HAMPER'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. XENOPHON'S ANABASIS, AND THE MEMORABILIA OF SOC11ATES, TRANSLATED LITERALLY. THE ANABASIS, EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. LITERALLY TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK XENOPHOJST. REV. J. S. WATSON, M. A. M.R.S.L. A GEOGRAPHICAL COMMENTARY, BY W. P. AINSWORTH, ESQ. F.S.A., F.K.G.S., F.G.S. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, 320 & 331 PEARL STREET. 18V8. HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY. C.ESAR. VIRGIL. SALLUST. HORACE. TERENCE. TACITUS. 2 Voli. LIVY. 3 Vol*. CICERO'S ORATIONS. CICERO'S OFFICES, L.ELIUS, CATO MAJOR, PARADOXES, SCIPIO'S DREAM, LETTER TO QUINTUS. CICERO ON ORATORY AND ORATORS. PLATO (SELECT rKiNSLATIOXS CICERO'S TUSCULAN DISPUTA- TIONS, THE NATURE OF THE GODS, AND THE COMMON- WEALTH. JUVENAL. XENOPHON. HOMER'S ILIAD. HOMER'S ODYSSEY. HERODOTCS. DEMOSTHENES. 2 Voli. THUCYDIDES. AESCHYLUS. SOPHOCLES. EURIPIDES. S Vols. DIALOGUES). ISmo, Cloth, $1 50 per Void AEPKR & BROTHERS vtll tend eitXtr if tke above iwri* &y mail, fxxtayt prtfHxid, to itf f*rt / tht Unittd Statti or Canada, on rtctift of tkf prict. PREFACE. OF the two works of Xenophon, contained in tlio present volume, English translations have already appearc.l. The only version of the Anabasis, on which the public could look with any favor, was Spelman's, which certainly has spirit, and is in general not unfaithful, but is not sufficiently close for the scholar or student. Spelman has some knowledge of Greek, but was de- ficient, as is proved by his notes, in that intimate ac- quaintance with the language which is necessary to the production of an exact version. The best previous translation of the Memorabilia was that by Sarah Fielding, the sister of the novelist ; a performance, however, extremely verbose and licen- tious. Its authoress had not sufficient knowledge of Greek to justify her in undertaking it. Harris of Salisbury gave her some help, as she says in a note near the commencement, but assuredly not much. She had been preceded by Bysshe, the author of the 2G2S120 ri PREFACE. Art of Poetry, a free translator, many of whose phrases she adopted. The present translator has endeavored to preserve the sense and spirit of the original, in language which may satisfy both the English reader and the scholar. ( In the Anabasis, the text of Dindorf has been fol- lowed ; in the Memorabilia, that of Kiihner. The Geographical Commentary, by Mr. Ainsworth, author of " Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks/' has been added at the wish of the publisher, and will, without doubt, be regarded as an acceptable, illustration of the Anabasis. J. a V. REMARKS THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS A BIOGRAPHICAL Notice of Xenoplion will bo prefixed to another volume. Some remarks are here offered on the authorship of tho " Anabasis." A passage of the "Hellenica," in which it is said that a narra- tive of the Expedition of Cyrus was written by Themistogenes of Syracuse, lias given rise to the question 1 whether the account of that expedition which we now have is that of Xenophon or that of Themistogenes. When Xenophon, in the course of his narrative of events relat- ing to Greece, comes to the time at which the expedition of Cyrus took place, he says, 2 " How Cyrus collected an army, how he marched up the country with it against his brother, how the battle was fought, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks afterward effected a safe retreat to the sea, has been written by Themistogenes the Syracusan." Suidas* also says that " Themistogenes, a Syracusan historian, wrote the Anabasis of Cyrus, T/TIC lv rote SevopuvToe 'EMrjviKoic QspETai, and some other things concerning his own country." What sense is to be given to the word ^iperat in this passage, has 1 Morus in Dissert. Hellenicia prsemiss. c. 6. Kiihner Prolegom. in Anab. p. xviii. 2 Hellen. iii. 1, 2. 3 v. Gf/iiaro-yevric. viii OX THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE AXABASIS. teen a subject of much doubt. If tl:o phrase containing it bo translated, with Morus, qum nominatur aut laudatur in Ifistoriil Grceca, a sense is given to the verb for which there is no author- ity ; and if it be rendered, with most interpreters, quce inserta legitur Jiisloriis Gracis, that is said which is not true. Kuster 1 find Dindorf,* therefore, suggest that the word 'EM.ijvtieoii;, which is not found in the Paris manuscripts, should be struck out. Tiio sense will then be, "which is inserted among the writings of Xenophon." Suidas being thus interpreted, the two passages will concur in showing that a narrative of the " Anabasis" was written by Themistogenes. The next point to be considered is, whether that narrative which we now have is, or is not, the work of Themistogenes. Plutarch, in his Considerations whether the Athenians were more renowned in Arms or in Letters* observes, in alluding to the his- torians, that " Xenophon was a subject of history for himself, for he wrote an account of the military matters which he successfully conducted, but represents that the account was written by The- mistogenes the Syracusan, in order that he might have more credit if he spoke of himself as another person, giving to another ihe reputation of the work." The passage is somewhat obscure, for there is a word, such as 7.f-yei, wanting; I translate it in the ;-.ense in which it is taken by Leunclavitis and Wyttenbach. In agreement with this passage of Plutarch, Tzetzes, in his Chiliads, 4 after observing that Phidias made two statues for a young man of whom he was fond, and for whose workmanship, it appears, they were to pass, says that " Xenophon did the same with regard to the Anabasis of Cyrus ; for he set a certain name to the work to please one whom he loved; * * ;: it is the book of Themistogenes the Syracusan, and afterward caine to be commonly called the work of Xenophon ; so Plato the philosopher wrote his Dialogues under the names of his friends ; :md other writers have composed innumerable things in a similar way.*' When he says that " it is the book of Thcmistogcnc?," TO 1 Ad Suidam, v. Ofuia-oveviif. 2 Pncf. in Anab. p. vii. cd. 1825. 3 c. I * vii. 930. OX THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. i x Ocfiicro-yevovf ten, he can have no other meaning bnt that it Avas given to the world by Xenophon under the name of Themisto- genes. A Scholium, \vhich is appended to the passage by an un- known author, states the matter more briefly and clearly : " Xeno- phon inscribed the Anabasis of Cyrus with the name of Themis- togenes, yet it came to be commonly called afterward the work of Xenophon." From these writers, then, Plutarch, Tzetzes, and his Scholiast, it would appear that the "Anabasis," or account of the expedi- tion of Cyrus, was written by Xenophon, and published as the Avork of Themistogenes. But from the passage of Xenophon, to which we ought to attribute more authority vhan to any other, as also from that of Suidas, we may rather conceive, as Dindorf suggests, that there were two Anabases, the one written by The- mistogenes, before Xenophon wrote the third book of the Ilelle- nica, and to which Xenophon was then content to refer, and the other written by Xenophon himself subsequently to that time. Under this supposition, indeed, we must believe that Xenophon published the Anabasis at a very advanced period of life, while the composition seems to be that of a man in the fall vigor of his faculties ; but Sophocles, as Kiihner 1 observes, wrote Avith great spirit after he was eighty years of age ; and the Anabasis might have been Avritten some years before Xenophon sent it out of hi? hands. If there Avere two, that of Themistogenes, from what Xenophon r,ays of it, may have brought the Greeks only to the sea,' or to Trebisond ; that of Xenophon is continued to their junction Avith Thibron. If there were but one, Xenophon may have published the first four books, at an earlier period, under the name of Themistogenes, and have afterward added the three other books, and signified that the Avhole was his own. One object of the author of the work which we have, ob- serves Mitford, 2 Avas to apologize for the conduct of Xenophon ; in the latter part the narrative is constantly accompanied with a studied defense of his proceedings ; the circumstances that pro- duced his banishment from Athens, and Avhatever might excite jealousy against him at Lacedajmon, have been carefully con- 1 Prolegom. in Anab. p. x:::. 2 Hist, of Greece, vol. v. p. 333. x ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. sidered; if, therefore, Themistogenes wrote it, lie may have written under the direction of Xenophon , if Xenophon wrote it, there may have been good reasons why, at the time of its pub- lication, he should have wished it to pass under another person's name. If there were two Anabases, we may suppose that Xenophon's superseded that of Themistogenes, and caused it to be lost. The name of Themistogenes, as an author, is mentioned by no writer besides those Avhom we have noticed; while that of Xenophon, as the author of the Anabasis, is specified, as Mitford and Kriiger 1 observe, by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Strabo, Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, Lucian, ./Elian, and Athenanis, besides the grammarians and lexicographers, Hesychius, Pollux, Harpo- cration, and Ammonius. But no decisive opinion can be pronounced. The statement of Plutarch, which he gives, not as a conjecture of his own, but as a matter of general belief in his day, and which is supported by Tzetzes and his Scholiast, may induce many readers, if not the majority, to suppose, with "Weiske 2 and Kuhner, that there was probably but one Anabasis, that which we now have, and which, though the work of Xenophon, was, for whatever reason? on the part of the author, sent into the world as the composition of Themistogenes. The attractions of the subject, as Dr. Smith 8 observes, might have induced more than one or two persons to write upon it. Of the other work translated in this volume, no doubt has been expressed that Xenophon was the author. It shows what were the habits and conversation of him who taught that To know- That which before us lies in daily life Is the prime wisdom ; who brought philosophy down from heaven to dwell with men ; and who was pronounced the wisest of men by the Delphic 1 De Authent. Anab. p. 18. 2 Tractat. de sestimanda Cyri Exped. p. xvii. seqq- 3 Note on Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE ANABASIS. xi oracle, " because ho judiciously made choice of human nature for the object of his thoughts, an inquiry into which as much ex- ceeds all other learning as it is of more consequence to adjust the true nature and measures of right and wrong than to settle the distances of the planets, and compute the time of their cir- cumvolutions." l His doctrine was, Tavr' eWuf, cro^df ladi UUTTJV 6' ^Emicovpov lacov Uov TO KCVOV &TeTv, Kal rt'vcf at /zovatfcf. 2 On life, on morals, bo thy thoughts employed ; Leave to the schools their Atoms and their Void. He gave, indeed, it may be thought, too little encouragement to investigations in physical science. How far he recommended that mathematical studies should be pursued, may be seen in B. iv. c. 7. The best specimen of Socratic reasoning in the Memo- rabilia is the philosopher's conversation with Euthydernus in B. iv. c. 2. 1 Spectator, No. 408. 2 Automedon. AnthoL Gr. Rambler, No. 180. CONTENTS. PAGS REMARKS vii ANABASIS, BOOK I 1 4.NABASIS, BOOK II 45 ANABASIS, BOOK III 75 ANABASIS, BOOK IV 106 ANABASIS, BOOK V Ii3 ANABASIS, BOOK VI IV3 ANABASIS, BOOK VII. 208 TABULAR VIEW or TOE MARCHES, ETC., IN THE ANABASIS . . 259 GEOGRAPHICAL COMMENTARY, BY MR, AINS\VORTII . . . 2G.~ GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX 339 MEMORABILIA, BOOK 1 349 MEMORABILIA, BOOK II 385 MEMORABILIA, BOOK III 423 MEMORABILIA, BOOK IV. 468 INDEX , . 503 NOTANDA . . 519 XENOPHOFS ANABASIS, OB EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, BOOK I CHAPTER I. Parentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he is ac- cused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons him, but releases him on the intercession of hia mother, and sends him back to his province, where he secretly collects forces, of which a large proportion are from Greece, to make war oil his brother. 1. OF Darius 1 and Parysatis were born two sons," the elder Artaxerxes, 3 and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had fallen sick, and suspected that the end of his life was approaching, he Avas desirious that both of his sons should attend him. 2. The elder then happened to be present ; Cyrus he sent for from the province of which he had made him satrap. He had also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster in the plain of Castolus. 4 1 Darius IT., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from B.C. 423 to B.C. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon. 2 Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. c. i. 27. 3 Afterward Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon : he began his reign B.C. 405. 4 E/f Kaorutov TTEfV'ov.] In each of the provinces of the Persian empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11; 9. 7; Hellen. i. 43. Heeren, Idem, vol. ii. p. 486. Castolus is mentioned as a city of Lydia by Stephanus of Byzantium. Kuhner. VOL. I. 1 2 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK i. Cyrus accordingly vent up, taking with him Tissaphernes as a friend, and having also with him three hundred heavy-armed Greeks, 1 and Xenias of Parrhasia, 3 their captain. 3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed upon the throne, Tissaphernes brought an accusation against Cyrus before his brother, saying that he was plotting against him. Artaxerxes w r as induced to give credit to it, and had Cyrus arrested with the intention of putting him to death ; but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his prov- ince. 4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger and disgrace, he began to consider by what means he might cease to be subject to his brother, and make himself king, if he could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well disposed toward Cyrus, 3 as she loved him better than Artaxerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers from the king* came to visit him, he let none of them go till he had inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the monarch. 5 Ho also paid such attention to the barbarians 6 that were with him, that they were in a condition to take the field, and well inclined toward himself. 6. His Greek force he collected as secretly as he could, that he might surprise the king as little prepared as possible. He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever garrisons he had in his towns, he sent orders to the com- manders of them to procure respectively as many Peloponne- sians as they could, of the best class of soldiers, on pretense that Tissaphernes was forming designs upon those towns. Mraf Tpianoaiovf.'] Threo hundred of the Greeks that were iu his pay, or of such as he could then procure. 2 A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia. 3 "f-f/pxE r

iZoi. They were first made an efficient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates : see his Life in Corn. Nep. ; and Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 16 ; 3. 12. 2 Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, because he there joined the army, but afterward constantly computes from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his journey. Stan- j(rfd. G THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. Lydia, three days' march, 1 a distance of twenty-two parasangs, 1 as far as the river Maeander. The breadth of this river is two plethra, 3 and a bridge was thrown over it, constructed of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the stream, he went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eight parasangs, till he reached Colossae, a populous city, wealthy, and of considerable mag- nitude. Here he halted seven days ; when Menon the Thes- salian joined him with a thousand heavy-armed troops and five hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolopians, ^Enianes, and Olyn- thians. 7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to Celaenae, a populous, large, and rich city of Phrygia. Here Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park full of wild beasts, which he was accustomed to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river Mseander; its springs issue from the palace itself; and it runs also through the city of Celaenae. 8. There is also at Celaenae a palace of the Great King, 4 situated near the source of the river Marsyas, under the citadel. This river too runs through the city, and falls into the Maeander. The breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial of musical skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, where the source of the stream rises : and on this account the river is called the Marsas. 9. Xerxes is said to have f.] The word craOp.6^ means properly a station or Tialting- place at the end of a day's march, of which the length varied, but was generally about five parasangs. 2 The parasang in Xenophon is equal to thirty stadia : see ii. 2. G. So Herodotus, ii. G; v. 53. Mr. Ainsworth, following Mr. Hamilton and Colonel Lcake, makes the parasang equal to 3 .English miles, 180 yards, or 3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each. Travels in the Track, pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would bo a long day's march ; these marches were more than seven ; and the next day's was eight. But Rennell thinks the parasang not more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. Hussey, Anc. Weights, etc., Append, sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787i yards." 3 The plethrum was 100 Greek or 101.125 English feet. See Hussey, Append, sect. 10, p. 232. * The king of Persia was called the Great King by the Greek writer?. on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the number of kings subject to him ; a titlo similar to that of the successors of Mo- hammed. Grani Signior. CHAP. n. CYRUS IS JOINED BY CLEARCHUS. 7 built both this palace and the citadel of Celaenas, when he was returning from Greece after his discomfiture in battle. Cyrus remained here thirty days ; during which time Cle- archus, the Lacedaemonian exile, joined him with a thousand heavy-armed men, eight hundred Thracian peltasts, and two hundred Cretan archers. At the same time Sosis 1 of Syra- cuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and So- phcenetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held a review of the Greeks in the park, and took their number ; and they were in all eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and about two thousand peltasts. 2 10. Hence he proceeded two days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to Peltae, a well- peopled city, where he halted three days, during which Xenias the Arcadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycaean Jove, 3 and held public games on the occasion ; in which the prizes were golden strigiles. 4 Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. Thence he proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to Ceramon Agora, a populous city, the last on the side of Mysia. 11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance of thirty parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous city. Here he halted five days ; and at this time more than three months' pay was due to the troops, which they frequently went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them off, giving them 1 This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kuhner ; most other editors have Socrates, which occurs in four manuscripts ; two have Sosias, and one Sostes. * The word is hero used, as Spelman observes, in a more general sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed. * Tu Aikotcr.] The festival of Lycaean Jove is mentioned by Pausanias, Viii. 2, 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, 01. ix. 145; xiii. 153 ; Kern. x. 89. Schneider. ilount Lycaeum was sacred to both Jupiter and Pan. Kiihner. * 27?.fyyt<5ef.] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin st-rigi- lis, a flesh-scraper; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to bo given by Kiihner and Bornemann, to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom Kriiger follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. Poppo observes that tho latter sort of prizes would be less acceptable to soldiers than tho former. There were, however, women in the Grecian camp, as Trill afterward be seen, to whom the soldiers that gained the prizes might have presented them. The sense of the word must, therefore, be left doubtful. The sense of si^'qttis is supported by Suidaa; see Sturz's Lex. a. v. 8 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK i. hopes, but was evidently distressed ; for it was no part of his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. But while he was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king of the Cilicians, paid him n visit, and was said to have pre- sented him with a large sum of money. He in consequence gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician queen had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians ; and it was reported that Cyrus had connection with her. 13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a fountain, called the fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia ; at which Midas is said to have captured the Satyr, 1 by mixing wine with the water. 14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, to Tyriaeum, a well-peopled city, where he staid three days. The Cilician queen is said to have requested Cyrus to show her his army. With the desire therefore of exhibiting it to her, he reviewed his troops, as well Greek as Barbarian, in the plain. 15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshaled, and to take their places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each captain arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four deep ; Menon and his troops took the right wing ; Clearchus and his men the left ; and the other captains occupied the center. 1C. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who marched past him, drawn up in troops and companies ; 2 and afterward the Greeks, riding by them in his chariot, with the Cilician queen in her car. 3 They had all brazen helmets, scarlet tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 1 7. When he had ridden, past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with orders for them to present arms,* and to advance with their whole phalanx. The officers communicated these orders to 1 Tdv Survpov.] Silenus. See Servius ad Yirg. Eel. vi. 13. 3 Kara IAaf /cat AcareAof oMey.] " No profit (or use) eitlicr of a general or private soldier." 14 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK i Cyrus. 14. One of these, pretending to be eager to proceed with all possible haste to Greece, proposed that they should choose other commanders without delay, if Clearchus were un- willing to conduct them back ; that they should purchase pro- visions, as there was a market in the Barbarian camp, and pack up their baggage ; that they should go to Cvrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in which they might sail home ; and, if he should not grant them, that they should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back through such parts of the country as were friendly toward them. 1 But if he would not even allow them a guide, that they should, without delay, form themseves in warlike order, and send a detachment to take possession of the heights, in order that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians ("of whom," said he, "we have many prisoners, and much money that we have taken") may be the first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions that he offered ; but after him Clearchus spoke as follows : 15. " Let no one of you mention rne, as likely to undertake this command ; for I see many reasons why I ought not to do so ; but be assured, that whatever person you may elect, I shall pay the greatest possible deference to him, that you may see that I know how to obey as well as any other man." 16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of him who advised them to ask for ships, just as if Crrus were not about to sail back, 2 and who showed, too, how foolish it would be to request a guide of the very person " whose plans," said he, "we are frustrating. And," he added, "if we ehould trust the guide that Cyrus might assign us, what will hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights before we reach them ? 17. For my own part I should ba reluctant 1 Atu 04/,/af ~7/g ^wpaf.] The earlier editions have uf before Alii, of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission ; and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. The guide was to conduct them only through regions that were friendly to Cyrus, or where he could procure them a friendly reception. 2 *Qa~tp TTU./.IV TOV crofMv Kvpov /i>j Troiov/ut-vov.] About the mean- ing of these words there has been much dispute. The translation which I have given is that of Bornemann, ' quasi retro Cyrus navigaturus non csset." which is adopted by Kiihner. "The speaker assumes." says Bornemann, "that Cyrus is directing his march against the Pisidians or Borne other rebellious people, and that, when he has reduced them, he will return to his province." CHAP. in. CYRUS STILL DISSEMBLES. n, to embark in any vessel that lie might grant us, lest he should send us and the galleys to the bottom together ; I should also be afraid to follow any guide that he may ap- point, lest he should conduct us into places from whence there would be no means of escape; and I had rather, if I depart without tho consent of Cyrus, depart without his knowledge ; but this is impossible. 18. I say then that such proposals are absurdities ; and my advice is, that certain per- sons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany Clearchus to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he wishes to employ us ; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which he be- fore employed foreign troops, 1 that we too should follow him, and not appear more cowardly than those who previously went up with him. 19. But if the present design seem greater and more difficult and more perilous than the former, that that they should ask, in that case, either to induce us to accom- pany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our persuasions, to give us a passage to a friendly country ; for thus, if we accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zeal- ous supporters, and if we leave him, we shall depart ic safety ; that they then report to us what answer he makes to this application ; and that we, having heard his reply, take measures in accordance with it." 20. These- suggestions were approved ; and, having chosen certain persons, they sent them Avith Clearchus to ask Cyrus the questions agreed upon by the army. Cyrus answered that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was on the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant ; and it was against him, he said, that he wished to march ; and if Abroco- mas should be there, he said that he longed to take duo venge- ance on him ; but if he should retreat, " we will consider there," he added, " how to proceed." 21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to the soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading them against the king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany him. They then asked for an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them all half as much again as they received before, that is to say, instead of a, daric, three half-darics a month for every 1 The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with Cyrus to Babylon under tho command of Xenias the Parrhasian, /' 1, 2. 16 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK r. soldier. But no one heard there, at least publicly, that he was leading them against the king. CHAPTER IV. The army reaches Issi, the last city in Cilicia, at -which the fleet then ar- rives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek captains, Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good feeling of Cyrus, in forbearing to pursne them, renders the other Greeks more willing to ac- company liim. He arrives at Thapsacus, on the Euphrates, where he dis- closes the real object of his expedition to the Greek troops, who express discontent, but are induced by fresh promises, and the example of Menon, to cross the river. 1. HENCE he proceeded, two days' march, a distance of ten. parasangs, to the river Psarus, the breadth of which was threo plethra. He then went forward, one days' march, five para- sangs, to the river Pyramus, the breadth of which is a stadium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea- coast, a populous, large, and rich place. 2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships from Peloponnesus, thiry-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras the Lacedaemonian being their commander. But Tamos, an Egyptian, had conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had also with him five-and-twenty other ships, belonging to Cyrus, with which he had blockaded Miletus when it was in the interest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him on behalf of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who had with him seven hundred heavy-armed troops, which he commanded as part of the army of Cyrus. The ships were moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek mercenaries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred heavy-armed men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and joined in the expedition against the king. 4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasang?, to the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses / 1 'Haav 6& ravra dvo relx^.~\ As the fern. 7ri-/.ai precedes, and as tho gates were not properly the reixy, but the space between them, Weisko CHAP. IT. CYRUS ENTERS SYRIA. 1Y of the part within them, toward Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the charge ; the part without, toward Syria, a garrison of the king's soldiers was reported to oc- cupy. Between the two runs a river, called Carsus, a pleth- rum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses was three stadia ; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were gates. 5. It was on account of this passage that Cyrus had sent for the fleet, that he might disembark heavy-armed troops within and without the gates, 1 who might force a pass- age through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the Syrian gates ; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as he had under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas however did not attempt this ; but, when he heard that Cyrus was in Cilicia, retreated out of Phoenicia, and proceeded to join the king, having with him, as was said, three hundred thousand men. 6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians: this place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. Here they remained seven days; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and Pasion the Megarean, embarking in a vessel, and putting on board their most valuable effects, sailed away ; being actu- ated, as most thought, by motives of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to retain under his command their sol- diers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the expectation of returning to Greece, and not of marching against the king. Upon their disappearance, a rumor pervaded the army that conjectures f/aav 6 Iv-av&a, K. T. 2.., which Kiihner and others approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kiihner interprets rdx'n "cas- tella," and I have followed him. "When Xenophon speaks, a little below, of Teixn elf TJJV Qu/Mrrav Kadr/Kov~a, he seems to mean walls attached to the fortress nearest to the sea. So when he says that at each of the fortresses, e~t -oif Ti%eaiv u^oTF.poi^, were gates, he appears to signify that there were gates in the walls attached to each of the fortresses. " At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower." Ainsworth, p. 59. 1 " That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz., in Syria." Kuhner. 13 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK i. Cyrus would pursue them with ships of war ; and some wished that they might bo taken, as having acted per- fidiously; while others pitied their fate, if they should be caught. 8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, " Xenias and Pasion have left us : but let them be well as- sured that they have not fled clandestinely ; for I know which way they are gone ; nor have they escaped beyond my reach ; for I have triremes that would overtake their vessel. But, by the gods, I shall certainly" not pursue them ; nor shall any ono say that as long as a man remains with me, I make use of his services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I seize and ill-treat his person, and despoil him of his property. But let them go, with the consciousness that they have acted a worse part toward us than we toward them. I have, in- deed, their children and wives under guard at Tralles ; but not even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive them back in consideration of their former service to me." 9. Thus Cyrus spoke ; and the Greeks, even such as had been previously disinclined to the expedition, when they heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus, accompanied him with greater pleasure and nlacrity. After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chains, which is a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. The villages, in which they fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been given her for her girdle. 1 10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a plethrum iu breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, con- taining all that the seasons produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, and burned the palace. 1 Etf tuvijv.] Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply or- naments for her girdle, it being the custom with the Persian kings to bestow places on their queens and other favorites, ostensibly for the pur- pose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, or other conven- iences. See Herod, ii. 98 ; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40 ; Cic. in Verr. iii. 23 ; Corn. Nepos, Life of Therr.istocles, c. 10. CHAP. iv. CYRUS DECLARES HIS OBJECT. 