of the earth were
concerned, these enriching treasures fell in vain.

Confined within the narrow limits of his wants and
these were supplied by game and fish the skins of the
former serving for garments, the Indian comprehended
nothing of all this lavish economy. No light, direct or
reflected, had shone, except only in faint and confused
glimmerings upon this book of nature ; nor were his eyes
instructed to read its glorious contents. Not one ray of
that blessed light which comes from the Gospel, bringing
with it " life and immortality" had penetrated the darkness
that brooded over his mind, wrapping the future in such
dismal and appalling mystery !

Onward, and yet onward, moved the bands, clothed in
winter in the skins of beasts, and in summer free from all
such encumbrance. The earth was their mother, and
upon its lap they reposed. Rude wigwams sheltered
them. Hunger and thirst satisfied, sleep followed and
within this circle was contained the happiness of the abo-
riginal man. True, within it was his squaw and there,
too, were his papooses. Alas ! then, as now, her shoul-

VOL. n. 5

34 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

ders were made to bear the weight, and her hands to per-
form the drudgery of the domestic labor. She put up and
took down the wigwam, and with stone axes cut the
wood, kindled the fire, skinned, cut up, and cooked the
meat. Her lord having partaken of the food, retired, if in
warm weather, to some shade hard by, where he spread
himself out and smoked, and slept. If in cold weather, he
would turn from the bark bowl, or rude earthen vessel, in
which the food was served up, out of which, with his fin-
gers, he had fed himself, into some part of the wigwam
where the fire was warmest, and smoke and sleep there.
Meantime, she, in quiet and subdued silence, made her
meal the papooses and dogs sharing it with her.

The beauty and graces of the sex had not then shone
forth. These are produced, only, by those spring-time-
like influences that come over her gently, affectionately,
fondly. This happy state was reserved for the refinements
of civilization, and the influences of the Gospel. Show
me anywhere, and among any people, no matter where
situated, or by what name called, a disregard for woman,
a lack of tenderness towards her, and of affection for her,
and I will show you a comparatively savage people. But
show me by whom she is regarded, protected, cherished,
honored, loved, and I will show you the representative of
civilization, refinement, and Christianity.

It was, as I have stated, amidst all this display of na-
ture, and thus living, and thus feeling, that these uneduca-
ted and rude people these emigrant Tartar bands roamed.
The fish and game upon which they subsisted being abun-
dant, they no doubt greatly multiplied ; for, as yet, wars
had not been waged, nor was the peace of their new home
interrupted by collisions, or intrusions of any kind.

But this abundant, and tranquil, and prosperous condi-
tion, was destined to be changed ; and this calm to be fol-
lowed by a storm. How long their state of repose lasted,
there are no means of ascertaining but it was long

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 35

enough, doubtless, for them to have become formidable in
numbers, and even terrible in power. Here they were,
spread over immense portions of the territory, and in multi-
tudes which it may have required ages to produce ; and whilst
pushing their population onward, and when the continent
itself seemed just within their grasp, they were suddenly
surprised by the presence of a race that had preceded
them in the occupancy of the country. To a people who
had been so long accustomed to the unmolested posses-
sion of a home, and to the enjoyment of boundless liberty,
and unobstructed freedom, the sudden uprising of a power
like this, produced in them that sort of rebound which the
billow makes, when it rolls, in all its storm-impelled force,
upon some ocean-rock.

" Violence can never longer sleep,

Than human passions please. In every heart
Are sown the sparks that kindle fiery war
Occasion needs but fan them, and they blaze."

Here, then, was the occasion, and here the breeze that
fanned.

It is not difficult to fancy, under such circumstances, the
state of excitement into which those hitherto " monarchs
of all they surveyed," were thrown. Runners were, doubt-
less, despatched in all directions, to convey the astounding
intelligence to the widely scattered bands, and to summon
the head men into council, to contrive some plan for the
general security, and for an onset upon the new power ;
whilst upon the other hand the opposite party were no
less busy in making preparations to defend and maintain
their hitherto undisputed right to their possessions ; when,
as was most natural, a bloody and exterminating war fol-
lowed.

This was not the ordinary excitement growing out of
trespasses upon the limits of hunting grounds, (and yet
these have been known to continue for more than a hun-
dred years,) but of a trespass upon country, and home,

36 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

and liberty. It was an invasion of the whole ; and to be
passive, would be to surrender all. It was the Tartar
power, upon the one hand, against a new, a formidable, but
unknown power, on the other ; and this was not more nat-
ural than it was, as we may well suppose, in accordance
with the spirit of that fierce, and rude, and barbarous age.

But who were the people, you have already silently in-
quired, that were thus met by the ancestors of our Indians,
in that remote period, and who had preceded them in the
occupancy of this country ? I may not satisfy you, in the
answer I am about to give to this question, by DEMON-
STRATING who these people were ; but that such a race did
exist, and were in the occupancy of this country prior to
the coming into it of the present race of Indians, I have
not the shadow of a doubt ; and this, I think, I shall make
plain to you in the sequel.

It is a well authenticated historical fact, that the Danes
and Normans visited this continent five hundred years be-
fore Columbus put foot upon it ; and that " they had pushed
their way from Iceland and Greenland to where the climate
was very temperate, the soil fruitful in pasturage, and to a
river, in which they anchored, the waters of which were
full of the largest salmon they had ever seen, and where
the days were nearer of an equal length than in Greenland
or Iceland ; and when they were at the shortest, the sun
rose at half-past seven, and set at half-past four." " Sup-
posing," says Wheaton, the historian, in a note to this pas-
sage, " this computation to be correct, they must have
been in the latitude of Boston, the present capital of New
England."

It would be a departure from all precedent, if these
Northmen, after having arrived in such waters, surrounded
by such a country, and witnessing for themselves the su-
perior and abundant productions of both land and sea, and
feeling the genial temperature of the climate to be, in com-
parison with their own, a paradise, should have been con-

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 37

tent with planting colonies, only, and leaving them, without
making them permanent, to remain in all time a source of
aggrandizement to their country, and a monument to their
fame. Be this as it may, few things are more certain, than
that this country was inhabited by a race, prior to the
coming into it of those from whom the present race of In-
dians are descended ; (and, in all probability, ages before it
was visited by the Northmen ;) and that that race was ad-
vanced in civilization and the arts, especially in the art of
fortification,

We have ample and enduring proof of this, in the mon-
uments which remain, that those who built them had their
" origin from nations of great cultivation." Bradford, on
American Antiquities, says, " Many of these ancient re-
mains indicate great elegance of taste, and a high degree
of dexterous workmanship and mechanical skill in their
construction ; while the size and extent of the fortifications
and mounds demonstrate the former existence of populous
nations, capable of executing works of enormous dimen-
sions, requiring perseverance, time, and combination of
labor, for their erection." Reference is had here to those
fortifications and places of security and defence, the
remains of which are to be met with from the lakes to
Florida. These works, the product of the skill and labor
of the most experienced engineers, could never, I assume,
have been the work of our Indians, since it is scarcely
possible, if they had ever possessed the art, for them so
entirely to have lost it.

Some idea of the nature and extent of these works, and
of the science, and skill, and labor that were employed in
their construction, may be formed, by a reference to a few
of them.

" In Onondaga county, (New York,) are the remains of
one of these fortified towns, containing over Jive hundred
acres. The form is that of three elliptical forts, disposed
in a triangle ; and distant from each other, about eight

38 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

miles, were the outworks." " At Camillus, in the same
county, there were, only a few years since, two elliptical
forts, with gates, and covered ways to the adjacent water.
On Seneca river stood another, which was in the form of
a parallelogram, two hundred and twenty yards in length,
and fifty-five yards in breadth, with gates opening on either
side, towards the river and to the country."

The late President Harrison says " he examined three
of these fortifications one at Marietta, one at Cincinnati,
and one at the mouth of the Great Miami, particularly the
latter ; and that they all have a military character stamped
upon them which cannot be mistaken." " The engineers,"
he proceeds, " who directed the Miami work, appear to
have known the importance of flank defences ; and if the
bastions are not so perfect, as to form, as those which are
in use in modern engineering, their position, as well as that
of the long lines of curtains, are precisely as they should
be."

Carver, the celebrated traveller, who, it is said, was the
first to notice these works, makes a similar remark in re-
lation to the entrenchments he discovered near Lake Pe-
pin. " Though much defaced by time," he says, " every
angle was distinguishable, and appeared as regular, and
fashioned with as much military skill, as if planned by
VAUBAN himself."

Over two hundred years have passed since history began
to embody the attainments of the Indians, and to record
their nature, extent, and variety. To these it is fair to add
five hundred years more for tradition, making in all seven
hundred years, during which period we may claim to know,
from these two sources, what they were masters of in the
arts and sciences. In all that period, beginning with the
time when tradition is supposed to have lost none of its
freshness, and through the period when history has record-
ed whatever relates to the Indians, (a period, as I have
supposed, of at least seven hundred years,) there exists

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 39

not a single trace, IN EITHER, to authorize the belief that
the works that have been referred to were either of their
execution or conception. Their intellectual acquirements
were as low as they are recorded to have been among any
people on the face of the earth. They had no letters, and
no learning.

Not the slightest rudiments of a single science were
known among them. The sun, and moon, and stars, were
balls of light, set in the heavens. The earth was an island.
Their pathology referred every disorder to a spirit which
was to be driven out by the noise and incantations of the
jugglers, which constituted their medical science. Their
arithmetic enabled them to count a hundred, and here,
generally, their power over numbers ceased. Their arts
consisted in making a canoe, a bow and arrow, a little
rude pottery, in the weaving of mats, the putting up of the
wigwam, and in taking their game upon the land and the
water. I presume there was scarcely an Indian on the
continent, who could comprehend an abstract idea ; and at
this day, the process is neither common nor easy. I have,
of course, no reference here to those who are civilized, in
whole or in part. The great business of their lives was to
procure food, and devour it ; and to subdue their enemies,
and scalp them. Tradition has furnished nothing going
beyond this state of the Indians' attainments ; and such, in
general, was their condition, over two hundred years ago,
when the Europeans arrived among them. Why they
had advanced so little in all that constitutes the progress
of society, it is not so easy to conjecture. The question
presents one of the most difficult problems to be found in
the whole history of mankind.

Thus were the Indians, stationary ; looking upon life as a
scene of physical exertion, without improving, or attempt-
ing to improve. With the exception of the half-civilized
empires of Mexico and Peru, all the primitive inhabitants,
from the Straits of Magellan to Hudson's Bay, were in this

40 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

state of helpless ignorance and imbecility. Whether they
inhabited the mild and genial climates, were burned by the
vertical sun of the tropics, or, by a still harder fate, were
condemned to the bleak and sterile regions of the north,
all were equally stationary and improvident. Ages passed
by, and made no impression on them. The experience of
the past, and the aspirations of the future, were alike un-
heeded. Their existence was confined to the present.

Now, I ask, is there anything in all this, that would war-
rant the belief that these works of art, the result of a skill
so consummate, and of labor so immense, were the pro-
duct of the science and labor of this Indian race ?

It may be asked, if many of the arts of the ancients, (the
Egyptians, for example, as also of the Greeks and Romans,)
are lost, why may not the same fate have involved, in the
same extinction, those of the Indians ? Who of us knows
by what instrument of power those huge masses of stone
were raised to the elevation of five hundred feet, of which
the Pyramids of Egypt are formed? And where is the
secret of embalming the dead, which has been so long lost
to the world, and which, three thousand years ago, was
known, in all probability, to the whole of Egypt ? And
where that of those inimitable colors used by painters,
which time, instead of obliterating, or fading, only serves
to freshen ? And so of other arts that might be enumera-
ted. Such a thing is possible, that the Indians may have,
at some far-back period of their history, retrograded, and
yet it is scarcely possible that such a backward move-
ment should have lost, even to their tradition, every vestige
of every art, as well as of every trace of every utensil,
and of every sort that relates in the remotest degree to
those fortifications, or to the domestic economy of those
who built them, and especially as they have been in close
and visible association with those monuments, and those
utensils, from the beginning. The night must have been
long and dark, indeed, to have hidden from the Indians, (if

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 41

those monuments were built by their race,) every trace of
their origin ; and the change in their domestic economy
must have been radical, to have separated them from not
only the use, but the knowledge of the utensils that are
found in these fortifications.

The conclusion I have arrived at is, that the Indian
race had no agency in building those monuments of the
art of fortification, to which I have referred.

I do not wish to be understood as inculcating the doc-
trine that the Indians are incapable, or have ever been
incapable, of learning and practising the lessons of civiliza-
tion and the arts. Such is not my belief, but the contrary.
I shall discuss this question in my next discourse. The
reference to the presence of the Northmen upon this con-
tinent, five hundred years before Columbus landed upon
it, may have led some to the inference, that I supposed
them to have been the artificers of these great works. My
belief is, they had nothing to do with them. If they had,
the same history, it is fair to presume, that has recorded
so many events connected with their intercourse with this
country, would have taken note of such labors. Every-
thing, besides, is made clear enough. " In the ninth cen-
tury," we are told, " Iceland, and in the tenth, Greenland,
was discovered by these adventurous people." Explora-
tions were made, say the records, and a colony planted
and settled in Vinland (New England.)

The movements of Erick the Red, are recorded in de-
tail. " He landed in Greenland, in 982, and devoted two
years in exploring the country. In 985, he went again to
Greenland, and took with him many persons, and there
founded a colony ; whilst Thorvald, (brother of Lief Eirek-
son he who remained a year in Vinland, taking back a
cargo of timber,) explored the coast of North America,
from Newfoundland, almost to Florida. He took up his
residence in Vinland, and remained there three years, and
explored the interior. The natives were found, at that far-

VOL. n. 6

42 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

back period, to be numerous and hostile, which caused
him to leave." And this may be the reason why no per-
manent colony was established here. The country, how-
ever, was continued to be visited, and we learn that
" Bishop Eirek visited Vinland in 1121 ;" and that " mer-
chant ships arrived at Markland, (Nova Scotia,) for timber,
centuries afterwards." The hardships, and perils, and
deaths, attendant upon these adventures, are recorded.
The indomitable Thorvald lost his life ; Thorstien was
driven off by a storm to a distant shore, where he died.
Thorfien had not to contend with mutiny and desertions
only, but was menaced by famine, for an entire winter.
The war spirit of the natives was kindled, and battles
were fought.

Now all these, and a thousand other things, are left per-
manently recorded ; and why, after having experienced the
genial influences of this climate, and been fanned by the
breeze of Florida, and had demonstrated to them, by ex-
plorations, and otherwise, the almost boundless resources
of both the land and the ocean, these Northmen should
have turned their backs upon it all, and bidden adieu to
it forever, is a mystery that cannot be solved. And yet,
some may assume that the settlers may have been cut off
by savage incursions, and separated from all the means
that might have connected them with history ; and in their
isolated state put up those places of defence, which reach
from the lakes to Florida. There would be something
plausible in this, if the relics found in those mounds and
circumvallations were such as connected the Northmen
with their use ; or if they, together with the fortifications
and mounds, and traditions, did not connect them with
another race.

The question again occurs who were the people that
preceded the Indians in the occupancy of this continent,
and left these enduring memorials of their science, and
skill, and labor ? And who were met fought conquered,

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 43

and annihilated, (so far, at least, as North America is con-
cerned) by the Tartar bands, from whom the present race
of Indians are descended ?

I believe them to have been MEXICANS, or PERUVIANS,
or both and shall proceed, briefly, to assign some of the
reasons for this belief. And first, there is an exact con-
formity in the structure and form of those mounds and
circumvallations of North America, to those which are
common to Peru and Mexico ; second, the relics, so
far as I have been able to ascertain, are the same ; third,
tradition favors the supposition ; fourth, we have posses-
sion of skulls, dug from our soil, of an extinct race.

It has been justly assumed, that nothing marks the com-
mon origin of a people, language excepted, with so great
certainty, as the style of architecture in their dwellings,
in their temples, and in their fortifications. No traces are
left of the style of the dwellings of the race who built the
fortifications alluded to ; no comparison, therefore, can
be made between them and those of Peru. Time has
mouldered these into dust. Not so, however, with their
temples and fortifications. Here the similarity is most
exact ; as much so, at least, as the action of the elements,
operating for so long a period, upon those built of less
durable materials, will permit ; whilst the dilapidations of
mural structures make it difficult to distinguish which
were used for religious worship, and which for defence
except, indeed, the remains of that particular feature which
shows the greater adaptation of the one over the other, to
these separate objects. " In North America, most of
these fortifications and mounds are composed of earth ; in
Mexico, South America, &c., of stone, or brick, or earth.
Where they are found in this country, built entirely of
earth, there happens to be no other material at hand, out
of which to construct them."

But the points of analogy are so strong between them,
as to identify them as being built by the same rules, and

44 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

for the same objects. "In Peru, these mounds are ter-
raced, and are regarded as having been used by the sun-
worshippers. In Mexico, the TEOCALI or houses of the
Sun, or of God were terraced ; and upon their tops were
chapels, in which were the idols of the worshippers. We
have the same terraced form in the United States ; but,
owing to the materials of which the structures are com-
posed, these are nearly worn away some, however, are
distinctly marked." There is a mound at Cahokia, which
Breckenridge reports as being constructed with as much
regularity as any of the Teocali of New Spain, and was,
doubtless, cased with brick or stone, and crowned with
buildings. The Natchez, and other tribes of North Ame-
rica, are known to have been sun- worshippers. And then,
there are the relics and utensils, found in these mounds,
which are known to bear an exact resemblance to those
used in Mexico and Peru.

We have tradition, also, in support *of this theory.
" The Choctaw Indians call not only the mound on Black
river ' The House of the Great Spirit,' but all the old
mounds are, in their language, called Nane-Yah-, which
means, literally, hills, or mounts of God ; answering pre-
cisely to the Teocali of the Mexicans." The ancient belt
to which I have referred, and which was sent to the Wy-
andots, there can be little doubt was a messenger from
Mexico, so far back as the invasion of that country by
Cortez, sent to warn them, and put them upon their guard,
against the monster whom it described thus forming a
link in the connexion between those who gave the warn-
ing, and the party warned. The hieroglyphics of that
belt must have been familiar to both, else it would have
proved to those to whom it was sent, a dumb messenger.

But we have something of a yet more remarkable sort.
The mounds we know to have been the work of man ; and
for the reasons assigned, we cannot admit them to have
been built by the progenitors of the present race of Indians;

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 45

and as this country, when discovered by the Europeans,
was found to be occupied by the Indians, and by no other
people, the inference is, that the mounds must be the pro-
duct of the labor and skill of a race now extinct. My
theory embraces this very position ; and, in support of it,
there are to be seen in Doctor Warren's collection of nu-
merous specimens of crania, in Boston, three skulls, picked
up in the valley of the Mississippi, of an extinct race !
COMBE, the celebrated phrenologist, in remarking upon
these skulls, says, they strikingly resemble the Chinese
skulls in the Edinburgh collection. Be this as it may,
one thing is certain they do not resemble the skulls of
the Indians; nor are they of European, or African con-
formation. And here they are, found in the very soil whose
turf, I have assumed, the feet of that people once trod ;
whose works, in the mounds and fortifications referred to,
yet exist, to attest at the same time the numbers, and pow-
er, and science of those who built them.

The theory which I have advanced, is, that this country
was peopled by a race advanced in civilization and the
arts, prior to its occupancy by the Indians ; that the In-
dians warred with and exterminated that race ; and that
those who were thus exterminated, were Mexicans, or Pe-
ruvians, or both. How these fortified places were cap-
tured, can never be known. Whether by sieges, or open
fight ; by the slow process of starvation, or the sweeping
outbreak of the battle-field ; or, whether the contests were
within, or without the fortifications, none can tell. But
that a people, occupying a point high above the highest
point of Indian improvement, did once occupy this coun-
try, and are now extinct, appears to me to be no less cer-
tain than is the existence of their works, that brave the ele-
ments, and the levelling agencies of time and man ; or the
cranialogical remains, that have for ages resisted the pro-
cess of decay, as if to assure us, from the tomb, and in the
language of the living, that the Tartar bands which now

46 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

exist, are they who warred with, conquered, and extermi-
nated the race represented by these exhumed, bony de-
monstrations. How long the war continued between these
races, or with what weapons the parties fought, none can
tell. The war was, doubtless, of long duration. It is easy
to imagine how protracted it must have been, to have af-
forded time for the overthrow and extermination of a peo-
ple capable of erecting works of such magnitude and ex-
tent as those to which I have referred.

It is highly probable that the war spirit which animates
the Indians to this day, and which has been always, since
we have known anything of them, and is yet, their chief
glory, was kindled during this very conflict. Wars had
not, in all probability, until that time, been common among
them ; not exceeding, perhaps, those which we denominate
family jars. But the appetite for war, in human nature,
being one of the sort that " grows by what it feeds on ;"
and that appetite having been whetted and made keen, by
the successive triumphs, and final overthrow of their an-
tagonists, became thereafter the cherished idol of the In-
dians, and remains so to this day.