19 11. Hence ho proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which is situated a large and rich city, named Thapsacus. The army remained there five days ; and Cyrus sent for the Greek captains, and told them, that his march Avas directed to Babylon, against the Great King ; and he desired them to make this announcement to the soldiers, and to persuade them to accompany him. 12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated thk information to them; and the soldiers expressed themselves much displeased with their officers, and 'said that they had long known this, but concealed it ; and they refused to go, un- less such a donative was granted them as had been given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his father, and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but merely attended Cyrus when his father summoned him. 13. This state of things the generals reported to Cyrus ; who in consequence promised to give every man five minaa of silver, 1 when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full pay besides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. The greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed upon to accom- pany him. But before it was certain what the other soldiers would do, whether they would accompany Cyrus or not, Menou assembled his own troops apart from the rest, and spoke as follows : 14. " If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, with- out incurring either danger or toil, make yourselves honored by Cyrus beyond the rest of the army. What, then, would I have you do ? Cyrus is at this moment urgent with the Greeks to accompany him against the king ; I therefore sug- gest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will an- swer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. For if they should determine upon accompanying him, you will appear to have been the cause of it, by being the first to pass the river ; and to you, as being most forward with your services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as no one knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back again; but you, as having alone complied with his wishes, 1 Reckoning the talent at 243 15.?., the mina (60 = a talent), will be 4 Is. 3d, and five minaa 20 6s. 3d 20 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK i and as being most worthy of his confidence, he will employ in garrison duty and posts of authority ; and -whatever else you may ask of him, I feel assured that, as the friends of Cyrus, you will obtain it." 16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with them, and crossed the river before the others had given their answer. And when Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, he was much pleased, and dispatched Glus to Menon's troops with this message : " I applaud your conduct, my friends ; and it shall be my care that you may applaud me ; or think me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being filled with great expectations, prayed that he might succeed ; and to Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnifi- cent presents. After these transactions, he passed the river, and all the rest of the army followed him ; and, in crossing the stream, no one was wetted by its waters above the breast. 18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, ex- cept on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means of boats ; which Abrocomas, going before, had burned, that Cyrus might not be able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that this had happened by divine interposition, and that the river had plainly made way for Cyrus as the future king. 19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of fifty parasangs, and arrived at the river Araxes, where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions. CHAPTER V. The army proceeds through Arabia, having the Euphrates on the right. They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts of burden perish ; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank of the Euphra- tes. A dispute occurs between Clearcb.ua and Menon, which is quelled by Cyrus. 1. Craus now advanced through Arabia, having the Eu- phrates on his right, five days' march through the desert, a distance of thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground was entirely a plain, level as ^the sea. It was covered with CIIA.P. v. MARCH THROUGH ARABIA. 21 wormwood, and whatever other kinds of shrub or reed grew on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no trees. 2. There were wild, animals, however, of various kinds ; the most numerous were wild asses ; there were also many ostriches, as well as bustards and antelopes; and these ani- mals the horsemen of the army sometimes hunted. The wild asses, when any one pursued them, would start forward a con- siderable distance, and then stand still ; (for they ran much more swiftly than the horse ;) and again, when the horse ap- proached, they did the same ; and it was impossible to catch them, unless the horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, kept up the pursuit with a succession of horses. The flesh of those that were taken resembled venison, but was more ten- der. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in catching ; and those horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from the pur- suit ; for it far outstripped 1 them in its flight, using its feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail. 2 The bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly ; for they fly but a short distance, like partridges, and soon tire. Their flesh is very delicious. 4. Marching through this region, they came to the river Mascas, the breadth of which io a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas. Here they staid three days, and furnished themselves with provisions. 5. Thence lie proceeded, thirteen days' march through the desert, a distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the Gates.* In this march many of the beasts of burden perished of hunger ; for there was neither grass, nor any sort of tree, 1 'ATreffTrdro.] " Drew iteelf away from" its pursuers. There are various readings of this word. Kiihner adopts ttTrecr a, in the sense of " drew off his pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann reads urreTrraro. 2 It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to the construction of this passage ; I have adopted the explication of Kiihner. 3 Eni IWAaf."! A strait or defile through which the road lay from Me- sopotamia into Babylonia ; hence called the Pyl well." 14, During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a uniform pace : and the Grecian line, still remaining in the same place, was gradually forming from those who came up from tune to time. Cyrus, riding by at a moderate distance from his army, 1 surveyed from thence both the lines, looking 3 well toward the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up to meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands ; when Cyrus stopped his horse, and told him, and desired him to tell every body, that the sacrifices and the appearances of the victims were favorable. 2 16. As he was saying this, he heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what f Ou xiiw irpaf airii rJ crpaTevpa-i.'] "Satis longinquo a suis inter- vallo." Weiske. 2 Ta iepa xal TU ctilyia /ca/.d.] The lepu are omens from the entrails of the victims; the cyir/ia were omens taken from the appearance and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and adopted by Kiihner. Compare ii. 1. 9. 2* 34 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK I. noise that war. He answered, 1 " that it was the watchword, passing now for the second time." 8 At which Cyrus w< ;:- dered who had given it, and asked what the word was. lie replied that it was, ' : JUPITER THE PRESERVER and VICTORY." 17. When Cyrus heard it, "I accept it as a ood omen," sail he, " and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to his own station ; and the two armies were now not more than three or four stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the prean, and began to march forward to meet the enemy. 10. And as, while they proceeded, some part of their body fluctu- ated out of line, 3 those who were thus left behind began to run : and at the same time, they all raised just such a shout as they usually raise to Mars, and the Avhole of them took to a run- ning pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their spears against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 19. 13ut the Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave way, and took to flight. The Greeks then pursued them with all their force, calling out to each other, not to run, but to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by their drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the enemies themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. The ! Dindorf has 6 t' K/.eap^o; el^er, which is the rcadin.7 of some m~n- uscripts; others have SEVOQUV instead of K/.eapxoc. Dindorf prefers the former, assuming that Clearchua had probably ridden up to Cyrus on that occasion ; but this is an assumption which he had no right to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text in favor of it. Borne- yuann and Kiihncr think it better to consider both names equally interpolations, and to read simply 6 <5? clrrev, Xenophon of course being understood. 2 Aev-epov.] The watchword seems to have been passed from the ex- tremity of one wing (the right I should suppose), to the extremity of tho other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be passed only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read TO 6ev-epm: Kruqer de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kiihner observes that the article is not abso- lutely necessary. I havo translated " the second time," as the sense seems to require. Somo havo imagined that the word tievrepov implies that a second watchword, another given out for the occasion, was passing round ; but for this supposition there seems no ground. As there is no answer to the inquiry, rlf Kcipa-/yeA7.t, Krliger thinks that some words have dropped out of the text. 3 'EZenvitfiivs.'] This metaphor, from tho swelling and heaving of a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in tho treatise de Eloc. S 1, attributed to Demetrius Phalereus. CHAP. vm. CYRUS ATTACKS THE KING. 35 Greeks, when they saw them coming 1 , opened their ranks to let them pass ; some few, however, were startled and caught by them, as might happen in a race-course ; but these, they said, suffered no material injury; nor did any other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except that on the left of their army, a man was said to have been shot with an arrow. 21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pur- suing those of the enemies who were opposed to them, and though he felt great pleasure at tho sight, and was already saluted as king by those about him, was not, however, led away to join in the pursuit ; but keeping the band of six hun- dred cavalry, that were with him, drew up in a clcse order around him, he attentively watched how the king would proceed ; for he well knew that he occupied the center of the Persian army. 22. All the commanders of the Barbarians, indeed, lead 1 their troops to battle occupying the center of their own men ; thinking that they will thus be most secure, if they have the strength of their force on either side of them, and that if they have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though he occupied the center of his own army, was nevertheless be- yond Cyrus's left wing. But as no enemy attacked him in front, or the troops that were drawn up before him, he began to wheel round, as if to inclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and charging with his six hundred horse, routed the troops that were stationed in front of the king, and put the guard of six thousand to flight, and is said to have killed with his own hand Artngerses, their commander. 25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six hundred became dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit ; only a very few remaining with him, chiefly those who were called " partakers of his table." 26. "While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and the close guard around him ; when he immediately lost his self-command, and exclaiming, " I see the man," rushed upon Schneider, Kiihner, and some other editors have f/yovvro, but Poppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting the present, not- withstanding the following optative. 36 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS, BOOK L him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through the breast-plate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in the act of striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under the eye ; anl how many of those about the king were killed, (while they thus fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their re- spective followers in defense of each), Ctesias relates ; for he was with him ; on the other side, Cyrus himself was killed and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon his body. 28. Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his scepter- bearers, 1 when he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped lron_ his horse, anl thrown himself upon the body of his master ; 29. and some say, that the king ordered some one to kill him on the body of Cyrus ; but others relate, that he drew his cimeter, and killed himself upon the body ; for he had a golden cimeter by his side, and also wore a chain and brace- lets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the Persians; since he was honored by Cyrus for his attachment and fidelity to him. CHAPTER IX. Tho character of Cyras. All his personal friends are killed, except Ariaeua, who takes to flight. 1. THUS then died Cyrus ; a man who, of all the Persians since Cyrus the elder, was the most princely and most worthy of empire, as is agreed by all who appear to have had personal knowledge of him. 2. In the first place, while he was yet a boy, and when he was receiving his education with his brother and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them all in every thing. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are educated at the gates of the king ; 2 where they may learn 1 See c. 6, sec. 11. 2 'Eni Traff paaihius &iui>. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the learn- ed, some endeavoring to support one reading, some the other. If wo follow manuscript authority, it can not be doubted that Oeoiro/j.-rrof is genuine. Weiske thinks "Xenophon" inadmissible, because the officers only of the Greeks were called to a conference, and Xenophon, as ap- pears from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the service : as for the other argu- ments that he has offered, they are of no weight. Kriiger (Qutest. de Xen. Vit. p. 1 2), attempts to refute Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenophon, conjecturing that s'ome scholiast may have written in the margin Qeoirofnrog 62 flpofrvov TOVTO eiirelv Qrjoi, whence the name of Theopompus may have crept into the text, as Diod. Sic., xiv. 25, attrib- utes those words to Proxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have thought if safest, with Weiske, Schneider, Poppo, and Dindorf, to adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who this Theopompus was, however, is unknown ; for he is nowhere else mentioned in the Anabasis. Kiihner. 48 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS, BOOK IL we may liopo to profit by our valor ; but if wo were to give them up, we should expect to be deprived also of our lives. Do not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the only things of value that we possess ; but, with these in our hands, \ve will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. Oa hearing him speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You seem like a philosopher, young man, and express yourself not without grace ; but be assured that you are out of your senses if you imagine that your valor will prove victorious over the might of the king." 14. But it was reported that certain others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend ; and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist him in reducing it." 15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether they had yet given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, " Your companions, O Clearchus, give each a different an- swer ; and now tell us what you have to say." 1 6. Clearchus then said, " I was glad to see you, O Phalines, and so, I dare say, were all the rest of us ; for you are a Greek, as we also are ; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed in such circumstances, we would advise with you how we should act with regard to the message that you bring. 17. Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, such advice as seems to you most honorable and advantageous, and such as will bring you honor in time to come, when it is related, that Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks io deliver up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, isuch and such counsel ; for you know that whatever counsel you do give, will necessarily be reported in Greece." 18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion, 1 with the desire that the very person who came as an envoy from the king, should advise them not to deliver up their arms, in order that the Greeks might be led to conceive better hopes. But Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contrary to his expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand hopeful chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by con- 1 Tavra virq-yerv.'] Hcec dolose suadebat. Compare ii. 4. 3. Kuhner. CHAP. n. CLEARCHUS'S REPLY TO PHALINUS. 49 tinuing in arms against the king, I advise you not to deliver up your arms ; but if you have not a single hope of safety in opposing the king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves in the only way in which it is possible." 20. Clearchus re- joined, " Such, then, is your advice ; but on our part return this answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be friends with the king, we shall be more valuable friends if we retain our arms, than if we surrender them to another; but that if we must make war against him, we should make war better ii" we retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. Phalinus said, " This answer, then, we will report : but the king desired us also to inform you, that while you remain in this place, a truce is to be considered as existing between him and you ; but, if you advance or retreat, there is to be war. Give us, therefore, your answer on this point also ; whether you will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or whether I shall announce from you, that there is war." 22. Clearchus re- plied, " Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution is the same as that of the king." " And what is that I" said Phalinus. Clearchus replied, " If we stay here, a truce ; but if we retreat or advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, " Is it a truce or war that I shall report 1" Clearchus again made the same answer : " A truce, if Ave stay ; and if we re- treat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do, Ae ffavc no intimation. CHAPTER II. The Greeks, joining Arisens, form an alliance with him, and take counsel with him in reference to their return. During the night folio-wing the first day's march they are seized with a panic, which Clearchus allays. 1. PHALINUS and his companions departed ; and there now returned, from their interview with Ariseus, Procles and Cheirisophus ; Menon had remained there with Arigeus. They reported, " that Ariaeus said that there were many Per- sians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure that he should be king ; but," he adds, " if you wish to return with him, lie desires you to come to him this very night ; if you do not, he says that he will set out by himself early in tho 50 THE EXPEDITION" OF CYRUS. BOOK n. morning." 2. Clearclius rejoined, "And wo must certainly do as you say, if we determine to go to him ; but if not, adopt for yourselves such measures as you may think most for your advantage ;" for not even to them did he disclose what he in- tended to do 3. But afterward, Avhen the sun was setting, having as- sembled the generals and captains, he spoke as follows : " My friends, when I offered a sacrifice with reference to marching against the king, the signs of the victim were not favorable, and indeed it was with good cause that they were not so ; for, as I now learn, there is between us and the king the river Tigris, a navigable river which we could not cross without vessels ; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to remain here ; for we have no means of procuring provision?. But for going to the friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were ex- tremely favorable. 4. We must accordingly proceed thus: when we separate, we must sup, each of us on what he has ; when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to rest, proceed to pack up your baggage ; when it sounds the second time, place it on your baggage-cattle ; and, at the third signal, follow him who leads the way, keeping your basfgage-cattle next the river, and the heavy-armed troops on the outside." 5. The generals and captains, after listening to this address, went away, and did as he directed ; and thenceforth he com- manded, and the others obeyed, not indeed having elected him commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such qual- ifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them were comparatively inexperienced. 6. The computation of the route which they had come from Ephesus in Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days' march, and five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen thousand and fifty stadia j 1 and the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia. 7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian deserted to the king, with about forty horse that he com- 1 As Xenophon, in the first book, has enumerated only 84 days' march, 517 parasangs, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks that the 9 days' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be understood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Kriiger is inclined to think the passage an interpolation. CHAP. n. LEAGUE BETWEEN ARLETJS AND THE GREEKS. 51 manded, and nearly three hundred of the Thracian infantry. 8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed order ; and they followed, and arrived at the first halting- place, 1 to join Ariaeus and his troops about midnight ; and the generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up their men under arms, went in a body to Ariaeus ; when the Greeks on the one hand, and Ariaeus and his principal officers on the other, took an oath not to betray each other, and to be true allies ; and the Barbarians took another oath, that they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These oaths they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf, 3 a boar, and a ram, over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians a lance, into the blood. 10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, Clearchus said : " Since then, Ariaeus, our route and yours is now the same, tell us, what is your opinion with respect to our course ; whether we shall return the way we came, or whether you consider that you have thought of a better way." 11. Ariaeus replied: " If we were to return the way we came, we should all perish of hunger ; for we have now no supply of provisions ; and for the last seventeen days' march, even when we were coming hither, we could procure nothing from the country through which we passed ; or, if any thing was to bo found there, we consumed it ourselves in our passage. But now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first days' marches as long as we can, that we may remove our- selves to the greatest possible distance from the king's army ; for if we once escape two or three days' journey from him, the king will no longer be able to overtake us ; since he will not dare to pursue us with a small force ; and, with a numerous army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will prob- 1 Etf T.\oif TUVTO. C3AP. jr. SUSPICIONS OF THE GREEKS. 59 expedition against him under Cyrus, or any thing else that was past. 2. On these things taking place, the followers of Ariaeus evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention ; so that, on this account, they rendered most of the Greeks dissat- isfied with them ; and many of them, going to Clearchus and the other generals, said, 3. " Why do we remain here ? are we not aware that the king would wish above all things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war with the Great Monarch may fall upon the rest of the Greeks ? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, be- cause his forces are dispersed ; but, when his army is re-as- sembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4. Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench or building some wall, that the way may be rendered impassable; for he will never consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece, and relate how so small a number as we are have defeated the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him at naught." 5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, " I have been considering all these things as well ; but I think that, if we now go away, we shall be thought to go with a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us a, market, or any means of procuring provisions ; and, in the next place, there will be no one to guide us ; besides, the mo- ment that we do this, Ariaeus will separate himself from us ; so that not a friend will be left us ; and, what is more, our form- er friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether there is any other river for us to cross, I do not know ; but as for the Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be necessary to light, have we any horse to support us ; while the enemy's cav- alry is most numerous and efficient ; so that, though we were victorious, how many of our enemies should we be able to kill ? And, if we were defeated, it would not be possible for a man of us to escape. 7. With regard to the king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should swear, and give his right hand, a;\d perjure himself before the gods, and render his pledge faith- Poppo. So it is said in Latin dextram ferre. See Breitenbach on Xen. 60 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK n. less both to Greeks and Barbarians." lie said much besides to the same effect 8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his army, as if with the view of returning home; and Orontes came with his army. Oroates also brought 1 with him the king's daughter, whom he ha I received in marriage. 4 9. From hence they now proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being their guide, and 83curing them opportunities of buying provisions ; Ariaeus also, with the Barbarian troops of Cyrus, marche 1 in company with Tissaphernes and Orontes, and encamped in common with them. 10. But the Greeks, conceiving a suspicion of these men, began to march by themselves, taking guides of their own ; and they always encamped at the distance of a parasang, or little less, from each other ; and both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if they had been enemies, and this consequent- ly increased their mistrustful feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were gathering fuel, or collecting grass and other such things, in the same quarter, they came to blows with each other ; 3 and this was an additional source of animosity between them. 12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of Media, 4 as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen ; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs ; and it was not far distant from Babylon. 13. Ilence they proceeded in two days' march, 1 T Hyf.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. "Whether Tissaphernes and Orontes both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17. Rhcdogune, a daughter of Artaxerxes, is said by Plutarch (Tit Art. c. 27) to have been married to Oreetes, who may be the same as Xenophon's Oron- tes. ' 'E;ri yuuu.'] These words signify literally for or upon marriage. The true interpretation, says Kriiger, is, doubtless, ''in order that ho might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage ceremony having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon. 1 ll^ijyiif ivfreivov U?.?.IJMIC.~ Whether .?.IJMIC.~\ Whether this signifies that they actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by tho Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators generally. 4 See i. 7. 15. CHAP. iv. SOME ALARM EXCITED. Cl the distance of eight psrasangs ; crossing two canals, the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed of seven boats. These canals were supplied from the rives Tigris ; and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller ; and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through the panic 1 fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; near which there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In the neighbor- hood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds of trees. The Barbarians, though they had but just crossed the Tigris, were no longer in sight. 15. After supper Proxenus and Xcnophon happened to be walking in front of the place where the arms were piled, when a man approached, and inquired of the sentinels where he could ceo Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for Menon, though he came from Aria3us, Menon's intimate friend. 16. Prox- cnus replying, " I am the person whom you seek," the man said, "Ariseus and Artaozus, the faithful friends cf Cyrus, who are in- terested for your welfare, have sent me to you, and exhort you to beware lest the Barbarians should fall upon you in the night ; for their is a considerable body of troops in the adjoining park. 1 7. They also advise you to send a guard to the bridge over the Tigris, as Tissaphernes designs to break it down in the night, if he can, in order that you may not be able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in between the river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they conducted him to Clear- chus, and told him what he had said. When Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed. 19. But a young man, 2 one of those who were present, after reflecting a little on the matter, observed, " that the imputed designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the bridge, were not consistent ; for," said he, " if they attack us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered ; if then they are to conquer us, why should they break down the bridge ? for even though there were many "bridges, we have no place where we could save ourselves by flight ; 20. but if, on . ' i. 2. 22. 2 Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but thia is mere conjecture. 62 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK IL the other hand, AVO should conquer them, then, if the bridge is broken down, they will have no place of retreat ; nor will any of their friends on the other side of the river, however numerous, be able to come to their assistance when the bridge is destroyed." 21. After listening to these observations, Clear- chus asked the messenger what was the extent of the country that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He replied, " that it was of considerable extent, and that there were several villages and large towns in it." 22. It was then immediately concluded, that the Barbarians had sent this man with an underhand ob- ject, being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to pieces' the bridge, should remain in the island, where they would have, as defenses, the river Tigris on the one side, and the canal on the other ; and might procure a sufficient supply of provisions from the country which lay between, and which was extensive and f rtile, with people in it to cultivate it ; and which would also f rve as a place of refuge to any that might be inclined to an- noy the king. 23. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, however, to send a guard to the bridge ; but neither did any one attempt to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the enemies come near the bridge, as those who Avere stationed on guard there reported. 24. As soon as it was day they crossed the bridge, which was constructed of thirty-seven boats, Avith every precaution in their power ; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tissaphernes, stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they Avere cross- ing ; but this report Avas also false. However, as they were going over, Glus made his appearance, Avith some others, Avatch- ing to see if they were crossing the river ; and when he saAv they Avere, he immediately rode away. 25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which Avas a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here was situated a large town, called Opis; near which an ille- gitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann for the old reading dieWovre^. Kiihner. The stratagem of Tissaphernee Avas similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the departure of Xerxes from Greece. CHAP. v. THE GREEKS REACH THE ZABATUS. 63 of assisting the ting, met the Greeks, and, ordering liis troops to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 1G. Clearchus marched his men two abreast, and halted occasion- ally on the way ; and as long as the van of the army halted, so long there was necessarily a halt throughout the whole of the line ; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight of it. 17. Hence they proceeded through Media, 1 six days' march through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the village of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king ; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave permission to the Greeks to plunder of every thing except iho slaves. There was found in them a great quantity of corn, anJ. sheep, and other property. 18. Hence they advanced in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty par- fisangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first day's march there was situate on the opposite bank of the river a large and opulent city, called Casna3, whence the Barbarians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, and wine. CHAPTER V. A.fter a three days' lialt on the river Zabatus, Clearchus endeavors to put an end to the distrust between the Persians and the Greeks by an inter- view with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and twenty captains, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The gener- als are conducted into the tent and put to death ; the captains and those with them are massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. Ariaeus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is an- swered with defiance. 1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Here they remained three days, during which the same suspicions continued, but no open in- dications of treachery appeared. 2. Clearchus therefore re- solved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at 1 i. 7. 15. 64 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK n. all possible, to put a stop to these suspicions, before open hos- tilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person to say, that he "wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes ; who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, Clearchus spoke as follows : "I am aware, O Tissaphernes, that oaths have been taken, and right hands pledged between us, that we will do no injury to each other: nevertheless, I observe you on your guard against us, as though we were enemies ; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against you. 4. But since, upon attentive observation, I can neither detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as I am certain, we have no such intentions toward you, it seemed proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we mny put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one another. 5. For I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being in fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who nei- ther intended nor wished any thing of the kind. G. Think- ing, therefore, that such misunderstandings may be best cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, and am desirous to convince you that you have no just ground for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be ene- mies to each other ; and I should never consider him to be envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obliga- tions ; for from the vengeance of the gods I know not with what speed any one could flee EO as to escape, 1 or into what darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any stronghold, since all things, ia all places, are subject to the gods ; and they have power over all every where alike. 8. Such are my sentiments respecting the gods, and the oaths which we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friend- ship that we cemented ; but among human advantages, I, for my own part, consider vou to be the greatest that wo at pres- 1 OVT' c -Karaye^uv avrdtv, del (5 'ETrt rotf /3oav~at ' " Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle ; of men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." Hutchinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7 ; afaxvvrj iari $660? dtnaiov tyoyov, i. e. a fear of just Maw. 78 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK m. What immediately followed was this. As soon as he awoke, the thought that first occurred to him was, " Why do I lie here ? The night is passing away. With daylight it is prob- able that the enemy will come upon us ; and if we once fall into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from being put to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most grievous sufferings among our comrades, and enduring every severity of torture ourselves ? 14. Yet no one concerts meas- ures, or takes thought, for our defense, but we lie still, as if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city, then, do I expect a leader to undertake our defense ? What age am I waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never be older, if I give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. After these reflections he arose, and called together, in the first place, the captains that were under Proxenus. When they were assembled, he said, ' For my part, captains, I can not sleep, nor, I should think, can you, nor can I lie still any longer, when I consider in what circumstances we are placed; 16. for it is plain that the enemy did not openly manifest hostility toward us, until they thought that they had judiciously arranged their plans; but on our side no one takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with them. 17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power of the king, what may we not expect to suffer from a man who cut off the head and hand of his own brother by the same mother and father, even after he was dead, and fixed them upon a stake ? What may not we, I say, expect to suffer, who have no relative 1 to take our part, and who have marched against him to make him a subject instead of a mon- arch, and to put him to death if it should lie in our power ? 18. Will he not proceed to every extremity, that by reducing us to the last degree of ignominious suffering, he may inspire all men with a dread of ever taking the field against him ? We must, however, try every expedient not to fall into, his hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted,' to consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the king and his people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how extensive and valuable a country they possessed, how great an abundance of provisions, how many slaves and cattle, and i Kri^Efiui'.'] Cyrus, says "Weiske, had his mother to take his part ; the Greeks had no one to take theira. CHAP. I. XEJfOPIION'3 SPEECH TO THE OFFICERS. 79 how vast a quantity of gold and raiment ; 20. while, on the other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our own soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, tinless we bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer money to buy, and that our oaths restrained us from getting provisions otherwise than by buying, I sometimes, on taking all these circumstances into consideration, feared the continu- ance of peace more than I now fear war. 21. But since they have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and our mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end ; for the advantages which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between us, for whichsoever of us shall prove the better men ; and the gods are the judges of the contest, who, as is just, will be on our side ; *22. since the enemy have offended them by perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to tempt us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard to our oaths ; so that, as it seems to me, we may advance to the combat with much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We have bodies, moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold, and heat, and toil ; and we have, with the help of the gods, more resolute minds; Avhile the enemy, if the gods, as before, grant us success, will be found more obnoxious to wounds and death 1 than we are. 24. But possibly others of you en- tertain the same thoughts ; let us not, then, in the name of heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, but let us be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their valor. Prove yourselves the bravest cf the captains, and more worthy to lead than those who are now leaders 25. As for me, if you wish to take the start in the course, I am willing to follow you, or, if you appoint mo to be a leader, I shall not make my youth an excuse, but shall think myself sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm." 26. Thus spoke Xenophon ; and the captains, on hearing his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a certain Apollonides, who resembled a Boeotian in his manner of speaking ; this man said that " whoever asserted they could gain safety by any other means than by obtaining, if he could, the king's consent to it, talked absurdly ;" and at the same 1 Kai rpurol nal dyr/Tol /zu/tT.ov.] " More vulnerable and mortal." Alluding to the superiority of tho Grecian armor over that of the- Per- sians. 80 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK m. time began to enumerate the difficulties surrounding them. 27. But Xenophon, interrupting him, said, " most wonder- ful of men ! you neither understand what you see, nor remem- ber what you hear. Yet you were on the same spot with those here present, when the king, after Cyrus was dead, being in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to demand that we should deliver up our arms ; 28. and when we, refusing to de- liver them up, and appearing in full armor, went and en- camped over against him, what means did he not try, sending deputies, asking for a trjice, and supplying us with provisions until he obtained a truce ? 29. But when, on the other hand, our generals and captains went to confer with the Barbarians, as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and relying on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, greatly longing for death ? And do you, knowing all these occurrences, say to those who exhort us to defend ourselves talk absurdly, and advise us to go again to try persuasion ? 30. To me, O captains, it seems that we should no longer ad- mit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take from him his captaincy, an KaZMoTuv 'iav-ov u$iwaav-a.] "Thinking himself worthy of tho most beautiful (equipments)." 2 Tdi> Otov.l Jupiter tho Preserver. Kuhner. CHAP. II. SPEECH OF XENOPH02*. 85 Such being the case, it is natural that the gods should be un- favorable to our enemies, and should fight on our side ; the gods, who are able, whenever they will, to make the mighty soon weak, and to save the weak with ease, although they bo hi grievous perils. 11. In the next place, I will remind you of the dangers in which our ancestors were, that you may feel conscious how much it becomes you to be brave, and how the brave are preserved, even from the greatest troubles, by the aid of the gods. For when the Persians, and those united with them, came Avith a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from the face of the earth, 1 the Athenians, by daring to oppose them, gave them a defeat; 12. and having made a vow to Diana, 'that whatever number they should kill of the e.iemy, they would sacrifice to her divinity the same number of goats, and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice five hundred every year ; and to this day they still continue to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having collected that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a second time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the ancestors of these Barbarians, both by land and sea ; of which exploits the trophies are still to be seen as memorials ; the greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man as master, but the gods alone. Of such ancestors are you sprung. 14. ''Xor am I going to say that you dishonor them. It is not yet many days since you arrayed yourselves in the field against the descendants of those Barbarians, and defeated, with the help of the gods, a force many times more numerous than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you showed yourselves brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus ; and now, when the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more valiant and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel greater confidence against your adversaries ; for even then, when you had made no trial of them, aad saw them in count- 1 Av0r tents are troublesome to carry, and of no sen-ice either for lighting or in getting provisions. 28. I think also that wo ought to rid ourselves of whatever is superfluous in the rest of our baggage, reserving only what we have for war, or for meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be under arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers ; for you are aware that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the property of others; and, if we are victorious, we ought to look upon the enemy as our baggage-carriers. 29. " It only remains for me to mention a particular which I consider to be of the greatest importance. You see that the enemy did not venture openly to commence war against us, until they had seized our generals, thinking that as long as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, we should be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the field, but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that we should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is incumbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far more vigilant than our former ones, and on those under com- (Thence called Lotophagi), which whoso tastes, Insatiate riots in their sweet repasts, Nor other home, nor other care intends. But quits his house, hia country, and his friends. Pope. CHAP. II. ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE if ARCH. 89 mand to l>o far more orderly, and more obedient to their officers, at present, than they were before. 31. And if you Avere also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be dis- obedient, whoever of you chances to light upon him, is to join with his officers in punishing him, the enemy would by that means be most effectually disappointed in their expectations, for, on the very day that such resolution is passed, they will see before them ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will not allow a, single soldier to play the coward. 32. But it is now time for me to conclude my speech ;' for in an instant, perhaps, the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, therefore, thinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his sanction to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. But if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than (his, 4 let him, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give us his sentiments ; for the safety, which we all seek, is a gen- eral concern. 33. Cheirisophus then said, " Should there be need of any other measure in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will be in our power to bring it forward by and by ; what he has now suggested we ought, I think, to vote at once to be the best course that we can adopt ; and to whomsoever this seems proper, let him hold up his hand ;" and they all held them up. 34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what appears to me to bo necessary in addition to what I have laid before you. It is plain that we must march to some place from which we may get provisions ; and I hear that there are some good-looking villages not more than twenty stadia dis- tant ; 35. but I should not wonder if the enemy (like cow- ardly dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them if they can, but flee from those who pursue them), I should not wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when we begin to march. 36. It will, perhaps, be the safer way for us to march, therefore, forming a hollow square of the heavy- armed troops, in order that the baggage and the large number of camp-followers may be in greater security within it; 1 Uepaiveiv.'] Sc. TOP 7.oyov. This is the sense in which this word has been taken, I believe, by most readers ; as in ^Esch. Pers. 699, and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense of to execute, to proceed to action. 2 F.I dt TI u/.^o Qil.Ttov 7} TavTri.~\ Understand doicel t^etv. Kuhner. " But if any thing else (seems) better (to any one) than in this way." 90 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK in. and if it be now settled who is lead on the square, and regu- late the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and who to have charge of the rear, we shall not hr.v3 to consider of these things when the enemy approach, but may at once act according to what has been arranged. 37. If, then, any one else sees any thing better to recommend, let it be settled other- wise ; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is also a Lacedae- monian ;' let two of the oldest generals take the command on each of the flanks ; and let Timasion and myself, the youngest of the officers, take charge, at least for the present, of the rear. 38. After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will consider, as occasion may require, what may seem best to be done. If any one thinks of any better plan than this, let him speak." As nobody made any objection, he said, " Whosoever likes these proposals, let him hold up his hand." The pro- posals were approved. 39. " And now," he added, " it be- longs to you to go and carry into execution what has been decided upon ; and whesoever of you wishes to see his friends and relations, let him prove himself a man of valor, for by no other means can he succeed in attaining that object ; who- ever of you desires to preserve his life, let him strive to con- quer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but of the con- quered to die ; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him endeavor to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of victors at once to save their own property and to seize on that of the vanquished." CHAPTER HI. The Greeks are visited by Mithridates as a friend, but he soon shows that he is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no further negotiations with the Persian king. They pass the Zabatns, are harassed by Mithri- dates, and suffer from the want of slingers and cavalry. Volunteers are enrolled for these services. 1. WIIEX this speech was concluded, they rose up, and went off to burn their carriages and tents ; of their superflu- 1 'Errc5/} Kal A.aK<5aifi6vtvf ecrrt.] The KOI. also, refers to something understood : " since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedaemo- nian." K'ihner. The Lacedaemonians were then, at the head of Greece: comp. v. 9. 26 ; vL 6. 1 2. Zeune. CHAP. m. THE GREEKS CROSS THE ZABATUS. 91 ous baggage they divided among themselves such portions as any needed, and threw the rest into the fire. Having done this, they went to breakfast. While they were at their meal, Mithridates rode up to them with about thirty horsemen, and requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as fol- lows : 2. " I was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you yourselves know ; I am now well disposed toward you ; and I am living here under great apprehensions ; if, therefore, I . should find that you are concerting any safe scheme for your deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing with me all my followers. Let me know, therefore, what you have in con- templation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and who is willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, after consulting together, resolved on returning the following answer ; and Cheirisophus delivered it : " It is our deter- mination, if no one hinders us from returning home, to pro- ceed through the country with as little injury to it as possible ; but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way against him as vigorously as AVO can." 4. Mithridates then endeavored to convince them how impracticable it was to escape without the king's consent. But it was now concluded that he was insidiously sent ; for one of the followers of Tis- saphernes was in attendance on him to ensure his fidelity. 1 5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals to pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of no intercourse by heralds ; 2 for those that came tried to corrupt the soldiers, an'd succeeded in seducing one of the captains, Nicarchus an Arcadian, and he deserted in the night with about twenty men. 6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they marched en in regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and camp-followers in the center. But before they had gone far, Mithridates made his appearance again with about two hun- dred cavalry and about four hundred archers and slingers, 1 n/ffTE-wf iveKa.~\ To watch him, lest he should act treacherously. Kiihner. 2 llo?.efiov u.K.i'ipvK-ov.'] Properly war in which there is no -use for heralds, but in which all is violent and desperate ; so that u/o/pwroc will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to d(5idX?.aK-oc, implaca- Ik, irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. 84. Sturz Lex. Others rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, and not to be terminated by sending them. Kuhner. See Herod, v. 1. 92 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK lit very light and active troops. G. Ho advanced toward the Greeks as a friend, but when he came near, some of his men, both horse and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and others used their slings, and wounded some of our men. The rear of the Greeks, indeed, was much harassed, and could do nothing in return ; for the Cretan bowmen shot to a less dis- tance than the Persians, and had also, as being lightly armed, sheltered themselves within the heavy troops ; and the javelin- men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon this it seemed to Xonophon that it would be well to pursue them ; and such of the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened to be with him in the rear, began to pursue, but could over- take in the pursuit not a single man of the enemy ; 9. for the Greeks had no cavalry, 1 nor could their infantry, in a short dis- tance overtake the infanty of the enemy, who took to flight when they were a long way off since it was impossible for the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the rest of the army. 10. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted wounds in their retreat, shooting backward as they rode, and however far the Greeks advanced in pursuit, so far were they obliged to retreat, fighting. 11. Thus during the whole day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia ; however they arrived at the villages in the evening. Here again there was much dejection ; and Cheirisophus and the oldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing the enemy apart from the main body, endangering himself, and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. 12. Xenophon, hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him justly, and that the result bore testimony in their favor. " But," t said he, " I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw that we suffered great damage while remaining at our posts, and were unable to retaliate. 13. But when we began to pursue," continued he, " the truth was as you say ; for we were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Thanks are due to the gods, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in great force, but only with a few troops, so that, while they 1 Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only of infantry; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry had gone over to Tiasa- phernes soon after the battle. CHAP. HI. WANT OF CAVALRY AND SLINGERS. 93 did us no great harm, they showed us of what we stand in need: 15. for at present the enemy shoot their arrows and sling their stones such a distance, that neither can the Cretans return their shots, nor can those who throw with the hand reach them, and when we pursue them, we can not go after them any great distance from the main body, and in a short space, a foot-soldier, even if ever so swift, can not overtake another foot-soldier, starting at bow-shot distance. 16. If, therefore, we would keep off the enemy, so that they may be unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide our- selves with slingers and cavalry. There are, I hear, somo Rhodians in our army, the greater number of whom, they say, understand the use of the sling, while their weapon carries even double the distance of the Persian sling, 1Y. which, as they sling with large stones, reach only a short distance, while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18. If, then, we ascertain, which of them have slings, and give money to each of them 1 for them ; and pay money also to any ono who is willing to plait more, and find some other privilege 5 for him who consents to serve in the troop of slingers,* possi- bly some will offer themselves who may be able to'be of serv- ice to us. 19. I see also that t'^ere are horses in the army, some in my posesssion, and some left by Clearchus, besides many others taken from the enemy which are employed in carrying the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put ordinary baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for riders, they will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 20. These suggestions were approved ; and that very night there came forward slingers to the number of two hundred. The next day, as many as fifty horemen and horses were pronounced fit for service ; leathern jackets* and breastplates 1 Tourw jue^.] As TIVEC KExavTat immediately precedes, the singular rovrw rather startles the reader ; but there are not wanting examples of similar irregularity. 2 'AreAetai'. | Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and keep- ing watch. Kruger. 3 TGJ av6ovdv evTETayjievu i&fAovn.] " To him willing to be a slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." This is the read- ing of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kiihner and some others prefer tr T rerayp.^, "in the place appointed him." 4 ZTroAuJec.] This form of the word is preferred by Dindorf; Schnei- der, Borneraann. and Kiihner prefer aTOAddsf, both in this passage and in iv. 1. 13. Both forms seem to Lave been in use, and to have had the 94 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK m. were furnished to them ; and Lycius the son of Polystratus, an Athenian, was appointed their captain. CHAPTER IT. Mithridates again pursues the Greeks, but is repnlsed. They reach the Tigris, encamp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes with a nu- merous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Travers- ing a mountainous part of the country, they are harassed by the enemy, till, on getting possession of a height, they are enabled to reach the plain beyond it in safety. 1. HAVING halted for that day, they went forward on the next, rising earlier in the morning than usual ; for they had a ravine formed by a torrent to pass, at which they were afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him a thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the number of four thousand ; for he had solicited and obtained that number from Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he would deliver the Greeks into his hands ; for he had con- ceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack on them, though he had but a small force with him, he had suffered no loss, and thought that he had caused them great annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, having crossed, were dis- tant about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also passed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to pursue, and a charge had been given to the horsemen to pur- sue with boldness, as a sufficient force would follow to support them. 4. When, therefore, Mithridates overtook them, and the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given to the Greeks with the trumpet, and those who had been or- dered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry riding forward at the same time. The enemy, however, did not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. same signification : but upx?iv irapu TIVOC may be applied even when those who lose the government are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon, however, is at variance with himself in tho Cyropasdia, where Cyrus is said to have succeeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. Kiihner. * 'Hl.iov (51 vr^fA?/ xpoK.a'hviliava. f/dviae.^ This reading has been adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodaeus or Mure- tus ; the manuscripts have all f//uof <5 vtQf/iTjv irpoKu/.injjac, except two, one of which has the v erased in vt&t.Tji', and the other 7'0f?.j;. Thoso who read with Dindorf refer to Plutarch do Placit. Philoso'ph. li. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is said by some philosophers to be a condensation of clouds imperceptibly advancing over the disc. Bornemann and Kiihner restore the reading of the manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets : sol nubem sibi prcetendens se obscuravit ; than which no better explanation has been offered. That we are not to sup- pose an eclipse of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Bornemann; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such eclipses, and had foretold one, according to Herodotus i. 74 henco it is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a 96 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL till the people deserted it, 1 and so it was taken. 9. Xear the city was a storie pyramid, of the breadth 3 of one plethrum, and the height of two plethra. Upon it 3 were many of the Barba- rians who had fled from the neighboring villages. 10. Henco they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied fortress, 4 situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila ; the Medes had formerly inhabited it The foundation of the wall was of polished stone, full of shells, 6 the breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty; 11. and on it was con- structed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a hundred high ; the circumference of it was six parasangs. Here Medea, the king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, when the Medes were deprived of their empire by the Persians. 12. The king of the Persians, on besieging the city, was unable to reduce it either by length of time or by assault, but Jupiter, as with a thunder- stroke, 6 deprived the inhabitants of their senses, and thus it waa taken. 13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs. Lu the course of this day's march Tissaphernes made his appearance, having with him the cavalry which he himself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had married the king's daughter, 7 the Barbarian troops with which Cyrus solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeuno absurdly understand -/> KO/.IV with ribdvirse. 1 'Efe^TTov.] Hutchinson and "Weiske interpret this word animvs de- fecerunt. Abreschius (Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it reliquerunt sc. urbem; an interpretation adopted by Porsoa, Schneider, Kiihner, and all the modern editors. 2 Eupof.] We must understand the length of each side. 3 'ETTt TaiJTtyf.] There might be steps on the outside on which they might climb. 4 Teftof.] Now called Yarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, p. 139. 5 Koy^tJ^tarov.] "It is a curious fact, that the common building- stone of Mosul (near Mespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed re- plete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous de- posit ; and the same limestone does not occur far to the north or south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum." Ainsw. Travels, p. 140. 6 ' Eufipoi'TjJTovc ffotf/.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thunder- struck." " He rendered them," says Sturz, " either stupid or mad." 7 ii. 4. 8. CHAP. iv. THE GREEKS REPULSE TISSAPHERNES, 97 went up, the troops \vith which the king's brother came to assist him, and, besides these, all that the king himself had given him; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in the rear, and brought others round upon our flanks, but did not venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger himself, but ordered his men to use their slings and bows. 15. But when the Rhodians who were dispersed among the ranks, began to use their slimes, and the Scythian archers 1 dis- charged their arrows, no one failing to hit a man (for it would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever so desirous), Tissaphernes hastily retreated beyond reach of the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 16. During the rest of the day the Greeks continued their march, and the enemy followed ; but the Barbarians no longer harassed them with their usual skirmishing ; for the Rhodians sent their missiles to a greater distance than the Persians, and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, too, were large, so that such of their arrows as were taken up, were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the enemy's arrows, and practiced shooting by sending them far up into tho air. 3 A great number of bowstrings were also found in the villages, and some lead, so that they could use it for their slings. 18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having had the worst in the skirmish ; and during the next the Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, they proceeded through the open country, and Tissaphernes followed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here the Greeks found that a square was a bad disposition for an 1 2vi9at ToS-orat.] As there is no mention of Scythians in the wholo Anabasis, Kriiger, in his larger edition, suggested that the word Zicudai might have been written in the margin by some scholiast, who was think- ing of the Athenian ro^o-at but in his smaller edition he has shown that he had learned something better from Arrian, Tact. ii. 13 : "Those of the cavalry who use bows are called ImroTo^firai, and by somo 2KL'i?a<." Kiihner. 2 In order that they might fall with greater weight. Bornemann. Or perhaps, as Bishop Thirlwall thinks, that they might reach a greater distance. VOL. I. 5 98 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IIL army when an enemy was behind them ; for it must neces- sarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together, from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge making it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of their places, and march with difficulty, 1 being at the same time crowded together and thrown into confusion ; so that when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and the space between the flanks be left empty ; and men who are thrown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the enemy are behind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them. 2 21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains of these companies, as well as captains of fifty and captains of twenty-five. 3 These captains and their companies, on the march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led on outside the flanks ; 22. and'whenever the sides of the square opened, they filled up the center, if the opening was narrow, by companies ; if rather wide, by fifties ; if very wide, by twenty-fives; 4 so that the center was always full. 23. If, then, it was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were not thrown into confusion, but the captains and companies went over in succession ; 5 and if any thing was needed in any part IIov7?pwf.] From novripo^ difficult-, not from irovijpof, bad. See Thucyd. viii. 24, ed. Popp. part iii. voL iv. p. 658, seqq. Kuhner. 2 Kal eveiri&erov T/V ivravtia TOLC ~o%.E[iioif. I have rendered this phrase agreeably to the notion of Kriiger, who thinks eve-xideTov used absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand TO xl.aioiov, or r<5 (rrpdrevfia, which is perhaps better. 3 'EvujLioTupxaf.~] The Ivu/uoria being the fourth part of a /.o^of, or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac, ii. 4; Arnold's Thucyd. v. C8. * As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, that is, six men in front, and a hundred deep ; if it was somewhat broader, by fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep ; if very broad, by twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and twenty-five deep. Kuhner. 6 'Ev TCJ [itpei.~\ Each ia his place; one after another in the order which had been previously appointed. CHAP. IT. THE GREEKS STILL HARASSED. 99 of the main body, these -were at hand. In this order they ad- vanced four days' journey. 24. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they ob- served a kind of palace with several villages round it. The Avay to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the vil- lage was. 1 These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the Barbarians came upon them, and from the eminence began, under the lash, 3 to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot- arrows, on the ground below ; 26. they wounded many, and had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and shut them up within the heavy-armed ; so that both the slingers and archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with the crowd that had charge of the baggage. 27. When the Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they re- treated back to the rest of the force, they fared equally ill. The same occurrences took place on the second hill ; so that they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third hill, until they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their descent, fearing that they might be cut off from their own body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 30. Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by the route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of them 1 'Hv if KufiTi.] Schneider, Bornemann, and most editors before Dindorf, read /cw^?/, a village, without the article. Dindorf has added the article from two manuscripts, and Kiihner has followed him, sup- posing that the particular village of which the Greeks had now caught sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, thinks that the village in which the palace stood is intended. The passage seems to me decidedly better without the article; for, if it be inserted, the reader is puzzled to know why Xenophon changes the number, when he had just before said that the palace stood in the midst of villages. 2 According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod, vii. 21, 56, 223. 100 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK in. nlong the mountain, they arrived at the villages, and appointed eight surgeons,' for there were many wounded. 31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abund- ance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity of barley laid up for horses ; supplies which had been collected for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day they went ilown into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to encamp where they first saw a village, and not to march on still fighting ; for there were many unfitted for action, some wounded, some carrying the wounded, and some bearing the arms of those that carried them. 33. When however they were encamped, and the Barba- rians, coming up to the village, attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the advantage ; for they found a great difference 3 between sallying from their own ground to repulse the eneim~, and fighting with a pursuing enemy on their march. 34. When evening approached, it became time for the enemy to retire ; for the Barbarians never encamped at a less distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest tho Greeks should attack them in the night. 35. For in the night a Persian army is difficult to manage ; as their horses are 'Jed, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they may not run away if they should be untied ; and if any sudden at- tack takes place, the Persian has 3 to put the housings 4 on his 1 This is the first mention of surgeons in tlio Greek army, as Mr. Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But whether the persona here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of the soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the treatment of wounds, is uncertain. The latter supposition is more in consonance with tho word appointed. ' Tlo/iv yap tifyrpnv opuiJvret; Ttopevofifvot.] The manuscripts pre- sent some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same as Dindorf 's. Kiihner prefers 6u$epev bppuvras Tropevo/tevovf, expressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek. 3 Act Tlfpay avdplJ] Most, commentators concur in taking this as an example of the rarer construction of fel with the dative ; though it has been suggested -whether Ttepay dvdol may be the dative after eiriffu^ai, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his horse for him. * 'E7riau!;at.~\ Spelman quarrels with D'Ablancourt for translating this CHAP. iv. THE BARBARIANS PRE-OCCUPY THE PASSES. 101 horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his armor, to mount ; but all these things are troublesome by night and in the midst of an alarm. On this account they encamped at a distance from the Greeks. 36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, and were passing the order for doing so, proclamation was made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that they were to collect their baggage ; when the Barbarians, for some time, delayed their march ; but, when it grew late, they went off, for they did not think it expedient to march and ar- rive at their camp 1 in the night. 37. When the Greeks ob- served them evidently moving away, they themselves also decamped 2 and began to march, and accomplished as much as sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or on the third ; but on the fourth, the Barbarians, having gono forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass ; the brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus saw that this eminence was pre-occupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and ordered him to bring his peltasts and come to the front. 39. Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view), but, riding up alone, asked, " Why do you call me 2" Cheirisophus replied, " You may see ; for the eminence above the descent has been pre-occupied against us, and it is impossible to pass, unless we cut off those who are on it. But why did you not bring the peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in sight. " But it is high time," he continued, '" to consider how some of us may dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xeno- phon. now noticed that the summit of the mountain 3 was word by "saddle," and adopts in his own version "housings," which I have borrowed from him, from inability to find a better word. 1 To cTpa.Toiretiov.'] Apparently for tfle place where they intended to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Krliger, "castra interea a Hxis et calonibus posita." 3 'Ava^ev^aire^J] 'Ava^ev^ai, castra movers. Zeune. 3 The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, but a lower position upon it. Cornp. sect. 37. Kiihner. 102 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. LOOK in. above their own army, and that there was a way from it to the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, " It is best for us, Cheirisophus, to hasten as quickly as possible to the summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if you please, remain with the army ; I have a desire to go forward ; or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I will stay here." 42. "I leave you," replied Cheirisophus, "to choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, observing that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the front, as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 43. Cheirisophus then sent with him the peltasts from the front ; and he took those that were in the middle of the square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that he held with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked men, to follow Xenophon. 44. The party then marched forward with all possible speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceived that the Greeks were directing their course toward the sum- mit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the pos- session of the summit. 45. There was then great shouting from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shout- ing also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his party, saying, " Consider, soldiers, that you are now contend- ing for Greece: that after a brief struggle now, we shall march the rest of the way without fighting, to join our chil- dren and our wives." 47. Soterides, a Sicyonian, cried out, " Wo are not upon an equality, Xenophon ; for you are car- ried on a horse, while I have hard work to carry my shield." 48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his horse, pushed Soterides from the ranks, took from him the shield, and marched on with it as fast as he was able. lie happened however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was distressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to lead on gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw stones at Soterides, and reviled him till they obliged him to re- sume his shield and march in his place. Xenophon, remount- ing, led the way, as long as it was passable for his horse, on CIIAP. v. THE GREEKS FORCE A PASSAGE. 103 horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his horso behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the start of the' enemy, and arrived first at the summit. CHAPTER V. The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains overhang the river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy, the generals hold a consultation, and determine to march across the mountains. 1. THE Barbarians in consequence, turned their backs and fled every one as he could, and the Greeks took possession of the top of the hill. Tissaphernes and Ariaeus turned aside, and went off in another direction. Cheirisophus and his forces, going down into the plain, encamped in a village abounding with acceptable supplies; and there were also in this plain many otl.er villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along the river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy sud- denly showed themselves in the plain, nnd cut oft' some of the Greeks who were dispersed over the ground foraging; for several herds of cattle had been intercepted as they were being transported to the other side of the river. 3. Here Tissaphernes and his party attempted to set fire to the vil- lages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, being apprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have no place Avhence to procure supplies. 4. Cheirisophus and his men now returned from giving succor j 1 and Xenophon, when he came down, riding past the ranks, as the Greeks, coming in from affording aid, met him, and said, 5. " You see, Greeks, that the enemy admit that the country is now ours, for whereas they stipulated, when they made the truce, that we should not burn the king's coun- try, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs. 1 'E/c T//f floTjOeiaz.'] Xenophon is hero somewhat obscure; for ho made no mention of this fiorjdeia before. Cheirisophua and his men seem to have gone to aid the party of Greeks that were dispersed for plunder, when some of them were cut off by the Persians, and when Tissaphernes attempted to burn tho villages. * * * Afterward he is rather tautological ; for tho words ?'jv ina ol "E^yves express no more than is said in ol /UEV u/nd>l Xsipiao^ov {3or]0eia., except that they serve to mark tho exact time when Xenophon addressed tho men. Kiihner. 104 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK in. But wherever they leave supplies for themselves, thither, also they shall see us direct our inarch. 6. I think, however, Cheirisophus," continued he, "that we ought to resist these burners, as if in defense of our own territory." " I," replied Cheirisophus, " am of a different opinion ; rather let us burn also," said, he " and thus they will the sooner cease." 1. When they returned to their quarters, 1 the soldiers busied themselves about their provisions, but the generals and captains held a council. There was now much perplex- ity ; for on one side of them were exceeding high mountains, and on the other a river of such depth, that, when they sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodiaa came to them, and said, " I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, by four thousand heavy-armed men at a time, if you will furnish me with what I require for the purpose, and give me a talent as a remuneration." 9. Being asked what he should require, he replied, "I shall want two thousand hides made into bags ; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, the hides of which, being blown out, a would easily furnish the means of crossing 1 . 10. I shall want also the ropes which you uso for the baggage-cattle ; joining, with these, the bags to one another, steadying each bag by attaching stones to it, let- ting the stones down like anchors into the water, extending the bags across the stream, and securing them to both banks, I will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the wood. 11. That you will not sink, you will at once see; for each skin will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and earth will keep them from slipping off." 12. The generals, on hearing this proposal, thought the invention ingenious, but the execution of it impossible, for there were numerous cavalry on the other side to hinder their passage, who, at the commence- ment, would not have allowed the first that made the attempt to effect their purposes. 1 'E~2 rdf GK.r)vuf.~\ Tho tents wero burned, iiL 3, 1 ; and Kriiger therefore observes that we must consider TC aKTjvdf as equivalent to TO 0TpaTi>-e6ov, or the place of encampment. This explanation is better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the shelter of ttie viUayts is meant. s *A ii~o6apevra nal 6varjOevTa^\ ""Which being skinned and blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals which h ought to have said of their skins. Krager. CHAP.V. GUIDES CONSULTED. 105 13. The day next they retreated back toward Babylon, to some unburnt villages, having first set fire to those which they abandoned ; so that the enemy did not come up to them, but watched them, and seemed to be wondering which way the Greeks would turn themselvs, and what they had in their mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their thoughts to getting supplies ; but the generals and captains held an- other council, and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned them as to the whole country around, what each part was. 15. They said that the parts toward the south were on the road toward Babylon and Media, through which the Greeks had come ; that the road toward the east led to Susa and Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and spring ; that the one across* the river, toward the west, led to Lydia and Ionia ; and that the other over the mountains, toward the north, led to the Carduchi. 16. This people, they said, lived among the mountains, were very warlike, and did not obey the king ; that on one occasion, a royal army of a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not one of them returned; but that, whenever they made a treaty with the satrap of the plain, some of them had intercourse with the Carduchi, and some of the Carduchi with them. 17. The generals, having heard these statements, kept apart by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each direction, not letting it be known which Avay they intended to go. It appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make their way over the mountains into the country of the Cardu- chi ; for the prisoners said that after passing through this they would come to Armenia, a large and rich country, of which Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for them to go whichever way they pleased. 18. "With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacri- fice, in order that, when it should seem time, they might com- mence their march ; for they were afraid that the passage over the mountains might be pro-occupied by the enemy ; and they gave orders, that when the soldiers had supped, they should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and follow their leaders whenever the signal should be given. 1 AiaCdvri.] The road " for one crossing" the river. 5* BOOK IV. CHAPTER I. The Greeks enter the territory of the Cardnchi, where they suffer greatly from the wind'aiid cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who harass them with frequent attacks ou their march. 1. What occurred in the expedition up the country to the time of the battle, and what took place after the battle during the truce which the king and the Greeks that went up with Cyrus concluded, and what hostilities were committed against the Greeks after the king and Tissaphernes had violated the truce, and while the Persian anny was pursuing them, have been related in the preceding part of the narrative. 2. When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along its banks, as the Carduchian mountains hung steep over the stream, it appeared to the generals that they must march over those mountains, 3. for they had heard from the prisoners that " if they could but cross the Carduchian mountains, thev would be able to ford, if they wished, the sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing so, to make a circuit round them." The sources of the Eu- phrates, too, they said were not far from those of the Tigris ; and such is the truth. 1 4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they made in the following manner, endeavoring at once to escape observation, and to anticipate the enemy in getting pos- session of the heights. 5. When it was about the last watch, and enough of the night was left to allow them to cross the plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given sig- nal, and, marching onward, reached the hills by break of dav. 6. Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having with him both his own men and all the light-armed ; while Xenophon brought up the rear with the heavy-armed troops, having not a single lip;at-armed soldier ; for there seems to 1 Kal eariv ouruf e^ov.~\ A most happy emendation of Abrescliius, Dilucid. Thucyd. p. 640, for nal t-anv OVTU arevov. CHAP. L THE GREEKS REACH KURDISTAN. 107 be no danger that any of the enemy would attack them in the rear as they were inarching up the mountains. Cheirisophus indeed mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived him ; he then led slowly forward ; 7. and each portion of the army, as it passed the summit in succession, followed him to the villages which lay in the windings and recesses of the mount- ains. 1 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwell- ings, and taking with them their wives and children, fled to the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks to take ; and the houses were furnished with great numbers of brazen utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor did they pursue the people, being inclined to spare them, if perchance the Carduchi, since they were enemies to the king, might consent to allow them to pass through their country as that of friends ; 9. the provisions, however, as many as fell in their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of necessity to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they would neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other sign of friendly feeling. 10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from the hills into the villages, being now overtaken by darkness (for, as the way was narrow, their ascent of the heights, and descent to the villages, had lasted the entire day), some of the Carduchi, collecting together, attacked the hindmost, and killed and wounded some of them with stones and arrows. They were but few ; for the Greek troops had come on them unawares; 11. but had they assembled in greater numbers, a great part of the army would have been in danger of being destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their abode in the villages ; and the Carduchi lighted a number of fires around them on the hills, and observed the positions of one another. 2 12. As soon as it was day, the generals and 1 "Thus they accomplished their entrance into Kurdistan without opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that they were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses left between the hills aro in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the time of Xenophon, and the crags in front, and in the rear, bristle with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds." Ainsworth. Travels in the Track, p. 153, 154. Zwtupwv ei^fo/Aovf.] The lighted fires served as signals, by means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another. Kiihner. 108 THE EXPEDITION 0? CYRUS. BOOK IT. captains of tlio Greeks, meeting together, resolved, when they should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as were most necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and to dismiss all the slaves in the army that had been recently captured ; 1 3. for the cattle and the slaves, being numerous, rendered their progress slow, and the number of men in charge of them were unable to take part in any encounter ; and be- sides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessary to procure and carry with them a double quantity of provisions. This resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the troops should act accordingly. 14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, the generals, taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, took from the soldiers whatever of the things mentioned they found had not been left behind ; and the men submitted to this, unless any of them, smitten with desire of a handsome boy or woman, conveyed them past secretly. 1 Thus they proceeded during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and some- times resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm arose ; but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they had not a sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus con- tinued to lead, and Xenophon had charge of the rear. 1G. The enemy pressed steadily upon them, and, where the passes were narrow, came close up, and used their bows and their slings; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursuing and some- times retreating, were compelled to march but slowly ; and Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had fre- quently to pass the word for a halt. 17. Cheirisophus, at other times, when the order was passed, halted, but on one occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and passed the word to follow ; so that it was manifest that there was some- thing extraordinary ; but thero was no time to go forward and ascertain the cause of the haste ; and the march of tho rear-guard became like a flight. 18. On this occasion a brave soldier, Cleonymus a Lacedaemonian, met his death, being shot with an arrow in the side through his shield and corslet ; s and also Basias, an Arcadian, shot right through the head. 19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xeno- 1 I1/.//V el rif -t tK%eil>v, K. T. A.] " Except if any one concealed any- thing, either coveting a youth or woman of tho handsome ones." 2 '1% aTo/.uJof.] See note on iii. 3. 20. CHAP. I. THEIR PROGRESS STILL OBSTRUCTED. 109 phon immediately proceeded, just r.s ho was, to Cheirisophus, and blamed him for not having halted, as the men had been compelled to flee and fight at the same time. " Two honor- able and brave soldiers," said he, " have now been killed, and we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or bury them." 20. To this remark Cheirisophus answered, " Cast your eyes upon those mountains, and observe how impassable they all are. The only road which you see is steep ; and close upon it you may perceive a great multitude of men, who, having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. For these reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was seized ; and the guides whom we have say that there is no other road." 22. Xenophon rejoined, " I have two prisoners ; for when the enemy molested us, we placed an ambush, which enabled us to recover breath, and killed some of them ; and we were also anxious to take some alive for this very purpose, that we might use them, as being well acquainted with the country, for guides." 23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they inquired of them separately whether they knew of any other road than that which was open to their view. The one denied that he knew of any other, though many threats were held out to him ; and as he would give no useful information, lie was put to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor said that the other had denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a daughter there married to somebody, but stated that he him- self would lead them by a road that might be passed even by beasts of burden. 25. Being then asked if there was any spot in it difficult to be passed, he replied that there was one height, and that unless a party secured it beforehand, it would be im- possible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it Avas thought proper to call together the captains, both of the peltasts and of tho heavy-armed men, 1 and to acquaint them with the prospect of affairs, and ask whether any of them Avas willing to prove himself a man of valor, and engage to go on this service as a volunteer. 27. Of the heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methy- drium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians, offered 1 Ao^ayoiif not TreAraordr KCII TUV orrliiTijv.'] II. o. Ocnturiones et ex peltastis et ex militibus gravis armaturce. Kuhner. HeATaaru^ is to be taken as an epithet; compare -/vnvrjTuv raZiapxuv, sect 28. HO THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ir. themselves ; and Callimachus of Parrhasia, also an Arcadian, disputed the honor with them, and said that he himself was eager to go, taking with him volunteers from the whole army ; " for I am sure," said he, " that many of the young men wfll follow if I take the lead." 28. They then asked if any of the officers of the light-armed troops were willing to join in the attempt; and Aristeas of Chios presented himself, a man who had often proved himself of great value to the army for similar services. CHAPTER II. One of the prisoners 13 forced to guide them to an eminence, from which they dislodge the Carduchi. But they are still harassed, and the rear suffers severely. 1. IT was now afternoon, and the generals 1 desired the party to take some refreshment and sot forward. Hav- ing bound the guide, they put him into their hands, and arranged with them that, if they should gain the summit, they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give a signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the height should then charge the enemy in possession of the apparent egress, 5 and those below should issue forth and come in a body to their assistance as soon as they were able. 2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set out, being in number about two thousand; and there was heavy rain at the time. Xenophon, taking the rear-guard, led them toward the apparent egress, in order that the enemy might turn their attention in that direction, and that those who were going round might as much as possible escape no- tice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which they had to pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled down masses of rock, 3 each big enough to load a wagon, with 1 Xenophon and Chcirisophus. Kiihner. 2 Tjjv avcpuv endaoiv.] Xenophon calls the passage to the top of the mountain an eKfacae, or egress, with reference to the Greeks, to whom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. Kiihner ad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the next sect. 3 'QZoirpoxovf.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying properiy CHAP. it. THE CARDUCHI PUT TO FLIGHT. m other stones greater and smaller, which, striking in their de- scent against the rocks, were hurled abroad in all directions ;' and it was utterly impossible even to approach the pass. 4. Some of the captains, when they could not succeed in this part, made attempts in another, and continued their efforts till darkness came on. When they thought that they might retire unobserved, they went to get their supper; for the rear-guard had been dinnerless that day. The enemy, how- ever, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones through the whole of the night, as it was easy to conjecture from the noise. 5. Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that they were in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession of it they were not ; for there was a small hill above them, round which lay the narrow pass, at which the guard had been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. Here they remained during the night. As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular order, and with silence, against the enemy ; and as there was a mist, they came close upon them before they were per- ceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did not stand their charge, but quitted the pass and fled ; only a few of them were killed, for they were active in moving off. 8. At the same time the party of Cheirisophus, hearing the sound of the trumpet, inarched immediately up the plain track; while others of the officers proceeded by untrodden paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well as they could, drew up one another with their spears ; 9. and these were the first to join those who had secured the position. Xenophon, with the half of the rear-guard, went up by the a round stone Jit for rolling, or a stone that has l>een made round 6y rolling, as a pebble in the sea. It was originally an adjective, with Trerpof understood. Most critics suppose it to be from oAof and rpt-xu, totu* teres atque rotundus. Liddell and Scott derive it from L?M, volvo. See Theocr. xxii. 49. 1 Atwvro.] " Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if hurled by a sling." 112 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK iv. same way ns those who had the guide; for it was the most practicable for the baggage-cattle ; the other half he ordered to come up behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, whom they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest of the Greeks. The men themselves, indeed, might have gone the same Avay as the rest of the army, but the baggage-cattle could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encouraging one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hiil in files, 1 not on every side, but leaving a way of escape for the enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, as they were making their way as each best could, the Bar- barians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not receive them in close encounter, and at last abandoned the place entirely. The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. Upon this hill it was resolved likewise to make an assault. 13. But Xcnophon, apprehending that, if he left the hill which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, might attack the baggage-cattle as they were passing (for the train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were marching along a narrow path), left upon the hill the captains Cephisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Amphi- crates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in a similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the whole ; this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill without attempting any defense, so that all were surprised, and sus- pected that they had left their position from fear of being sur- rounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that having ob- 1 'Opi?/oif rol<; /.o,t;oif.] Each Ao^of or company marching in file or oolumr, so that the depth of the /.6,yof was equal to the number of eoluiers of which it consisted. Sturz. This is the interpretation adopted by Kiihner. Yet it would be hard to prove that 5p.i?tof Ao^of always meant single file ; the term seems to have included any form of a com- pany iu which tho number cf men in depth exceeded the number in front. CHAP. It THE GREEKS STILL HARASSED. 113 served from the eminence what had passed behind, they all went off with the intention of attacking the rear. 16. Xenophon, with the youngest of his men, ascended to the top, and ordered the rest to inarch on slowly, so that the companies in the rear might join them ; and he directed them, after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were driven from the first hill, arid that Cephisodorus, and Amphi- crates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the third hill, and Xenophon began to treat with them, through an interpreter, about making a truce, and called upon them to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army was passing on, and these were discussing the terms of a truce, all the Barbarians from that part of the country had flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand ; 20. and when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join the others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up, 1 they came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When they had reached the top of the hill from which Xenophon was descending, .they rolled dvwn stones, and broke the leg of one man ; and Xenophon's shield-bearer deserted him, carrying off his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, and Arcadian from Lusia, 2 a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went on holding his shield before them both ; and the rest went to join those who were already drawn up. 22. The entire Grecian force was now together, and took up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of privisions. Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were plastered over. 3 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made 1 Tu. oTrXa t-Ksivro.] See sect. 16. The heavy-armed men had halted on the level piece of ground, and their arms were lying by them. See Kiihner ad. i. 5. 14. 2 A small town of Arcadia., to the north-west of Clitor. * 'Ev AuK/cotf K.ovia.Tol.~\ The Athenians and other Greeks used to make large excavations under ground, some round, some square; aod, 114 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IT. in agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead bodies they should give up the guide ; and they performed all funeral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according to what is usually done at the interment of brave men. 24. The next day they proceeded without a guide ; and the enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where there was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavored to obstruct their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they im- peded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the rear, endeavored to break through the opposition made in that quarter, trying always to reach higher ground than the ob- structing enemy; 26. and when they assailed the rear, Chei- risophus, quitting his place, and striving also to get above the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the passage of that part of the army. Thus they relieved and supported each other with effect. 27. Sometimes, too, when the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave them great annoyance in their descent; and, as they were nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short start of us; 1 for they were encumbered with no other weapons than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two cubits ; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged their arrows, advancing the left foot" against the lower ex- tremity of the bow. Their arrows penetrated through shields covering them over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in them ; they called them AUKKOI. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by Hutchin- son. Spelman translates AUKKOI Koviaroi, " plastered cisterns," a term which Ainsworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns noticed by Xeno- phon," says he, "are also met with throughout Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. They are especially numerous around some of the ancient villages of the early Christians of those countries, as more especially be- tween Semeisat and Bireh-jik, and have frequently been a subject of discussion as their former uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to clear up many doubts upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have be- come Mohammedans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they are sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes for water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." Travels in the Track, etc., p. 164. 1 'Eyyvdev QevyovTeg.'] " Fleeing from near," i. e. when they were at no great distance before us. 3 Tu upiaTepti nodi irpoffGaivovref.'] All the manuscripts have TEf : irpoaGatvovrec is a conjecture of "Wesseling ad Diod. Sic- CHAP. in. ARRIVAL AT THE RIVER CENTRITES. 115 and corslets ; and the Greeks, taking them up, made use of them as javelins, fixing thongs to them. 1 In these parts the Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratocles, a Cretan, had the command of them. CHAPTER HI. The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides tho Carduchi from Armenia. They see the Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while the Carduchi threaten their rear, They are encouraged by a dream of Xenophon's to try a ford, and effect a safe passage across the stream. 1. THIS day the Greeks abode in the villages above the plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is about two hundred feet, and which forms the boundary between Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here they took some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country. The river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provisions, aud were frequently reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, during seven days that they had been marching among the Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had suffered more evils than all those which they had endured from the iii. 8, which all tho recent editors have adopted, but by which it does not appear that any thing is gained, as Trpdf TO KUTU TOV rogov precedes. Spelman, who was himself an archer, has illustrated the passage very clearly by a quotation from Arrian, Indie. 16 : " Resting one end of the bow upon the ground, and stepping forward with the left foot (TU nodi TGJ upiaTepti dvTifaivTer), they thus discharge tho arrow, drawing the string a long way back, the arrow being nearly three cubits Jong." See also Diod. Sic. 1. c., where he speaks of the archery of the ./Ethiopians ; Strabo, xvi. p. 1117; Suidas in "Apatiec, cited by Weiske. Schnei- der and Halbkart, strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of cross-bows, which few besides themselves have supposed to have been known in Xenophon's time. 1 'EvayKevTiuvTer.'] "Fitting them with uyKvlai." The dyKvAr; is generally supposed to be the same with the Latin amentum, a strap or loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, that it might be hurled with the greater force. Tho writer of the article Ansa in Smith's Diet, of G-. and R. Ant., thinks, however, that the two were not the same. 116 THE EXPEDITION OF CYEU3. BOOK iv. king and Tissaphernes. 1 Having escaped from such hard- ships, they gladly took repose. 3. At dav-break, however, they perceived on the other sido of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armor, ready to prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above the cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from en- tering Armenia. 