The press heralded the triumphs of Napoleon ; and as
his bulletins were read, the spirits of the victorious legions
were warmed into rapture, and the sound of the trumpet,
summoning them to some new battle-field, was music to
them. The Indian warrior proclaims his victories in the
dance, and in song, amidst his bands, who shout a re-
sponse to his deeds, and pant for the opportunity to imitate
them.

Never did the heart of Caesar, of Alexander, or Napo-
leon, beat with greater emotion, or the bosom of either
heave with feelings of more rapturous sort, or the eye of
either beam and glisten with more of the diamond's lustre,
than I have witnessed in the warrior chief, when, in the
midst of his bands, and in the dance, he has rehearsed, in
song, his victories told of the enemies he had slain the

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 47

scalps he had taken and the captures he had made. I
can never forget the song of the famous Ojibewa war chief
of Lake Superior, Wab-jeek. I have often listened to it on
the shores of Lake Superior, when sung by his descend-
ants. It was all his own the English version being a close
imitation of the original. It is this :

" On that day when our heroes lay low lay low
On that day when our heroes lay low,
I fought by their side, and thought ere I died,
Just vengeance to take on the foe the foe
Just vengeance to take on the foe.

" On that day when our chieftains lay dead lay dead
On that day when our chieftains lay dead,
I fought hand to hand, at the head of my hand,
And here, on my breast, have I bled have I bled
And here, on my breast, have I bled.

" Our chiefs shall return no more no more
Our chiefs shall return no more
And their brothers in war who can't show scar for scar,
Like women, their fates shall deplore shall deplore
Like women, their fates shall deplore.

" Five winters in hunting we'll spend we'll spend
Five winters in hunting we'll spend
Then our youths grown to men, to the war lead again,
And our days like our fathers', we'll end we'll end
And our days like our fathers', we'll end."

But these war songs, to be appreciated, must be listened
to as rehearsed, or sung, by the Indians, and their effects
witnessed upon the bands. The wildness of the strain in
which they are sung, together with the gestures and ener-
gy of the narrator, are enough to make anybody fight.

The war between the two powers, (the emigrant Tartar
bands and the emigrant Peruvians, or Mexicans, or both,)
having terminated, and so triumphantly to the former, so
far from abating, in the victors, the spirit which that war
had kindled, must have rendered the repose which followed
as irksome as it was inglorious. Every chief who had dis-
tinguished himself, became, after that war, the head of a

48 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, dec., OF THE

band, and each, in his own prowess, sought for cause of
quarrel with other bands, that occasions of triumph might
arise in which himself and his warriors might recount new
victories, and sing and dance amidst the excitements and
acclamations of their followers. Then, doubtless, alliances
were sought and formed, and out of these grew confede-
racies, whose territorial limits were the theatres of con-
stant sieges and counter-sieges ; which, not being tempered
by the mercy of the civilized code, were, no doubt, fear-
fully savage and destructive.

The war spirit had now become the predominating spirit
of the whole ; and having no foreign or external foe to
combat with, they fell, in the way I have supposed, upon
one another ; and then followed the great check upon the
increase of their population. What the Indian population
numbered, when at its highest, can never be known ; but
it is ascertained that when the Europeans came among
them, there were, along the Atlantic border alone, two
hundred and seventy-two tribes. There might have been
twice, or even twenty times that number but of these we
have the names. How long those tribes had been warring
with one another, we have no means of ascertaining ; but
so far back as the tenth century, as has been stated, the
Northmen reported the natives to be " warlike" and " nu-
merous;" and in 1615, " Sir Richard Hawkins, who sailed
from England with a commission from the Council of Ply-
mouth, to do what service he could for them at New Eng-
land, found, on arriving here, a destructive war prevailing
among the natives, and he passed along the coast to Vir-
ginia."

But desolating as were those wars upon the natives, they
were light in their effects, and even tender in the quality
of their mercy, compared with the devastating inroads
which were destined, in the progress of time, to desolate
their race ! Plagues more fatal than those which were
scattered from the box of Pandora, were to be let loose

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 49

among them ; and foremost in the train, the most unrelent-
ing and most murderous, was the "fire-water? so called by
the natives, but which is known among us by the scarcely
less consuming names of brandy, rum, and whiskey. And
as king among these plagues, avarice, that monster of inor-
dinate appetite, was destined to mount the throne, and by
the aid of superior skill, and the tempting influence of
liquid fire, the blight and the mildew were made to fall upon
the race of the red man ; and this it is, in connexion with
the anomalous relations which they have always borne,
and yet bear, to us, which we now see, and which has for
over two hundred years been so perishing to the happiness,
the hopes, and the lives of the Indians.

But I will not, on this occasion, review the opening of
that intercourse, which has proved so disastrous to the
natives. There remains a period between that at which I
shall leave this discussion, on the present occasion, and
the one made so memorable by the landing of our fathers,
and their success in establishing permanent colonies upon
this continent ; and that period will form the opening re-
marks of the next discourse.

And now, and even before we begin a discussion of the
.relations which we have borne and yet bear to this Indian
race, with what rapidity do the incidents connected with
those relations rise to our view ! and how varied is their
character ! REVENGE and SYMPATHY, DESPAIR and HOPE,
come up in their order, to agitate or soothe us. Revenge,
prompted by the recollections of Indian incursions and
massacres, upon and along all the borders ; attended l?y a
shudder, at the sight of mangled carcasses, smouldering
habitations, and dismembered limbs, and scalped heads, of
all ages, and of both sexes ! Sympathy, for the perpetra-
tors of those bloody deeds ; a sympathy awakened by the
reflection that all these ferocious acts were committed by
a people who were untaught and savage, and who saw
their homes invaded, their systems, social, political, and

VOL. II. 7

50 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

religious, struck at, and tottering, and falling all around
them, and even their country about to be taken away from
them forever. Despair, produced by the thought that the
race has been made wretched, and sunk so low in degra-
dation, by our neglect, as to make it a matter of doubt
whether we can atone for the past, even by the rescue of
the remnants that remain ; whilst Hope, the charmer, that
blessed influence which comes with such sweet soothing /
and is the last to leave the human bosom, yet lingers,
prompting and wooing us, by all the considerations of pity,
of humanity, of justice, and of mercy, as well as by the high
and imposing obligations of our most holy faith, to follow
the retiring remnants of this ill-fated race, and with the
voice of entreaty, of tenderness and love, beseech them to
accept of our aid and our counsels, and of the hopes and
happiness of the Christian state.

As a Christian people, we should not omit this duty if
we could it is very certain we could not make a void of
the objection, if we would. The Indians, as a race, may
disappear not a red man of them all may exist. But
there will remain, and forever, memorials to rebuke us.
" These are in the nomenclature which they have indelibly
impressed on the scenery of our country. Our mountains
have become their enduring monuments ; and their epitaph
is already inscribed in the lucid language of nature on our
majestic rivers." How terrible will these be to us, and
our posterity, if, over the whole, the spectre of the wrongs
we have inflicted upon the race shall be seen, whenever
our mountains or our rivers are looked upon, or their
names are mentioned, without the accompanying consola-
tion arising from the reflection that we had, so far as we
had the power, atoned for the past ; which reflection, like
the sunbeam upon the mist, would, and which alone can,
dissolve the spectre, or transform it into a vision of de-
light and transport. But this can never be, if our best
efforts are not made to save and bless the remnants of
this Indian race.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 51

How beautiful, as well as affecting, is that conception
of one of the sweetest writers of the age, in which she
traces the memorials of this long buffeted and afflicted

race !

" Ye say that all have pass'd away ;
The noble race and brave ;
That their light canoes have vanish'd
From off the crested wave
That 'mid the forests where they roam'd,
There rings no hunter's shout :
But their name is on your waters,
Ye may not wash it out.

" Ye say their cone-like cabins
That cluster'd o'er the vale,
Have disappear'd, as wither'd leaves
Before the autumn gale
But their mem'ry liveth on your hills,
Their baptism on your shore,
Your ever-rolling rivers speak
Their dialect of yore."

52 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

DISCOURSE E.

CLAIMS OF THE INDIANS UPON OUR NATIONAL REGARD,
ARISING FROM PAST SERVICES AND SUFFERINGS, AND
FROM UNANSWERABLE EVIDENCES OF ENDOWMENTS,
AND CAPACITY TO RECEIVE AND ENJOY THE BENE-
FITS OF CIVILIZATION.

PART I.

NORTH AMERICA AS OUR ANCESTORS FOUND IT. IRRESISTI-
BLE CLAIM OF THE INDIAN RACES ON OUR GRATITUDE
AND FAVOR.

Brief review of the position of the American Indian Difficulty of picturing the
past Humble attempt to overcome this difficulty The hunter and his prey
The canoe Fishing The war-whoop The conflict Trophies of victory
The scalp-dance The voice of thunder The wilderness The ocean The
forest Contrast of all this with its present appearance Amazement of
the natives on the arrival of the Europeans Their first intercourse Secret
fears First settlement at Jamestown Indebted for its preservation to Poc-
ahontas, the instrument of Providence Her character The sufferings and
extermination of the Indians unnecessary The white man responsible for it all
The appeal of Pocahontas, " the deliverer" A second deliverance from the
same hand Her marriage and early death Her descendants Anecdote of
John Randolph Lines, by Miss M. F. Caulkins.

THE Indians were left, in our previous discourse, sole
occupants of this country ; victorious legions over a van-
quished and exterminated race, but warring fiercely with
one another. How long these intestine feuds continued,
before the arrival of the Europeans, cannot be known
perhaps centuries.

Here, then, was this vast continent, which had been, as
I have supposed, the theatre of a bloody and extermina-

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 53

ting war then claimed by two powers now in the sole
and undisputed possession of one ; and this triumphant
party separated into bands, each under the direction of
some experienced and successful chief, with the war-flag
always flying, and the war-drum always beating.

I have discussed the question of their ORIGIN, and by
the aid of such light as could be commanded, followed
them in their various migrations, and amidst all the variety
of their condition, to the period when they became sole
possessors of this vast continent.

Allow me yet longer to dwell upon that far-back period,
when what we now know as North America, was one
vast wilderness ; when there were no cities, no towns, no
villages ; when there were no churches, or school-houses,
no cultivated fields, and no gardens; when the forests
were interminable and unbroken, save where the oceans on
the east and on the west, the sandy deserts of the south,
the prairies, the rugged and cloud-capped peaks of
mountains, and the bays and rivers, broke in upon the dull
uniformity ; and when ALL THIS WAS THE HOME OF THE
RED MAN, who was literally (at the period to which I am
referring) " monarch of all he surveyed"

I know it is difficult to throw one's self back upon the
past, and see it as it was at that far-back period it being
scarcely possible to disengage our senses from the presence
and sight of the objects and scenes which surround us on
every side, and to obliterate the associations grown out
of all these. It requires a greater effort of the imagina-
tion to break up, and lose our perceptions of an existing
world, with which we are familiar, than, by the aid of that
same power, to create and people a new one.

But let us make the experiment, and fancy, if we can,
the sudden and total disappearance of this, and of every
other city, and village, and hamlet of the land, together
with every vestige of all that relates to the arts^ and to
commerce that the rivers, and bays, and the ocean, were

54 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

swept of every ship, and of every vessel, and of every
sort ; that with these all the wharves and landings should
also disappear, together with every road-way, every culti-
vated field and garden and at the same instant, the sounds
of the axe, of the hammer, the trowel, and the saw were
hushed, and forests should everywhere appear ; and amidst
these should be heard nothing but the growling of bears, the
barking of foxes, the howl of the wolf, the screams of the
eagle, the boding note of the owl, and the moaning of the
winds of heaven. Let us fancy, I say, the presence of all
this, and ourselves in the midst and that, presently,
groups of savages should be seen ; that there, on your
right, stepping softly and warily, is one, with bow in hand,
and the arrow notched, with his keen eye fixed upon some
animal. Presently, we see him stand cautiously raise
his bow draw the arrow to its point, and let it fly. We
hear the momentary whiz of this messenger of death, as
it speeds its way into the side of the victim. We see the
struck beast stagger, and fall ; and the savage, with body
inclined forward, and quickened step, hastens to the spot
where the arrow-struck beast is struggling in its last agonies.
He seizes it by one of its legs, and with his war-club
strikes it a blow, lets it fall upon the ground, where it
quivers out its life, and dies.

On a sudden, a whoop is heard it is answered ; when,
from the dense forest, savages are seen hastening to the
spot, and as they arrive, stoop over to get a sight of the
dead animal. Presently, a smoke rises, and spreads
amidst the foliage, curls over it, and then, slowly rolling
away, mingles with the atmosphere. Then a fire is seen,
and around it are grouped the savages, when the meal is
eaten.

Near by is a river. We hear the murmur of the wave,
as it breaks upon the shore, and turning in that direction,
see a canoe floating along with its freight of Indians. The
men are decked out with feathers, and have auzeom about

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 55

their middle ; a squaw sits holding the paddle, with which,
now and then, she touches the water. About her hips is
tied, with the sinews of the deer, or the roots of the red
cedar, the skin of some beast ; and seated in regular posi-
tions, are some half dozen nearly or quite naked papooses,
and as many dogs. In another canoe hard by, is seen a
single Indian, watching, with eagle eye, the motions of
some fish which he is aiming to shoot with his arrow, or
decoy to his line, made of deer's sinews, with a hook
attached of bone, baited, perhaps, with clam or muscle.

On a sudden, a shout is heard. We turn in the direc-
tion from which it comes. It is not yet day. But we
gaze till the light of the morning reveals to our alarmed
sight a band of warriors, each armed with a bow and
quiver, a war-club, and a lance, engaged in battle with
another band. The war-whoop and the battle-cry re-
sound on every side ; and the forest echoes them ! At
one point, two have met and clenched each other ; they
are bleeding ; at another, one is down, and his antagonist
is just giving him the fatal blow with the war-club; at
another, we see, behind trees, a dozen or more, availing
themselves of their dexterity in sending their arrows into
their less guarded and more exposed antagonists. Pre-
sently all is still. Then we hear murmurs now and then
a shout. We look, and see coming in the direction of our
position, some hundred warriors smeared with blood, with
scalps dangling from their fingers. We watch their move-
ments. They pass near us, follow the curvatures of the
shore, and then suddenly start into a wood, and become
lost to our sight.

Presently they re-appear, and we see them on a hill-side
that slopes down to the bend of the river, moving with
stately step, and in Indian file. Just before them is an In-
dian village. The wigwams are cone-like in form, and
covered with bark. A shout is heard ; it is answered
when from these wigwams come pouring out, half-naked

56 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, <fcc., OF THE

squaws, and children, and dogs. They mingle in one dense
mass. Then a drum is heard. Now we see a circle formed
the war-flag is raised in its centre a song is chanted
a dance is seen. It is the scalp-dance ! In the midst of
these ceremonies, a cloud arises ; the west becomes black-
ened over. Lightning is seen, and presently is heard the
rumbling of distant thunder. The wind moans amidst the
forests, and the tops of the trees bend before it. A vivid
flash, " forked and fierce," now breaks through the cloud,
followed by a rattling peal of thunder. The song of the
Indians is hushed ! the war-drum is silent. The group is
scattered some are seen running to their w r igwams, others
to clefts of rocks, and others to caverns in the hill-sides.
At every peal of the thunder, they start and tremble !
Every flash is from the eye of the Manitou ; and every
sound is the muttering of his voice ! They quail before it,
as the manifestation of the displeasure of the Great Spirit !

We become alarmed not at the thunder-storm, but at
our isolated, wilderness-bound, and exposed situation ; and
we look instinctively around for our species. But the
white man is nowhere seen ! We strain our eyes to catch
the point of some tall spire, and listen, hoping to hear the
sound of some village bell, or the hum of some city but
neither spire, nor bell, nor hum is there. All, all is desert,
and all the scenes are wild and savage ! We go down to
the shore of the river, and follow its meanderings to the
bay, and look over its heaving tides but see nothing but
the rolling billows, the rolling porpoises, and myriads of
wild fowl ; some in flocks of countless thousands, flying
over the deep ; others blackening the face of the waters,
covering whole acres, sporting, and diving, and feeding,
and all unmindful of our presence. As yet no death-rattle
had been shot in among them, dying the waters with their
blood ; and no flash, and no roar from guns, had put their
instinctive terrors in motion.

We go to the shore of the ocean, clamber up the peak of

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 57

some high rock, and from a ledge there, send out our vision
upon this world of waters. Ocean is everywhere, but
nothing else is seen ; not a sail, nor anything indicating
life, or having life's instincts, save the spouting up of the
whale, and the sudden uprising of some fish, hotly pursued
by its voracious enemy ; the sea-gulls eddying in the air,
and then alighting delicately, softly, their white plumage
" now up, and now down on the wave ;" the fish-hawk,
over all, sending his screams down, as he sails and hovers
over us, as if to tell that he was hunger-smitten, and rav-
enous for food. On either side are seen nothing but bro-
ken-up rocks, fragments of the " girders of the earth" and
ocean boundaries, set there by Almighty power to keep
the sea within its limits. At our feet the breakers roll,
and strike, and burst up in whitened spray, and fall, and
undulate, in foam, to be urged on by some coming-in wave,
to be severed, and sent up, and descend as before, to mix
and mingle with this ever restless tide. Behind us are for-
ests of pine, and spruce, and hemlock, and the whole ar-
ray of hardy trees, sent, (as it were easy to imagine,) by
those of a more delicate texture, to curtain them from the
spray, and preserve them from the effects of an atmos-
phere made salt by the vapors of the sea.

From this hasty glance at the solitudes and desert state
of this continent, and its uncivilized inhabitants and their
occupations HUNTING and WAR may be formed some
slight conception of its appearance before it became the
theatre of civilization, and of the intelligence, enterprise,
and polished labors of the Europeans, which have, in a
period of time so comparatively short, made of this wil-
derness a garden of such unparalleled beauty, decorating it
with works of art, and enriching it with the sciences of
w r hich the oldest and most polished countries might well
be proud.

And now, at the commencement of this change, the pe-
riod had arrived when the Indian was to be aroused from

VOL. II.

58 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

the repose of his forests, and called off from his hunting
and war, to behold the approach of that which was more
alarming to him than the lightning, and more astounding
than the thunder. The sight of the ships, of their crews,
and of the flash and smoke of their guns, and the thunder
of these terrible messengers, which shook the land and agi-
tated the water, were all new, and strange, and terrible to
him ! Never, in all of his imaginings, had the Indian ar-
rayed anything in circumstances so appalling, as were
those which attended the arrival of the first ships in his
hitherto untroubled and familiar waters. A wild amaze-
ment, mingled with conjectures of the origin and object of
the yisiters, and a deep-seated terror, characterized the
whole of it. Every motion of ship and of men produced
in him agitations scarcely less restless than were the undu-
lations of the waters upon which the ships floated, whilst
every discharge of the guns carried a conviction that some
terrible event was about to befall his race, which shook
him almost to dissolution !

We may easily imagine the caution that marked the
opening intercourse between the terror-stricken Indian
and the new comers. Distrust was entertained by both,
and a consequent vigilance observed. The apprehensions
of the savages were to be quieted ; and this was effected
by the usual resort of the civilized in his intercourse with
the savage man. Shining metal, and dazzling and spark-
ling gew-gaws, were held up as offerings for his acceptance,
which, after a thorough scanning of the persons and color
and dress of the white man, were generally received. The
way for a barter being thus opened, a coat, ornamented
with lace and tinsel, an axe, or a knife, would be given in
exchange for corn, or beans, or the skins of animals ; till
at last having grown familiar, and the ship having been
visited, and the hand of the red man made to rest upon the
guns, and then taken off without injury, the danger losing
some of its frightfulness, exchanges of more importance

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 59

were set on foot, and consummated. Meantime, all was
caution and suspicion on the one side, and solicitude and
anxiety on the other.

The Indian felt that he was surrounded by power, and
when on board or near the ships, feared, (notwithstanding
he had touched the guns unhurt,) its destructive effects ;
for he had seen the fire and heard the roar of the guns,
and felt the tremulous effects of their discharges upon the
air around him and the earth beneath him.

And then the size of the ships, (a canoe had hitherto
set limits to his conceptions of such contrivances,) and the
number, and dress, and color of the men, all combined to
create in him a suspicion that something terrible, of which
he could see, as yet, but little, was meditated by these
strangers. On the other hand, efforts were unremitted,
on the part of the new comers, to gain the Indian's confi-
dence ; and with these, doubts were mingled, lest some
outbreak might frustrate their designs, and oblige them to
quit the country before these were consummated. The
Indian often, no doubt, when oppressed by his fears, was
led to sigh after his stone axes, and bows and arrows, his
garments of skins, and his ornaments of beasts' and birds'
claws, fishes' bones, wampum, and feathers, preferring them
to iron axes and knives, the blue and red cloth, and beads,
and other gew-gaws, which he could obtain in barter of
the white man, in connexion with his present forebodings
and his alarm.