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and Chaldaeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas. 2 The Chaldaeans Avere said to be a free people, and warlike ; for arms they had long shields and spears. 5. The higli banks on which these forces were drawn up, Avere three or four hundred feet from the river ; and the only road that was visible was one that led upward, apparently a Avork of art. Here the Greeks endeaA'ored to cross, 6. but as, on making trial, the Avater rose above their breasts, and the bed of the river was rough Avith large and slippery stones, and as it was impossible for them to carry their arms into the water, or, if they attempted to do so, the river swept them away (while, if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy), they in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the river. 7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had been oa the previous night. Hence great despondency was 1 Yet "the Carduclrian mountains," observes Rennell, "ia effect pre- sented an asylum to the Greeks, who could no other way have escaped, at least, the reiterated attacks of such a host of enemies, whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing. But as a, Persian army could not subsist, or their cavalry act, within the wide range of these mountains, the Greeks, by ascending them, got rid of their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean time, they had to contend with an enemy much more brave and persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably expect an earlier escape from them than from the Persians. Had they known that the Tigris was fordable under tho Zaco hills, and passed into Mesopotamia, they would still have had tho Euphrates to cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they must have pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, from the attacks of the Persians." Illustrations cf the Exp. of Cyrus, p. 173. 2 Orontes was satrap of Armenia, ill 5. 17 ; Artuchas ia nowhere- els* mentioned. CHAP. m. A FORD DISCOVERED. 117 felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of passing the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them if they attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. Xenophon however had a dream ; he thought that he was bound in fetters, but that they fell off him of their own accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked securely 1 whithersoever he pleased. 9. When the morning approached, he went to Cheirisophus, told him that he had hopes that all would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were favorable at the very first. As soon as they left the place of sacrifice, the generals and captains gave directions to the troops to take their breakfast. 10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two young men came running up to him, for every one knew that it was allowable to approach him whether breakfasting or supping and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they had any thing to tell of affairs relating to the war. 11. The youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the river, among the rocks that reached down to the stream itself, an old man, a woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavern- ous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes ; 12. that when they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's horse ; that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of hav- ing to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the other side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus forded the stream, and taken the clothes, they came back again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a libation, and ordered the young men to join in it, 2 and to pray to the 1 AiaGaivEtv.] " Ingredi, pedem profcrre." Kuhner. His fetters being removed, he was able to put his legs apart, and walk with stability ; as ia indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition 6iu. 2 'Ey^m".] This passage is commonly taken thus : iK&eve rolf veaviGKotf eyjeiv, " he ordered the young men to pour (wine) into (tho cup for themselves)," for tho purpose of making a libation. Kuhner, however, makes it ?Kf}.eve (roi)f Kepi avrdv) eyxelv rote veaviaKoic, ho ordered those about him (tho attendants), to pour into th eup 1.18 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK iv. gods who had sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to complete what was wanting to their success. After the li- bation, he at once conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and to him they gave the same account. Cheirisophus, on hear- ing it, made a libation also. 14. When the libation was over, they gave orders to the soldiers to get their baggage ready ; while they themselves, calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them how they might cross the river to the best advantage, and how they might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage from those in the rear. 15. It was then resolved that Cheiri- sophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go over between the two. 16. When these matters were fairly arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the lines of the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the opposite bank ; and when they came to the ford, and the mar- gin of the river, they halted, laying down their arms ; and then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet upon his head, 1 and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the cap- tains to lead their troops in files, 2 some on his left hand and some on his right. 1 8. The augurs at the same time, sacri- ficed victims over the river; 8 while the enemy plied their bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the sacrifices appeared favorable, all the soldiers sung the paean and raised a shout, and all the women (for there were a number of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the cry. for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, iceZcvu being sometimes found with the dative, and agrees better with what follows. 1 'ZreQavaaufievog.'] According to the custom of the Laeedsemonians, of which Xenophon speaks de Eepub. Lacedaem. 13. 8; Hellen. iv. 2. 12 ; see also Plutarch. Lycurg. c. 22. Schneider. 2 Tovf /.ojovf opiJtouf.] See iv. 2. 11. 3 'Ea.] The ford mentioned in sect. 5, 6. 2 Behind the enemy. Kuhner. Or behind the cavalry that were pur- suing the enemy. 8 Those mentioned in sect. 3. 3 'EiTi 0a/\.ayyof.] This disposition of a company was in opposition to 120 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK IT. both tho captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and tho rearmost to halt facing the river. 27. The Carduchi, when they observed that the rear-guard of the camp-followers was diminished in number, and that they seemed now indeed to be but few, advanced at a quicker pace, singing at the same time certain songs. Cheirisophus, when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the pel- tasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring them to do whatsoever he should direct. 28. Xenophon, sec- ing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that they should remain by tho river where they were, without crossing, and that, when his own party should begin to cross, they should come forward in the water on each side opposite to him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong, 1 and the archers with their arroAvs on the string, as if frith the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling should reach them and a shield should ring, 3 to raise the paean and rush toward the enemy ; and he directed that when tho enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter should sound the signal of attack 3 from the river, the rear should wheel to the right and take the lead, and that they should then all run forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one another ; telling them that he would be the best man who should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, see- ing that those who were left were but few (for many even of those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to take care of the cattle, some of their baggage, and others of T^OXOL opdioi (iv. 2. 11): see c. 8, sect. 10. The expression ITTI QuZayyof, says Kiihner, properly means for a phalanx, or so that a phalanx (or a-cies) might be formed. 1 AiTjyKv?i:U/j.vov(;.] The verb dinyKv^ova'&ai is rightly interpreted bv Hesychius TO ivelpai roOf da/cri'Aovf ry uyKv%.y (h. e. amento) TOV UKOVT'IOV. Sturz. Tho following iTri&EljXrjuevovg must be similarly ex- plained. a "AffTTif I/JO^T?.] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. Kiihner. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think tho-t a clashing of shields on tho part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset ; but, without doubt, erroneously. 3 Or, sound a charge. The design of i i was to precipitate the enemy's flight. Compare sect. 32. CHAP. iv. ARMENIA: SOURCES OF THE TIGRIS. 121 their mistresses), began, in consequence, to press forward boldly, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks then sang the paean, and rushed upon them at full speed ; and the Barbarians did not stand their charge ; for though they were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat upon the mountains, they were by no means sufficiently armed to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture the trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and the Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and wounded a few of our men with their arrows ; but the greater number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. The troops, meanwhile, that came to meet Xenophon, being carried away by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in the rear of Xenophon's men ; and some of these also were wounded. CHAPTER IV. The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and arrive at the Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the governor of the prov- ince, and discover his insincerity. 1. WHEN they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in order about noon, they proceeded through the country of Ar- menia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five parasangs ; for there were no villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities with the Carduchi. 2. The village, however, at which they at length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace for the satrap ;' upon most of the houses there were towers, and provi- sions were in great plenty. 3. Hence they proceeded, two day's journey, a distance of ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fif- 1 Orontes: iii. 5. IT; 4. 3. 4. He was the satrap, as Kriiger thinks, of Eastern Armenia; Tiribazus being called satrap of Western Armenia, sect. 4. 122 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK iv. teen parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, in- deed, but of much beauty ; and there were many villages on its banks. 4. This part of the country was called Western Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was an intimate friend of the king ; and no one else, when he was present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5. He now rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an inter- preter, said that he wished to speak with the commanders. The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and advancing within hearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He re- plied, that he wished to make a treaty with them, on the condi- tions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that the Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at liberty to take such provisions as they required. This proposal was agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a treaty upon these terms. 7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, through a plain ; and Tiribazus followed them with his troops, keeping at a distance of about ten stadia. They then came to a palace, 3 with several villages around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snow 4 in 1 Tvpffctf.] Apparently intended for a sort of defenses, should the peo- ple be attacked by any of their neighbors. Compare v. 2. 5. 2 KaAdf [j.v, neyaf ff of 1 .] I have, with Bornemann and Poppo, re- stored this reading, in which all the manuscripts concur. Muretus, from Demetrius Phalereus, sect 6 and 121, has given fteyar filv ov, Ka/.d? 6e, and Hutchinson and all other editors down to Bornemann have followed him. It can not be denied that this is the usual order in such phrases : as in iv. 8. 2 ; vL 4. 20 ; but passages are not wanting in which the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6. 2. Kuhner. As the piece attributed to Demetrius Phalereus is not genuine, little attention need be paid to it * It would seem to have been the palace of Tiribazus, as the one men- tioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. Schneider. * See Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] Ainsworth speaks of the cold in the nights on these Armenian uplands, p. 173. ""When Lucullus, in his expe- dition against Mithridates, marched through Armenia, his army suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under Xenophon ; and, when Alexander Severus returned through this country, many of his men lost their hands and feet through excessive cold. " Tournefort also complains that at Erzeroum, though situated in a plain, his fingers were so benumbed with cold, that he could not write till an hour after sunrise. (See Plutarch in Lucull., and Zonaras's Annals.)* CHAP. IT. GREAT FALL OF SNOW. 123 the night ; and in the morning it was thought advisable that the companies and officers should take up their quarters in the neighboring villages ; for they perceived no enemy, and it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow. 1 9. Here they found all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, corn, old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables of all kinds. Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an army, and that many fires had been visible during the night. 10. The generals thought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to quarter apart, and resolved to bring the whole army together again. They accordingly assembled, for it seemed to be clear- ing up. 3 11. But as they were passing the night here, there fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms and the men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped the baggage-cattle, and they were very reluctant to rise ; for, as they lay, the snow that had fallen upon them served to keep them warm, when it had not dropped off. 12. But when Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer gar- ment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking the wood from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got up, and lighted fires and anointed themselves ; 13. for abund- ance of ointment was found there, made of hog's-lard, sesamum, 8 bitter almonds, and turpentine, which they used instead of oil. Of the same materials also an odoriferous ungent was found. 14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout 1 There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an enemy during such deep snow*. 2 Aiaitipiufriv.'] The commentators rightly interpret this word dissere- nascere, "to clear up." Kuhner ; who, however, prefers avvai6piu&iv, for which there is good manuscript authority. He translates it, with Bornemann, sirmd disserenascere, " to clear up at the same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the other. Sturz disapproves of the interpretation disserenascere, and would have both verbs to signify sub dio agere, "to bivouac in the open air;" but the other sense appears preferable. 3 See note on L 2. 22. Oil made of sesamum, or sesama, is mention- ed, says Kiihner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviiL 10; Q. Curt. vii. 4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119 121 : Theophrast. de Odoribus, p. 737, ed. Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 727; Interp. ad Aristoph. Pac. 865. K4 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK iv. the villages, under shelter ; and the soldiers went off with great shouting and delight to the cottages and provisions. Those who had set fire to the houses, when they quitted them before, paid the penalty of having to encamp uncomfortably in the open air. 15. Hence they dispatched in the night De- mocrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires ; they selected him because he was thought on several former occasions to have brought exact information concerning such matters, reporting what was, just as it appeared, and what was not, as not existing, lo. Having gone, he said that he saw no fires, but he brought with him a captive that he had taken, having a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-ax, such as the Amazons have. 1 7. Being asked of what country he was, he said that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the army of Tiribazus to get provisions. They then asked him how large the army was, and for what purpose it was assem- bled. 18. He said that Tiribazus had his own troops, and some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians ; and that he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over the mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay their only road. 19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect the army, and, leaving a guard, with Sophaenetus the Stymphalian as commander over those who staid behind, proceeded to march without delay, taking the man who had been captured for their guide. 20. After they had passed the mountains, the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to discover the enemy's camp, did not Avait for the heavy-armed men, but ran forward with a shout to attack it. 21. The Barbarians, hearing the noise, did not stand their ground, but fled; some of them however were killed, and about twenty horses taken, as was also the tent of Tiribazus, and in it some couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prison- ers, who said that they were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. When the officers of the heavy-armed troops heard what had taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as possi- ble to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on those who had been left there. Calling in the men immediately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they returned to the camp the same day. II ARCH THROUGH A DESERT COUXTRY. 125 CHAPTER V. The Greeks march through an uninhabited tract of couutrv, suffering great- ly from cold winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length they reach some well-stored villages, where they rest seven days. 1. THE next day it was thought necessary to march away as fast as possible, before the enemy's force should be re- assembled, and get possession of the pass. Collecting their baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep snow, taking with them several guides ; and, having the same day passed the height on which Tiribazus had intended to at- tack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of fifteen parasangs, 1 to the river Euphrates, and passed it with- out being wet higher than the middle. The sources of the river were said not to be far off. 3. From hence they ad- vanced threa days' march, through much snow and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs ; the third day's march was extremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces, completely parching up every thing and benumb- ing the men. 4. One of the augurs, in consequence, advised that they should sacrifice to the wind ; and a sacrifice was accordingly offered ; when the vehemence of the wind ap- peared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the enow was a fathom ; 2 so that many of the baggage cattle and slaves perished with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They continued to burn fires through the whole night, for there Avas plenty of wool at the place of encampment. But those who came up lato could get no wood ; those therefore who had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of the corn or other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus they shared with each other what they respectively had. In the places where the fires were made, as the snow melted, there 1 Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance too great for troops marching through deep snow, llivre occurs in one manuscript, arid Kiihner has admitted it into his text. '* 'Opyum.] A great depth. We can not suppose the snow to havo been of that depth every where. None of the commentators make any remark. 12G THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK IT. were formed large pits that reached down to the ground ; and here there was accordingly opportunity to measure the depth of the snow. 7. From hence they marched through snow the Avhole of the following day, and many of the men contracted the buli- mia. 1 Xenophon, who commanded in the rear, finding in his way such of the men as had fallen down with it, knew not what disease it was. 8. But as one of those acquainted with it, told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw any thing eatable, he gave it out, and sent such as were able to run to distribute it among those diseased, who, as soon as they had eaten, rose up and continued their march. 9. As they proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew dark, to a vil- lage, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. The women asked them who they were ; and the interpreter answered, in the Persian language, that they were people going from the king to the satrap. They replied that he was not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it was late, they went with the water-carriers within the rampart, to the headman of the village; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as many of the troops as could corno up, encamped ; but of the rest, such as were unable to get to the end of the journey, spent the night on the way without food or fire ; and some of the soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. 12. Some of the enemy too, who had collected themselves into a body, pursued our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were un- able to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight from the efiects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by the cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to the eyes against the snow, if the soldiers kept something black before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept con- stantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and if they 1 'Eflovlifiiaaav.'] Spelman quotes a description of the ($ov/.iuia. or povAtfiof from Galen Med. Def., in which it is said to be " a disease in which the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use of his limbs, falls down, turns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his stomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems to mean little more than a faintness from long fasting. CHAP. v. SUFFERINGS FROM THE SNOW. 127 took off their shoes in the night ; 14. but as to such as slept with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the soles were frozen about them ; for when their old shoes had failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the men themselves from the newly-skinned oxen. 15. From such unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left behind, who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must have melted ; and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect of a fountain, which was sending up vapor in a woody hol- low close at hand. Turning aside thither, they sat down and refused to proceed further. 16. Xenophon, who was with the rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to prevail on them by every art and means not to be left behind, telling them, at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing them in great numbers. At last he grew angry ; and they told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 17. He llien thought it the best course to strike a terror, if possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and the enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarreling about the booty that they had taken; 18. when such of the rear- guard as were not disabled, started up, and rushed toward them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, clashed their spears against their shields. The enemy, struck with alarm, threw themselves among the snow into the hollow, and no one of them afterward made themselves heard from any quarter. 19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that a party should come to their relief next day, proceeded on their march, but before they had gone four stadia, they found other soldiers resting by the way in the snow, and covered up with it, no guard being stationed over them. They roused them up, but they said that the head of the army was not moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and send- ing on some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered them to ascer- tain what it was that hindered their progress. They brought word that the whole army was in that manner taking rest. 21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a guard as they could, took up their quarters there without fire or supper. "When it was near day, he sent the youngest of Lis 128 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IT. men to the sick, telling them to rouse them and oblige them to proceed. 22. At this juncture Cheirisophus sent some of his people from the village to see how the rear were faring. The young men were rejoiced to see them, and gave them the sick to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went for- ward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia, found them- selves at tho village in which Cheirisophus was quartered. 23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophua accordingly remained where he was, and the other officers, appropriating by lot the several villages that they had in sight, went to their respective quarters with their men. 24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, and hastening to the village which Xenophon had been allot- ted, surprised all the villagers, and their head man, in their houses, together with seventeen 1 colts that were bred as a tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who had been but nine days married ; her husband was gone out to hunt hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. Their houses were under ground, the entrance like the mouth of a well, but spacious below ; there were passages dug into them for the cattle, but the people descended by ladders. In the houses were goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their young ; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the walls. 8 26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and 1 That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by Weiske, and shown at some length by Kriiger de Authent. p. 47. Bornemann, in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes -TU KOI tuarbv, a hundred and seven. Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send annually to the king of Persia twenty thousand horses. Kuhner. Kriiger, L c , sug- gests that Xenophon may have written 2' two hundred, instead of 1Z' seventeen. In sect. 35, we find Xenophon taking some of these horses himself, and giving one to each of the other generals and captains ; so that the number must have been considerable. a " This description of a village on the Armenian uplands applies itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by wells is now rare, but is still to be met with ; but in exposed and elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, and entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold getting in. What- ever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls, partici- pate with the family in the warmth and protection thereof!" Ainsw. Travels, p. 178. CHAP. v. THE GREEKS ENTERTAINED. 129 barley-wine, 1 in large bowls; the grains of barley floated in it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds also lay in it, some larger and some smaller, without joints ; 27. and thess, when any one was thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and suck. 2 The- liquor was very strong, unless one mixed water with it, and a very pleasant drink to those accustomed to it. 28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with him, and told him to be of good courage, assuring him that he should not be deprived of his children, and that they would not go away without filling his house with provisions in re- turn for what they took, if he would but prove himself the author of some service to the army till they should reach another tribe. 29. This ho promised, and, to show his good- will, pointed out where some wine 3 was buried. This night, therefore, the soldiers rested in their several quarters in the midst of great abundance, setting a guard over the chief, and keeping his children at the same time under their eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the head man and went with him to Cheirispphus, and wherever he passed by a village, he turned aside to visit those who were quarter- ed in it, and found them in all parts feasting and enjoying themselves ; nor would they any where let them go till they had set refreshments before them; 31. and they placed every where npon the same table, lamb, kid pork, veal, and fowl, with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. Whenever any person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to another, he took him to the large bowl, where he had to stoop down and drink, sucking like an ox. The chief they allowed to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted nothing from them ; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took them with him. 1 Olvof Acpt'tftvjf.] Something liko our beer. See Diod. Sic. i. 20, 34 ; iv. 2; Athenaeus, i. 14; Herod, ii. 77; Tacit. Germ. c. 23. "The bar- ley-wine I never met with." Ainsw. p. 178. 2 The reeds were used, says Kriiger, that nono of the grains of barley might be taken into the mouth. 3 Xenophon seems to mean grape-wine, rather than to refer to the barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not appear to have been much liked by the Greeks. Wine from grapes was not made, it is probable, in these parts, on account of the cold, but Strabo speaks of the olvo$ yiovapirr]* of Armenia Minor as not inferior to any of the Greek wines. Schneider, 130 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK IT. 33. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found his men also feasting in their quarters, 1 crowned with wreaths made of hay, and Armenian boys, in their Barbarian dresses, waiting upon them, to whom they made signs what they were to do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. When Cheirisophus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked the chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian language, what country it was. He replied that it was Armenia. They then asked him for whom the horses were bred ; and he said that they were a tribute for the king, and added that the neigh- boring country was that of Chalybes, and told them in what direction the road lay. 35. Xenophon then went away, con- ducting the chief back to his family, giving him the horse that he had taken, which was rather old, to fatten and offer in sac- rifice (for he had heard that it had been consecrated to the sun), being afraid, indeed, that it might die, as it had been injured by the journey. He then took some of the young horses, and gave one of them to each of the other generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country were smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the horses, and other cattle, when they drove them through the snow, for without such bags they sunk up to their bellies. CHAPTER VI. The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on being struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and Chalybes, whom, by skillful maneuvering, they dislodge. 1. WHEN the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed the guide to Cheirisophus. He left the chief all the members Convivantes, epidantes. Comp. v. 2. 9 ; vii. 3. 15. Kiinner. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which the Greeks wore at feasts, they used hay. 2 This is rather oddly expressed ; for the guide and tho chief were- the same person CHAP. TL ARRIVE AT THE PHASIS. 131 of his family, except his son, a youth just coming to mature age ; him he gave in charge to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in order that if the father should conduct them properly, he might return home with him. At the same time they carried to his house as many provisions as they could, and then broke up their camp, and resumed their march. 2. The chief con-- ducted them through the snow, walking at liberty. Whei: he came to the end of the third day's march, Cheirisophus was angry at him for not guiding them to some villages He said that there were none in that part of the country. Cheiriso- phus then struck him, but did not confine him ; 3. and in con- sequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. This affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, was the only cause of dissension between Cheirisophus and Xenophon during the march. Episthenes conceived an affec- tion for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely attached to him. 4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, five parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis, 1 the breadth of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced two days' journey, ten parasangs ; when, on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasi- ans were drawn up to oppose their progress. 6. Cheirisophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the height, came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he might not ap- proach them while leading the army in a column. He accord- ingly ordered the other officers to bring up their companies, that the whole force might be formed in line. a 7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together the generals and captains, and spoke to them as follows: "The enemy, as you see, are in possession of the pass over the mountains ; and it is proper for us to consider how we may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get their dinner and that we ourselves should hold a council, in 1 Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Euxine, but a river of Armenia ('Apuli/f, now Aras), which runs into the Caspian. See Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself seems to have confounded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See Rennell. p. 230. Kiihner. * 'Enl ^.uAayyof. See on iv. 3. 26. 132 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK iv. the mean lime, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain to-day, or to-morrow." 9. " It seems best to mo," exclaimed Cleanor, " to march at once, as soon as we have dined and resumed our arms, against the enemy; for if we waste the present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking down upon us will grow bolder, and it is likely that, as their confidence is increased, others will join them in greater numbers." i 10. After him Xenophon said, "I am opinion that if it is necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangements so as to fight with the greatest advantage; but that if we propose to pass the mountains as easily as possible, we ought to consider how we may incur the fewest wounds and lose the fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we see, extends more than sixty stadia in length; but the people nowhere seem to be watching us except along the line of road ; and it is therefore better, I think, to endeavor to try to seize unobserved some part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post and men prepared to resist us. 12. For it is far less difficult to march up a steep ascent without fighting then along a level road with enemies on each side; and, in the night, if men are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before them than by day if engaged with enemies ; while a rough road is easier to the feet to those who are marching without molestation, than a smooth one to those who arc pelted on the head with missiles. 13. Xor do I think it at all impracticable for us to steal a way for ourselves, as we can march by night, so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. AYc seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still less guarded ; for the enemy will so much the more probably stay where they arc. 14. But why should I speak doubtfully about stealing ? For I hear that you Lacedsernonians, O Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better class, 1 practice stealing from your boyhood, and it is not a 1 Teiv ouo/ur.] The O/LIOIOI at Sparta were all those who had an equal right to participate in the honors of offices of the state ; quipari inter ss jure gaudebant, quibus honores omnes aqualiter patebant. Cragius de Rep CHAP, i, ENEMIES TO BE DISLODGED. 133 disgrace, but an honor, to steal whatever the law does not forbid ; 15. while, in order that you may steal with the utmost dexterity, and strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by law that, if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your education, and to take care that we may not receive many stripes." 16. "But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined Cheirisophus, " are very clever at stealing the public money, though great danger threatens him that steals it ; and that your best men steal it most, if indeed your best, men are thought worthy to be your magistrates ; so that it is time for you likewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then ready," exclaimed Xenophon, " to march with the rear-guard, as soon as we have supped, to take possession of the hills. I have guides too; for our light-armed men captured some of the marauders following us by lying in ambush ; and from them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also for our baggage-cattle. 18. 1 expect also that the enemy will no longer keep their ground, when they see us upon a level with them on the heights, for they will not now come down to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then said, " But why should you go, and leave the charge of the rear ? Rather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves." 20. Upon this Aristonymus of Methydria came forward with his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios and Nichomachus of (Eta 1 with their light-armed ; and they made an arrange- ment, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they went to dinner; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward the whole army ten stadia toward the enemy, that he might appear to be fully resolved to march against them on that quarter. 22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex. Xenoph. See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13, 1 and 7 ; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7.3. "A similar designation to that of opoTiuoi in the Cyropaedia." Schneider. See Hellen. iii. 3. 5. 1 A native of the country about Mount (Eta in Thessaly. There was also, however, a town of that name in the south of Thessaly : Thucyd, 134 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK IT. those appointed for the service went forward and got posses- sion of the hills ; the other troops rested where they were. The enemy, when they saw the heights occupied, kept watch and burned a number of fires all night 23. As soon as it was day, Cheirisophus, after having offered sacrifice, marched forward along the road ; while those who had gained the heights advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, meanwhile, stayed at the pass, but a part went to meet the troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies came together, those on the ridge closed with one another, and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up from the plain to attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, and Cheirisophus followed at a quick pace with the heavy- r.rmed men. 26. The enemy at the pass, however, when they saw those above defeated, took to flight. Xot many of them vere killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which the Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered useless. 27. As soon as they had gained the ascent, and had sacrificed and erected a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of excellent provisions. CHAPTER VH. The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, capturing u great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing the region of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, and, marching through the territory of the Scythini, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence they are conducted to Mount Theches, from the top of which they see the Euxine. 1. FROM hence they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the country of the Taochi, where provisions began to fail them ; for the Taochi inhabited strong fastnesses, in which thev had laid up all their supplies. 2. Having at length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a great number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as soon as he came before it, made it the object of an attack ; and when the first division that assailed it began to be tired, CHAP. vir. FORT OF THE TAOCHI STORMED. 135 nnother succeeded, and then another, for it was not possible for them to surround it in a bodv, as there was a river about it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, " You come seasonably, for we must take this place, as there are no pro- visions for the army, unless we take it." 4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking what hindered them from taking the place, Cheirisophus replied, " The only approach to it is the one which you see ; but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and whoever is struck, is treated as you behold ;" and he pointed, at the same moment, to some of the men who had had their legs and ribs broken. 5. "But if they expend all their stones," re- joined Xenophon, " is there any thing else to prevent us from advancing ? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length ; and of this about a hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in groups, against which if the men place themselves, what would they sulfer either from the flying stones or the rolling ones ? The remaining part of the space is not above fifty feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at a running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in great numbers/' " That," cried Xenophon, " would be the very thing we Avant, for thus they will exhaust their stones the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to the point whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which we may, if we please, easily retreat." 8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Callimachus of Par- rhasia, one of the captains, who had that day the lead of all the other captains of the rear-guard, then went forward, all the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Aga- sias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who were also captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were at the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it was not safe for "more than one company to stand under them. 136 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK rr. 10. Callimaclius then adopted llie following stratagem : he ran forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily drew back ; and at each of his sallies more than ten cart- loads of stones were spent. 11. Agasias, observing Avhat Cal- imachus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army, were upon him, and fearing that he himself miayelvJ\ " Eat up raw," without waiting to cook them; a metaphorical expression for to extirpate ttftetly and at once, taken from Homer, IL v. 35 : '2/^ov fieSpudote Upiapov T\.piap.oio rt dac. See the payment of these vowa in sect. 25. 142 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK iv. day no one of them was found dead ; and they recovered their senses about the same hour that they had lost them on the preceding day ; and on the third and fourth days they got up as if after having taken physic. 1 22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large population, on the Euxine Sea ; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. Here they staid about thirty days, encamping in the villages of the Colchians, 23. whence they made excursions and plundered the country of Colchis. The people of Trebsiond provided a market for the Greeks in the camp, and entertained them in the city ; and made them presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. They negotiated with them also on behalf of the neighbouring Colchians, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and from them too were brought presents of oxen. 25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which they had vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to offer to Jupiter the Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe conduct, and w r hatever they had vowed to the other gods. They also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan (who had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for having involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a dagger), to prepare the course and preside at the contests. 26. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the hides 2 to 1 That tliero was honey in these parts, with intoxicating qualities, was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions two sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the other among the Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey arose from the herbs to which the bees resorted ; the first came from the flower of a plant called segolethron, or goaf-bane ; the other from a species of rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that country, saw honey of this description. See Ainsworth, Travels in the Track, p. 190, who found that the intoxicating honey had a bitter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253. "This honey is also mentioned by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Strabo, xii. p. 826; ^Elian, H. A. v. 42 ; Procopius, E. Goth. iv. 2." Schneider. 2 Lion and Kiihner have a notion that these skins were to be given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in honor of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and dtp/jara, hides. Kriiger doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were given as a present to Dracontius. CHAP. i. VOWS PAID: GAMES. 143 Dracontius, and desired him to conduct them to the place where he had made the course. Dracontius, pointing to the place where they were standing, said, " This hill is an excellent place for running, in whatever direction the men may wish." " But how will they be able," said they, " to wrestle on ground so rough and bushy ?" " He that falls,'* said he, " will suffer the more." 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, contended in the short course, 1 and in the long course 1 above sixty Cretans ran ; while others were matched in wrestling, boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight ; for many entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, there was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran ; and they had to gallop down the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come up again to the altar. 2 In the descent, many rolled down ; but in the ascent, against the exceedingly steep ground, the horses could scarcely get up at a walking pace. There was consequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering from the people. BOOK Y. CHAPTER I. Cheirisophus goes to Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, to obtain ships for the Greeks. Xenophon, meanwhile, attends to other matters, and de- vises another plan for procuring vessels, if Cheirisophus should fail in his mission, and causing the roads to be repaired, in case the army should be obliged to proceed by land. Treachery of Dexippus, and efficient exertions of Polycrates. 1. WHAT the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, and what they underwent in their journey to the Euxine Sea ; how they arrived at the Greek city of Trebi- sond, and how they offered the sacrifices which they had vowed to offer for their safety as soon as they should reach a friendly country, has been related in the preceding part of this narrative. 1 %Ta6iov - fioMxov.] The stadion, or short course, was six plethra, or GOO Greek feet, equal to 606* feet English; the (JoAtjor, or long course, was six or more stadia, even up to twenty-four. Hussey, Ap- pend. ix. sect. 11. 2 The altar, apparently, at which they had been sacrificing. 144 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. 2. They now assembled to hold a council concerning 1 the remainder of their journey ; and Antileon, a native of Thurii, stood up first, and spoke thus : " For my part, my friends, I am now quite exhausted with packing up my baggage, walking, running, carrying my arms, marching in order, mounting guard, and fighting, and should wish, since we have come to the sea, to rest from such toils, and to sail the remainder of the way ; and to arrive at Greece, like Ulysses, stretched out asleep." i 3. The soldiers, on hearing these remarks, cried out that he spoke well ; and then another, and afterward all the rest, expressed the same feelings. Cheirisophus then rose and spoke as follows : 4. " Anaxibius 2 is a friend of mine, and is now admiral. If, therefore, you will commission me to go to him, I have no doubt that I shall return with galleys and transport-vessels to carry you. And as you wish to sail, stay here till I come back ; for I shall come very soon." When the soldiers heard this oft'er, they were delighted," and voted that he should set sail with all speed. 5. After him Xenophon stood up, and spoke to the follow- ing effect : " Cheirisophus is going to fetch ships, and we shall remain here ; and I will now mention what I think it proper for us to do during our stay. 6. In the first place, we must get provisions from the enemy's country ; for tho market here is not abundant enough to supply us, nor have we, except some few, a sufficiency of means with which to purchase. But the country around us is inhabited by ene- mies ; and there is danger, therefore, that many of you may be killed, if you go out in quest of provisions heedlessly and unguardedly. 7. It seems to me, then, that we ought to seek The winged galley flies ; Less swift an eagle cuts the liquid skies ; Divine Ulysses was her sacred load, A man in wisdom equal to a god ! Much danger, long and mighty toils he bore, In storms by sea, and combats on the shore : All which soft sleep now banish'd from his breast, Wrapt in a pleasing, soft, and death-like rest. Ulysses sleeping on his couch they bore, And gently placed him on the rocky shore. Pope, Odyss. xiiL " He was then at Bvzantium: see vii. 1. 3. CHAP. i. SUGGESTIONS OF XENOPHON. 145 provisions in foraging-parties, 1 and not to wander about at random ; so that you may preserve your lives ; and that we, the officers, should have the regulation of these proceedings." These suggestions were approved. 8. "Attend also," he said, " to the following hints. Some of you will go out for plunder. I think it will be better, then, for any one that intends to go out, to give us notice, and say in what direc- tion, that AVC may know the number of those who go, and cf those who stay at home, and may take part in their projects if it should be necessary ; and that, if it should be requisite to send succor to any party, we may know whither to send it ; white if any of the less experienced make an attempt in any quarter, we may aid his views by trying to learn the strength of the enemy against whom he is going." To this proposal assent was likewise given. 9. " Consider this, too," added he ; " the enemy have leisure to rob us ; they meditate attacks upon us, and with justice, for AVC are in possession of their property. They are also posted above us ; and it appears to me, therefore, that sentinels should be placed round the camp, so that, if, being divided into parties, we keep guard and watch by turns, the enemy Avill be less in a condition to catch us by surprise. 10. Take this also into consideration. If wo knew for certain that Cheirisophus Avould come with a suffi- cient number of ships to transport us, there Avould be no occa- sion for Avhat I am going to say ; but, since this is uncertain, I think that AVO ought, in the mean time, to endeavor to pro- vide ourselves Avith ships from hence ; for, if he comes Avith ships, and A'essels are ready here, we shall sail in a greater number of ships ; and, if he brings none, we shall make use of what AVC have procured here. 11. I observe vessels frequently sailing past; and if therefore AVC should ask the people of Trebisond for ships of Avar, and bring them in to the shore and keep them under guard, unshipping their rudders till a suffi- cient number be collected to carry us, we shall possibly not fail of securing such conveyance as we require." This sugges- tion Avas also approved. 12. " Reflect also," said he, " Avhether it will not be proper to support the mariners whom we bring into harbor from the common stock, as long as they may stay 1 IVT Ttpovofialf.] A. military mode of expression, as it appears, sig- nifying inslructo aymine pabulatum scu frumcntatum exirc. Kiitmer. Compare Cyrop. vi. 1. 24 ; Ilellen. iv. 1. 16. Kruger. VOL. I. 7 146 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. on our account, and to make an agreement with them about the passage-money, that by benefiting us they may also be benefited themselves." To this they also agreed. 13. "It appears to me further," he continued, " that if our efforts arc not successful to procure vessels in sufficient number, 1 we should enjoin the towns lying on the sea to repair the roads, which, we hear, are scarcely passable; for they will obey such an injunction both from fear and from a wish to be rid of us." 14. At this point of his speech they cried out that there must be no traveling by land. Xenophon, seeing their want of consideration, did not put **iat particular to the vote. But he afterward prevailed on the towns to mend the roads of their own accord, telling them that if the roads were made passable, they would so much tho sooner be delivered from the Greeks. 15. They received also a fifty-oared galley from the people of Trebisond, over which they placed Dexippus, a Spartan, one of the periceci ; a who, neglecting to get vessels together, wont off with the galley clear out of the Euxine. He however met with a just retribu- tion somo time after ; for being in Thrace, at the court of Seuthes, and engaging in some intrigue, he was killed by Nicander a Lacedaemonian. 16. They received too a thirty- oared galley, over which Polycrates an Athenian was ap- pointed, who brought all the vessels that he could get to the shore before the camp ; and the Greeks, taking out their car- goes, if they had any, set guards over them, that they might be secure, and reserved the vessels for their passage. 17. While these affairs were going on, the soldiers were making excursions for plunder ; and some succeeded and others not ; but Cleaenetus, as he was leading out his own troop and another against some strong place, was killed, as well as several of those that were with him. 1 'QaT upKElv TrAoZa.] " So that vessels may be sufficient (for us)." a HepiotKoi'.~\ The periaeci were tho free inhabitants of the towns around Sparta ; they were excluded from civil offices, and held a middle place between the native Spartans (the dpoioi of iv. 6. 14) and the Neo- damods and Helots. See. Thucyd. viii. 22 ; Arnold's Thucyd. L 101 ; Valckena3r. ad Herod, ix. il. THE GREEKS ATTACK THE DRIL^. CHAPTER II. To augment their stock of provisions, Xenophon undertakes a foraging es* pedition against the Drilee, who lay waste their fields, and shut themselvc* up in their chief fort, which the Greeks take and burn to the ground. 1. WHEN it was no longer possible for the foragers to gel provisions, so as to return the same day to the camp, Xeno- phon, taking some of the people of Trebisond as guides, led out half the army against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp ; for the Colchians, having been driven from their homes, were collected in large numbers, and had posted themselves on the heights. 2. The guides from Trebisond.. however, did not conduct them to places whence it was easy to get provisions, for the inhabitants of those parts were their friends, but led them with great eagerness into the territoriec of the Drilse, from whom they had receievd injuries, intc mountainous and difficult tracts, and against the most warlike of all the people on the shores of the Pontus Euxinus. 3. When the Greeks had got up into their country, tho Drila3 retreated, having first set fire to such of their places as ceemed easy to be taken ; and there was nothing for tho Greeks to capture but swine, or oxen, or any other cattle that had escaped the fire. But there was one place that consti- tuted their metropolis ; and to this they had all flocked. Around it there Avas an extremely deep ravine, and the ways of access to the place were difficult. 4. However the peltasts. having outstripped the heavy-armed men by five or six stadia, crossed the ravine, and getting sight of a great deal of cattle and other booty, made an attack upon the place ; and many spear-men, 1 who had gone out for plunder, followed close' upon them ; so that the number of those who crossed the ravine amounted to more than two thousand. 5. As they found themselves unable to take the place by assault (for there was a broad trench round it, tho earth from which had been thrown up as a rampart, and upon the rampart were palisades, and a number of wooden towers erected), they attempted to retire, but the enemy pressed hard upon them ; 6. and as they could No particular class of troops is meant, but merely such of the foragers as had armed themselves with spears. cither for defense. or to assist them in bringing home what they took. 148 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. not effect a retreat, (for the descent from the place to the ravine would allow only one to pass at a time), they sent for aid to Xenophon, who was at the head of the heavy-armed men. 7. The messenger said that the place was stored with abundance of things ; " but," said he, " we are unable to take it, for it is strong; nor is it easy for us to retreat, for the enemy sally forth and assail our rear, and the way from it is dif- ficult" 8. Xenophon, on hearing this account, brought up the heavy-armed to the ravine, and ordered them to halt there under arms, while he himself, crossing over with the captains, deliberated whether it would be better to bring off those that had already gone over, or to lead over the heavy -armed also, in the hope that the place might be taken ; 9. for it seemed impossible to bring off the first party without the loss of many lives, and the captains were of opinion that they might take the place. Xenophon accordingly yielded to their judgment, placing some reliance at the same time, on the sacrifices ; for the augurs had signified that there would be an action, and that the result of the excursion would be favorable. 10. Ho therefore dispatched the captains to bring over the heavy- armed men, while he himself remained where he was, keeping back the peltasts, and allowing none of them to skirmish with the enemy. 11. When the heavy-armed troops came up, ho ordered each of the captains to form his company in such a manner as he might think most advantageous for fighting; for those captains, who were perpetually contending with one another in gallantry, were now standing close to each other. 1 2. They excuted his orders ; and he then directed all the peltasts to advance holding their javelins by the thong, 1 as it would" be necessary to hurl whenever he should give the signal, and the archers having their arrows resting on the string, 1 as, whenever he gave the signal, they would have to shoot ; he ordered the skirmishers* also to have their bags full of stones, and commissioned proper persons to see these orders executed. 1 3. When every thing was ready, and the captains 1 See on iv. 3. 28. * The 'yvfivijTai are here distinguished from the archers, although yvftvij-ai is a general name for both archers, javelin-men, and sling- era. Compare iii. -1. 26. Kuliner. The sliugcra are evidently meant here. CEAP. n. ATTACK ON A FORT OF THE DUELS. 149 and lieutenants, and all those 1 -who thought themselves not inferior to these, were in their places, and had a full view of each other (for the disposition of the troops, from the nature of the ground, was in the form of a crescent), the heavy-armed men, 14. after they had sung the pasan and the trumpet had sounded, raised the war-cry to Mars, and ran forward, while the missiles, consisting of lances, arrows, balls from slings, and numbers of stones flung from the hand, were hurled among the enemy ; and some of the men, too, threw fire-brands at the place. 15. By reason, therefore, of the multitude of these missives, the enemy abandoned both the palisades and the towers; so that Agasias of Stymphalus and Philoxenus of Pellene, laying aside their armor, 2 mounted the ramparts in their tunics only ; and then one drew up another, and others mounted by themselves, and the place, as it appeared, was taken. 16. The peltasts and light-armed men, accordingly, rushed in and laid hands on whatever they could find ; while Xenophon, taking his stand at the gates, detained as many of the heavy-armed as he could outside of them, for other bodies of the enemy were showing themselves upon some strong posi- tions among the hills. 17. After the lapse of a short interval of time, a cry arose within, and the men came fleeing out, some carrying what they had seized, and one or two perhaps Avounded ; and there was a great crowd about the gates. Those who rushed out, being questioned as to the cause, said that there was a citadel within, and a great number of the enemy, who sallied forth and fell upon our men who were in the place. 18. Xenophon then told Tolmides the crier to pro- claim that whoever wished to get any plunder might go in ; when many hastened to the entrance, and those who tried to push their way in got the better of those that were hurrying out, and shut up the enemy again within the citadel. 19. All the parts without the citadel were then ravaged, and the Greeks brought out the spoil; while the heavy-armed men ranged themselves under arms, sme round the palisading, and some along the way leading to the citadel. 20. Xenophon and the captains then deliberated whether it would be possible to take the citadel, for, in that case, a safe retreat would be 1 Halbkart supposes, with much reason, that we must understand tho captains of fifty and twenty-five. See iii. 4. 21. 2 In order to climb with more agility. 150 THE EXPEDITION OF CYBCS. BOOK v. secured ; otherwise it seemed a difficult matter to retire ; and it appeared to them, upon consideration, that the citadel was altogether impregnable. 21. They accordingly began to pre- pare for a retreat ; each of the men pulled up the palisades that were nearest to him ; and the captains sent out of the place the useless hands, 1 and those who were loaded with plunder, but retained those in whom they severally confided. 2 22. When they commenced their retreat, numbers of the enemy sallied forth upon them from within, armed with light shields, spears, greaves, and Paphlagouian helmets, 3 while others climbed upon the houses that were on each side of the road leading to the citadel, 23. so that it was not safe to pursue them toward the gate leading thither, for they hurled down large pieces of timber from above ; and it was in con- sequence dangerous either to remain or retreat; and the night, which was coming on, increased their alarm. 24. But while they were thus engaged and in perplexity, some god gave them the means of saving themselves ; for one of the houses on the right suddenly burst out in flames, whoever it was that set fire to it, and when it fell in, the enemy fled from all the houses on the right; 25. when Xenophon, having learned this expedient from fortune, gave orders to set fire to all the houses on the left, which were of wood, and soon in a blaze ; and the enemy accordingly fled from these houses also. 26. Those who were directly over against them, 4 however, and those only, still continued to annoy them, and gave evident signs of an intention to fall upon them in their egress and descent. Xenophon in consequence ordered all who wore out of reach of the missiles to bring wood into the space between them and the enemy; and when a considerable quantity was collected, they set fire to it, setting fire at the same time to the houses close to the palisading, in order that the enemy's at- 1 Tot)f u-xP e *T. ] "Whatever camp-followers there were, with the wounded, and those that were laden with spoil a They retained a trusty band, to cover the rear of the retreating Greeks. 1 In ch. ir. sect. 13, these are said to be made of leather ; by Herodo- tus, vii. 72, they are called ireirTiEy/teva : whence Halbkart, who refers to Homer, IL x' 258, concludes that these helmets were formed of pieces of leather interwoven. Kuhner. 4 Kara TO ffro//a.] Those in front of the assailants. 2ro//a rd l(nrpo. 4 "Edacrav.] Commentators have made needless difficulties about this word. It is to be translated simply " they said j" i. e. they told their fellow-soldiers when they returned. 152 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. CHAPTER IE. Being unable, from want of provisions, to wait longer for Cheirisophus, the Greeks dispatch the camp-followers and baggage by sea, and proceed themselves by land to Cerasus, where the whole army is reviewed. They divide among themselves the money arising from the sale of the prison- ers, the generals taking charge of the tenth part, which had been vowed to Apollo and Diana. Description of Xenophon's residence, and of the temple of Diana, at Scillus. 1. As Cheirisophus did not return, and a sufficient number of vessels were not collected, and as there was no longer a pos- sibility of getting supplies, it appeared that they must take their departure. They accordingly put on board the sick persons, and those who were above forty years of age, with the women and children, and whatever baggage it was not necessary to retain, and appointed Philesius and Sophaenetus, the eldest of the generals to go in the vessels and take charge of them. The rest of the army proceeded by land ; for the road was now prepared. 2. Pursuing their march, they arrived on the third day at Cerasus, a Greek city upon the coast in the country of Colchis, and a colony from Sinope. 3. Here they staid ten days, and a review of the troops under arms was held, and their number taken ; they were in all eight thousand six hundred. Taese were saved out of about ten thousand ; the rest had been cut off by the enemy and the snow, and perhaps two or three by sickness. 4. Here also they distributed the money arising from the salo of the prisoners. The tenth part, which they set aside for Apollo and Diana of Ephesus, the generals took among them, each a portion to keep for those duties. Neon of Asina received that which was intended for Cheirisophus. 5. Xenophon, after causing an offering to. be made for Apollo, deposited it in the treasury of the Athenians at Delphi, inscribing on it his own name, and that of Proxenus, who was killed with Clearchus ; for he had been his guest- friend. 6. The portion designed for Diana of Ephesus ho left with Megabyzus, the warden of the goddess's temple, when ho returned 1 with Agesilaus out of Asia on an expedi- 1 'Ore iTtijei, K. r. /..] Yerte : quum redibat cum Agesilao ex Asii expeditioren cum eo in Boeotos faciens. Xen. Ages. i. 36, ii. 9 ; Hellen. iv. 3 ; Flutarck Ap-s. & 18. Kiihner, CHAP. m. XESOPH02TS RESIDENCE AT SCILLTJS. 153 tion to Bceotia, because he seemed likely to incur some peril, and enjoined him, if he escaped, to return the money to him, but, if he met with an ill fate, to make such an offerring as he thought would please the goddess, and dedicate it to her. 7. Afterward, when Xenophon was banished 1 from his coun- try, and was living at Scillus, a colony settled by the Lace- daemonians near Olympia, Megabyzus came to Olympia to see the games, and restored him the deposit. Xenophon, on receiving it, purchased some land as an offering to the goddess where the god had directed him. The river Selinus happens to run through the midst of it ; 8. and another river named Selinus runs close by the temple of Diana at Ephesus ; and in both there are different kinds of fish, and shell-fish. On the land near Scillus, too, there is hunting, of all such beasts as are taken in the chase. 9. He built also an altar and a temple with the consecrated money, and continued afterward to make a sacrifice every year, always receiving a tenth of the produce of the seasons from the land ; and all the people of the town, as well as the men and women of the neighbor- hood, took part in the festival; while the goddess supplied those in tents there with barley-meal, bread, wine, sweetmeats, and a share of the victims offered from the sacred pastures, and of those caught in hunting; 10. for the sons of Xenophon, and those of the other inhabitants, always made a general hunt against the festival, and such of the men as were willing hunted with them ; and there were caught, partly on the sacred lands, and partly on Mount Pholoe, boars, and antelopes, and deer. 11. This piece of ground lies on the road from Lacedsemon to Olympia, about twenty stadia from the temple of Jupiter at Olympia. There are within the place groves and hills covered with trees, adapted for the breeding of swine, goats, oxen, and horses, so that the beasts of the persons coming to the festival are amply supplied with food. 12. Round the temple itself is planted a grove of cultivated trees, bearing whatever fruits are eatable in the different season?. The edifice is similar, as far as a small can be to a great one, to that at Ephesus ; and the statue is as like to that at Ephesus 1 He was banished by the Athenians for having joined Cyni a in this expedition against th'e king of Persia, whom they then considered as a friend. Pausan. v. G. 4; Diog. Laert. ii. 51. See iii. 1. 5; vk 7. 57. 7* 154 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK T. as a statue of cypress can be to that of gold. 13. A pillar stands near the temple, bearing this inscription : THIS GROUND IS SACRED TO DIANA. HE THAT POSSESSES AND REAPS THE FRUIT OF IT 13 TO OFFER EVERY YEAR THE TENTH OF ITS PRO- PUCE, AND TO KEEP THE TEMPLE IN REPAIR FROM THE RESIDUE. IF ANY ONE FAIL TO PERFORM THESE CONDITIONS, THE GODDESS WILL TAKE NOTICE OF HIS NEGLECT. CHAPTER IV. The Greeks arrive at the country of the MossynoDci, who, reiving on their strongholds, endeavor to stop "their progress." But as they were divided into two parties, the Greeks defeat the one with the aid of the other, burn two fortresses, and plunder the chief city. Account of the barbar- ous manners of the Mossynceci. 1. FROM Cerasus those who had previously gone on board pursued their voyage by sea; the rest proceeded by land. 2. When they came to the confines of the Mossynoeci, they sent to them Timesitheus, a native of Trapezus, a'nd a guest- friend of the Mossyno3ei, to inquire whether they were to march through their country as one of friends or of enemies. The Mossynceci replied that " they would allow them no passage at all ;" for they trusted to their strongholds. 3. Timesitheus then acquainted the Greeks that the Mossynoeci in the country beyond were at enmity with these ; and it was resolved ac- cordingly to ask them whether they were willing to form an alliance with the Greeks. Timesitheus, being dispatched for that purpose, returned with their chiefs. 4. On their arrival, the chiefs of the Mossynoeci and the generals of the Greeks held a conference, when Xenophon spoke, and Timesitheus interpreted. 5. "We are desirous," said he, " Mossynceci, to effect a safe passage to Greece by land, as we have no ships ; but these people, who, as we hear, are your enemies, oppose our way. 6. It is in your power, therefore, if you think proper, to take us for your allies, and to avenge yourselves for whatever injury they have done you, and make them subject to you for the future. 