Various and fruitless attempts were from time to time
made by the Europeans to get foothold upon this continent,
as we all know. The first permanent settlement, as we also
all know, was secured in the month of May, of the year
1607, by Captain Christopher Newport, " who, with a col-
ony of one hundred and five persons, settled on James
river, in Virginia, built a town, and named it Jamestown."
There is every reason to believe that if one of these colo-
nists had not been of the number, this settlement would

60 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

have shared the fate of others that had preceded it. I need
not say that I refer to the celebrated Captain John Smith.
Nor would the intelligence, and tact, and indomitable cour-
age of this wonderful man have secured to the colonists a
permanent footing, had it not been for the interposing hu-
manity of the princess Pocahontas, who, at the moment
when the uplifted club was about to execute its commis-
sion of death, threw herself upon the bound victim, and
by the eloquence of her looks, her tears, and her language,
softened her father's heart, arrested, and turned aside the
blow.

The history of this extraordinary deliverance is so well
known, as to forbid, on an occasion like the present, any
more than this slight reference to it. But it may not be
out of place to indulge in a few reflections, which an in-
cident of so much interest, producing consequences so
momentous, as well to the Indians as the Europeans, give
rise.

The first reflection comes of that abiding sense which
we all have of the ever-present and ceaseless agency of
an overruling Providence, and which was so signally illus-
trated in this memorable rescue. The second arises out
of the mysterious fact that Pocahontas, in her angel-like
interposition to save the life of Smith, became, thereby,
the first and chief instrument of the ultimate destruction
of her race ! It were impossible to class an event so big
with the destinies of men, with such as are of ordinary oc-
currence. It stands out in bold and beautiful relief, and
challenges a comparison with that other movement of the
same Providence that raised up Washington to be the de-
liverer of this people ; and both these bear a close resem-
blance to that memorable event of old in which Moses
was set apart for the rescue of the Israelites from the cap-
tivity in which they were held by Pharaoh. In all time,
God has raised up and endowed men for the accomplish-
ment of his purposes and the consummation of his designs.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 61

And it being his will to people this continent with a civil-
ized and Christian race, he raised up Pocahontas, and en-
dowed her, in her tender years, and employed her as the
angel for the deliverance of the colony at Jamestown.
But how deep is the mystery, that in accomplishing this
work of mercy, she should have become, in that very act,
the procuring cause of the subsequent suffering, and final
extinction of her race ! And how are we to reconcile
events so seemingly opposed to one another ? Was it the
purpose of the merciful God to introduce one race of men
upon this continent, though they were destined to make
the wilderness blossom as the rose, and to ornament it with
all that was refined in the civilized, and adorn it with all
that is captivating in the Christian state, at the mighty cost
of the annihilation of another? ordaining, at the same
time, as part of the machinery that was to bring about this
destiny, the ceaseless exercise of injustice, cruelty, and op-
pression, such as the natives were, and yet are, made to
endure ? NEVER ! NEVER ! And yet, these results have
been produced, (and by the operation of those agencies,)
the first being everywhere manifest, and the last in a rapid
course of a final consummation ! How are we to harmo-
nize these conflicting events with our conceptions of the
all-wise, and good, and merciful God ? The difficulty would
be insurmountable, if the introduction of one race of men
produced, necessarily, the destruction of another. But the
question is, was it, in the case before us, a necessary con-
sequence ? I think not. The parties were under the gov-
ernment of the same laws physical, social, intellectual,
and moral. It is true, there was light on the one side, and
darkness on the other ; there was education, knowledge,
religion, against ignorance, superstition, and paganism.
But did not these superior endowments create an obliga-
tion on the party possessing them, to impart those acquire-
ments to the party whose misfortune it was not to be blessed
with them ? At the same time that we admit the peopling

62 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

of this continent by an enlightened and civilized race, to
have been by the agency of God, we see the heavy respon-
sibility that grew out of the relations which were necessa-
rily to attend upon the new intercourse. And just so far
as efforts were honestly and conscientiously made by the
European settlers, to harmonize these relations, and benefit
and bless the unenlightened and savage natives, was this
fearful responsibility met ; and just so far as all, or any
part, of this duty was neglected, WILL OUR RACE BE HELD

ACCOUNTABLE FOR THE INDIANS' DESTINY.

Who doubts that Joseph was chosen and ordained by
infinite wisdom and infinite mercy, to be the instrument
for the rescue of his house and people from famine ? But
who considers it as forming any part of the plan of this
wisdom, and of this mercy, that his brethren should sell,
and make a slave, of him ? It is true, infinite wisdom and
goodness overruled this base conduct of Joseph's brethren,
for good ; but none will doubt that they were amenable to
the righteous laws of God, for their perfidious cruelty to
their youthful and unoffending brother.

The plea will not avail, that this sad overthrow of a no-
ble race as our Indians are known to be, by all who know
anything about them was not produced by any systematic
and intentional plans for its accomplishment ; but it will be
required, before we can be justified, that all the means in
our power were honestly and zealously employed to pre-
vent it. Were these means adopted ? Are they even to
this hour, in operation, to the extent which the condition
of the Indians requires ? I leave the answer, for the pres-
ent, at least, to history, and to your own knowledge, and
judgments, and consciences. These are the tests by which
we can all determine how far, as a people, we are culpable
in this matter, and how far we are not.

It would seem that, in the instrument chosen by the Al-
mighty for the rescue of Smith, and the consequent secu-
rity of the colony, and its permanent settlement, a most

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 63

winning appeal was made, and under the most attractive
form, to the kindly feelings of the colonists, and their pos-
terity, in behalf of the natives. It was no rude or rough
instrument that was set apart for this work of mercy, but
a young and lovely female ! As if a voice from the infinite
glory had spoken to the settlers, saying :

" Behold the turning point in your destiny ! Your mighty
man and great leader, in this attempt to settle in this new
world, has incurred the displeasure of Powhattan. He is
bound his head is upon the block the club is upraised
in an instant, he dies, and with him you all perish ! But
behold, in the person of the daughter of fie king, Pow-
hattan, your deliverer ! See her in the moment when her
presence and agency are needed, and under forms which
no heart that is human, and rightly instructed, can fail to
be grateful for, interposing, and pleading, as with an angel's
tongue and an angel's countenance, for his rescue and your
preservation. The blow is averted Smith lives. Then
be grateful, and in return for such mercy, manifested under
a form so captivating, cultivate friendly relations with her
race. Enlighten them, for they are ignorant bless them,
for they need blessings if not for humanity's sake, for her
sake. In a word ' As ye would that they should do to
you, do ye even so to them? r

What a claim upon the gratitude of the colonists did this
one act of the youthful, humane, and beautiful Pocahontas
establish! And with what angel-like eloquence did it
plead, for the exercise of all that was benevolent, and kind,
and generous towards her race ? But, as if to double the
obligation, and insure its fulfilment, the same angel of
mercy was destined to become, a second time, the deliverer
of the colonists. It was not now an issue between the
life of Captain Smith, and through its loss, the lives of the
colonists but one that was designed, and at a single blow,
to exterminate them all !

Occurrences arose in 1609, and subsequent to the

64 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

rescue of Captain Smith, which greatly embittered the
feelings of Powhattan towards the settlers. He resolved
on their destruction. Pocahontas having ascertained her
father's purpose, and moved by that spirit of tenderness
and of pity, with which she had been endowed, under
cover of a dismal night of rain and tempest, hastened to
Jamestown alone, and revealed the plot. All the requital
she asked, was, that it should not be made known that she
had given the information, there being little doubt but the
enraged Powhattan would have visited upon her (much
as he loved her) the vengeance which he had planned to
wreak on the^|olony. Being thus forewarned, the lives of
the colonists were saved.

If the first interposition had failed to secure for Poca-
hontas the most grateful returns, here was one that saved
not the life of a single individual, only, but the lives of the en-
tire colony. If returns were made, either of grateful servi-
ces to herself (excepting only Smith's letter to Queen Anne,
giving a detailed account of her services and her virtues,)
or her race, history has not made us acquainted with them.
Her marriage with Mr. Rolf operated favorably upon the
relations that had now began to grow up between the set-
tlers and the natives. She went with her husband to
England, after having embraced the Christian religion,
and being baptized into the name of Rebecca. On the
eve of her return to this country, and in the twenty-se-
cond year of her age, she died at Gravesend, leaving one
son, whose " descendants," as we have all heard a thousand
times, "have ever since ranked among the most distinguish-
ed citizens of Virginia of these, the late John Randolph,
of Roanoke, was one."

I was present in the hall of the House of Representa-
tives at Washington, during an exciting debate ; on the
one side of which, was Mr. Randolph, and on the other,
Mr. Jackson, of Virginia. Mr. Randolph had spoken,
when Mr. Jackson rose in reply. He had not proceeded

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 65

far, when, having occasion to refer to some part of Mr.
Randolph's speech, he addressed him as " My friend from
Virginia." He had scarcely given utterance to the word
"friend," when Mr. Randolph sprang to his feet, and
throwing his lustrous eyes first on Mr. Jackson, and then
on the speaker, keeping his arm extended, meantime, and his
long, bony finger, pointing at Mr. Jackson, said, in that
peculiar voice of his

" Mr. Speaker ! / am not that gentleman's FRIEND, sir.
I have never been his friend, sir ; nor do I ever mean to be
his friend, sir !" when he took his seat.

Mr. Jackson, meantime, keeping his position on the
floor, looking first upon Mr. Randolph, and then at the
speaker, replied

" Mr. Speaker, I am at a loss to know by what title to
address the honorable member from Virginia" then paus-
ing awhile, with his finger beside his nose, he said " / have
it, sir / have it it shall be" looking Mr. Randolph full
in the face "THE RIGHT HONORABLE DESCENDANT OF
HER MAJESTY, QUEEN POCAHONTAS !"

The entire countenance of Mr. Randolph changed in-
stantly ; and, from a look of mingled aversion and contempt,
to a smile the most complaisant and gracious. The storm-
cloud was dissipated, and the rainbow seemed to reflect
all its hues upon his countenance, in one glow of heart-
felt reconciliation when he bowed most courteously,
giving evidence that of all the honors he had ever coveted,
that of having descended from that heaven-inspired woman,
was the one he most highly prized. And who would not
be proud of such a descent ?

I cannot refuse to my feelings their promptings, to add
the following lines, by Miss F. M. CAULKINS, of New Lon-
don, Connecticut, based upon the following :

" Pocahontas, having renounced the religion of her an-
cestors, was baptized in the small, rude church, at James-
town, by the name of REBECCA. In Captain Smith's

VOL. n.

66 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

account of her, she is called ' the first Christian ever of
that nation the first Virginian that ever spoke English.'
Again he says ' In London, divers courtiers, and others
of my acquaintances, have gone with me to see her, that
generally concluded God had a great hand in her con-
version.' "

" Not thou, the red-browed heroine, whose breast

Screen'd the brave captive from the axe's gleam ;
Not POCAHONTAS, lov'd, renown'd, cares s'd,
But meek REBECCA, is my gentle theme.

" And yet, she was a nut-brown maid, a child
Of tawny lineage but of aspect bright
A sunny gleam that, through the woodlands wild,
Ran freely on, in her own path of light ;

" A golden arrow darting from the bow

A song-bird warbling in the lonely shade ;
A mountain stream, in whose meand'ring flow,
The depth of Heaven, its own pure blue survey'd.

" STAR OF VIRGINIA, in her darkest hour,

Her joy, her theme of glory and of song ;
Her wild, red rose, that in the Stuart's bower

Shed grace not took it from the courtly throng.

" Her her I sing not and yet her I sing

Freed from earth-worship, cleans'd from rites obscene ;
Who, from unnumber'd gods, to Zion's King
Escaping, waves her palm of deathless green.

" She prays celestial brightness gilds her face,

And to resplendence fades her olive dye ;

She prays the howling demons of her race,

Bewilder'd, from the dazzling vision fly.

" With folded arms, before the fount she stood

Encircled by the hush'd and rev'rent air ;
Her upward glance was a sweet hymn to God
Her downward look, a soul-suffusing prayer.

" The heavenly manna dropping from the shrine,
She gathered in her heart, and, bending low,
Bound her green leaf upon the living vine,
And felt its fragrant shadow round her flow.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 57

" FIRST CONVERT OF THE WEST ! The Indian child

A Christian matron stands from whose sweet tongue
Flows the pure stream of English, undefil'd
Flows the deep anthem, and eternal song.

" She died afar no pilgrim finds her tomb

Unknown the spot, yet holy is the ground ;
The Saviour's breath there left its rich perfume,
And angels keep their guardian watch around.

" As POCAHONTAS, while these skies remain,

Still shall our Zodiac show the Virgin sign
But, as REBECCA, when yon stars shall wane,
Yon Heavens roll by, she, AS A STAR, SHALL SHINE."

68 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

PART II.

THE MISTAKES OF OUR FOREFATHERS IN REGARD TO THE
INDIANS, AND THE LESSON WE SHOULD LEARN FROM
THEM.

Rapid settlement of the country The Plymouth colony Providentially pre-
served from destruction Story of Samoset and Squanto Interview and treaty
with Massasoit Increase of the white men, and jealousy of the Indians
Two centuries of desolating war To Pocahontas and Massasoit, the white
man indebted for his ascendancy Points of resemblance and contrast between
the two races Colonists ignorant of the Indian character and habits Their
mistakes in the treatment of them Father Robinson The wisdom of Wil-
liam Penn Bartram the botanist Instances of cruelty and treachery towards
the Indians Difficulty to judge of the position of our forefathers We may
profit by their mistakes The present condition of the remnant of Indi-
ans Their wretchedness chargeable to us Noble exceptions Elliott May-
hew Brainerd Kirkland, &c.

THE sea-coast was now becoming dotted with settle-
ments; and wherever the emigrants landed, the natives
were either present, or soon after showed themselves.

"In 1610, we find the Dutch as far up the Hudson as
Albany ; 1620, the pilgrims were at Plymouth ; in 1623,
Pisquataqua, now Portsmouth, New Hampshire, was set-
tled ; in 1628, a colony was established on Massachusetts
bay; in 1630, Boston began to be peopled; in 1634,
Maryland ; in 1635, Connecticut; in 1636, Providence ; in
the same year the Swedes occupied various points on the
Delaware ; in 1638, Rhode Island and New Haven were
settled" and so on. " In 1610, Captain Smith explored
the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod. On his return to

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 69

England, he submitted a map of his explorations to Prince
Charles, who named the country New England."

It does not fall within the limits which I have set to this
discourse, to follow out the details of these various settle-
ments, or to recount the collisions which took place be-
tween the settlers and the natives. This would comprise
the entire history of those times. It will not be irrelevant,
however, to notice an important event which has made
memorable the year 1620. I refer to the settlement of
Plymouth by the Puritans. As the colony at Jamestown
was the first that had, thirteen years before, obtained a
permanent footing in Virginia, so was the Plymouth col-
ony the first to establish itself, permanently, in New Eng-
land.

The similitude does not stop here. The colony at Ply-
mouth owed its preservation, under Providence, like that
of Jamestown, to the friendly agency of the natives.
True, the forms were not so attractive, nor were the ap-
peals to the common admiration, and the common sympa-
thy, so touching ; but there was enough of external grace
even here, to challenge admiration, awaken in each heart
feelings of the most grateful sort, and create obligations, as
lasting as the rock on which the pilgrim fathers first set
their feet, to labor for the Indian's reformation, and ad-
vance him into the high enjoyments of the civilized and
Christian state. I know that over and amidst the too gen-
eral neglect to do this, a beautiful light was occasionally
seen ; and this arose out of the labors of Elliott and his
associates, for the reformation of the natives. These prim-
itive efforts in a cause so holy, can never be forgotten ;
nor will the names and memories of those who made them,
ever cease to be cherished.

I have said there were circumstances attendant upon
the landing of the pilgrims at Plymouth, which, like those
of Jamestown, were calculated to awaken the most grate-
ful feelings towards the natives, and produce the most

70 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

strenuous efforts for their well-being. I will briefly review
those circumstances, as history has recorded them.

The destination of the May-Flower, as you all know,
was not to any part of the coast of New England. His-
tory more than intimates that the captain was influenced
by a bribe to shape his course to a more northerly point,
that the emigrants might not, if landed on the Hudson, in-
terfere with the interests of the Dutch in their already
opened trade with the natives there. Finding themselves,
in the month of November, so far north of their destina-
tion, ahd not being willing, at that inclement season, to en-
counter the dangers of the coast, the company concluded
to land where they were, and fix upon a spot for their per-
manent home.

They did so. He who feedeth the ravens when they
cry, and who fed, by their agency, the prophet in the wil-
derness, was present to protect and feed the pilgrims.
Corn was literally provided for them. Soon after landing,
baskets filled with this almost indispensable article of food,
were found covered up in the sand, which served, not only
for partial sustenance then, but for seed in the ensuing
spring. But this was not all. They had not been long on
shore before a solitary Indian came to their village, and as
he entered, uttered a salutation in the words " Welcome,
Englishmen." It was the famous Sagamore SAMOSET,
who, having previously fallen in with fishermen along the
coast, had been taught to speak some English.

Of Samoset, the pilgrims learned that about five years
before, the Great Spirit had sent the plague among the na-
tives at that time settled there, which killed them all not
a man, woman or child, who had inhabited thereabouts,
being left. Here, then, was an unoccupied and unclaimed
territory, which the pilgrims invaded no rights in taking
possession of. Who can doubt that Providence guided
them to that spot ? or that if a landing had been made upon
any other part of the coast, they would have met with re-

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 71

sistance from the natives, and been, in all probability, ex-
terminated? The pilgrims were kind to Samoset and
by being so, secured his confidence. He made them, as
we read in history, a second visit ; and coming a third
time, brought with him SQUANTO. Squanto had been cap-
tured by a man named HUNT, and sold into slavery, and
carried to Spain. From Spain he was taken to London,
and from London he returned to his native wilds, and to
that very spot, bringing with him that indispensable instru-
ment in all intercourse where two parties speak different
languages- a tongue skilled in both. What a merciful pro-
vision was this ! An easy channel of communication was
thus opened, by which a direct intercourse could be held
by the pilgrims with the natives. There is little doubt that
Samoset, immediately after his first interview, sent runners
to inform the great sachem, Massasoit, of the arrival of the
English ; for shortly after his third visit, he informed them
that this great chief was not far off, attended by a guard
of sixty men. We can well imagine the effects which this
annunciation produced on the pilgrims ! What fate await-
ed them, in the near neighborhood of such a band of sav-
ages, they could not know. No doubt they imagined the
worst.

Squanto, with his interpreter's tongue in his mouth,
" was sent to hold a parley with Massasoit, who came back,
saying the sachem desired the English to send a messenger
to talk with him. The lot fell upon Mr. Edward Winslow,
who went charged with presents for Massasoit." The sa-
chem, distrusting the objects of the English, and no doubt
suspecting their designs, caused Winslow to be retained
as a hostage, and went in person to the English, who re-
ceived him with every demonstration of honesty of pur-
pose, and of hospitality. " The result of this interview
was a treaty, which bound the parties in a league of friend-
ship, of commerce, and of mutual protection. The treaty
was made in March, 1621, and was kept inviolate for over

72 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

fifty years, and until it was broken in upon by Philip's
war."

How strongly marked are the events of that period by
the finger of Providence ! The diversion of the May-
Flower from the point of her destination the landing upon
the only vacated land upon all the coast the coming into
the village of Samoset, and the presence of an interpreter
in the person of Squanto the subduing effects of the re-
cent plague upon the surrounding bands the finding of the
hidden corn the broken-down power of the Massachusetts
tribe, not by the plague, only, but by internal wars and
last, not least, the new relations of the pilgrims being
opened under the auspices of the good and powerfully in-
fluential Massasoit, " the boundaries of whose dominions
embraced Cape Cod, and all that part of Massachusetts
and Rhode Island between Narragansett and Massachusetts
bays, extending inland between Pawtucket and Charles
rivers, taking in, also, all the contiguous islands," all filled
with numerous and warlike tribes, but all acknowledging
the sway of Massasoit, and being subject to his rule.

The pilgrims might have found, as they did, an evacua-
ted territory, and the corn; both Samoset and Squanto
might have been there, and been friendly ; but if Massasoit
had not been present, full as he was of all the dispositions
of peace and friendship, and exercising, as he did, unlimit-
ed power over the bands within his territory, and any other
sachem known to us had been in his place, it is very clear,
to my mind, that the pilgrims would have been either driv-
en away or exterminated.

The new power that was destined to work so mighty a
change in the condition and destiny of the natives, was
now firmly established. The cegis of Massasoit was thrown
over the settlement at Plymouth as had been the mantle of
Pocahontas over that at Jamestown.