1 7. But if you 1 Kal rb 'konrbv {i/iuv v~r)Koovg elvat TOVTOV^.~\ Supply e^eartv vfilv, after which it would have been more straightforward to say Ixetv in- CHAP. IT. THE MOSSYNGECL 155 reject our application, consider whence you will again procure so efficient a power to support you." 8. To this the head chief of the Mossynoeci answered that they were pleased with the proposal, and would consent to the alliance. 9. " Well, then," said Xenophon, " for what purpose will you want to make use of us, if we become your allies, and how far will you be able to assist us with regard to our passage through the country? 1 ' 10. They replied, " We shall be able to make an irruption, from the further side, into the country of those who are enemies to both you and us, and to send hither for you, both ships and men, who will be your auxiliaries, and guide you on your way." 11. Having given and received pledges on these terms, they de- parted. The next day they returned with three hundred, canoes, 1 and three men in each, of whom two disembarked, and formed in line under arms, while the third remained on board. 12. The latter sailed off with the canoes, and those who were left behind, ranged themselves in the following manner. They drew up in lines, of about a hundred men in each, like rows of dancers fronting one another, all bearing shields made of the hides of white oxen, with the hair on, shaped like an ivy- leaf, and in their right hand a spear six cubits long, with a point at the upper end, and at the lower a round knob formed from the wood of the shaft. 13. They Avere clad in short tunics, that did not reach to their knees, of the thickness of a linen bag for bed-clothes, 2 and had on their heads helmets made of leather like those of the Paphlagonians, with a plait of hair round the middle, nearly resembling a tiara ; they had also battle-axes of iron. 14. One of them next went forward, and all the rest following him, singing to a tune ; and then, passing through the lines and heavy-armed troops of the Greeks, they proceeded straight toward the enemy, to attack ja fortress, which appeared easy to be assailed, 15. and which was situated in front of the city which they call their metrop- olis, occupying the highest point in the country of the Mos- etead of elvai : but t&anv vu.lv easily leads us to the conception of the verb tiicnrpuseade. Kuhner. 1 UXola yuovofuAo.] Boats made of the trunk of a single tree hollowed out. 2 Atvov GTpafiarodeafiov.'] A bag or sack in which slaves had to pack up bed-clothes, e. g. for their master, when he was going to travel. Aristoph. Fr. 249 ; Plato Theast 84, ubi vide HeindorC 150 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. synceci. It was about this stronghold that the present war had arisen ; for those who for the time being held this posi- tion, were regarded as chief of all the Mossynceci ; and they said that the other party had seized it unjustly, and, by appro- priating to themselves a common possession, had gained the ascendency over them. 16. Some of the Greeks followed these men, not by orders from their officers, but for the sake of plun- der. While they were advancing, the enemy were quiet for a time, but, as they drew near the fort, they sallied out and put them to flight, killing several of the Barbarians, and some few of the Greeks that went up with thorn, and continued the pur- suit until they saw the main body of the Greeks coming to the rescue. 17. They then turned and fled, and, cutting off the heads of the slain, exhibited them to the Greeks and their own enemies, dancing and singing, at the same time, to some kind of tune. 18. The Greeks were much veyeJ on this occasion, because they had rendered the enemy bolder, and because their own men, who had gone out with the party in considerable numbers, had run away ; a circumstance which had never before hap- pened during the expedition. 19. Xenophon. however, calling the Greeks together, said, " Do not be cast down, soldiers, at what has happened, for be assured that the good which has oc- curred is not less than the evil. 20. In the first place, you are now convinced that those who are to guide us, are in reality enemies to those to whom it is necessary for us also to bo enemies. In the next, those of the Greeks who were regardless of our discipline, and thought themselvas able to do as much in conjunction with the Barbarians as with us, have paid the penalty of their rashness ; so that on any other occasion they will be less inclined to desert our body. 21. And it is now in- cumbent on you so to prepare yourselves, that you may appear to such of the Barbarians as are your friends to be superior to them ia courage, and to prove to your enemies that they will not fight with the same kind of men now, as when they fought with those who were in disorder." 22. Thus they rested for that day. On the next, when they had sacrificed, and found favorable omens, and had taken their breakfast, they formed themselves into columns, ranging the Barbarians on the left in the same way. and marched forward with the archers between tho columns, keep- CHAP. IT. A FORTRESS STORMED. 157 ing a little within the front ranks of the heavy-armed troops, for" some of the enemy's light-armed men ran down and hurled stones at them. 23. These the archers and peltasts tried to keep in check ; the rest of the Greeks proceeded at a slow pace, in the first place, toward the fortress, from which the Barbarians, and the Greeks who were with them, had been repulsed the day before ; for here the enemy were drawn up to oppose them. 24. The Barbarians awaited the charge of the peltasts, and engaged with them ; but when the heavy-armed came up, they took to flight, when the peltasts immediately pursued them up the hill to the metropolis, and the heavy-armed followed in order. 25. As soon as they had reached the top, and were close to the houses in the metropolis, the enemy, being now collected in a body, encountered and hurled lances at them ; and, using other spears of great thickness and length, such as a mau could hardly carry, they endeavored to defend themselves with them hand to hand. 26. As the Greeks however did not give way, but engaged them in close combat, they fled also from this part, abandon- ing the place entirely. But their king who resided in a Avooden tower, 1 built upon an eminence, and whom, while he lives there, they all maintain and guard 5 in common, would not consent to come out, nor would those who were in the fortress that was first taken, 3 but were burned there toge- ther with the towers. 27. The Greeks, in ransacking the place, found in the houses stores 4 of bread, laid up, as the Mossynoeci themselves said, according to their hereditary prac- tice, and the new corn put by in the straw ; the most of it was spelt. 28. Sliced flesh of dolphins, 5 too, was found pic- kled in jars, and fat of dolphins also in other vessels, which Moatruv, gvMvof, Trfpyof, as appears from Diod. Sic. xiv. 30. Apoll. Rhodius lengthens the i', ii. 1018, 1019, as well as Dionysius Periegetes, v. 766. The form ftoaavvotf from /wanvvo^ occurs below ; but Schneider, on the suggestion of Buttmann, reads [toaavvoiv, that Xenophon may bo consistent with himself. 2 $v'/.u.TTov(jt..] This reading is adopted by Dindorf from a conjecture of Brunck, ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1030, which was approved by Porson, and is supported by Pomponius Mela, L 19 : "The Mossy ni maintain their king shut up in a tower." 3 That which is mentioned in sect. 15. Kiihner. 4 Qijaavpovc.] Apothecas, receptacida, cellos. Zeuno. 5 The Chalybes also are said to pickle dolphins, and use their fat, by Strabo, xiu 3, p. 27. 158 THE EXPEDITION OP CYBUS. BOOK r. the Mossynceci used as the Greeks use oil. 29. In the upper part of the houses were vast stores of chestnuts, 1 of the broad kind, without any fissure ; these they use in great quantities for food, boiling them and baking loaves of them. Wine was likewise found, which, when unmixed, seemed sour to the taste by reason of its roughness, but mixed with water, was both fragrant and sweet. 30. The Greeks, after dining here, proceeded on their march, delivering up the place to the tribe of Mossynoeci that had become their allies. As for the other towns at which they arrived, belonging to the people on that side of the enemy, the Barbarians deserted such as were most accessible, while the inhabitants of others willingly cams over to them. 31. Most of these places were situated thus : they were distant from one another about eighty stadia, some more, some less ; yet the inhabitants could hear each other calling out from o.ie town to another; so mountainous and hollow is the country. 32. When the Greeks, advancing onward, arrived in tho country of their friends they showed them some boys, sons of the richer sort of people, extremely fat (having been fed on boiled chestnuts), very soft and fair-skinned, and not far from being equal in height and breadth, painted also on their backs with various colors, and tattooed all over their fore-parts with flowers. 1 33. They wanted to have intercourse in public with the mistresses that the Greeks had with them ; for such is their custom. Both the men and women were very fair. 34. Those engaged in this expedition said that these were the most barbarous of all the people they passed through, and furthest removed from the manners of the Greeks ; for they do those things in a crowd which other men would do in pri- vate, or would not venture to do at all ; and they acted, when alone, just as they would have acted in company with others ; 1 Kdpva~\ The commentators rightly understand castanece nuces, chest- nuts, of which the name was taken from Castana, a city of Thcssaly, where they were first cultivated by the Greeks: see Pollux, i. 233; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 425. Kuhner. So Leunclavius, Schneider. Kuhner, and most of tho commentators interpret. Zeune, from Hesychius's definition of dvdefiiov, ypaufjiTi rtf D.iKoeidr/g iv roif nioai," is disposed to think that the people were tattooed in front with spiroJ. lines, but thia notion, says Kiihuer, minims placet. CHAP. v. ARRIVAL AT COTYORA. 169 they talked to themselves, laughed to themselves, and stopped and danced wherever they happened to be, as if they were ex- hibiting themselves to others. CHAPTER V. The Greeks pass through the territories of the Chalybes, and arrive at Cotyora, a colony from Sinope, in those of the Tibareni. Not being hos- pitably received, they subsist by plundering the neighboring country, and that of the raphlagonians. The people of Sinope complain of these depredations, but are appeased by the reply of Xenophon. 1. THROUGH this country, partly hostile and partly friend- ly, the Greeks proceeded eight days' journey, and arrived a'mong the Chalybes. This people are few in number, and subject to the Mossynoeci ; and the subsistence of most of them is procured by working in iron. 2. They next came to the Tibareni, whose country was much more level, and con- tained some towns on the sea-coast, not very strongly fortified. Upon these places the generals were inclined to make an at- tack, and thus in some degree to benefit the army ; and accord- ingly they did not receive the offerings of hospitality that wero sent them from the Tibareni, but ordered those who brought them to wait till they had considered how to act, and then pro- ceeded to sacrifice. 3. After offering several victims, all the augurs at last gave their opinion that the gods by no means ap- proved of war. They then accepted the presents, and, march- ing on, as through a country belonging to friends, they arrived in two days at Cotyora, a Greek city, a colony from Sinope, situated in the territory of the Tibareni. 4. Thus far the army had proceeded by land. The length of their journey down the country, from the field of battle near Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two days' march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, or eighteen thou- sand six hundred stadia ; and the length of time spent in it was eight months. ^5. Here they staid forty-five days ; during which they first sacrificed to the gods, and then each of the Greeks, ac- cording to their tribes, celebrated processions and gymnastic 160 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v games. 6. Their provisions, meanwhile, they took partly from Paphlagonia, and partly from the lands of the Cotyorites ; for they refused to permit them to purchase, or to receive their sick within the walls. 7. During this state of things embassadors came from the people of Sinope, who were in fear about the city of Cotyora. (for it belonged to them, and the inhabitants paid them tribute), and about the land, as they had heard that it was being ravaged. Having arrived at the camp, they said (Hieronymus, who was thought a man of eloquence, speaking for the rest), 8. " The people of Sinope, soldiers, have sent us hither, first of all, to offer you commendation, because, being Greeks, you have overcome the Barbarians, and next to con- gratulate you on having arrived here safe, as we hear, through many and great struggles. 9. But we think it right that, as we ourselves are Greeks, we should receive favor, and not injury at the hands of you who are Greeks ; for we have certainly never been aggressors in doing you any ill. 10. The people of Cotyora are colonists of ours, and we gave them this land after having taking it from the Barbarians ; on which ac- count they pay us as an appointed tribute, in the same manner as the people of Cerasus and Trebisond ; so that whatever evil you do to them, the city of Sinope will consider itself aggrieved by it. 11. We are now informed that, having en- tered the town by force, you are quartered, some of you, in the houses, and are taking whatever you want from the neighbor- hood without having obtained the people's consent 12. These proceedings we can not approve, and, if you continue to act thus, it will be necessary for us to make friends of Corylas and the Paphlagonians, and whomsoever else we may be able to at- tach to us." 13. In reply to these complaints Xenophon rose up and spoke in behalf of the army as follows : " We, O men of Sinope, have come hither, content with having preserved our persons and our arms; for to bring away spoil with us, and at the same time to fight with our enemies, was impossible ; 14. and now, since we arrived among the Greek cities (at Trebisond for example, for there they allowed us to buy), we have got our provisions by purchase ; and in return for the honors which they did us, and the presents which they gave to the army, we paid them every respect, and abstained from CIIAP.V. XEXOPHOX JUSTIFIES THEIR PROCEEDINGS. 161 injuring any of the Barbarians that were their friends, while to their enemies, against whom they led us, we did as much harm as we could. 15. Inquire of them (for the men, whom, through friendship, the city sent along with us as guides, are present here), what sort of persons they found us. 16. But whithersoever we come and find no opportunity of purchas- ing, whether to a country of Barbarians or of Greeks, we take provisions for ourselves, not tyrannically, but from neces- sity. 17. Thus we made the Carduchi, the Taochi, and the Chaldseans (not subjects of the king indeed, but very formid- able people), our enemies, by being under the necessity of taking provisions from them, as tbey gave us no opportunity (o buy; 18. but the Macrones, since they afforded us every facility for purchasing that they could, we regarded, though Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing from them by force. 19. But as for the people of Cotyora (who, you say, are your subjects), for whatever we have taken from them they them- selves are to be blamed ; for they did not make advances to us as friends, but, shutting their gates, would neither admit us within their walls, nor offer us provisions for sale without; and they alleged that the governor appointed by you was the cause of these proceedings. 20. With regard to your remark that we have entered the city and lodged ourselves in it by force, we requested them to receive our sick under their roofs ; but, when they would not open their gates, we, effecting an entrance where the place itself would admit us, 1 committed no further act of violence ; and the sick now lodge in the houses, living upon their own means ; while we place a guard at the gates, only that our disabled soldiers may not bo in the hands of your governor, but that it may be in our power to remove them when we wish. 21. The rest of us, as you see, are en- camped in order in the open air, prepared, if any one does us a service, to do him a service in return ; if an injury, to defend ourselves against him. 22. And as to your threat that, if you think proper, you will make Corylas and the Paphlagonians your allies against us, be assured that we, if it be necessary, will fight with you both (for we have already fought with 1 'Edt^ era avrd TO xupiov.] Qua nos ipse locus recipiebat : h. c. qud nobis per ipsius loci naturam lictbat urlem intrare. Kiihner. Schnei- der's text has OVK idsxovro, but all the modem editors concur with Din- dorf. 162 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK v. enemies much more numerous than you), or, if we think fit, we will make the Paphlagonian leader our friend, 23. for we have- heard that he covets both your city and all the other places on the sea. We shall try to become his friends by assisting him in the attainment of what he desires." 24. After this speech the colleagues of Hecatonymus testi- fied manifest displeasure at what he had said, and another of them, coming forward, said that they were not come to make war, but to declare that they were friends. " And if you come," he con- tinued, " to the city of Sinopo, we will receive you there, with tokens of friendship, and, for the present, we will desire the people here to supply you with what they can ; for we see that all you state is true." 25. The people of Cotyora then sent presents to the army, and the generals of the Greeks entertained the embassadors from Sinope ; and they conversed with one another about many other tilings that concerned them, and in- quired about such particulars as each party wanted to know respecting the remainder of the route. CHAPTER VI. The Greeks, by the advice of Hecatonymus, resolved to proceed by sea, if the people of Sinope will send them ships enough for their conveyance. A project of Xeuophon's to build a city in Pontus is frustrated by the treachery of Silanus. Several of the Greeks are inclined to settle in Pontus. 1. SUCH was the end of that day. On the next, the generals assembled the soldiers, and it was resolved to call in the em- bassadors from Sinope and consult them about the rest of their journey ; for, if it should be necessary to proceed by land, the Sinopeans seemed likely to prove useful as guides, as they were well acquainted with Paphlagonia ; or if by sea, it appeared that they would want the aid of the Sinopeans, for they were the only people that seemed able to furnish a suffi- cient number of ships for transporting the army. 2. Having requested the attendance of the embassadors, therefore, they asked their opinion, and desired that, being Greeks, they would in the first place receive them well 1 both by being 1 The student will find the original, in this passage, somewhat ob- CHAP. vi. ADVICE OF HECATONYMUS. 163 kind to them as Greeks, and by advising them for the best. 3. Hecatonvmus, rising up, first stated in apology for his observation "'that they would make the Paphlagonian their friend," that he had said this, not to imply that they were going to make war upon the Greeks, but that they would prefer the friendship of the Greeks though they had the option of becoming friends to the Barbarians. When they called upon him to give them his advice, he spoke, with an appeal to the gods, to the following effect ; 4. " If I advise you what seems to me to be best, may many good things befall me ; if not, things of a contrary nature; for that sort of counsel, which is said to be sacred, 1 appears now to be required ; and, if I shall be thought to have advised you well, there will be many of you to applaud me, and if ill, many of you to execrate me. 5. I am aware, then, that we ourselves shall have much more trouble if you proceed by sea, for it will be necessary for us to furnish the vessels ; while, if you go by land, it will fall upon you to fight your way. 6. However, I must tell you what I know ; for I am well acquainted both with the country of the Paphlagonians and with their strength. As for the country, it presents many beautiful plains, and mountains of a very great height ; 7. and I know, in the first place, the part where you must certainly make your entrance into it, for it is impossible to enter it at any other point than where the peaks of a mountain rise to a vast height on each side of the road, which a handful of men in possession of them would be able to defend ; 2 and, if they are pre-occupied, not even all the scure, as the accusative that <5eor? set off for Greece as soon as possible, as he had saved the ehree thousand darics that he had received from Cyrus, when, sacrificing for him, he gave a true prediction concerning the ;en days. 1 19. As to the soldiers, when they heard of the matter, some thought it best to stay there, but the majority were of a different opinion ; and Timasion the Dardanian and Thorax the Boeotian told some merchants of Heraclea and Sinope who happened to be there, that if they did not procure pay for the troops so that they might have provisions on the voyage, there would be danger of so great an army ' L 1. 18. 166 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. remaining in Pontus ; for Xenophou, said the}-, is forming this project, and desires us, when the vessels have arrived, suddenly to say to the army, 20. " Soldiers, we observe that we are now at a loss both how to get provisions for our voyage, and how to benefit our families on returning home. But if you are inclined to select somo spot, wherever you please, in the inhabited country around the Euxine, and to take possession of it, allowing those to go home who Jire desirous to go, and those who are willing, to settle here, you have ships at command, so that you may make a sudden de- scent upon any part you may think proper." 21. The mer- chants, on hearing this account, communicated it to their cities; and Timasion the Dardanian sent with them Eurymachus, also a Dardanian, and Thorax the Boeotian, to make the same state- ment. The people of Sinope and Ilcraclea, as soon as they learned this, sent to Timasion, and engaged him, on receipt of a certain sum of money, to use his influence in bringing it to pass that the army might sail out of the Euxine. 22. He willingly listened to this proposal, and made a speech, in an assembly of the soldiers to the following purport : " We ought not to give our thoughts, soldiers, to remaining here ; or to esteem any other country as preferable to Greece. I hear, however, that certain persons are sacrificing with a view to this object, without informing you of it. 23. But, if you will sail out of the Euxine, I engage to give each of you monthly a stater of Cyzicus 1 as pay, computing from the first day of the month ; and I will then conduct you to Troas, from whence I am an exile, and my city shall aid you, for my countrymen will gladly receive me. 24. I will also guide you to places from which you may get wealth, for I am well acquainted with ^Eolia, Phrygia, Troas, and all the satrapy of Pharnabazus^ partly from being a native of that quarter, and partly from having served there with Clearchus and Dercyl- lidas. 25. Thorax the Boeotian, who was always contending with Xenophon for the chief command, immediately 2 stood up, and said, that if they sailed out of the Euxine, there would be 1 "Worth about 22s. Qd. according to Ilussey, cli. vi. sect. 4. 2 Dindorf, with most other editors, has" ai>di. I have thought proper to follow Schneider in reading criWf, which occurs in two manuscripts. CHAP. vi. XENOPHOST JUSTIFIES HIMSELF. 167 before them the Chersonese, 1 a fine and rich country ; so that such as wished might settle there, and such as were unwilling to do so miofht return home ; adding that it was ridiculous, when there was abundance of rich land in Greece, to seek S3ttlements in a country of Barbarians. 26. " And until you arrive there," said he, " I, as well as Timasion, engage that you shall have pa}." This he said from having learned what the people of Heraclea and Sinope had promised on condition that they sailed away. Xenophon, in the mean time, was silent, 27. Philesius and Lycon, however, both Achreans, rose up and observed that it was intolerable that Xenophon should privately persuade the soldiers to remain, and sacrifice with a view to their stay, not allowing the army to participate in the sacrifice, and saying nothing on the subject to the general council. Xenophon was in consequence obliged to rise and speak as follows : 28. "I sacrifice, as you see, soldiers, to the best of mj ability, both for you and for myself, in order that I may say, and think, and do such things as may be most honorable and advantageous both for yourselves and me ; and I was just now sacrificing about this very consideration, whether it would be better to proceed to speak and treat with you on this subject, or not to touch on the point at all. 29. Silanus the augur in- formed me, what was the most important particular, that the victims were favorable, but added (for he knew that I was not unskilled in such matters, from being constantly present at the sacrifices), that some fraud and treachery was indicated against me by the sacrifices, as being conscious, forsooth, that he himself was treacherously purposing to calumniate me to you ; for he it was that spread the report that I intended to carry this scheme into execution without gaining your con- sent. 30. If indeed I had seen you in want, I should have meditated some scheme, of which the result might have been that you, after possessing yourselves of some town, 1 might sail home, such of you as were inclined, immediately, and such as were not so, after they had acquired sufficient to be of some benefit to their families. 31. But since I see the people of Heraclea and Sinope sending you vessels to sail in, and 1 The Thracian Chersonese. 5 n63.ii>.] Haken thinks that Xenophon meditated taking possession of the city of Cotyora. Comp. sect. 15. 168 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK v. individuals here promising you pay from the beginning of the month, it appears to me an excellent thing for us, after getting safe where we wish to be, to receive pay for allowing ourselves to be preserved ;' and I myself, accordingly, give up this project, and think that all who have come to me saying that we ought to act in this manner, should give it up likewise, 32. For what I think is this ; that while you continue together, as at present, in large numbers, you are likely to be held in honor, and to find provisions (since in superior strength lies the privilege of taking what belongs to the weaker) ; but if you are divided, and your force broken into small bodies, you will neither be able to procure subsistence, nor effect a departure to your satisfaction. 33. My opinion, consequently, is the game with your own, that we ought to set out for Greece, and that if any one remain here, or be found leaving any one be- hind, before the whole army is in a place of safety, he be brought to trial as a criminal. And by whomsoever," he add- ed, " these sentiments are approved, let him hold up his hand." They all held them up. 34. But Silanus cried out in opposition, and attempted to show that such as wished to leave the army ought to be allowed to do so. This proposition, however, the soldiers would not endure, but threatened that, if they caught him running away, they would inflict punishment on him. 35. Soon after, when the Heracleans learned that it was resolved to sail out of the Euxine, and that it was Xenophon who had put the matter to the vote they sent the ships ; but about the money for pay, which they had promised to Timasion and Thorax, they broke their word. 36. In consequence, those who had engaged for its payment were confounded, and in dread of the army. Taking with them, therefore, the rest of the T;/f auTTjpiaf ha[j.C>u.vEivJ\ An elegant expression, with a certain irony, for if one person is saved by another, he docs not receive, but give, a reward for his preservation. Compare vii. 6. 30: fuadov xpoafTefai T?/f uviv :] The senso of this passage is excellently given by Amasasus : Quid t-im grave passi essent, ut eo nomine eum, a quo violati essent, judicio persequi pos- sent 1 i. e. they would not have been able to get satisfaction even for the severest injury. JZuhner. If they had fallen into tho hands of tho ene- 178 'CHE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v. punished any one for his good, I am willing to nake such atonement as parents make to their children and masters to their scholars. Surgeons, too, cut and cauterize for the good of their patients. 19. But if you imagine that I acted thus from a love of tyranny, consider that I have now, through the Favor of the gods, more spirit than I had then, and am bolder now than I then was, and drink a greater quantity of wine, and yet strike no one ; for I see you now in a calm ; 20. but when a storm rises, and a great sea sets in, do you not observe that the commander in the prow, 1 even for a mere nod, is angry with those in the fore-part of the vessel, and the steersman angry with those in the stern, because, in such circumstances, even small mistakes are sufficient to ruin every thing? 21. Even you yourselves, however, have pronounced that I struck these men, on those occasions, with justice, for you stood by with swords, not voting-pebbles, in your hands, and might have taken their part if you had thought proper. But, by Jupiter, you neither took their part, nor joined with me in punishing the disorderly ; 22. and you have in conse- quence, by letting them alone, given encouragement to the bad men among them to grow audacious ; for you will find, I think, if you will but examine, that those who were then the worst, are now the most audacious characters. 23. Boiscus, for instance, the Thessalian boxer, strove earnestly, on pre- tense of sickness, not to carry his shield ; and now, as I hear, he has robbed many of the people of Cotyora. 24. If there- fore you are wise, you will treat this man in a way, the re- verse of that in which they treat dogs ; for dogs, when they are spiteful, men tie up in the day, and let loose in the night ; but him, if you exercise your judgment, you -will tie up in the night, and let loose only by day. 25. But I wonder," he added, " why, if I gave offense to any of you, you bear it in mind, and do not fail to speak of it, while, if I relieved any my, they would have been unable to got redress for any injury, however great. 1 IlpupEV.] The proreta, he who had the command of the rowers in the fore-part of the vessel, and who was next in lank to the guber- nator. Kuhner. An officer whose business it was to keep a look-out, as the sailors call it, at the head of the ship. I am informed that we have . no term, in our naval institution, that properly explains it ; that of pilot the gentlemen of the navy tell me, comes the nearest to it. CHAP. i. THE GREEKS IN PAPHLAGONIA. 17D. of you during the cold, or kept off any enemy from you, or supplied any of you, in any way, when sick and in want, no one makes mention of these services ; nor, if I have commend- ed any one for good conduct in any case, or have honored any man, as far as I could, for valiant exertion, does any of you re- member these occurrences. 26. Yet is it more honorable, and just, and upright, and pleasing, to treasure in the memory good acts than bad." They accordingly rose up, and called to mind his services ;' and the result was 2 that things were settled satisfactorily. BOOK 71. CHAPTER I. The Greeks receive an embassy from the satrap of Paphlagonia, with whom they make peace. They sail from Cotyora to Sinope, where they deter- mine to elect a commander-in-chief, and fix upon Xenophon, who declines the office; and they then choose Cheirisophus, who had just returned with vessels from Anaxibius. 1. FROM this time the Greeks, during their stay here, sub- sisted partly by purchasing provisions, and partly by plunder- ing the country of Paphlagonia ; while the Paphlagonians, on their part, secretly intercepted, and with great adroitness, the straggling soldiers, and made attempts, during the night, to annoy those who were encamped at the outposts. In con- 1 'AvefiifivrjaKov.] As this verb has no substantive dependent on it, the critics have been in doubt what turn to give it. Schneider's method has obtained most favor: " Commemorabant beneficia Xenophontis." Amasaeus gives "se memores esse testificati sunt," which is much to the same purpose. There is no other suggestion worth notice. 2 Ilfpieytvero.] Res ista hunc exitum habuit (line evasii) ut pvJthre se haberent omnia. Stephanus. So Brodaeus, Schneider, Poppo, and the majority of the commentators. Schneider happily refers to Thucyd. vi. 24; i. 32 ; iv. 12 ; to which Kuhner adds Demosth. 01. i. 10. 4. Some have given to Trepieyevero the sense of vicit, and referred it to Xeno- phon ; as Muretus : Et vicit Zenophon eos, qui sibi calumniam intendebant. But the judgment of recent editors has complete!/ set aside this view of the passage. 180 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK v L sequence of these proceedings they conceived the most hostile feelings toward each other. 2. Corylas, however, who was then governor of Paphlagonia, sent deputies to the Greeks with horses and beautiful robes, to say that " Corylas was desirous neither to injure the Greeks nor to receive injury from them." 3. The generals replied, that " they would consider of tho matter with the army ;" but received them at the same time with hospitality, and invited such of the officers as they thought most eligible 1 to meet them ; 4. when, having killed* some of the oxen that they had captured, and other cattle, they set be- fore them a plentiful entertainment, of which they partook re- clining on mats made of grass, 2 and drank out of horn cups which they had found in the country. 5. As soon as the libations were over, and they had sung the paean, two Thracians rose up, and danced in full armor, to the sound of a pipe ; they leaped very high, and with great agility, and wielded their swords ; and at last one struck" tho other, in such a manner that every one thought he had killed him, G. (he fell, however, artfully) and the Paphlagoniaas cried out ; the other, having despoiled him of his arms, went out singing the Sitalces ; 3 while other Thracians carried off the man as if he had been dead ; though indeed he had suffered no hurt. 7. Afterward some ./Eniaus and Magnesi- ans stood up, and danced what they call the Carpsean 4 dance, in heavy arms. 8. The nature of the dance was as follows : one man, having laid aside his arms, sows, and drives a yoke of oxen, frequently turning to look back as if he were afraid. 1 AiKaioTuTovf.] Such as had the lest claim or title to bo invited, diKaio^ being here used in the sense of diynus, " deserving 1 ," as in the phrase eJi'/catof /ii, on which see Kiihner ad h. 1., and Bornemann ad Conviv. iv. 15. 2 ZnCdaiv.] Kiihner reads OTH/ZTTOW, "low couches," which occurs in five manuscripts, and of which, being a rarer word, ho considers criMGtv to be a mere interpretation. I follow the definition of Hesy- ch'us. 3 A song in which they seem to have celebrated the praises of one cf their kings named Sitalces. There were many Thracian kings of that name ; see Herod, iv. SO ; Thucyd. ii. 29. * T/> nap-aiav.'] Perhaps from /capTof. fruit, one of the parties being a sower ; or from Kap~6r t the wrist, the wrists of one being bound. Tho former derivation appears the more plausible. This dance is also des- cribed by Maximus Tyrius, Diss. xii. p. 128, cd. Davies, though not BO folly aa by Xenophen" CHAP. I. A FEAST AND DANCES. 