And now commenced, on every hand, the invasion of
the Indians' domain. In emigration, and the increase of

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 73

population, they saw a mysterious something that awa-
kened their jealousy and alarmed their fears, whilst every
expansion of the new power was felt to press more and
more heavily upon them. It required time, however, for
the full development of the plans and purposes of the
white man ; but these becoming manifest, at last, aroused
a spirit in the Indian, watchful, jealous, vindictive. His
early apprehensions for the safety, and even existence of
his race, being now confirmed, and no longer able to en-
dure the pressure that he was made to feel, and borne
down by the wrongs that were heaped upon him, he at-
tempted, by resistance and retaliation, to relieve himself
of the one, and avenge himself of the other ; when wars
broke out, which continued, with slight intermissions, be-
tween the two races, for the space of two hundred and
fourteen years for we may date their beginning in 1600
and they continued till 1814, when the Indian power fell,
its combinations being broken up, and everywhere they
were seen to be, and felt themselves to be, a conquered
race ! The Black Hawk and Seminole wars, which have
occurred since, may be regarded as sporadic cases, only.

From the two points, Jamestown and Plymouth, went
forth the elements which, in the order of time, brought
about this subjection of the Indian race. And now trace
those elements back to their source, and in what, I ask,
did they originate ? In the HUMANITY, I answer, and the
GENEROSITY of POCAHONTAS and of MASSASoiT. The
springs whose waters were sweetened by their agency, and
to which they imparted the life-sustaining quality, for the
preservation of the emigrants, were, by those emigrants,
converted into poison, which, when tasted by the natives,
produced in them disease, decay, and death ! They were
felt in all their perishing tendencies, over all the territories^
from the Penobscot to Florida from the Atlantic to the
Alleghanies and from the lakes to the Mississippi, carry-

VOL. n. 10

74 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, dec., OF THE

ing with them, also, the excitements out of which WARS
were so universally generated.

The Puritans of Plymouth, it is conceded, " came to
find, in the new world, that liberty which had been denied
them in the old ;" but they brought along with them, nev-
ertheless, plans and purposes, in common with the rest,
connecting them with earthly objects, and with earthly pur-
suits, and with hopes of a terrestrial sort, for themselves
and their posterity ; and these embraced, not the ordinary
affairs of life with one another, only, but trade and com-
merce, also, with the natives. If these interchanges had
been confined to themselves, and upon a soil, and in waters
owned by them in common, or by one portion of them,
only, it is reasonable to suppose that when collisions should
happen, the elements of a common origin, a general equality
in the intellectual and moral powers, the same language,
the possession of the same weapons, with a knowledge of
their use, and above all, the pervading and controlling
agency of gospel influences, would have kept the balance,
if not even, or altogether steady, yet from an entire pre-
ponderance either to the one side or the other.

This did not happen to be the case. They had come
into a country that was owned and occupied by another
race, between whom and themselves there was nothing
congenial, either in language, or thought, or modes of liv-
ing. There were no points of resemblance, save only in
the physical structure of each, and in the elements of the
intellectual and moral powers ; but these elements in the
Indian had never been operated upon by the hand of cul-
ture ; nor had he been taught those lessons, apart from the
influences of which, man is cruel, revengeful, and ungovern-
able. And not less unlike were their instruments of offence
and defence. Those used by the natives, were compara-
tively feeble, consisting of the bow and arrow, the club,
and the lance ; and these were destined, in the sequel, to

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 75

oppose the cannon, the musket, the bayonet, and the sword;
whilst axes of stone, and knives of shells, were to be pitted
against those made of iron and steel. And there were no
meliorating gospel influences, and no conscience, enlight-
ened by the oracles of God, to restrain the wild outbreaks
of revenge, on the part of the Indian. When, therefore, for
injuries real or supposed, the untaught savage became ex-
cited, and impelled to the overt act, there were no bounds
within which to limit his fierceness, or restrain the ardor
of the onset, but those which were set by resistance, and
an adequate and subduing force ; and this, in most cases,
implied the destruction of one or both of the parties ; and
the Indian being the weaker of the two, not in arms, only,
but in skill, it was a necessary consequence that he should
finally fall ; and such has been the issue of this contest,
though carried on for over two hundred years.

If the colonists could have looked forward through the
long and bloody vista, as we now look back upon it,, they
would have been led, doubtless, to avoid many, if not all
of the errors into which they fell, in their treatment of the
Indians, as also into the adoption of better contrived,, and
more strenuous, as well as more general efforts, than
were made for their enlightening reformation. There
certainly was manifested, on the part of the first settlers,
great ignorance of the Indian character. It was not com-
prehended how a race so deficient in the material for war,
could be so formidable. They appear not to have known
that the men with whom they had resolved to con-
tend, were " naturally proud, cautious, cunning, cruel, obsti-
nate, vindictive, and little capable of reflection or combina-
tion." I say naturally so. Nor, that if they knew not
" how to set a squadron in the field," they could, in a mode
of their own, often-times overmatch those who did ; that
there were retreats and fastnesses, which, when once
gained, furnished a security against the guns of their pur-
suers ; that there were roots and berries upon which these

76 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

untutored Indians could subsist, and that their powers of
endurance were far greater than those which had fallen to
the lot of their more luxurious antagonists.

Nor did the settlers seem to know that their very pre-
sence, under the circumstances, was enough to set all the
machinery of this peculiar and indomitable character in
motion, and keep it so. The Indian eyed the white man
with distrust and jealousy but when to this was superad-
ded the wrongs which history has recorded as having been
inflicted on his race, it ceases to be matter of surprise that
the two powers should, in their manifestations, have pro-
duced just such results as have actually happened. I do
not charge upon the early settlers of this country any
premeditated design upon the lives of the aborigines. It
formed no part of their plan, in coming here, to exterminate
them. That they greatly erred in their treatment of the
Indians, and themselves caused the outbreaks that succeeded
one another with such fearful rapidity, involving so much
suffering, and so many lives on both sides, is a truth that
history has placed beyond all cavil. If there be a sin-
gle conflict that did not originate with the white man,
either proximately or remotely, I have yet to learn where
and when it took place. Father Robinson, of the church
of Plymouth, has recorded a pointed rebuke touching this
matter. " I have my doubts," says this estimable divine,
" whether there was not wanting in the early settlers
that tenderness of the life of man, made after God's own
image, which was so necessary ; and above all, that it
would have been happy if they the colonists had con-
verted some of the natives before they killed any."

The law resorted to in the beginning, and the law which
has, as a general and overruling power, continued to ope-
rate to the present time, in our intercourse with the na-
tives, is the law of force. Here was, and here is yet, the
great mistake ; and to this single error, may be traced all
that has been distressing to ourselves, and perishing to the

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 77

Indians ; or if not all, yet the greater portion of both. It
was, and yet is, the thunder-bolt that rends the sky, shivers
the trees of the forest, and demolishes the labors of man in
his dwellings, his temples, and his monuments, and then bu-
ries itself in the earth, and is lost leaving upon all minds
within the range of its bewildering descent, alarm, and
terror, and dismay ; and not the gentle, but all- pervading,
and all-combining principle of gravitation, which operates
alike upon the masses of the universe, the cygnet's down,
and the snow-flake, gently and imperceptibly producing

COHESION, UNION, and HARMONY.

The law which should have obtained, and the operations
of which ought never for a moment to have been relaxed,
is the LAW OF KINDNESS. Of its power over the Indians,
we have recorded many examples ; not over individuals,
only, but entire communities. To name these, would be
tedious. It may suffice to make a reference or two.

A beautiful illustration of the power of this law may be
seen in the history of the intercourse of WILLIAM PENN
with the natives ; and around the brow of his memory,
because he loved this law, and practiced it, and extended
it with such gentle hand over the natives of his own
Pennsylvania, and ministered to them with such mercy and
justice, has posterity twined a wreath, that shall be as un-
dying as his name ! BARTRAM, the celebrated botanist,
was in the habit of traversing on foot whole states, in
quest of new varieties of plants and flowers. At this time,
the Indians on and along the borders were numerous and
warlike, and refractory; and yet has Bartram passed
through their bands from the lakes to Florida, unprotect-
ed and alone, and without arms of any sort ; and never, in
all of his rambles, did he receive anything at the hands of
the natives but kindness. It was because he confided in,
and was kind to them.

I received, some years ago, from a distinguished person-
age in Virginia, a letter, enclosing a copy of an ode which

78 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

had been written on a blank leaf of a book that had once
formed a part of Doctor Franklin's library, in commemo-
ration of those peaceful relations between the estimable
Bartram and the Indians.

It is in imitation of Horace's ode, " Integer vitce" and
was applied to J. Bartram, ancestor of the present fa-
mily, the inheritors of Bartram's gardens, near Phila-
delphia, on his botanical excursion to the lakes, in 1751.
It appears, as already stated, on a page of the pamphlet
giving an account of the excursion, and presented to Ben-
jamin Franklin.

" Whose life is upright, innocent and harmless,
Needs not, O BARTRAM ! arm himself with weapon
Useless to him the sword, the venom'd shaft, or

Murdering musket.

" Thus, when thou'rt journeying towards wild Onandaga,
O'er pathless mountains, nature's works exploring ;
Or through vast plains where rolls his mighty waters

Fam'd Mississippi

" Should the fierce she-bear, or the famish'd wild-cat,
Or, yet more fierce and wild, the savage Indian,
Meet thee God-praising, and his works admiring,

Instant they'd fly thee.

" Tho' now to piercing frosts, now scorching sunbeams,
Now to unwholesome fogs, tho' thou'rt expos'd,
Thy guardian angel, INNOCENCE, shall keep thee

Safe from all danger."

Mistaking the character of the natives, and alarmed for
their own safety, the settlers, on the first intimation of
danger, flew to arms, looking upon them as their only re-
sort; and blood being once shed, however ready the
Christian party may have been to enter into a covenant of
peace, there could be expected no such forgetfulness and
forgiveness on the part of those who had been taught no
other law than that which demanded " an eye for an eye,
and a tooth for a tooth."

The records of the wars between the early settlers of
Virginia and New England, and in after times in other

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 79

parts of the country, and the natives, exhibit cruelties on
both sides that, even at this distant period, make one shud-
der. The Indian, it is admitted, is, in his unrenewed state,
cruel; his modes of dealing out death are terrific and re-
volting. But he knows no better. Was it, I ask, calculated
to reform his practice in this particular, for those against
whom he was warring to practice, themselves, the same
enormities ? When the Indian would tear the scalp from
the crown of the scarcely yet dead victim, and mutilate
the body, could he be expected to reform these cruelties,
when he saw the white man, in his turn, cut off the heads
of his people, and mutilate and quarter their bodies, as was
done with King Philip's, whose head, after being cut off,
was sent to Plymouth, and hung up there on a gibbet,
where it remained twenty years ; whilst one of his hands
was sent to Boston, as a trophy, his body being quartered
and hung upon four trees ?

So early as 1623, the settlers began to murder the In-
dians by both stratagem and force by stabbing and hang-
ing some, cutting off the heads of others, and hanging them
up in their forts. And it sometimes occurred that " Indians
calling in a friendly manner, were seized and put in irons;"
whilst rewards, at other times, were offered for their scalps !
Under such revolting forms was the law of force resorted
to, to reduce, and humble, and subdue the Indians ! But
whilst it must be condemned, not only on account of its
cruelties, but on account, also, of its inadaptation to the ob-
jects intended to be accomplished by it, great forbearance
is called for, in any judgment which may be awarded by
us upon those long by-gone practices.

We live under different circumstances. Our fears and
our passions are at rest. We live, too, in a brighter light,
and can look back upon those thrilling and heart-rending
scenes, with the ability to separate and classify them, and
judge better of the merit of the controversy ; as also of
the better way to have managed it. It would, doubtless,
not have been different with us, had we lived in those days

80 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

of peril and of dread ; and the same errors, (for I apply to
them no harsher name,) might, and doubtless would, have
been committed by us. It is too common a thing for us,
even of the present day, when there is so much light, and
so much knowledge, to condemn men whom we see come
out of scenes of trying sort, to their injury, and console
ourselves with the reflection, that if we had been thus cir-
cumstanced, our course would have been different. This
mode of arriving at such conclusions, is no less deceptive
than unjust.

My object, in the reference made to the nature of the
intercourse had with the aborigines, by our fathers, is not
to censure, but profit by it. And it is with this view, in
connexion with another, that I have glanced at it ; and that
other view is, to rescue, if I can, the Indian from the judg-
ment which some, even of the present day, are too apt to
pronounce upon his race. In this, I do no more than as-
sume that he is Tinman; that physically, intellectually, and
morally, he is, in all respects, like ourselves ; and that there
is no difference between us, save. only in the color, and in
our superior advantages.

Are all these lessons, and all this historic teaching, to
be lost upon us ? Are there no obligations growing out
of our relations with this race, strong enough to induce us
to do them justice ? Or, are they, to whose country we
have succeeded, extinct? Not quite. Over three hun-
dred thousand yet remain. And what is their condi-
tion ? One, I answer, of positive wretchedness wretch-
edness under every variety of form physical, intellectual,
and moral. Are there no exceptions? Happily, there
are ; and enough to prove the truth of what I have assert-
ed, that, with like culture, the Indian is OUR EQUAL. The
great mass, however, is but one exhibition of human degra-
dation and human misery. We of the Atlantic States
know but little of all this ; and when the wailing does
come, as it sometimes does, from their cheerless and deso-
late homes, made so by the nature of our intercourse with the

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 81

sufferers, it is too apt to die upon our ears, or to pass us
by " like the idle wind, which we regard not." Or, per-
haps, the conclusion has been adopted that the Indians are
not capable of receiving and profiting by the lessons of
civilization ; or, from some peculiarity of their nature, if
they are taught those lessons, they relapse, instinctively,
and by a law of their nature, into the savage state. It is
certainly true that in the earlier and later times, Elliott,
and Mayhew, and Brainerd, and Kirkland, and others, since
their day, did strive with a zeal almost apostolic to rescue
the tribes they labored among, from the savage, and intro-
duce them into the civilized and Christian state ; and Eliz-
abeth Isles, and Nantucket, and other portions of New
England, will forever remain as monuments of their gene-
rous and pious labors.

None will doubt the partial success of these efforts.
The wonder, however, is, not that there were so few con-
verts, but that there were so many. The systems adopted
for the production of this reformation, were not less con-
tracted than defective ; or, if these had been more enlarged
and more perfect, still the great excitement of those times,
the wars that prevailed, and the consequent bad blood that
was produced in the Indian, to disaffect him to the white
man, and make him despise his offerings, all tended to
thwart those pious purposes. There was enough, howev-
er, accomplished, to lift the Indian out of the slough of
degradation to which some would consign him, by the
judgment that he is, by nature, disqualified from receiving
instruction, and profiting by it. There never has been,
from the beginning, a system established, either by indi-
viduals associated for missionary objects, or by the govern-
ment, either under our colonial or independent relations,
adequate in its extent, and of corresponding means, or
having in it the indispensable regenerating principles, to re-
form and civilize the Indians, as a race.
VOL. n. 11

82 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

PART III.

ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE NOBLE SENTIMENTS, HIGH MORAL
QUALITIES, AND INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY OF THE IN-
DIAN.

Difficulties in the way of improvement not insurmountable Skenandoah His
conversion and death Kusick His love for La Fayette His pension His
scrupulous honesty and piety David and Catharine Brown, and the Cherokee
nation Other proofs of the capacity of the race Their eloquence, bravery,
benevolence Logan, Pushmataha, Red-Jacket, Sequayah, Philip, Pontiac, Te-
cumthe Departure of the Wyandots for the West Their respect for the mem-
ory of Harrison Speech of Colonel Cobb, the Choctaw chief Attakullaka
Osceola Mr. Jefferson's opinion of the Indian character Colonel Boyd res-
cued from death by Siloug Petalesharro and the Itean captive The single-
ness of his motive His personal appearance at Washington Receives a
medal His reply to the donors Letalashahou Rescue of the Spanish captive.

THE resistance on the part of the Indian to a change
of his pursuits, his habits, and his faith, is formidable, and
naturally so, and calls for a corresponding power and skill
in its management, to overcome it. This resistance is the
joint effect of causes, all operating to produce such a re-
sult. There is his instinctive and early cherished love of
freedom from restraint ; his attachment to his mode of life,
in which this freedom is indulged in its widest range ; his
love of the hunter's state ; his aversion to toil ; his passion
for war ; his jealousy and dislike of the white man ;. his
doubts in the sincerity, (when these happen to be made,)
of his offers of kindness; his attachment to the traditions
and religion of his fathers ; the influence which dreams
and omens have over him ; and then there are his views
of the future world, and in the objects that are destined to
gratify him there, and minister to his eternal happiness

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 33

the whole of these forming one mass of materials, not one
of which bears the slightest resemblance to the attach-
ments of the civilized to their condition, or to the faith and
hope of the Christian.

If we can comprehend the power that it would require
to unhinge all that we cling to, and introduce in its stead
an entirely new system of both faith and practice, over-
turning all that is lovely in our eyes, in our social, political,
and moral relations, we may form some tolerable notion
of what that system should be, and of the extent of the
means to keep it in operation, and of the sort of agencies
that would be required to superintend the whole, to pro-
duce a reformation in the Indians, lead them to cast aside
their habits, remodel their modes of thinking, abandon
their faith, and their hopes in the future, and adopt in their
places everything new, everything strange, and everything
mysterious !

The partial efforts that have, from time to time, been
made for the reformation of the Indian, have always re-
sulted, notwithstanding, in a corresponding success ; and
if time permitted, it were easy to enumerate cases of In-
dian conversion, followed by lives that bore testimony to
the genuineness of the change. I will trespass on your
time long enough to furnish a few examples, the first that
occur to me.

Who has not heard of the famous Oneida chief, Sken-
andoah ? He whose pathway, for sixty years, had been
marked with blood ; whose war-whoop had resounded
through many a terrified settlement, and until the regions
of the Mohawk rang with it ; and who was, in all respects,
the cruel, the indomitable savage. One would suppose that
habits, stiffened by so long a period of indulgence, could not
be easily, if at all, softened and remoulded ; that the spirit
of the warrior having been so long indulged in the prac-
tices so congenial to the feelings of the savage, could not
be subdued, and made to conform to all that is gentle, and

84 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

peaceful, and pious. But all this was effected in the per-
son of this chief. He was awakened under the preaching
of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, and became a convert to the
faith of the Christian. The tomahawk, the war-club, and
the scalping-knife, fell from his grasp ; the desolations
which he had produced, he mourned over ; he saw, in his
mythology, nothing but chimeras ; he was penitent and
was forgiven. Nor did he ever abandon the faith he had
adopted, but continued a peaceful, faithful, and devoted
Christian, until his death, which occurred when he was
over a hundred years old.

Awhile previous to his death, a friend calling to see him,
and inquiring after his health, received this answer, (which
most of you, doubtless, have heard) " I am an aged hem-
lock. The winds of a hundred winters have whistled
through my branches. I am dead at the top (referring
to his blindness.) Why I yet live, the great, good Spirit
only knows. When I am dead, bury me by the side of
my minister and friend (meaning Mr. Kirkland) that I
may go up with him at the great resurrection !" He was
accordingly so buried, and I have seen his tomb.

Another case was that of Kusick, chief of the Tusca-
roras. He was also an Indian, and had served under La
Fayette, in the army of the Revolution. It was usual for
him, in company with a few of his leading men, to visit,
once in every two or three years, the State of North Caro-
lina, whence his tribe originally came, to see after some
claims they had upon that State. In passing through
Washington, the old chief would call at my office, for the
purpose of submitting his papers, and of counselling with
me. On one of these occasions, he made a call before
breakfast, at my residence, accompanied by his compan-
ions. A neighbor had stepped in to see me, on his way to
his office, and our conversation turned on Lady Morgan's
France, which had been just then published, and was lying
on my table. We spoke of La Fayette. The moment his

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 5

name was mentioned, Kusick turned quick upon me his
fine black eyes, and asked with great earnestness

"/s he yet alive ? The same La Fayette that was in the
Revolutionary war ?"

Yes, Kusick, I answered, he is alive ; and he is the same
La Fayette who was in that war. That book speaks of
him as being not only alive, but looking well and hearty.

He said, with deep emphasis, " Fm glad to hear it"

Then you knew La Fayette, Kusick ?

"Oh, yes," he answered, "I knew him well; and many
a time in the battle, I threw myself between him and the
bullets -for I loved him"

Were you in commission ?

"Oh, yes," he replied, "I was a lieutenant; General
Washington gave me a commission."

My friend, (who was the late venerable Joseph Nourse,
at that time Register of the Treasury,) and myself, agreed
to examine the records, and see if the old chief was not
entitled to a pension. We (or rather he) did so. All was
found to be as Kusick had reported it ; when he was put
on the pension list.

Some years after, in 1827, when passing through the
Tuscarora reserve, on my way to the wilderness, I stopped
opposite his log cabin, and walked up to see the old chief.
I found him engaged drying fish. After the usual greeting,
I asked if he continued to receive his pension.

" No," said the old chief, " no ; Congress passed a law
making it necessary for me to swear I cannot live without
it. Now here is my little log cabin, and it's my own ;
here's my patch, where I can raise corn, and beans, and
pumpkins ; and there's Lake Oneida, where I can catch
fish. With these I can make out to live without the pen-
sion ; and to say I could not, would be to lie to the Great
Spirit !"

Here was principle, and deep piety; and a lesson for
many whose advantages had far exceeded those of this

86 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

poor Indian. In connexion with this, I will add another
anecdote, in proof of his veneration for the Deity. He
breakfasted with me on the morning to which I have re-
ferred ; and knowing him to be a teacher of the Christian
religion among his people, and an interpreter for those
who occasionally preached to them, I requested him to
ask a blessing. He did so, and in a manner so impressive,
as to make me feel that he was deeply imbued with the
proper spirit. He employed, in the ceremony, his native
Tuscarora. I asked him why, as he spoke very good Eng-
lish, he had asked the blessing in his native tongue ? He
said, " When I speak English, I am often at a loss for a
word. When, therefore, I speak to the Great Spirit, I do
not like to be perplexed, or have my mind distracted, to
look after a word. When I use my own language, it is
like my breath ; I am composed." Kusick died an honest
man and a Christian ; and though an Indian, has doubtless
entered into his rest.

I might multiply instances of this kind, beginning with
the earliest times when Elliott commenced his labors
among the Indians of New England, down to our times
including in the long catalogue those beautiful specimens
of pure and undefiled religion, as seen in the lives and
deaths of David and Catharine Brown, of the Cherokee na-
tion. But we have a large portion of that whole nation to
appeal to. The Cherokees, buffeted as they have been,
and yet are, present, even in their new wilderness abode,
and distracted as they are, the most cheering examples of
a most thorough progressive reform ; and whilst much re-
mains to be done, there is a controlling mass which pro-
mises, at no distant day, to regulate and reform the whole,
provided one indispensable element be superadded what
that element is, I will make known at the conclusion of
this discourse. This withheld, and the fate of the Indian
race is sealed.

The same state of progressive improvement is seen,

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 87

also, among the Choctaws, and Chickasaws, and Creeks ;
indeed, the entire population at this time within what is
called " the Indian territory" partakes more or less of that
spirit of improvement which had begun to operate among
the Cherokees and others, on this side of the Mississippi.
" A general council," adopting the language of a recent
writer, " recently held among them in their new abode,
with representatives from seventeen tribes, may be said to
have laid the foundation of a Federal Union. For such a
step, the leading tribes are already well prepared. The
Cherokees, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Creeks, are already
organized states having settled constitutions, written laws,
representative legislatures, and regular courts of justice ;
little inferior, either in theory or practice, to those of the
white man." These are the fruits from the seed sown,
(within the last thirty years,) on this side the Mississippi,
by the combined labors of the government and the mis-
sionaries to which I shall refer more at large in the se-
quel the taste of which is now beginning to be so grate-
ful to them in their new homes. Homes ! did I say ?
They have no homes and to this, their cheerless and desti-
tute condition, I shall hope to have your attention and
sympathy, when I come to that part of my subject. What
if the Choctaws have decided to build a college in some
central part of the nation, where the education of their
youth is to be completed, and towards the building of
which they have subscribed twenty thousand dollars ?
What if they have, over their whole country, which is
divided into four districts, courts of law, judges, inferior and
superior, with all the appropriate officers ? What if their
religious and temperance societies are numerous and
what if a spirit of reform in these branches is active ? I
ask what of all this, if this intellectually budding, and
spring-time-like prospect is at any moment liable to be
blighted, and themselves to be driven farther west, or into
a conflict more terrible in its consequences, to both them

88 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, <fcc., OF THE

and us, than any that has preceded it ? But I am anticipa-
ting what I have reserved for another place.

But suppose we had none of these examples to refer to,
of high attainments in civilization, and in the Christian
faith ; and that not an Indian had adopted or practised les-
sons derived from either, but could furnish examples of
eloquence, bravery, benevolence, and generosity ; specimens
of a high intellectual bearing, and love of kind and coun-
try ; ought not a people thus endowed by nature, to be
esteemed worthy of the Christian teaching and labors,
and of the government's protection, as well as of the co-
operating agency of every good man ?

Logan might be cited for his eloquence ; and Pushmataha,
and Red-Jacket, and many others ; but let a single quota-
tion from the dying address of the Choctaw warrior-chief,
Pushmataha, suffice for the whole. He died in Washing-
ton, and of the croup. His remains repose by the sides of
the illustrious of our race, with a monument over them.
His associates being around his death-bed, he said " /
shall die, but you will return to our brethren. As you go
along the paths, you will see the flowers, and hear the birds
sing ; but Pushmataha will see them and hear them no more.
When you shall come to your homes, they will ask you, where
is Pushmataha ? And you will say to them, he is no more !
They will hear the tidings like the fall of a mighty oak, in
the stillness of the wood /"

For benevolence and generosity, Pocahontas and Mas-
sasoit, and a host besides, may be pointed to, as challeng-
ing comparisons with the most renowned in these virtues ;
for intellectual vigor, Sequayah, a Cherokee, who gave to
his people the alphabet of their language, and who ranks
with Cadmus ; and for bravery, and devotion to their coun-
try and kind, Philip, and Pontiac, and Tecumthe, may be
regarded as settling the controversy touching endowments
in these departments of the Indian character. By whom
were combinations for war purposes better arranged ; and

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 39

where, considering the means at the disposal of all three
of these men of renown, were results more demonstrative
of mind, and of its powers ? Aye and mark the spirit,
which under certain circumstances animates these out-
casts, and then tell me, if they are not susceptible of
the loftiest, noblest, and most generous impulses of our
nature ?

When the last of the Wyandot race were, in July,
(1843,) bidding a final farewell to their Ohio home, where
their council-fire had burned for ages, to cross that water
which was to form an eternal barrier to their return, as it
will prove to all the red men that have passed over it, or
that may hereafter pass over it, they approached, in de-
scending the Ohio, the spot where repose the remains of
HARRISON. Many of their braves had fought under the
general in the last war, and several had distinguished them-
selves at the battle of Fort Meigs. For the memory of
the " white chief? as they called him, they cherished the
greatest devotion. They were in number, six hundred
and thirty men, women and children. On nearing North
Bend, the principal chief requested Captain Claghorn
to have the "big gun" loaded. It was done. Mean-
time, the chiefs and braves silently gathered upon the hur-
ricane roof, and formed in line, fronting the resting-place
of their departed chief. " The engine was stopped, and
the boat was suffered to drift with the current. As they
passed the tomb, they all uncovered, and gently waved
their hats, in silence ; and after the boat had passed, and
the report of the cannon had died away, the chief stepped
forward, and in an impressive manner exclaimed, " FARE-
WELL, OHIO, AND HER BRAVE !"

"A letter published in the Christian Advocate, from
Rev. James Wheeler, dated September 30, represents these
poor wanderers in rather a sad condition. They were
encamped on the Kansas river, about two miles above its
junction with the Missouri. As yet, they had met with

VOL. H. 12

90 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

no tribe with whom they would like to mingle, and found
no spot on which they would like to settle.

" Mr. Wheeler states that there was a good deal of sick-
ness among them." And yet we are Christians !

Hear the wail of another tribe, and listen to the elo-
quence of another of these outcasts. It is a speech of Co-
lonel Cobb, the celebrated half-breed chief of the Choc-
taws, made in reply to J. J. McRae, Esq., the agent for
enrolling and emigrating the Indians to the west of the
Mississippi, who had made a speech to about one thou-
sand in number, when assembled at Hopahka, informing
them that " their council-fires could no more be kindled
here ;" that " their warriors can have no field for their
glory ; and that their spirits will decay within them ;" and
that if they should " take the hand of their great father,
the President, which is now offered to them, to lead them
to their western homes, their hopes will be higher, their
destinies brighter."

SPEECH OF COLONEL COBB,

Head Mingo of the Choctaws, east of the Mississippi, in re-
ply to the Agent of the United States.

" Brother We have heard your talk as from the lips of
our father, the great white chief at Washington, and my
people have called upon me to speak to you. The red
man has no books, and when he wishes to make known
his views, like his father before him, he speaks from his
mouth. He is afraid of writing. When he speaks he knows
what he says ; the Great Spirit hears him. Writing is the in-
vention of the pale-faces ; it gives birth to error and to
feuds. The Great Spirit talks we hear him in the
thunder in the rushing winds and the mighty waters but
he never writes.

" Brother When you were young we were strong, we
fought by your side ; but our arms are now broken. You
have grown large : my people have become small.

" Brother My voice is weak ; you can scarcely hear me ;

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 91

it is not the shout of a warrior, but the wail of an infant.
I have lost it in wailing over the misfortunes of my people.
These are their graves, and in those aged pines you hear
the ghosts of the departed. Their ashes are here, and we
have been left to protect them. Our warriors are nearly
all gone to the far country west ; but here are our dead.
Shall we go, too, and give their bones to the wolves ?

" Brother Two sleeps have passed since we heard you
talk. We have thought upon it. You ask us to leave our
country, and tell us it is our father's wish. We would not
desire to displease our father. We respect him, and you
his child. But the Choctaw always thinks. We want time
to answer.

" Brother Our hearts are full. Twelve winters ago our
chiefs sold our country. Every warrior that you see here
was opposed to the treaty. If the dead could have been
counted, it could never have been made ; but, alas ! though
they stood around, they could not be seen or heard. Their
tears came in the rain-drops, and their voices in the wail-
ing wind, but the pale-faces knew it not, and our land was
taken away.

" Brother We do not now complain. The Choctaw suf-
fers, but never weeps. You have the strong arm, and we
cannot resist : but the pale-face worships the Great Spi-
rit. So does the red man. The Great Spirit loves truth.
When you took our country you promised us land. There
is your promise in the book. Twelve times have the trees
dropped their leaves, yet we have received no land. Our
houses have been taken from us. The white man's plough
turns up the bones of our fathers. We dare not kindle our
fires ; and yet you said we might remain, and you would
give us land.

" Brother Is this truth ? But we believe now our great
father knows our condition, he will listen to us. We are
as mourning orphans in our country ; but our father will
take us by the hand. When he fulfils his promise, we will

92 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

answer his talk. He means well. We know it. But we
cannot think now. Grief has made children of us. When
our business is settled, we shall be men again, and talk to
our great father about what he has proposed.

" Brother, you stand in the moccasins of a great chief,
you speak the words of a mighty nation, and your talk
was long. My people are small, their shadow scarcely
reaches to your knee ; they are scattered and gone ; when
I shout, I hear my voice in the depth of the woods, but no
answering shout comes back. My words, therefore, are
few. I have nothing more to say, but to request you to
tell what I have said to the tall chief of the pale-faces, whose
brother* stands by your side."

It were easy to multiply examples, not perhaps of equal
capacity, or of such pathos and, I may add, sublimity,
but all going to demonstrate the truth we are aiming to es-
tablish. ATTAKULLAKA, a Cherokee chief of times long
gone by, might be referred to, and an hour employed in the
presentation and illustration of his virtues ; and OSCEOLA,
of modern times. The very fact that so weak and desti-
tute a people as the Seminoles are known to be, should be
able to resist the power of this nation, and for a period
nearly, if not quite as long, as that embraced by the war of
the revolution, affords strong evidence in favor of the skill
and bravery of that unfortunate tribe.

Of the Indian, Mr. Jefferson says " He is affection-
ate to his children ; careful of them, and indulgent, in
the extreme ; that his affections comprehend his other
connexions, weakening, as with us, from circle to cir-
cle, as they recede from the centre ; that his friendships
are strong, and faithful to the uttermost extremity. A
remarkable instance of this," he proceeds, " appeared
in the case of Colonel Boyd, who was sent to the Cher-
okee nation to transact some business with them. It

* William Tyler, of Virginia, brother to the late President of the United States
one of the Choctaw Commissioners.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 93

happened that some of our disorderly people had killed one
or two of that nation ;" (if I am not mistaken, basely
prompted thereto by the reward which had been offered
for Indian scalps,) " it was, therefore, proposed in the
council of the Cherokees, that Colonel Boyd should be
put to death, in revenge for the loss of their countrymen.
Among them was a chief called SILOUE, who, on some for-
mer occasion, had contracted an acquaintance with Colo-
nel Boyd, and a friendship for him. He came to him every
night, in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should
not kill him. After many days deliberation, however, the
determination was, contrary to Siloue's expectation, that
Boyd should be put to death, and some warriors were des-
patched as executioners. Siloue attended them, and when
they approached the tent, he threw himself between them
and Boyd, and said to the warriors : ' This man is my friend :
before you get at him, you must kill me.' On which they
returned, and the council respected the principle so much,
as to recede from their determination."

I cannot resist the inclination, though at the hazard of
being thought tedious, of presenting to you another in-
stance of humanity, mingled with the highest order of chi-
valry :

" The Pawnee Loups had long practised the savage rite,
known to no other of the American tribes, of sacrificing
human victims to the Great Star, or the planet Venus.
This dreadful ceremony annually preceded the prepara-
tions for planting corn, and was supposed to be necessary
to secure a fruitful season. To prevent a failure of the
crop, and a consequent famine, some individual was ex-
pected to offer up a prisoner, of either sex, who had been
captured in war, and some one was always found who cov-
eted the honor of dedicating the spoil of his prowess to the
national benefit. The intended victim, carefully kept in
ignorance of the fate that impended, was dressed in gay
attire, supplied with choicest food, and treated with every

94 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

tenderness, with the view of promoting obesity, and pre-
paring an offering the more acceptable to the deities who
were to be propitiated. When, by the successful employ-
ment of those means, the unconscious victim was sufficient-
ly fatted, a day was appointed for the sacrifice, and the
whole nation assembled to witness the solemn scene."

You will now fancy yourselves in view of the great gath-
ering of the Pawnees, and in sight of the multitude assem-
bled in honor of the sacrifice. In your nearer approach
you will hear their orgies. In the midst of the great circle
a stake is brought, its end is sharpened, when it is driven
deep in the ground. Yells and shouts are heard, and these
announce that all is ready. In the distance is a company
of Pawnees by the side of the leader is a delicate girl.
She is an Itean maid. They approach nearer. He who
made her captive steps proudly into the circle. Shouts
welcome him. He takes the maid by the hand, and leads
her to the fatal spot. Her back is placed against the
stake ; cords are brought, and she is bound to it. The
fagots are now collected, and placed round the victim.
A hopeless expression is seen in her eye perhaps a tear !
Her bosom heaves, and her thoughts are of home. A
torch is seen, coming from the woods, hard by. At that
moment a young brave leaps into the circle rushes to the
stake severs the cords that bind the victim to it, and
springing on a horse, and throwing her upon another, and
putting both to the top of their speed, is soon lost in the
distance. Silence prevails then murmurs are heard, and
then the loud threats of vengeance, when all retire ! The
stake and the fagot are all that remain to mark the spot,
on which, but for this noble deed, ashes and charred bones
would have been distinguished. Who was it that intrepid-
ly released the captive maid ? It was the young, the brave,
the generous PETALESHARRO. Whether it was panic, or
the dread of Letalashahou's vengeance, (LETALASHAHOU
was the great chief of the Pawnees, and father of Petaleshar-

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 95

ro) that operated to keep the warriors from employing
their bows and arrows, and rifles, on the occasion, is not
known ; but certain it is, they did not use them.

" Having borne the rescued maid into the broad plains
beyond the precincts of the Pawnee village, and supplied
her with provisions, he admonished her to make the best
of her way to her own nation, which was distant about four
hundred miles, and left her. She, alive to her situation,
lost no time in obeying such salutary counsel, and had the
good fortune, the next day, to fall in with a war-party
of her own people, by whom she was safely carried
home."

Can the records of chivalry furnish a parallel to this gen-
erous act ? Can the civilized world bring forward a case
demonstrating a higher order of humanity, united with
greater bravery ? Whence did the youthful Petalesharro
learn this lesson of refined pity ? Not of civilized man.
The lessons of the good had never yet reached the Paw-
nees, to instruct them, or to enrapture their thoughts by
such beautiful illustrations of the merciful. It was the im-
pulse of nature : nature, cast in a more refined mould, and
probably, as the sequel will show, nurtured by the blood
and spirit of a noble, though untaught father.

The rescue of the Itean maid happened a short time be-
fore Petalesharro was deputed to Washington, as one of
a deputation on matters connected with the interests of the
Pawnee nation. His visit to that city, was in 1821. " He
wore a head-dress of the feathers of the war-eagle, which
extended in a double series, down his back, to his hips,
narrowing as it descended. His robe was thrown grace-
fully, but carelessly, over his shoulders, leaving his breast,
and often one arm, bare. The usual garments decorated
his hips, and lower limbs these were the auzeum, the leg-
gins, and the moccasins all ornamented. The youthful
and feminine character of his face, and the humanity of its
expression, were all remarkable. He did not appear to be

96 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., O? THE

older than twenty years, but his age was about twenty-five.
I had his portrait taken, which is a perfect one.

" As was most natural, the tidings of his noble deed ac-
companied Petalesharro to Washington. Both himself
and his chivalry became the theme of the city. The la-
dies, as is their nature, hastened to do him honor. A
medal was prepared, and a time appointed for conferring
on him this merited gift. An assembly had collected to
witness the ceremony. He was told, in substance, that the
medal was given him in token of the high opinion which
was entertained of his act, in the rescue of the Itean maid.
He was asked by the ladies who presented it, to accept,
and wear it for their sake ; and told, when he had another
occasion to save a captive woman from torture, and from
the stake, to look upon the medal, think of those who gave
it, and save her, as he had saved the Itean girl. With
that grace which is peculiar to the Indian, he held the
prize he -had so nobly won before him, and as he gazed
upon it, thus replied : * This brings rest to my heart. I
feel like the leaf, after a storm, and when the wind is still.
I have listened to you. I am glad. I love the pale-faces
more than ever I did, and will open my ears wider, when
they speak. I am glad you heard of what I did. I did not
know the act was so good. It came from my heart. I
was ignorant of its value. I now know how good it was.
You make me know it, by giving me this medal.'

" The rescue of the Itean girl might, if a solitary act,
be looked upon as the result of impulse, and not as pro-
ceeding from a generous nature. It happens, however,
not to stand alone, as the only instance of the sort, in the
life of Petalesharro. One of his brother warriors had
brought in a captive boy. He was a Spaniard. The
captor resolved to offer him as a sacrifice to the great
star. The chief Letalashahou had been for some time
opposed to these barbarous rites. He sent for the war-
rior, and told him he did not wish him to make the sacri-

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 97

fice. The warrior claimed his right, under the immemo-
rial usages of the tribe. They parted. Letalashahou
sent for his son, and asked what was to be done to divert
the captor from his purpose ? Petalesharro replied
promptly, ' I will take the boy, like a brave, by force.'
The father thought, no doubt, that danger would attend
upon the act, and resolved on a more pacific mode. It
was to buy the boy. This intention was made known,
when those who had any goods of any kind, brought them
to the chief's lodge, and laid them down, as an offering,
on the pile which the chief had supplied from his own li-
mited stores. The captor was again sent for, and in the
authoritative tone of the chief thus addressed : ' Take
these goods, and give me the boy.' He refused, when the
chief seized his war-club, and flourished it over the head
of the captor. At the moment, Petalesharro sprang for-
ward, and said ' STRIKE ! and let the wrath of his friends
fall upon me?

" The captor, making a merit of necessity, agreed, if a
few more articles were added, to give up the boy to the
chief; they were added, and the boy was saved. The
goods were sacrificed instead of the boy. The cloth was
cut into shreds, and suspended on poles, at the spot upon
which the blood of the victim had been proposed to be
shed, and the remainder of the articles were burned. No
subsequent attempt to immolate a victim was made.* "

*McKenney & Hall's History of the Aborigines of North America.

VOL. n. 13

98 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

PART IV.

ATTENDED

WITH PROMISING SUCCESS OBJECTIONS TO FURTHER

EFFORTS CONSIDERED AND ANSWERED.

Higher claims of the Indian upon our sense of justice Recent efforts to improve
their condition Successful as far as carried out Broken up by the encroach-
ments of the white men The Indian not irreclaimable Objection considered
Educated Indians relapse to barbarism Konkapot Strong attachment to
their free mode of life Daniel Boone Chateaubriand and Philip the Recluse
The force of instinct Chateaubriand's reflections upon the narrative His
parallel between the Frenchman and the Indian This " instinct" not peculiar
to Frenchmen Not even confined to men Inference The objection as good
against the white as the red man Another objection Great expense of a
system of education Immense gain in purchasing the Indian territory Appeal
to a higher principle.

THESE random references are made to establish the
claims of the Indian to be considered as a human being,
and to be treated as such. But he has claims of another
sort, and these are upon our magnanimity and justice.
We have taken from them their country despoiled them
of the loftiness of their native character, by infusing into
it the dregs of our own thus disfiguring and making a
wreck of God's own image. We have, when they resisted
our encroachments upon their soil, (a pure prompting of
nature on their part, and as justifiable in them as it would
be in us to repel an invasion,) shot them down like dogs,
hung them up like felons, quartered them like malefactors,
and even put a price upon their heads, which, when severed
from their bodies, were stuck upon gibbets, their bones

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 99

being left to whiten the soil, and decreed as unfit for the
rites of sepulture !

I know that the larger portion of this dark coloring was
laid on the picture before our free institutions came into
play before the light that now shines with a more sof-
tened influence, had broken forth in its beauty and ful-
ness before Washington commenced the humane policy
of opening a government trade with them, expressly for
the supply of their wants, without reference to gain
before Jefferson sought to call them off from the uncer-
tainty of the chase, growing more and more so by the
increasing scarcity of game, and to attach them to agri-
culture and the arts before the missionaries of modern
times began to cultivate green spots in the desert before
Congress, during the administration of Mr. Monroe, made
an appropriation of ten thousand dollars, annually, for their
enlightening and civilization before the Moravians, the
Baptists, the Methodists and Episcopalians, the American
Board of Commissions for Foreign Missions ; and be-
fore the Quakers and Roman Catholics, all combined,
uniting their means with those provided by Congress, to
establish a system for the advancement of the natives in
civilization, in the arts, and in religion.

That system went into operation, and its results settled
the question, in my opinion, and forever, as to the capaci-
ty of the natives to profit by this benevolence, and this
teaching. In the short space of four or five years, eigh-
teen hundred Indian children were collected, whose pro-
gress in learning, and acquiescence in the restraints which
this new teaching imposed, would compare with the mosl
prosperous schools among ourselves. I speak of my own
knowledge ; for I not only, as Chief of the Bureau of Indi-
an Affairs, at Washington, received the quarterly returns
showing the state of these schools, but I visited them all,
from Lake Superior to Fort Mitchell, in Alabama. But
this system, when in the vigor of its operations, was, by

100 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

the expansive power of our settlements, broken up. As in
the beginning, when the white man willed it, the Indian
must fall back ! His hill-sides and valleys, his home, which
had begun to blossom with delights, and the graves of his
fathers, must be abandoned ; and he must submit, and turn
his back upon all these, and upon the nurseries of educa-
tion that had begun to dot and ornament his country, to-
wards the setting sun there to find, on the west of the
Mississippi, a new home, at which to linger, till another
expansion of the population of the white race shall take
place, and another upheaving of its power be felt, when,
(unless the appropriate means be adopted to stop this onward
progress, and to these I shall refer presently,) he will be start-
ed again, further to the west; and yet further, "until the
waters of the Pacific shall become the winding-sheet of the
last of the race !" And in this way has system after sys-
tem, (this last, however, the only one that was fitted to the
occasion, and even this was not sufficiently extended, or
adequately sustained, nor was it based on the right princi-
ple,) been made to give way before the power that was
mightier than any the Indian could bring to oppose it and
then, when the Indian was found to be unreclaimed, still,
the conclusion is arrived at, that he is irreclaimable ! The
cause is not in the Indian, my friends, but in ourselves.

But I am met by another objection. When, (it is ar-
gued by some,) a reformation has attended the labors of
the missionary, and the Indian has conferred upon him all
that our academies, and, in some instances, our colleges
could impart, he has relapsed into his former state.

I admit this to have been quite a common result, and it
is still one of occasional occurrence. KONKAPOT, and the
protege of La Fayette, whom he took with him to France,
both, after having become familiar with the classics, and dis-
coursed in the Greek and Roman tongues, returned to
their original attachments ; and putting aside the polish,
and grace, and elegance of civilization, returned to the

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 1Q1

blanket, the moccasin, and the wigwam. But is there any-
thing surprising in this ? It is no more than, under the
same circumstances, we should do ; it is no more than has
been done by at least one polished Parisian, and even by
well instructed females of our own country. The necessi-
ty of the white man is not so pressing, thus to retrograde ;
nor are the inducements so strong. The necessity of the
case, on the part of the Indian, arises out of the absence of
civilized and polished society ; when he goes back
among his people, he finds none of this. He has therefore
either to remain a dumb, isolated object, in their midst, or
fall in with their practices and modes of life, he having no
power to bring them up to his standard. The white man
never had, in his youth, tasted the fresh enjoyments of the
forest home ; and never experienced the freedom of that
home, from restraint ; knew nothing of its boundless liber-
ty, and the absence of its cares. The Indian knew all this ;
and had, like the imprisoned bird, that knew how sweet it
was to cleave the air, and mingle with the songsters of the
grove, only to be set free from his cage-confined limits, to
feel all the tide of his early happiness and early associa-
tions to rush in upon him, bearing him again amidst those
cherished scenes. And yet, without these attractions, the
white man has preferred, like the Indian, the newly ac-
quired relish of the forest life. What was Daniel Boone,
in all the essential elements of his character, but an In-
dian?

CHATEAUBRIAND has recorded an anecdote which sheds
much light on this question. I quote his words :

" When I was travelling through the wilds of America,
I was not a little surprised to hear that I had a country-
man established as a resident, at some distance, in the
woods. I visited him with eagerness, and found him em-
ployed in pointing some stakes, at the door of his hut. He
cast a look towards me, (which was cold enough,) and con-
tinued his work; but the moment I addressed him in

102 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

French, he started at the recollection of his country, and
the big tear stood in his eye. These well-known accents
suddenly roused in the heart of the old man all the sensa-
tions of his infancy.

" Philip (the name of the recluse) entreated me to enter
his dwelling, and I followed him. He had considerable
difficulty in expressing what he meant. I saw him labor to
regain the ancient ideas of civilized man, and I watched
him most closely. For instance, I observed that there were
two kinds of relative things absolutely effaced from his
mind, viz : that of any superfluity being proper, and that
of annoying others, without an absolute necessity for it. I
did not choose to put my grand question till after some
hours of conversation had restored to him a sufficiency
of words and ideas. At last I said to him

" Philip are you happy ?"

" He knew not, at first, how to reply. " Happy," said he,
reflecting " happy ? Yes ; but happy, only, since I be-
came a savage."

" And how do you pass your life ?" asked I.

He laughed.

44 1 understand you," continued I, " you think such a ques-
tion unworthy of an answer. But should you not like to
resume your former mode of living, and return to your
country ?"

" My country France ? If I were not so old, I should
like to see it again."

" And you would not remain there ?" added I.

The motion of Philip's head answered my question suffi-
ciently. " But what induced you," continued I, " to become
what you call a savage ?"

"I don't know, said he "instinct."

" This expression," proceeds Chateaubriand, " put an end
to my doubts and questions. I remained two days with Phil-
ip, in order to observe him, and never saw him swerve for
a single moment from the assertion he had made. His

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 1Q3

soul, free from the conflict of the social passions, appeared,
in the language of the savages with whom he dwelt, calm
as the field of battle, after the warriors had smoked to-
gether their calumet of peace."

" Is it," asks the same author, in another place, but in re-
ference to the same subject " is it that the extremes of a
circle meet, and that the highest degree of civilization,
being the perfection of the art, touches closely upon na-
ture ? or is it owing to a sort of universal talent, and
pliability of manners, that adapt the Frenchman to every cli-
mate, and to every sphere in life ? Be this as it may," con-
tinues our author, " he (the Frenchman) and the American
Indian possess the same bravery, the same indifference to
life, the same improvidence as to what will happen to-mor-
row, the same dislike to work, the same inclination to be
tired of good things which they possess, the same incon-
stancy in love, the same taste in dancing and for war, the
fatigues of the chase, and the pleasures of the forest.
These similarities of dispositions, in the Frenchman and
Indian, cause in them a great inclination towards each oth-
er, and easily convert the inhabitant of Paris into the
rambler of the American forests."

But this inclination towards each other, in the French-
man and the Indian, is not confined to them. It is found
to exist (though not to the same extent, I admit,) in the
English and the Americans and not in the men, only, but
in women. When at Lake Superior, in 1826, 1 learned that
there were, about five hundred miles distant, some women
who had, years before, been taken captives by the Indians.
I made an arrangement for their liberation and restoration
to their homes and friends. They declined the offer, pre-
ferring their present condition.

I infer, from this, that the civilized is not the state most
congenial to man, and that his instincts and his tastes
combine, whether he be white or red, to attach him to the
repose and indolence of a state of nature. The conclu-

104 ON THE ORIGIN, HISTORY, &c., OF THE

sion is, that if this relapsing tendency to a forest life is
proof of a disqualifying power in the Indian to continue,
when placed there, in the higher condition of the civilized
state, it is proof, no less conclusive, that we are, also, dis-
qualified ; and cannot, ourselves, retain that elevation. But
it is not true of either.

But I am met by another objection : it is, that the cost
of the undertaking, upon a scale commensurate with the
object contemplated, would be too great, and therefore it
ought not to be attempted.

There can be no successful reasoning with any one who
puts money in competition with the happiness of any portion
of the human race. But even here a balance-sheet may
be struck, and there will be found means enough coming,
not of ours, but of the Indian's own providing, to accom-
plish the great work of his political and civil reformation ;
and not that, only, but for his establishment amidst the com-
forts of domestic, and social and religious life, and enough,
besides, to form a barrier to his onward progress to the
west, and to annihilation. This country was once owned
by the Indians. It is now ours. At what cost ? Why,
including all our expenditures, and of every sort, for and
on account of the Indians, we have succeeded to this
country, and become owners of it, at a price not exceed-
ing two cents and three-quarters the acre /* But this is cold
calculation. It does not harmonize with the genial, soul-
elevating influences of the age in which we live. Oh, no !
It is, or ought to be, enough for us to know, that three
hundred thousand of OUR BRETHREN are perishing, and
that they were made, as we are made, in God's image ;
and that from their possessions " our liberal fortunes took

* Even within the last forty years, the United States have extinguished the
Indian title to four hundred and thirty millions of acres of land, at a cost of
eighty-two millions of dollars, which lands, if limited to the present low govern-
ment price of one dollar and a quarter per acre, have brought, if sold, into the
treasury the enormous sum of FOUR HUNDRED AND FIFTY-FIVE MILLIONS FIVE
HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS more than the original cost.

ABORIGINES OF NORTH AMERICA. 1Q5

their rise." Oh ! " it ill befits" these forest rovers " thus
to pick the very refuse (and not permitted even to pick
that) of those fields" which once were theirs. Let us think
of them feel for them as brethren, and act towards
them as such ; for there is not one of them who cannot
say with truth

" I was born of woman, and drew milk,
As sweet as charity, from human breasts.
I think, articulate I laugh, I weep,
And exercise all functions of a man.

Pierce my vein

Take of the crimson stream meand'ring there,
And catechise it well. Apply the glass-
Search it, and prove, now, if it be not blood,
Congenial with thine own ; and if it be,
What edge of subtlety canst thou suppose
Keen enough, wise and skilful as thou art,
To cut the link of brotherhood, by which
One common Maker bound me to the kind ?"

VOL. TI. 14

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

A PLAN FOR THE PRESERVATION AND HAPPINESS OF THE
REMNANTS OF THE ABORIGINAL RACE, AND FOR THE
CONSOLIDATION OF PEACE BETWEEN THEM AND US.

The plan stated Reasons why missionary labors have proved so comparatively
unsuccessful A chief of Lake Superior His views of education upon his
little son McDonald, the Choctaw youth His personal appearance, accom-
plished manners, moral worth, and high attainments in learning His academic
and law studies His appointment as one of a delegation to Washington
Great power over the subjects connected with his mission His fall Recovery
Commences the practice of the law A letter from him Proposals of mar-
riage His tragic end Anomalous relations between the whites and Indians the
great barrier to their reformation Review of past labors in their behalf
The present homeless condition of the Indians No right in the soil This
right essential to their advancement No nation ever advanced in civilization
without it The present the only period when this right could be, without
trouble and great embarrassment, if at all, conferred Providence The doctrine
of retribution Probable consequences of our omission to do this down-trodden
race justice The nature of the war, should it occur Devastating Costly in
blood and treasure An appeal.

I WILL now offer a PLAN for the protection, preservation,
and future well-being of the remnants of this ill-fated race.
It is simply this : to connect " THE INDIAN TERRITORY," as
it is named and defined on our maps, and which lies west
of the western confines of Missouri and Arkansas, to the
United States, and by precisely the same tie which binds
Iowa to the Union, and which has hitherto bound other
Territories ; giving to the Indians the same fee-simple title
to the soil, and the same privileges, present and prospect-
ive, embracing that ultimate one of becoming a State,
that are enjoyed by the citizens of Iowa, and that were
possessed by the citizens of Michigan and other Territo-
ries, when occupying a territorial relation to the Union.

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 107

It would seem almost superfluous to enlarge upon the
proposition, or illustrate the effects which these relations
would produce on the Indians and their destiny. A new
and hitherto unfelt impulse would be at once given to all
the higher and nobler elements of their nature, which
could not fail of raising them in a very short time, as a
race, upon the same platform with ourselves. Our des-
tiny, jn a word, would be their destiny.

It has been for the want of these elements, which are
known to be so potent in the elevation and ennobling of
man, that the Indians have been so long, and are to this hour,
wasting away. Missionary labors have been employed, for
over two hundred years, among these people ; and, as I
have frequently remarked, always with partial success
that is, the few natives upon whom the Gospel influences
could be brought to bear, have always been more or less
influenced by them. But we have only to look at the
wasting away of the Indians their almost total disappear-
ance from the east of the Mississippi, and see them as they
are, in the west, with some exceptions, remaining Indians
still, to be convinced that by far the larger portion of
what was sought to be accomplished, has failed of the
success which was hoped for, furnishing at the same
time the most incontrovertible evidence that there was
something lacking some vital element not embraced in
the plans and systems which have been so long relied upon
for the reformation of the Indians, as a race ; and yet we
see these same plans, without addition or amendment,
kept in operation, just as if the experience of the past was
of no sort of moment ; or if the same causes had reversed
the order of their action, and, in opposition to the laws of
nature, would produce other than the same effects that
have followed them for over two centuries.

Missionary labors are, I admit, indispensable ; but they
will never produce any other results, in the future, upon and
among our Indians, than they have in the past, unless they

108 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

can be made to operate upon other, higher, and more
dignified elements than have hitherto enshrined the Indi-
an's hopes, and characterised his condition. I will illus-
trate by an anecdote. A chief of Lake Superior, hold-
ing by the hand a fine little boy, about ten years old, I in-
quired of him why he did not send his son to school, at
Mackinac ? " What for ?" inquired the old chief. To
learn of the white man, I answered, how to till the ground,
and make the grain grow, and potatoes and corn ; and
how to talk on paper, and to understand more about the
Great Spirit, and the world to come

The old chief interrupted me, saying : " Father, all
you say is good ; but I do not want the eyes of my boy
made any bigger than they are. I want them to remain
small. If he gets them opened, what will he see ? He
will see how big the white man is, and how little the red
man. He will see how the white man has trampled upon
the red man, taken away his lands from him, stolen his
beaver, and done many such things to make the red man
miserable. The white man is strong the red man is weak.
I do not want my boy to see this any sooner than it is
forced upon him. He will learn it all soon enough."

But suppose this chief, with that same little boy, to be
in the Indian Territory, after it was connected to the
United States, and I should ask him why he did not send his
boy to school there ; what, think you, would be his answer ?
It would be, " Take him." But why take him, and school
him, now ? " Because his privileges and the privileges of
the white man are the same. His oath will be taken in a
court of justice ; he can call the land his own, and be no
more driven from it ; he can rise to command your army and
your navy he can go to the Legislature and to Congress
he can be a judge of your courts of law, be governor, and
President of the United States. Take him, educate him, and
qualify him for this high destiny." That would be the effect
of the plan I have proposed ; nor is there an Indian, any-

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 109

where, who would not feel its force, and seek to place
himself within reach of its certain effects upon his destiny.

I have a case which will show in a stronger light than
all the reasoning I can bring to bear on the subject, the
destructive effects upon the Indians of the anomalous rela-
tions that have, from the beginning, and which yet exist,
between them and us.

I was in my office at Washington, as Chief of the Bu-
reau of Indian Affairs, when, my messenger opening the
door, an old and valued friend of mine, Philip E. Thomas,
Esq., of Baltimore, entered, accompanied by a youth,
who was introduced to me by my friend as a Choctaw,
named James Lawrence McDonald. The object of the
visit was to procure for the youth the patronage of the
government, and to place him under my care. As the
subject was discoursed about, I could see in the fine eye of
McDonald that expression in which hope and fear alter-
nate, and that much anxiety was felt as to the result of
the application. At last I said, this will very much depend
upon the wishes of the youth himself, when a gleam of
gladness darted across his face, and a smile told, before he
spoke, what his wishes were. He said, and in accents
tremulous, and with a voice somewhat subdued by his agi-
tated feelings, that it was what he desired. He had
heard his chiefs, PTJCKSHENUBBIE and PUSHMATAHA, speak
of me as the red man's friend, and he would like to be
with me. I soon relieved him of the last vestige of his
doubts, by saying to Mr. Thomas I would adopt the
youth, and that he might consider him from that moment
under my protection.

This arrangement being made, Mr. Thomas returned to
Baltimore, and McDonald accompanied me, that afternoon,
to WESTON, my residence, on the heights of Georgetown,
where he was introduced to my family, a room was as-
signed to him, and all necessary accommodations provided.
My son and McDonald were nearly of the same age, about

HO PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

fourteen, I believe. They soon became intimate, and mu-
tually attached to each other.

I selected for McDonald's preceptor the Rev. Dr. Carna-
han, who fills at this time, with so much usefulness to the
public, and honor to himself, the distinguished office of
President of Princeton College, at that time principal of
an academy in Georgetown. A short time after McDonald
became an inmate of my family, he was a pupil in this
academy.

I soon discovered that there were qualities of both heart
and head in this youth of rare excellence, and that nature
had bestowed on him not only personal lineaments of un-
common beauty, but a manner and action altogether
graceful and captivating. His motions were all harmony.
Whether he walked, or ran, or sat down, or rose up, it
was all with a manner so unrestrained and easy, as might
have led a stranger to suppose he had been taught by the
most experienced of posture-masters. But it was wholly
the development of nature. To these personal endow-
ments was superadded a manner the most winning and
gracious, and a morality that I never saw invaded.
There was more beauty in the expression than in the linea-
ments of his face, that being strongly marked with the
characteristics which distinguish his race. His head was
finely developed, but his forehead was compressed ; his
eyes were black, and full of expression ; his nose less of
the Roman than usual ; his cheek-bones high ; his mouth,
which was supplied with fine teeth, was well formed and
expressive, though moderately large, whilst his jaws were
wide. His voice was musical in a high degree.

I soon discovered that McDonald was bent on distin-
guishing himself. His book was his constant companion ;
whether on the road, going to or returning from school,
or in the garden, or the fields, or in alcove, or grove, it
was in his hand, or about his person. I was proud of my
charge ; and often, when I have seen him and my son in-

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

dulging, over my grounds, in the pastimes of youth, has
my heart throbbed with delight, at the promised destiny
of this poor Indian boy. He became warmly attached to
me, and to my family ; and was the idol of. my servants,
and the beloved of his school-fellows, and of all who knew
him. I made no distinction between him and my son, in
dress or attentions. He had a horse at his service, when
he chose to ride ; took a seat with my family in the coach,
rode with us to church, and visited where we did ; and
was never overlooked, in any of those social relations in
which we indulged, whether in or out of Washington.

McDonald had been for some time with his preceptor,
before anything had passed between this gentleman and
myself, as to the progress of his pupil ; when one day we
met. I thought I saw something serious in his counte-
nance. He had scarcely gone through with the customary
civilities, when he said " Really, Colonel, I do not know
what I shall do with McDonald." Instantly I feared some
latent Indian quality had burst forth, and that all my high
hopes were to be destroyed. Seeing this in my coun-
tenance, as I suppose, Doctor Carnahan continued
" Well, the difficulty is one which I will try and remedy.
It is this : he comes to school with his lessons all so well
digested, and with more Latin, and Greek, and mathema-
tics in one of them, than the class I attached him to can
get through in a week, so I have put him in a class by
himself."

My relief was as instant, as my gratification was per-
fect. For about three years did this youth continue his
studies, without any relaxation of his devotion to them, or
in any single instance departing from that line of conduct
that had so endeared him to me.

When about finishing his academical course, I one day
asked Mr. Calhoun, at that time Secretary of War, what
I should do with McDonald. " Make a lawyer of him,"
was his prompt reply. I had thoughts of this myself, but

112 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

really feared to place him in any of our cities, lest his mo-
rals might become corrupted ; when it occurred to me that
Mr. McLean, then a member of Congress, and now one of
the judges of the Supreme Court, from being often at
my house, and knowing McDonald well, might consent to
take him with him to Ohio, and, in his law office there, su-
perintend his law education. I inquired of him to this ef-
fect, and got for answer, that he would take charge of him
most cheerfully.

I had not yet spoken to McDonald on the subject of his
future studies, nor made any inquiry of him as to his pre-
ference in regard to a profession, or occupation of any sort.
Being one afternoon seated in my piazza, McDonald step-
ped in from one of the doors leading thereto, with one hand
on his forehead, and the other in his bosom, and made, with
great agitation of manner, a turn or two, without noticing
that I was there ; when, with a deep sigh, his hand fell
from his forehead, and he stood for a moment with his
back to me, and his head drooping, then turning, saw me,
and glided back into the drawing-room whence he had
come. I called to him. He came to me, still having one
hand in his bosom. Thinking he was laboring under some
private grief, I concluded I would call off his attention
from it, by telling him of the profession I had chosen for
him, and of my plans for his future studies. I did so. He
listened to me with attention, but with great agitation.
Having informed him, he looked at me earnestly, though
affectionately, and said : " Wherefore ! wherefore ! Of
what use to me, will be my present or future attainments ?
Oh, sir," pressing his hand against his forehead, he continued,
" it will be all lost on me." I told him I could not see why
it should be ; and asked him what had led him to that con-
clusion. Fetching a deep sigh, and looking at me with a
subdued expression, he said : " / am an Indian" Well,
McDonald, I asked, what of that ? " Ah, sir, being an In-
dian, I am marked with a mark as deep and abiding as that

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. H3

which Cain bore. My race is degraded trodden upon
despised." Then taking from his bosom the hand that had
been all the while in it, and in which was a letter, he pre-
sented the letter to me, saying : " Read that, sir, if you
please."

The letter was from his brother, who was a lieutenant in
the United States army, I believe, and who was named
Thomas Jefferson. The letter, in substance, spoke of the
receipt of several from his brother ; at the high gratification
he felt at his having fallen into such friendly hands ; also, of
his improvement, &c., but concluded by telling him " he
had one of two things to do either throw away all that be-
longed to the white race, and turn Indian ; or quit being
Indian, and turn white man. The first, you can do; the
last, it is not in your power to do. The white man hates
the Indian, and will never permit him to come into close
fellowship with him, or to be a participator in any of his
high prerogatives or distinguished advantages."

Having read this letter, I told him I thought his brother
had greatly erred, not only in indulging in such sentiments,
but in expressing them as he had done ; and asked him if,
during his residence with me, he had seen anything that
would authorize such conclusion ? " Oh, no, sir ; no, sir,"
was his impassioned reply " no, indeed. But this is an
exception, and serves only to prove the rule. You are to
me a father. My gratitude to you, and your family, can
never die. I know I am treated with the greatest atten-
tion, even to tenderness." The tears came to his eyes,
his utterance was choked, and he sat down by my side,
pressing his handkerchief to his face, literally wetting it
with his tears.

After a while he spoke. " Yes, sir," he said, " I will go
to Ohio, and with Mr. McLean; and will read law, and
will qualify myself. I will do anything that it may be your
pleasure for me to do ; I should be indeed an ingrate to

VOL. n. 15

114 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

thwart your kind designs towards me in anything. But
the seal is upon my destiny"

The time being near at hand, that McDonald was to set
out for Ohio, I told him to fix upon a day most agreeable to
himself, and invite to dine with him as many of his school-
fellows, and friends, as he might think proper ; to let me
know the day, and I would put the servants and all things
necessary for the festival at his disposal. It was all done
accordingly ; and the day coming soon after, when he was
to leave me, I saw him growing sad. His countenance
lost its brightness, and he would stroll alone among his fa-
vorite walks in the garden, the woods, and by a streamlet
in a deep glen, by which he used to sit conning over his
lessons, and where he would remain for hours, listening to
the gurgling of the waters, the singing of birds, and the rust-
ling of the leaves, as the breeze played among them.
The evening preceding the morning of his intended de-
parture arrived. His trunks were packed. Orders had
been given to the servants to see to their being at my
outer gate, in time for the stage, as it passed in the morn-
ing, before daybreak, on its way to the west.

I was at my table, reading ; my family were in a wing
of the building, preparing to retire for the night ; McDonald
was walking in the saloon. Presently he made a short
turn, and coming hastily up to me, said " Is it necessary,
sir, that I should leave to-morrow ?" Not at all, I re-
plied, nor next day, nor for a week, if it is your pleasure
to delay your departure. " Thank you, sir," with one of
his graceful bows, was his response ; when he turned and
went out, saying, as he passed through the door, " IPs hard
to part /"

Another day was fixed upon, a week or so ahead.
The evening of that day arriving, the same arrangements
were made as before. I was again at my desk, reading ;
my family had retired, as before, and McDonald was again in

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. H5

the saloon, walking to and fro ; when, suddenly, he came
from it, and with quick step advanced towards me. For a
moment he stood motionless, his eyes fixed on mine.
Tears began to fill them, when he reached out his hand,
and taking mine, held it, saying, " Farewell, best of fa-
thers!" Then turning short about, he went from the
room into the wing of the building to which my family
had retired. I heard him rap at the door. It was opened.
Presently he returned, and continued on through the sa-
loon to his room in the other wing of the building. I
heard him shut the door, when all was still.

His leave-taking of my family was pretty much of the
same character as it had been with me, except that he
employed looks and tears, but no language. His feelings
so oppressed him, that he could not speak.

The following morning I went to his room. How lonely
was everything, and what a sense of bereavement op-
pressed me ! There was his chair, his couch, his table,
and his bed. All was silence ! On the table lay two let-
ters ; one directed to Hon. John C. Calhoun, the other to
myself. They were letters of the heart, expressing, in
terms of most grateful sort, his obligations for the kind-
ness which had been shown him, and the abiding sense
which he would cherish of it. Mr. Calhoun thought, on
reading these letters, that few men, no matter how highly
gifted, or thoroughly educated, could excel them, in either
the spirit which animated, or the beauty of the composi-
tion that characterised them. He asked to have both to
show to some of his friends. Being desirous of inserting
them in this narrative, I sent to Mr. Calhoun for them ;
but they were not within his reach, being among his pa-
pers in South Carolina.

Arriving at the point of his destination, he commenced
the study of the law, with his new patron, according to ar-
rangement. Such was his capacity, and power over this
science, that in about one-half the time ordinarily occu-

116 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

pied by the most talented of the young men of our race,
he had gone the rounds of his studies, and was qualified
for the bar.

McDonald had often expressed a desire to go to the
Choctaw country, on a visit to his mother. Having
completed his law studies, he fulfilled that purpose,
and gratified that wish. While there, a delegation
of chiefs was selected, to come to Washington, on
business of high importance he was chosen one of
the delegates. I found him so skilled in the business
of his mission, so prompt, and so competent, both in
verbal discussions, and with the pen, as to make it more
of an up-hill business than I had ever before experienced
in negotiating with Indians. I believe Mr. Calhoun, who
negotiated the treaty, thought so too. The spectre, I
found, yet haunted him. A conflict between his Indian caste
and his hope of overcoming it, and rising above its effects
upon his prospects, shook him from his balance, and he
fell before the strife, into habits of intemperance the too
usual resort of the unwary to drown sorrow, and clear
away from the present the clouds of a dreaded destiny.

I sought all proper opportunities to restore him. On
one occasion I detained him in my office, after the rest of
the delegation had retired, and, locking the door, spoke to
him on his fall with every tenderness that I could employ.
I had looked to him as the crowning of my hopes, and
trusted to see, from his continued good example, a day-star
arise for the enlightening of his race. I referred to those
days of innocence, and honor, and bliss, he had enjoyed at
Weston. But the moment I spoke of these, he sprang
from his seat, saying " Spare me ! oh, spare me ! It is
that thought that makes me so miserable. I have lost that
sweet home, and its endearments ; the veil that was so
kindly placed between me and my Indian caste, has since
been torn away. I have been made to see since, that I
cannot, whilst such anomalous relations exist as do exist,

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. in

between the red and the white race, be other than a degra-
ded outcast" He walked the floor greatly agitated, and
begged me to allow him to retire. I did so, expressing the
hope that I might see him soon, at Weston, where the
same kind welcome awaited him, that he had always found
there. " Oh, name it not to me, sir, I can never go there
again ! The very thoughts of its haunts and of those re-
treats where I was once so happy, and of the kindness
shown me there r being met, as they are, and crushed, by
the consciousness of what I now am, distract me do al-
low me to retire."

He never could be induced to visit Weston. He re-
covered himself, however, in a good degree, and at the
close of the negotiations, left Washington, promising me
to devote himself to the law, and try yet longer to brave
his destiny. Shortly after, he opened his law office in Jack-
son, Mississippi. In one of my letters, I referred to him
the writing of the life of Pushmataha, whose death occur-
red at Washington when chief of the delegation to which
I have referred, and to whom reference is made on several
occasions in this work ; and whose death-scene furnishes
one of the embellishments to this volume. I wanted it for
my large work on " the History, &c., of the Aborigines of
North America." I subjoin in a note his answer.* From

* JACKSON, MISSISSIPPI, June 24th, 1831.
To COL. THOMAS L. MCKENNEY, Philadelphia :

Dear Sir I did not receive your favor of 23d May until yesterday, and I ex-
ceedingly regret that it is out of my power to furnish forth the life of Pushmataha,
as requested by you, I mean that it is out of my power to do it immediately, and
in time for the July number of the work which you have taken in hand. If I
could now see Major Pitchlynn, and spend a few days with him, I am sure that I
could get some curious details of old Push's history, and such as I think would
prove interesting. But I am one hundred and fifty miles from Major Pitchlynn,
and I do not expect to see him for several months. If Pushmataha's biography
could appear with propriety in some subsequent number of your work say next
winter or spring I will endeavor to send it to you.

I have, at different times, heard various incidents of Pushmataha's life related,
well worthy of commemoration ; but my recollection of them is not as distinct as
I could wish, nor could I put them down chronologically. He was distinguished

118 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

it, though the letter bears marks of having been written in
great haste, may be inferred the high order of talent which
distinguished this young man.

His prospects in Jackson became flattering. When
seeking to form an alliance which would bring happiness
to his domestic circle, he selected a lady as the one in whom
the elements seemed to centre for the securing of what he
sought after. On making his proposal, it was rejected
with promptness, and, as he thought, with scorn. In a
moment his caste came before him. "You are an Indian,
and degraded," rang in his ears. Hope fled despair as-
sumed dominion over him. All that his brother had writ-
ten to him, was now seen by him to be reality. The spec-

in early life as a warrior, and in the first or second battle in which he was ever
engaged, he is said to have produced the scalps of five or six warriors whom he
had slain with his own hand. His earlier contests were principally with the
Osages, or Washashe ; and on one occasion he was surrounded, with less than a
dozen followers, in a vast prairie, by a band of about two hundred Osages, against
whom he maintained an undaunted contest of more than an hour's duration, un-
til the enemy, struck with some unaccountable panic, retreated. Pushmataha
commanded a large party of Choctaws during the last war, under General Jack-
son, and did his duty ; but had no opportunity of signally distinguishing himself.

He was, however, chiefly distinguished for his eloquence. His style of speak-
ing, whether in public or in private, was nervous and highly figurative, and his
talent at repartee was, I think, unequalled. I never knew him at a moment's
loss for an apt answer to any question, whether serious or jocose. He was face-
tious rather than sarcastic, and he was, generally speaking, the soul of good hu-
mor. He was slow to anger, but when aroused, as fierce as a tiger ; of which,
however, I never saw but one or two instances in all my acquaintance with him.

He was, indeed, an extraordinary man, and I wish that justice could be done
him. You might safely say of him, that his intellect was of the highest order
his perceptions rapid his eloquence persuasive or commanding, and his courage
unconquerable. He was generous even to prodigality, and continued through
life poor, when he might have become rich.

I should be highly pleased to hear of the success of your arduous and praise-
worthy undertaking.

Respectfully your friend,

and obedient servant,

J. L. MCDONALD.

P. S. Col. Silas Dinsmoor, of Cincinnati, and Col. John McKee, of Tusca-
loosa, Alabama, can both, I am confident, furnish you very valuable materials
for your work, especially as regards the Cherokees, Chickasaws and Choctaws.

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. H9

tre was too formidable for his power of resistance
he rushed to the river, sprang off a bluff, and drowned
himself!

In this brief sketch of the life, character, and tragic end
of this gifted and accomplished youth, may be seen the
elements that have operated so destructively upon the hap-
piness and lives of his race. They did not, however, reach
the intensity of their action, until years after the jurisdic-
tional lines of our states and territories were thrown around
them. The work of Indian destruction had been hitherto
carried on by wars, by the small-pox, by drunkenness, and
the various other plagues which our race carried in among
them. To have withstood either of these plagues, and
overcome it, was not given to the Indian to do ; whilst to
have resisted them all, in combination, or in the rapid suc-
cession with which they were made to assail his race, im-
plies the possession of a power more than human.

Wars may be endured, and their effects recovered from ;
the pestilence may be outlived, and even the traces of its
ravages, in the lapse of time, be obliterated even famine,
if it slay not all, may be so far lost sight of, as to leave on
the minds of survivors nothing more than the mournful
memory of a thing that had been but when the human
heart is transfixed by the arrows of despotism, and the re-
lentless hand of tyranny presses any people to the earth,
dispossessing them of country and home, and depriving
them of all the privileges of the free ;* and by an edict

* I introduce this note at this place, for the double purpose of showing the order
of intellect displayed by McDonald in carrying on the negotiations at Washing-
ton, at the time to which I have referred, and of placing before the reader his
views, and the views of his associates, of the debasing character of those anoma-
lous relations of which I have spoken. These views upon this subject are con-
tained in the last paragraph of the " Application of the Choctaw tribe for aid from
the United States to improve their condition, communicated to the Senate, Feb-
ruary 21, 1825."

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1825.
SIR The enclosed is an address from the Choctaw delegation now in this city

120 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

from which there is felt to be no appeal, consigning them
to degradation, allowing them no privileges in common
with those who lord it over them, there can be no hope
that any people, thus circumstanced, can long survive.

to the Congress of the United States. Be pleased to present it to the Senate, and
much oblige Yours, very respectfully,

J. L. MCDONALD, One of the Delegation.
Hon. JOHN GAILLARD, President pro tern. U. S. Senate.

WASHINGTON, February 18, 1825.
To the Congress of the United States :

As the representatives of the Choctaw nation, and, in part, of the aborigines of
this country, we feel ourselves impelled alike by duty and by inclination to address
you at the present crisis. The Indians are becoming objects of increasing inte-
rest among your people. Sympathy is felt for their condition, and the most benev-
olent exertions have been, and continue to be, made to improve and civilize them.
Under such circumstances, we cannot refrain from giving an expression of our
feelings with regard to our condition and prospects. You are an assembly which
we have been taught to consider the most august in the world, and into whose
hands are committed the destinies of our people. To whom, then, could we more
properly address ourselves on the great points connected with our happiness and
prosperity ?

Our good father the President has spoken to you, and requested you to adopt
some measures to improve the condition of the Indian race. He has recommended
that all the Indians east of the Mississippi be persuaded to remove and establish
themselves to the west ; that a certain form of government be provided for them ;
and that the land to which they may remove be secured to them forever.

Of the policy and practicability of the measure, we will not now express a de-
cided opinion ; time alone can determine. Of the motives which prompted the
recommendation, we entertain no question. The opinion expressed by the Presi-
dent, that under no pretence should the Indians be forcibly removed from the lands
which they occupy, gives us an assurance that his feelings are truly paternal to-
wards us. That opinion accords with the sentiment entertained by all just and
reflecting men, and cannot, therefore, fail to be responded to by your honorable
body.

We have long been sensible of our weakness, and we know that, should the
government of the United States rise in hostility against us, we must inevitably
be exterminated, or driven to the west. We know that the extensive country
which you now possess once belonged to our forefathers. We have heard that
from a small beginning you have grown to be a great and powerful people ; and
that, as you advanced, we receded ; as you flourished, we decayed. We have
been tempted to ask, Why should this be so ? Has the Great Spirit frowned upon
his red children, that they should thus have withered in your presence ? Yet we
have been told from the good book that he loves all his children alike, and that his
greatest attribute is that of infinite mercy. This we are most willing to believe ;

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

This was literally the condition of the Indians from the
moment the anomalous relations began, which found them
in certain districts of country, not as sovereign owners,
but as possessory occupants, only, of the land, around

and, believing, we are led to the natural conclusion that for some great end, only
known to himself, he has permitted us to melt before you ; but that the time must
come when his interposing hand will be out-stretched in our behalf, and we be
made to become like white men.

We rejoice to think that that period is approaching. The voice of the Presi-
dent, the sentiments of philanthropy which seem to pervade the people, the
schools and religious institutions which have been established among us all give
us the consoling assurance that we are not doomed to extinction. We have be-
come sensible that one great reason of the power and prosperity with which our
white brothers are so eminently favored, has been the general diffusion of litera-
ture and the arts of civilized life among them. You have institutions to promote
and disseminate the knowledge of every branch of science ; you have a govern-
ment, and you have laws, all founded upon those principles of liberty and equality
which have ever been dear to us ; for, in all our vicissitudes of fortune, and not-
withstanding the constant and gradual diminution of our numbers, we have never
been the slaves of any Power, and we trust in the Great Spirit we never shall be.
The theory of your government is, justice and good faith to all men. You will not
submit to injury from one party because it is powerful, nor will you oppress an-
other because it is weak. Impressed with that persuasion, we are confident that
our rights will be respected.

We have but small tracts of territory remaining, and our numbers are compar-
atively few. The majority of those east of the Mississippi are turning their at-
tention to agriculture, are settling themselves, and would in time become useful
citizens. We admit, at the same time, that a large number still continue a wan-
dering life, are wretched and degraded. These it would give us pleasure to see
settled west of the Mississippi. It would be better for them, and better for those
who remained. But you cannot persuade all to remove. The gradual operation
of the laws which you may enact with regard to this subject would probably effect
much. But there are those whom the strongest inducements could scarcely per-
suade to leave the land which contains the bones of their fathers, and which has
been rendered dear to them by the recollections of youth. The important ques-
tion then presents itself, What will you do with those that remain ? What mea-
sures will you adopt to improve their condition, to promote their happiness ? It
is this great point to which our address is intended principally to direct your at-
tention.

As connected with the subject, and with the question just proposed, we are
constrained to say, that in several of the Southern States we are denied privileges
to which, as members of the human family, we are of right entitled. However
qualified by education we may be, we are neither permitted to hold offices, nor
to give our testimony in courts of justice, although our dearest rights may be at
stake. Can this be a correct policy ? Is it just ? Is it humane ? When
VOL. n. 16

122 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

which the lines of our states and territories were thrown.
It was reserved, however, for the policy of the last sixteen
years to bring to a focus all these elements of oppression,
degradation, and expulsion.

It is my belief that there have existed only two periods,
since our intercourse with the Indians commenced, when
it was possible for them to have been civilized, as a race.
The first relation in which the two parties stood to one
another, was one of positive independence on the part of
the Indian. He was found owner and occupant of almost
boundless forests and from these, and the rivers, and
bays, and lakes, he derived his clothing and his food, and
the attainment of these cost him no labor that was not
made sweet by the pleasure which was associated with it.
The lessons of civilization could not be otherwise than lost

schools are multiplying among us ; when we have made liberal appropriations of
money for the education of our children ; when we are forsaking the chase, and
turning our attention to agriculture, and are becoming an orderly and social
people ; does it comport with an enlightened and liberal policy to continue the
imposition of those degrading restrictions upon us ? Should not inducements be
held forth to our young men to qualify themselves to become useful citizens of
your republic ? Should not the portals of honorable distinction be thrown open
to them as well as to their white brothers ? But the subject is a painful one,
and we will dismiss it. The mist of prejudice is gradually vanishing before the
light of reason, and enlarged sentiments of philanthropy begin to prevail. We
leave the issue of the question to your wisdom, and to the liberality of the
South.

In conclusion, we would express the earnest hope that the result of your de-
liberations respecting our unfortunate race, may be such as to insure durable
benefits to them, and lasting credit, in the eyes of posterity, to yourselves.
Respectfully submitted by

MOOSHULATTJBBEE, his + mark.

ROBERT COLE, his -f mark.

DANIEL McCuRTAm, his -f mark.

TALKING WARRIOR, his -f- mark.

RED FORT, his + mark.

NITTUCKACHEE, his + mark.

J. L. MCDONALD.
Interpreted, and the signing witnessed by me,

JOHN PITCHLYNN,
United Stales Interpreter for the Choctaws.

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 123

upon any people who had, for ages, been thus situated.
Who are they of all the race of Adam, that would surren-
der all the freedom, and the abundance, that were enjoyed
by the North American Indian, when his country was first
invaded by our race, and place himself, voluntarily, under
the restraints which civilization imposes ? It is not in the
nature of man to do this. It requires, before he can bring
himself to endure the labor and toil that attend upon the
civilized state, the operation of that stern law NECESSITY.

The Indian must first find himself separated from his
forests and the game must be gone, or so difficult to find,
and take, as to expose him to want ; his rivers must be-
come too agitated, by the agencies of a civilized commerce,
for the security of his bark canoe ; and the fish, therefore,
not easily taken, before he will consent to exchange his
bow and arrow, and lance, for the plough, the hoe, the axe
and maul ; and surrender all that is free in his wanderings,
and liberty-like in its tendencies, and settle down to the
sober and toilsome work of building a house, clearing the
ground, fencing them in, and engaging in all the other labors
that attend upon such a life in a word, earning his bread
by the sweat of his brow. The Indians could not, for these
reasons, when in the full possession and enjoyment of their
forest home, be brought within reach of means, even had
they been a thousand times multiplied by our early pro-
genitors, for their civilization, much less by the partial
ones that were attempted to effect it.

Every succeeding year found the circle in which the In-
dian moved, lessened. His forests were invaded, and the
game become less and less plenty. And then he was war-
red with, and his people were slain. And when any re-
spite of the strife occurred between him and the new
comers, some outbreak, as in the French war of '56, and
that of the Revolution, would engage his attention, and
lead him to take part in the excitements which wars always
produce in him. Thus was the red man, from the begin-

124 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

ning, the victim of circumstances, not one of which was
calculated to produce the reformation of his race, but
contrariwise, to prevent it.

But when, at last, his forests and the game were gone,
and his race were reduced in numbers and power, and the
infant with whom he used, centuries before, to contend
with, had become a giant of overpowering strength, and
all hope of being ever able to cope with him being extin-
guished, then was the time when the hitherto intractable
and indomitable Indian was in a condition to be advanced
into the enjoyment of all the blessings and benefits of the
civilized and Christian state. And yet, instead of being
taken up at this point, and transferred to this new condi-
tion, for which he was as well fitted by nature as we are, he
was doomed to even a more debasing destiny than any
that had previously awaited him, and that was to be
hemmed in by the limits of state sovereignty, as though
the design was to curse him with a system of unmitigated
degradation, and give the final blow for his extermination.

Another change, however, in the inscrutable ways of
Providence has been permitted. And although it was brought
about under the forms of cruelty and oppression, too re-
volting to be dwelt upon, still the change has been effected,
and these anomalous relations which had been made to
exist between us and the Indians, are, for the present, at
least, broken up. And now, once more, the Indians are
in a position, which appears to me to be even more favor-
able than that which preceded the establishment of those
paralyzing relations to which I have referred, for their
reformation and preservation. Beyond the limits of our
organized states and territories, they have a country as-
signed to them, and of the three hundred thousand and up-
wards that yet exist, over one hundred thousand occupy
this territory ; and with the relations such as I now pro-
pose to establish between them and us, the entire popula-
tion both on this and the other side of the Rocky moun-

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 135

tains, or by far the larger portion of it, would hasten to
place themselves within the action of these elements of
freedom, and the rights of man which I have proposed to
carry in among them, under the forms of annexation and a
territorial government.

Never before has Providence revealed its purposes, with
so much distinctness, at least to my mind, in regard to our
duty to this unfortunate race, as now. Every barrier which
hitherto existed between the purposes of the good and mer-
ciful, and the aborigines of this country, are seen to be re-
moved, and the way thrown wide open for the statesman,
the Christian, and philanthropist, to preserve and save the
remnants of this long harrassed, and persecuted people.

The Indians have been driven from the east to the
west of the Mississippi, and beyond the western confines
of Missouri and Arkansas, for good or for evil. This
movement has not been made by chance, or accident.
There are ends to be answered by it, 'which it behooves this
nation to look well to. God, and not chance, governs the
world ; and it is with him, and his laws, we, as a nation,
have to do, in reference to this Indian subject. That eye
that never sleeps has taken note of all the oppressions and
cruelties, the wrongs and outrages, which, as a people, we
have inflicted on this Indian race. Is God just ? Who
can doubt it ? Will he not vindicate his laws when these are
violated in relation to the Indians, with the same certainty
as when they are defied and trampled on in their relation
to white men ? If the blood of Abel cried from the ground
to God, and the bolt of retribution was discharged upon
Cain, until the pain it inflicted forced from the murderer
the exclamation, " My punishment is greater than I can bear"
is there not reason to apprehend, in view of the Indian
blood, with which so much of the soil of this country has
been made red, that a day of retribution will come, when
ample atonement will be required by that Being whose every
attribute is opposed to the treatment the Indians have been

126 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

receiving at our hands, for over two hundred years ? What
an accumulation of wrath ! How fierce, should the cloud
with which it is surcharged not be delivered of it by the
appropriate means, and how destructive will be its emis-

sions !

I have said the Indians are, where they are, for good or
for evil. It is for the government and people of this coun-
try to decide which nor is there, in my opinion, any time
to be lost. We cannot flatter ourselves with the belief
that the Indians entertain for us feelings of kindness, or
sympathy of any sort. They have been made to feel too
keenly the wrongs we have inflicted on them. They are
not ignorant of the past. They know what the relations
are now, and what they have always been, between us and
them ; nor are they ignorant of the superior advantages
which their present condition affords for a suitable retalia-
tion, whenever the time should arrive, bringing with it a
favorable opportunity for its exercise, or a cause occur forc-
ing them to the overt act.

If I had been called upon to locate the Indian popula-
tion upon a territory better situated than all others for
their successful annoyance of this nation, I should have
chosen the very territory upon which they are now con-
centred. They have only to will it, and a war more cost-
ly, and more bloody, will ensue, than any that has ever
yet been inflicted upon this country. Philip, and Pontiac,
and Tecumthe, and Osceola, have read us lessons on the
capacity of the Indians to revenge themselves ; but never
in all their history did they occupy a position so formida-
ble as that which is now held by their successors.

I will suppose the purpose formed by those Indians to
resist any new attempts on our part to push them fur-
ther to the west ; or to remove them under any forms
from the country they now occupy ; or that they should
resolve to revenge the wrongs done them in all the past,
without any further attempt on our part to add to them.

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 127

What would be the first movement of these eighty thou-
sand men ? for I hold it they could concentrate that num-
ber. It would be by that silent preparation which would
be as still as the calm before the storm, to rise upon, and
by a system adapted to such a purpose, and which the In-
dians know how to continue, destroy the population of
Missouri and Arkansas, almost at a blow, cross the Mis-
sissippi, burning and killing, as they advanced, all before
them, till they should reach Pittsburgh. And this might all
be accomplished, and themselves again on the west of the
Mississippi, before an army could be concentred to attack
them. And before this army could be prepared to take the
field, they would adopt the guerrilla practice of fighting
taking care to drive the buffalo before them, securing, by
this means, their own subsistence, and to burn the prairies,
thus depriving the enemy of its cavalry and artillery ; for, if
the means to subsist horses should be destroyed, the big
guns could not be employed. Should they be pursued to
the Rocky Mountains, the war they would carry on from
the fastnesses there, would be terrible ; if forced over them,
and down towards the Pacific, their means of subsistence
would be still congenial to their wants ; and if, at last, as
would be the case, the last man of them should perish, it
would be at a cost so mighty to us, as may well demand of
the statesman a suitable attention to this momentous sub-
ject, and in time to avoid the contingency that might pro-
duce the conflict. This will not be by the erection of forts
and batteries, or by means of coercion of any sort. It
can be accomplished, in my humble opinion, only by the
means I have suggested. It is high time that a policy
other than that of force and cruelty, were employed in our
intercourse with the Indians.

There would seem to be entertained by a vast body of
Indians, now collected in the Indian territory, apprehen-
sions that future cause of collision may arise between
them and us. Sixteen tribes were represented at Talequa,

128 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

in the Cherokee country, in June, eighteen hundred and
forty-three. The delegates present were from the Chero-
kee, Creek, Chickasaw, Delaware, Shawnee, Piankeshaw,
Wea, Osage, Seneca, Stockbridge, Ottawa, Chippewa,
Peoria, Witchataw, Pottawattamie, and Seminole tribes.
The result, says a neighboring paper, of their deliberations,
was a compact, binding upon each nation party thereto,
embracing the following objects : " To maintain peace and
friendship with each other, and among themselves. To
abstain from retaliation for offences committed by individ-
uals. To provide for the improvement of their people in
agriculture, manufactures, and other arts of peace. That
no nation, party to this compact, shall, without the consent of
the whole, sell, cede, or in any manner alienate to the United
States, any part of their present Territory. To provide for
the punishment of crimes committed by citizens of one na-
tion upon the citizens of another. To admit the citizens of
one nation to citizenship in any other nation, party to this
compact. To endeavor to suppress the use of ardent spir-
its, within the limits of their respective nations ; and to
prohibit its introduction by the citizens of one nation into
the territory of another."

Now would it not be to shut our eyes to all the experi-
ence of the past, in the whole of our intercourse with the
Indian tribes, to doubt, for a single moment, that in the
progress of time, the United States will, under some form,
seek to dislodge the Indians from the territory they now
occupy ; unless, indeed, other relations shall be establish-
ed between the Indians and the United States, than those
which now exist, or ever have existed ? When that at-
tempt will be made, cannot be foreseen ; but it will not be
long after that country shall be made tempting by the cul-
tivation of its soil, the building of houses, the planting of
orchards and gardens, and the erecting of mills. When,
in a word, it shall be recovered from its desert state, and
made productive, and be ornamented, then, as in the past,

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 129

AVARICE, backed by power, will seek to succeed to it re-
gardless of the condition, and feelings, or rights, or remon-
strances, of the Indians. What if the preamble to the treaty
of 1835, does say: "With a view tore-uniting their people
(the Cherokees) in one body, and securing a permanent
home for themselves, and their posterity, in the country
selected by their forefathers, without the territorial limits of
the state sovereignties, and where they can establish and enjoy
a government of their own choice, and perpetuate such a state
of society as may be most consonant with their views, habits^
and conditions, as may tend to their individual comfort, and
their own advancement in civilization?" does this mean
anything more than similar provisions have meant, begin-
ning with the treaty of Hopewell, of 1785, 1 believe, down
to this time ? What has become of the reiterated pledge
which runs through all the treaties made with the Indians ?
By the treaty of Holston, in 1791, a cession of lands was
made, and the seventh article thereof is in these words :
" The United States solemnly guarantee to the Cherokee
nation, all their lands not hereby ceded." In 1794, another
treaty was made at Philadelphia, confirming that of 1791,
especially as to boundaries. In 1798, and '99, another
treaty was made which provided for a further cession of
lands, securing them the " remainder of their country for-
ever ;" and yet, in the face of all these solemn promises,
these same Cherokees were driven, at the point of the bayo-
net, from those very lands, thus guarantied to them, by the
faith and honor of the United States !

With all this history of the power of the strong over
the destinies of the weak, what better guarantee have the
Indians, now on the territory west of Arkansas and Mis-
souri, that they shall not be disturbed, or have their lands
taken from them, than those given them when on this
side the Mississippi ? I know the preamble of the treaty
of 1828 says " In the far west the Cherokees shall have a
permanent home, and which shall, and under the most sol-

VOL. n. 17

130 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

emn guarantee of the United States, be, and remain, theirs
FOREVER ; a home that shall in no future time be embar-
rassed by having extended around it the lines, or placed
over it the jurisdiction, of a territory or state."

After referring to these pledges, but doubting their sin-
cerity, or rather doubting the continuance in the future
of that honesty of intention which made them, the Chero-
kee Delegation at Washington, addressed a letter to the
President of the United States, bearing date Nov. 8, 1845,
of which the following is an extract :

" Now, sir, to relieve us from the apprehension which
we cannot but feel, that similar dreadful scenes to those
described above may occur again, and our people be again
driven forth into the wilderness, we entreat that these
guarantees and pledges of the government, so often re-
peated, be carried into effect by giving to our nation a pa-
tent for their lands west a full title to a permanent home,
as promised, where we shall not again be disturbed. Can-
not this boon, or rather this mere act of justice, be granted
to the remnant of the once numerous aboriginal people of
this continent, whose lands extended from the Atlantic
ocean to the river Mississippi, and which wide domain
forms now the richest and most essential part of your great
republic, supporting in affluence millions of your people ?
Surely, in exchange for such an empire, you will not dis-
appoint the hopes of our people by refusing the only title
to the comparatively little territory where it has been your
pleasure to place them, in which they can feel secure.
More than half a century ago, General Washington, that
just, and good, and great man, made a talk to our fathers,
and signed it with his great name. At the conclusion, he
says : * I shall subscribe my name to this talk, which shall
be written in your book, in order to be preserved among
you as a witness to our transactions together, and to which
you may have recourse in future. This book you will sa-
credly preserve.' We have preserved it sacredly, and

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

now, in our great need, we have recourse to it. At the
beginning of his talk, General Washington says : I am
highly satisfied with the confidence you repose in me, and
in the United States, as your friends and protectors. We
shall, indeed, rejoice in being the instruments of the Great
Master of breath, to impart to you and your whole nation
all the happiness of which your situation will admit ; to
teach you to cultivate the earth, and to raise your own
bread as we do ours ; to raise cattle ; to teach your chil-
dren such arts as shall be useful to them ; and to lead you,
by degrees, from one information to another, in order not
only to better your situation on this earth, but, by enabling
your minds to form a more perfect judgment of the great
works of nature, to lead you to a more exalted view of the
Great Father of the universe. Rest, therefore, on the
United States, as your great security against all injury.'
These words of kindness sunk deep into the hearts of our
fathers, and the result is, that our nation from paganism
has been converted to the blessed faith of Christianity
from savage hunters, depending upon the chase for a pre-
carious subsistence, to a civilized agricultural community.
We have an alphabet of our own ; and our written repub-
lican constitution and the simple laws suited to our condi-
tion are printed in our own language, as are the Holy Scrip-
tures, many useful books, and a newspaper. We have
eighteen public schools, and some private institutions of
like character. Our people are generally moral, industri-
ous, and well informed as to the public affairs of their
country, and upon general subjects. We are, then, a civ-
ilized and Christian people ; and we appeal to the sense
of justice of the government and people of the United
States to make us safe in the country we now occupy.
Our position towards the United States is now changed ;
we are outside of any State or Territory ; the policy of
the government, as to the removal of the Indians, has been
carried out ; no State can now complain of intrusion on

132 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

our part. We ask a new treaty which shall define distinct-
ly our new position, direct the issue of a patent in fee sim-
ple for our territory, establish on a permanent footing our
relations to the United States, and provide for the pay-
ment of our just claims. We ask, sir, the fulfilment of the
terms held out to us by General Jackson and by Mr. Ty-
ler. The first, then President of United States, in an ad-
dress to our people east of the Mississippi, dated Wash-
ington, 16th March, 1835, urging us to go to the west,
says : ' The United States have assigned to you a fertile
and extensive country, with a very fine climate adapted to
your habits, and with all the other natural advantages which
you ought to desire or expect. I shall, in a short time,
appoint commissioners for the purpose of meeting the
whole body of your people in council. They will explain
to you more fully my views, and the nature of the stipula-
tions which are offered to you. These stipulations pro-
vide 1st. For an addition to the country assigned to you
west of the Mississippi, and for the conveyance of the
whole of it by patent in fee simple ; and also for the neces-
sary political rights, and for preventing white persons from
trespassing upon you.' We thus briefly advert to this
promise of President Jackson. We quote now the words
of President Tyler, in his letter to our delegation of Sep-
tember, 1841, in which he offers us indemnity for the past
and security for the future. Mr. Tyler says : 6 1 still pro-
pose, at a future day, to negotiate with you a new treaty.
You may assure your people, that, so far as I shall have
any power or influence to effect such results, not justice
merely shall be done them, but that a liberal and generous
course of policy shall be adopted towards them. Upon
the ratification of the treaty contemplated, which shall give
to the Cherokee nation full indemnity for all wrongs which
they may have suffered, establish upon a permanent basis
the political relations between them and the people of the
United States, guarantee their lands in absolute fee simple,

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 133

and prescribe specific rules in reference to subjects of the
most interesting character to them and their remotest pos-
terity, a new sun will have dawned upon them,' &c. The
execution of these offers of President Jackson and of Presi-
dent Tyler, which we think we have fairly earned by our
progress in civilization, under the paternal advice of the
great Washington, and by our forbearance, fidelity, and
suffering, is all we ask, and we conceive it to be but sim-
ple justice."

How much confidence these Cherokees repose in the
fulfilment, or carrying out, of these, no doubt honestly-
meant promises, is seen in their language employed to the
President, as above quoted. They seek to be relieved
from the " apprehension which they cannot but feel, that
similar dreadful scenes, &c., &c., may occur again." It is
high time that these " apprehensions" were allayed, and
put to rest forever. The way to do it is the question. I
can see no way which would so certainly accomplish an
end so desirable, as that which I have suggested ; and that
is, by connecting their country to ours, by the tie territo-
rial, and making them part and parcel of ourselves. Give
them the fee simple title to their lands, without which no
people ever yet were transferred from the savage to the
civilized state ; and having done this, the sure foundation will
be laid, as I verily believe, upon which to erect the su-
perstructure of aboriginal prosperity and greatness.

It does appear to me, that apart from the humanity of
the plan, and its justice, and the benefit it proposes to
confer on the remnants of the Indian race, that the govern-
ment of this country is bound to guard, in some way,
against the contingencies of a rupture with them. The
plan I have proposed contemplates more than a bare
avoidance of a collision with the Indians ; it looks to a
neutralizing of the enmity which they cannot do else than
cherish towards us ; and to a conversion of that enmity
into lasting friendship. Then, instead of having a power

134 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

on our frontier, so formidable as it now is, ready at any
moment to be employed against us, either upon its own
basis, or in alliance with other powers, we should secure to
ourselves a certain protection, and a barrier of defence,
and if needed, the co-operating agency of this Indian pop-
ulation, in any strife which might come from that quarter
in all time to come.

There can surely be no objection to the admission of
this long-injured people into our confederacy, even should
the beneficial consequences of such fellowship be confined
to themselves ; but how much greater is the obligation to
carry out this design, when our interests, to say nothing of
our justice and honor, are so intimately connected with
the measure ?

But will the Indians accept the proposed terms of an-
nexation ? It might be time enough to make this inquiry
after it was decided to make them the offer. I see some
objections which it is probable might be made by them, to
this proposition. They have, now, organized governments,
and laws, and constitutions ; to these they are attached.
They might not relish, at first, the levelling process that
would attend upon this act of annexation. Their chiefs,
as men feel always, are not insensible to the commanding
position they occupy, nor ought they to be, and so with
the inferior grades of officers. But it will not escape the
notice of these officers under the Indian government, that
they are fitted to fill the places which their proposed new
relations to us would create. If one of these men could
no more be a chief, he might be a governor of the territo-
ry ; and another a Speaker in the House of Representa-
tives, and another President of the Senate, whilst others
would be called to fill the offices of senators and legisla-
tors, and all the other offices which enter into the compo-
sition of these territorial relations.

And then, again, the disparaging relations that now exist
between them and their government, well organized as it

PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS. 135

is made so, not only by our overshadowing power, but by
the consciousness of the disparity which they must feel to
exist between them and their governments, and the United
States would all be merged into that feeling of equality
with us, which would succeed, at once, to these new rela-
tions. But when, to all this, is superadded the soul-elevating
thought, that no future change, either of country or con-
dition, except to elevate and dignify, and improve the latter,
will ever happen to them more, I can contemplate the ac-
ceptance of the proposition in no other light than as meet-
ing the universal and hearty concurrence of chiefs, warri-
ors, and people.

I have already referred, in the commencement of this
proposal to annex the Indian territory to our Union, to
those good men, who, in the character of missionaries,
have kept side by side with the Indians in so many of their
afflictions and migrations. I will again refer to them, and
implore them by all the lost labor of the past, and by the
hopes of the future ; by the critical condition of the pacific
relations that exist between the Indians and us ; and by the
sacredness of the cause in which they are engaged, to look
well and earnestly into this subject, and learn from the past
what must attend upon their labors in the future, if the change
I propose, or some other change equivalent to it, be not
brought about. And, seeing, as they must see, that the plan
I propose, or some other, is indispensable to the success they
seek to command, I implore them to take up the subject in
all its bearings, and by the instrumentalities which they have
at command, manufacture, collect, and embody public opin-
ion, in regard to what may be determined to be done ; and
by memorial, and personal agencies, bring this opinion to
bear upon Congress, with whom alone the power is vested,
to redeem, disenthrall, and save, and bless, the remnants of
this aboriginal race. And I make the same appeal to all
the good, of all religious persuasions, both in the Church

136 PRESERVATION OF THE INDIANS.

and out of it, and to politicians of all parties, to second
this attempt, feeble as I know it to be, to save the Indians,
and consolidate, and perpetuate peace between them and
us, and by so doing, ward off the terrible retribution which
must, sooner or later, unless it be averted, fall upon this
nation.

THE END.