181 A robber then approaches, and the other man, when he per- ceives him, snatches up his arms and runs to meet him, and fights with him in defense of his yoke of oxen (and the men acted all this keeping time to the pipe) ; but at last the robber, binding the other man, leads him oft' with his oxen. Some- times, however, the plowman binds the robber, and then, having fastened him to his oxen, drives him off with his hands tied behind him. 9. Next came forward a Mysian, with a light shield in each hand, and danced, sometimes acting as if two adversaries were attacking him ; sometimes he used his shields as if en- gaged with only one ; sometimes he whirled about, and threw a summerset, still keeping the shields in his hands, presenting an interesting spectacle. 10. At last he danced the Persian dance, 1 clashing his shields together, sinking on his knees, and rising again ; and all this he performed in time to the pipe. 11. After him some Mantineans, and others of the Arcadi- ans, coming forward and taking their stand, armec 1 as hand- somely as they could equip themselves, moved along ;n time, accompanied by a pipe tuned for tho war-movement, 2 and sung the paean, and danced in the same manner as in the pro- cessions to the gods. The Paphlagonians, looking on, testified their astonishment that all the dances were performed in armor. 12. The Mysian, observing that they were surprised at the exhibition, and prevailing on one of the Arcadians, who had a female dancer, to let her come in, brought her forward, equipping her as handsomely as he could, and giving her a light buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic dance 3 with great agility, and a general clapping followed ; 13. and the Paphla- 1 Td UepaiKor.'] This Persian dance, from tho frequent bendings of tho kneo in it, they called oK/.aajna, according to Pollux, iv. 100. Zmne. lirunck ad Aristoph. Thesmoph. 1175, refers to Meursii Orchestra in LiO,a.Gfi.a. and llepatKrj. 2 Updf TOV evoirluov pvd/iov.] To a tune adapted for a dance in armor. Tho commentators adduce SchoL Aristoph. Nub. 651 ; Sturz, Lex. Xenoph. ; and Phavorinus in t-fifit/.eia and Kartvo^uov, Kllhner. 3 A kind of dance in arms which was sometimes performed to the sound of trumpets and timbrels, and accompanied with every gesture of the body used in giving and avoiding blows. See Sturz, Lex. Xen. ; Beck ad Aristoph. Av. 1169; Gronov. Thesaur. i. p. 1280 and 1525; Ast ad Plat. Legg. p. 352; Miiller'a Dorians, vol. ii. p. 337. R'ihner. 182 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOKTL gonians asked whether the women fought along with the men^' when they replied that it was the women who had driven the king from his camp. 1 This was the conclusion of the enter- tainments for that night. 14. Next day the generals brought the deputies before the army ; and it was resolved by the soldiers that " they would neither injure the Paphlagonians nor suffer any injury from them." The deputies then took their departure ; and the Greeks, as a sufficient number of ships seemed to be ready, went on board, and sailed all that day and the following night, with a fair wind, keeping Paphlagonia on the left; 15. and the day after, they arrived at Sinope, and cast anchor in Har- mene, the harbor of that city. The Sinopeans are situate ia the Paphlagonian territory, but are colonists of the Milesians. They sent the Greeks, as a mark of hospitality, three thousand medimni 3 of flour, and fifteen hundred ceramia 3 of wine. 1C. Here Cheirisophus now arrived with some galleys : the soldiers expected that he was bringing them something ; but he brought them nothing. He announced, however, that Anaxi- bius the admiral, and the rest of the Lacedaemonians, gave them great praise ; and that Anaxibius * engaged, if they would come away from the Euxine, that they should have pay. 17. The troops staid five days at Harmene ; and as they considered that they were now near Greece, it became an object with them, even more than before, to return home with some booty in their possession. 18. And they thought that, if they made choice of one general, that single person would be better able to manage the army, whether by night or day, than it was managed under the existing government of several ; so that if it should be necessary for them, in any case, to conceal their designs, they would be concealed more effectually, and if to anticipate the movements of the enemy, they would be less likely to be behind-hand ; as there would then be no need of conferences, but whatever was determined by the one commander would be put in execution ; whereas the genersJs 1 An extravagant allusion, says Kriiger, to what is said ia i. 10. 3. 2 The medimnus is estimated as equal to 11 gallons, 7.1456 piata, English, in Smith's Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Ant. art. Medimnus. 3 The Kepufiiav is considered by Hussey, xiii. 4, as equal to the Roman amphora, or 5 gallons, 7.577 pints, English. 4 See v. 1. 4. CHAP. i. OFFER TO MAKE XENOPHON SOLE GENERAL. 183 Lad hitherto dono every thing by the vote of the majority. 1 19. While they were contemplating this scheme, they turned their thoughts to Xenophon ; and the captains came to him and said that the army was of this opinion, and each, express- ing his good-will toward him, endeavored to induce him to undertake the command. 20. Xenophon was in some degree inclined to listen to the proposal, when he reflected that, by this means, greater honor would fall to him, that his name would reach his friends and his country with greater glory, find that possibly he might also be the cause of some advan- tage to the army. 21. Such considerations influenced him to desire to become commander-in-chief. But when, on the other hand, he remembered how uncertain it is to all men what the future will produce, and that, consequently, he would be in danger of losing the reputation which he had already acquired, he felt uncertain how to act. 22. While he was perplexed as to his decision, it appeared to him that the best thing that ho could do was to lay the matter before the gods ; and having placed by the altar two victims, 2 he sacrificed to Jupiter the King, who had been pointed out to him as the god that he should consult, by the oracle at Delphi ; and ho thought that he had received from that god the dream which he saw, when he was first appointed to take charge of the army. 23. He called to mind also, that when he was going from Ephesus to join Cyrus, an eagle cried on his right, in a sitting posture however, which, as the augur, who accompanied him, said, was an omen portending something great, above the fortunes of a private individual ; foretelling what was honorable, but toilsome, since other birds attack the eagle chiefly when sitting; and he added that the omen was not at all indicative of gain, as the eagle mostly secured prey when flying. 24. While he was sacri- ficing on the present occasion, the god clearly directed him not to seek any additional command, and not to accept it if they should elect him ; and this was the issue of the matter. 25. The army however came together, and all suggested that one commander should be chosen ; and, as it was resolved to 1 'Ex r//r viKuvTie.] Sc. yvupr/c, from the prevailing opinion or vote. 2 Two victims were brought, that if favorable omens were not obtain- ed from the first, the second might bo used. Zeune. 184 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vi do so, they proposed Xenophon. As it seemed evident too that they would elect him, if any one should put it to the vote, he rose up and spoke as follows : 26. " My fellow-soldiers, I am delighted, as I have the feelings of a man, at receiving honor from you, and am grateful for it, and pray that the gods may grant me to be the author of some advantage to you ; but that I should be preferred to be your leader, when a Lacedaemonian is present, appears likely to be of no advan- tage either to you or me ; on the contrary, it. seems probable that if you should require assistance from them, you would on this very account bo less likely to obtain it. I moreover think such a dignity by no means safe for me ; 27. for I see that the Lacedaemonians never ceased making war on my country until they made the whole people acknowledge that the Lacedaemonians were masters of them as well as of others ; * 28. though, when they made this confession, they at once desisted from hostilities, and no longer besieged the city. If therefore, seeing this state of things, I should seem, where I have the power, to render their supremacy uninfluential, I am apprehensive lest I should very soon be reminded of my duty. 29. As to your opinion, that there will be less faction among you under one commander than under many, be assured that, if you choose another, you will not find me factious; for I consider that he who in war quarrels with his commander, quarrels with his own safety; whereas, if you should elect me, I should not wonder if you should find people show resentment against both you and myself." 30. After he had thus spoken, far more persons than before rose up, and said that he ought to take upon him the com- mand. Agasias of Stymphalus said that it would be ridiculous if things should be in such a state, since the Lacedaemonians might then be enraged even if a party met to sup together did not choose a Lacedaemonian as president of their ban- quet. " If such be the case," added he, " it is not proper even for us, it would seem, to be captains, because we are Arcadians." Upon this the assembly showed by a murmur their opinion that Agasias had spoken well. 31. Xenophon, seeing that there was need of fcmething 1 Alluding to the consequences of the Peloponnesian war, by which the supreme power over Greece fell into the hands of the Lacedaemoni- ans. Kilhner. CHAP.n. CHEIRISOPHU3 CHOSEN. 185 additional on his part, came forward and said, " But, my fellow-soldiers, that you may be fully informed on this subject, I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses, that after I learned your inclination, I sought to ascertain by sacrifice whether it would be better for you to confer this command upon me, and for me to undertake it, or not ; and they gave me such manifest signs, by the victims, that even an untaught person l would have understood that I ought to decline the command." 32. They in consequence chose Cheirisophus, who, when he was elected, stood forward and said, " Be as- sured of this, my fellow-soldiers, that I should have made no factious opposition, if you had chosen another. However," added he, "you have done a service to Xenophon by not electing him, as Dexippus 2 has recently been accusing him to Anaxibius, as far as he could, although I tried as much as possible to silence him. Dexippus 3 also said that he thought Xenophon 3 would rather be joined in command with Timasion, a Dardanian, over the army of Clearchus, than with himself, a Lacedaemonian. 33. But," he continued, "since you have chosen me, I will endeavor, on my part, to do you all the service that I can. Prepare yourselves, accordingly, to sail to-morrow, if it be weather for sailing. Our course will be for Heraclea, and it is incumbent on you all to do your utmost to reach it. Of other matters we wil) consider when we have arrived there." CHAPTER II. The Greeks sail to Heraclea, -where disagreements arise among them, and they separate into three parties ; one, the most numerous, formed of Arcadians and Achseans, who create for themselves ten captains ; a second attached to Cheirisophus ; and a third to Xenophon. 1. WEIGHING anchor from hence the next day, they sailed with a fair wind along the coast for two days. In their ' 'I6iurr)v.~\ A private person ; a person who was not a professional sacrificer or augur. 2 v. L 15. s 'O <5 aiiror.] I take these pronouns, with Bornemann and Kiih- ner, to mean Dexippus and Xenophon. Timasion had been elected in the place of Clearchus, iii. 1. 47. Xenophon appears to show his willing- ness to act with Clearchus in what is related, iii. 2. 37. 186 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vt course they saw the Beach of Jason, where the Argo is said to have been moored ; and the mouths of certain rivers, first that of the Thermodon, then that of the Iris, next that of the Halys, and finally that of the Parthenius. After sailing by the last, they arrived at Heraclea, a Greek city, a colony of Megara, situate in the territory of the Maryandyni. 2. They came to anchor near the Acherusian Peninsula, where Her- cules is said to have gone down to bring up the dog Cerberus, and where they now show marks of his descent to the depth of more than two stadia. 3. The people of Heraclea sent the Greeks, as tokens of hospitality, three thousand medimni l of barley-meal, and two thousand ceramia a of wine, with twenty oxen and a hundred sheep. Here a river named Lycus runs through the plain, in breadth about two hundred feet. 4. The soldiers, assembling together, began to deliberate, with regard to the rest of the way, whether it were proper to proceed by land or sea, until they were beyond the Euxine. Lycon, an Achaean, rising up, said, " I wonder at the generals, my fellow-soldiers, for not endeavoring to procure us money to buy provisions ; for the presents received will not furnish subsistence to the army for three days ; nor is there any place from whence we can get provisions as we proceed on our journey. It appears to me, therefore, that we ought to ask of the people of Heraclea not less than three throusand Cyzicene staters." 3 5. Another exclaimed, " Xot less than ten thousand," and proposed that, having chosen deputies, we should send them at once to the city, while we were sitting there, and hear what report they brought, and take measures accordingly. 6. They then proposed, as deputies, first Chei- risophus, because he was general-in-chie^ and others then named Xenophon ; but both resolutely refused ; for they concurred in opinion that they ought not to compel a Greek city, and one in friendship with them, to supply them with any thing that the inhabitants did not offer of their own accord. 7. As they showed themselves resolved, therefore, not to go, the army sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus a Parrhasian, and Agasias of Stymphalus ; who, going to the town, informed the people of the resolutions just passed. It vis said, too, that Lycon even threatened them with violence, i vL 1. 15. 2 vi. 1. 15. a v. 6. 23. CHAP. u. DISSENSION AND SEPARATION. 187 if they did not comply with these demands. 8. The Heracleans listened to them, and said that they would consider of the mat- ter, and then immediately collected their property out of the fields, and conveyed the provisions exposed for sale into the city. At the same time the gates were shut, and armed men appeared upon the walls. 9. In consequence the authors of these dissensions accused the generals of having defeated their plan ; and the Arcadians and Achaeans began to hold meetings together, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean being mostly at their head. 10. The remarks among them were, that it was dis- graceful that one Athenian, who had brought no force to the army, should have the command of Peloponnesians and Lace- daemonians ; that they had the labor, and others the profit, although they themselves had secured the general safety ; for that those who had accomplished this object were Arcadians and Achaeans, and that the rest of the army was compara- tively nothing (and in reality more than half the army were Arcadians and Achaeans) ; 11. and therefore these, they said, if they were wise, should unite together, and, choosing leaders for themselves, should proceed on their way separately, and endeavor to secure themselves something to their profit 12. To this proposal assent was given ; and whatever Arcadians and Achaeans were with Cheirisophus, leaving him and Xenophon, united with the rest, and all chose ten captains of their own ; and they appointed that these should carry into execution whatever should be decided by the vote of the ma- jority. The command of Cheirisophus over the whole army was thus ended on the sixth or seventh day after he had been elected. 13. Xenophon was inclined to pursue his way in company with them, thinking that this method would be safer than for each to proceed separately. But Neon persuaded him to go by himself, as having heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander the governor of Byzantium had said that he would come with some galleys to the harbor of Calpe ; 14. and he gave Xenophon this advice, therefore, in order that no one else might take advantage of this opportunitv, but that they themselves only, and their own soldiers, might sail on board these galleys. As for Cheirisophus, who was both disheartened at what had oc- curred, and who from that time conceived a disgust at the 188 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VL army, he allowed Xenophon to act as lie thought proper. 15. Xenophon was also inclined to detach himself from the army altogether, and to sail away; but as he was sacrificing to Hercules the Conductor, and consulting him whether it would be better or more advisable to march in company with such of the soldiers as remained, or to take leave of them, the god sig- nified by the victims that he should march with them. 16. The army was thus divided into three bodies ; the Arcadians and Achaeans, to the number of more than four thousand five hun- dred men, all heavy-armed ; the heavy-armed with Cheirisophus, in number fourteen hundred, with seven hundred peltasts, the Thracians of Clearchus ; and seventeen hundred heavy -armed men, with three hundred peltasts, under Xenophon, who was the only one that had any cavalry, a body of about forty horsemen. 17. The Arcadians, having procured ships from the peoplo> of Heraclea, were the first to set sail with the view of getting as much booty as they could by making a sudden descent upon the Bithynians, and accordingly disembarked at the harbor of Calpe, somewhere about the middle of Thrace. 1 8. Cheiriso- phus, proceeding straight from the city of Heraclea, marched through the territory belonging to it ; but when he entered Thrace, he kept along near the sea, for he was then in ill-health. 19. Xenophon, having obtained vessels, landed on the confines of Thrace and the region of Heraclea, and pursued his way through the inland parts. CHAPTER III. The Arcadians land at Calpe, and make an incursion into the territory of the Bithynians, -where they are defeated by the enemy, and in danger of being cut to pieces ; Xenophon proceeds to rescue them. All the Greeks join Cheirisophus at Calpe. 1 1. EACH of these three parties fared as follows. The Ar- cadians, disembarking by night at the port of Calpe, marched 1 Two or three lines, which occur in some copies at the beginning of this chapter, are not translated. They are not found in the best manu- scripts, and arc rejected by Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kuhner. CHAP. in. THE ARCADIANS ATTACKED. 189 off to attack the nearest villages, lying about thirty stadia from the sea. As soon as it was light, each of the officers led his own division against a village ; but against any village that appeared larger than the rest, they led two divisions together. 2. They fixed also upon a hill on which they were all to re-assemble. As they fell upon the people unexpectedly, they seized a great number of slaves and surrounded several flocks of cattle. 4. But the Thracians, 1 as fast as they escaped, collected themselves into a body ; and, as they were light armed, the number that escaped, even from the very hands of the heavy- armed men, was great. As soon as they were collected, they proceeded, in the first place, to fall upon the division of Smi- cres, one of the Arcadian captains, who was marching away to the place agreed upon, and carrying with him considerable booty. 5. For a while the Greeks defended themselves as they pursued their march, but, as they were crossing a ravine, the Thracians put them to the rout, and killed Smicres and all his party. Of another division of the ten captains, too, that of Hegesander, they left only eight men alive, Hegesander himself being one of those that escaped. 6. The other cap- tains joined him at the appointed spot, some with difficulty, and others without any. 2 The Thracians, however, in conse- quence of having met with this success, cheered on one another, and assembled in great spirits during the night. At day-break, numbers of horsemen and peltasts ranged them- selves in a circle round the hill upon which the Greeks had encamped; 7. and as more came flocking to them, they at- tacked the heavy-armed men without danger, for the Greeks had neither archers, nor javelin-men, nor a single horseman, while the Thracians, running and riding up, hurled their darts among them, and when the Greeks offered to attack them, retreated with ease. 8. Some attempted one part, and some another ; and many of the assailed were wounded, but none of the assailants. The Greeks were in. consequence un- able to move from the spot, and at last the Thracians cut 1 The Asiatic or Bithynian Thracians, who inhabited the villages which the Arcadians had attacked. See c. 2, sect. 17. 2 Ztiv irpu.yiJ.aGiv uvev npay/id-cjv.] Difficulter sine negotio. Kiihner. So Leunclavius and Bornemann. I mention this, because Schneider, following Amasasus, makes Kpayfiara equiv prxda. 190 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vi. them off even from water. 9. As their distress was great, they began to speak of terms of surrender ; and other points were agreed upon between them, but when the Greeks de- manded hostages, the Thracians refused to give them ; and upon this the treaty was stopped. Such were the fortunes of the Arcadians. 10. Cheirisophus, meanwhile, advancing unmolested along the coast, arrived at the harbor of Calpe. As for Xenophon, while he was marching through the middle of the country, his horsemen riding on before him, fell in with some em- bassadors who were on their journey to some place. As they were conducted to Xenophon, he inquired of them whether they had any where heard of another Greek army. 11. They gave him, in reply, an account of all that had occurred, saying that the Greeks were then besieged upon a hill, and that the whole force of the Thracians was collected round them. He therefore had these men strictly guarded, that they might act as guides wherever it might be necessary, and then, after stationing scouts, he called together his soldiers and addressed them thus : 12. " Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are killed, and others are besieged upon a hill ; and I think that, if they are de- stroyed, there will be no hope of safety for us, the enemy being so numerous and so daring. 13. It seems best for us, therefore, to march to their relief with all possible speed, that, if they still survive, we may join with them in their struggle, and not, being left alone, meet danger alone. 14. Let us for the present, then, pitch our camp, marching on, however, un- til it seems time to sup, 1 and while we are on the march, let Timasion, with the horse, ride on before, but keeping us still in sight, and let him reconnoiter the country in front, that nothing may take us by surprise." 15. He dispatched, at the same time, some of the most active of the light-armed men to the parts on either flank, and to the hills, that if they saw any thing threatening in any quarter, they might give notice of it. 1 'Ocov dv 6oKy Kaipb? elvai fif TO 6ei'xvo7iOielcr&ai.~\ Only so far, that they would not be fatigued or exhausted before they went to sup- per. This is TVeiske's interpretation, and better than Kriiger's, who supposes that Xenophon was thinking of a place for pitching the camp, not too near to the enemy, lest the troops should be obliged to fight be- fore they could take their supper. CHAP. nr. XENOPHON GOES TO THEIR RESCUE. igl He ordered them also to burn whatever combustible matter they met with; 16. "for," said he, "we could not flee from hence to any place of refuge ; since it is a long way to go back to Heraclea, and a long way to go over to Chrysopolis ; and the enemy are close at hand. To the harbor of Calpe, indeed, where we suppose Cheirisophus to be, if he is safe, the dis- tance is but short ; but even there, there are neither vessels in which we can sail from the place, nor subsistence, if we remain, even for a single day. 17. Should those who are be- sieged, however, be left to perish, it will be less advantageous for us to face danger in conjunction with the troops of Chei- risophus only, than if the besieged are preserved, to unite all our forces, and struggle for our safety together. But we must go resolved in mind that we have now either to die gloriously, or achieve a most honorable exploit in the preservation of so many Greeks. 18. Perhaps some divinity orders it thus, who wishes to humble those who spoke boastfully, as if they were superior to us in wisdom, and to render us, who com- mence all our proceedings by consulting the gods, more hon- ored than they are. You must follow, then, your leaders, and pay attention to them, that you may be ready to execute what they order." 19. Having spoken thus, he led them forward. The cavalry, scattering themselves about as far as was safe, spread fire wherever they went, while the peltasts, marching abreast of them along the heights, burned whatever they found that was combustible, as did the main body also, if they met with any thing left unburned by the others; so that the whole country seemed to be on fire, and the Greek force to be very numerous. 20. As soon as it was time, they mounted a hill and encamped, when they caught sight of the enemy's fires, which were distant about forty stadia ; and they them- selves then made as many fires as they could. 21. But as soon as they had supped, orders were given to put out all the fires ; and, having appointed sentinels, they went to sleep for the night. At dawn of day, after praying to the gods, and arranging themselves for battle, they continued their march with as much haste as they could. 22. Timasion and the cavalry, taking the guides with them, and riding on before the rest, found themselves, before they were aware, upon the hill where the Greeks had been besieged, but saw no troops, either 192 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vi. of friends or enemies, but only some old men and women, and a faw sheep and oxen that had been left behind ; and this state of things they reported to Xenophon and the army. 23. At first they wondered what could have happened ; but at length they learned from the people who were left that the Thracians had gone off at the close of the evening and the Greeks in the morning, but whither they did not know. 24. Xenophon and his party, on hearing this account, packed up their baggage, after they had breakfasted, and pursued their journey, wishing, as soon as possible, to join the rest of the Greeks at the harbor of Calpe. As they proceeded, they perceived the track of the Arcadians and Achseans on the way to Calpe ; and when they met, they were pleased to see one another, and embraced like brothers. 25. The Arca- dians then asked Xenophon's men why they had put out their fires, 1 " for we," said they, " thought at first, when we saw no more fires, that you were coming to attack the enemy in the night ; (and the enemy themselves, as they appeared to us, went off under this apprehension, for they disappeared about that time) ; 26. but as you did not come, and the time passed by, we concluded that you, hearing of our situation, had been seized with alarm, and had retreated to the sea-coast ; and we deter- mined not to be far behind you. Accordingly we also marched in this direction. CHAPTER IV. Description of Calpe. The armv resolve that it shall be a capital offense to propose another separation. Neon leads out a party of two thousand men to get provisions, contrary to the omens ; he is attacked by Pharnabazus, and obliged to retire with the loss of five hundred men. Xenophon covers his retreat. 1. THIS day they remained encamped upon the shore near the port. The spot which is called the harbor of Calpe, is situate in Asiatic Thrace ; and this division of Thrace, begin- ning from the mouth of the Euxine Sea, extends on the right of a person sailing into the Euxine, as far as Heraclea. 2. From Byzantium to Heraclea it is a long day's passage for a 1 This question is not answered. See sect 21. CHAP. IT. DESCRIPTION OP CALPE. 193 galley with oars ; and in the space between these cities there is no other town belonging to the Greeks or their allies ; but the Bithynian Thracians occupy it ; and whatever Greeks they capture, cast ashore by shipwreck or any other accident, they are said to treat with great cruelty. 3. The harbor of Calpe itself lies half-way between Heraclea and Byzantium, as people sail from either side. 1 On the sea there is a prom- ontory jutting out ; that part of it which reaches down into the water is a steep rock, a in height, where it is lowest, not less than twenty fathoms ; the neck of the promontory, which reaches up to the mainland, is in breadth about four hundred feet ; and the space within the neck is large enough to afford accommodation for ten thousand men. 4. The harbor lies close under the rock, with its coast toward the w r est A spring of fresh water, flowing copiously, is close by the sea, and under cover of the promontory. Abundance of wood, of various other sorts, but especially of such as is good for ship-building, 3 grows along the coast. 5. The mountain 4 at the harbor 5 extends inland about twenty stadia, and this part of it has a soil of mold, free from stones ; the other part along the sea, to the distance of more than twenty stadia, is covered with plenty of large trees of every kind. 6. The surrounding country is beautiful and of great extent, and there are in it many populous villages ; for the soil produces barley, wheat, all kinds of leguminous vegetables, millet, sesame, figs in abundance, plenty of vines yielding a sweet wine, and every thing else but olive-trees. 7. Such is the na- ture of the country. The Greeks took up their quarters on the shore by the sea. In the part which might have been ground for a city 6 they 1 'E> [ieou /ih> KEITOU tuarepudev irlcovruv, K. T. ?.] "Lies in the middle of those sailing from either Bide, from Heraclea and Byzan- tium," 2 TieTpa uTroppaJf.] Now called Kirpe, or Kef ken Adasi, according to Ainsworth, p. 218. 3 " This is so much the case now, that it is designated by the Turks as the Aghaj Denizi, or ' sea of trees.' " Ainsworth, p. 218. 4 Now Kef ken TagJi. according to Ainsworth. 8 To iv TU 7^.fj.viJ\ Bornemann and Kiihner regard these words as a mere gloss, and have included them in brackets. 6 E/f d TO TroAiffua uv yevoiievov, K. T. A.] In locum qui facile op* pidum futurus fuissel, seu ubi facile oppidum condi potuisset, noluerunt castra transferre. Zeune. A general suspicion seems to have pre- VOL. r, 9 194 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vr. were unwilling to encamp ; for even their approach to it appear- ed to have been the effect of some insidious design, from the belief that certain persons were desirous to found a city there. 8. For most of the soldiers had sailed from home upon this service, not from want of subsistence, but from having heard of the merit of Cyrus, some even bringing men with them, others having spent money on the enterprise, others having left their fathers and mothers, others their children, in hope of" returning Avhen they had collected money for them, for they heard that other Greeks who were with Cyrus were acquiring considerable wealth. 1 Being men of such character, they longed to return in safety to Greece. 9. When the day after their meeting together began to dawn, Xenophon offered sacrifice with regard to an expedition, for it was necessary to lead out the troops to get provisions : and he was also thinking of burying the dead. As the victims were favorable, the Arcadians also accompanied him, and buried the greatest part of the dead where they had severally fallen ; for they had now lain five days, and it was no longer possible to bring them away ; some of them however they gathered together out of the roads, and buried as becomingly as they could with the means at their command ; while for those, whom they could not find, they erected a large cenotaph, [with a great funeral pile,] 2 and put garlands upon it. 10. Having per- formed these rites, they returned to their camp, and, after they had supped, went to rest. Next day all the soldiers held a meeting; (Agasias of Stymphalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus of^Elis, also a captain, and others, the oldest of the Arcadian officers, were the most active in bringing them together;) 11. and they passed a resolution, that if any one for the future should pro- Tailed among the troops that Xenophon was desirous to detain them there, for the purpose of founding a city. Compare sect. 14, and 23, init. ; also a 6, sect. 4. See ThirlwaH'3 History of Greece, voL iv. p. 352. 1 HO/./M KOI uyadd Trparmv.J " Were doing (for themselves) many and good things ;" were faring abundantly and well. 2 Knt jrvpuv fj.eyu.Aijv.'] These words are preserved as genuine by Dindorf (who observes, however, that they are wanting in three manu- scripts), but are thought spurious by Zeune and Schneider, and utterly ejected from the text by Poppo and Kiihner. Zeune remarks that he had never read of a funeral pile being erected in conjunction with a cenotaph- CHAP. IT. SACRIFICES UNFAVORABLE. 195 pose to divide the army, lie should be punished with death ; and that the army should return homeward in the same order in which it was before, 1 and that the former leaders should re- sume the command. Cheirisophus was now dead, from having taken some drug 3 during a fever ; and Neon of Asina took his place. 12. After this Xenophon stood up and said, "It seems evi- dent, fellow-soldiers, that we must pursue our journey by land, for we have no ships; and -it is necessary for us to set out at once, for there are no provisions for us if we remain. We will therefore," he continued, " offer sacrifice ; and you must prepare yourselves, if ever you did so, to fight; for the enemy have recovered their spirit." 13. The generals then offered sacrifice ; and Arexion the Arcadian assisted as augur ; for Silanus of Ambracia had already fled, having hired a vessel from Heraclea. They sacrificed with a view to their departure, but the victims were not favorable. 14. This day therefore they rested. Some had the boldness to say that Xenophon, from a desire to settle a colony in the place, had prevailed on the augur to say that the victims were unfavor- able to their departure. 15. Xenophon, in consequence, having made proclamation that whoever wished might be present at a sacrifice on the morrow, and having given notice also, that if there was any augur among the soldiers, he should attend to inspect the victims with them, made another sacrifice, and a great number of persons were present at it; 16. but though they sacrificed again three times with reference to their de- parture, the victims were still unfavorable to it. The soldiers were on this account extremely uneasy, for the provisions which they had brought with them were exhausted, and there was no place near for them to purchase any. 17. They therefore held another meeting, and Xenophon said, " The victims, as you see, fellow-soldiers, are not yet favorable for our departure ; and I see that you are in want of provisions. It seems to me necessary, therefore, to offer sacrifice with regard to this matter." 18. Here some one rose 1 That is, that the soldiers should severally return to the companies in which they were serving before the secession of the Arcadians and Achseans took place, and that thua each officer should have his own men again. 2 bupua.Kor.'] Some interpret ddppaKov " poison. ' Kuhner- 196 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK n. up and said, " It is with good reason, indeed, that the victims are unfavorable ; for, as I heard from a person belonging to a vessel that came in yesterday by accident, Oleander, the gov- ernor of Byzantium, is on the point of coming hither with transport vessels and galleys." 19. In consequence they all resolved to stay. But it was necessary to go out for provi- sions ; and to this end sacrifice was again offered three times, but the victims were still unfavorable. The soldiers now came to Xenophon's tent, and told him that they had no provisions. He, however replied, that he would not lead them out while the victims were adverse. 20. The next day sacrifice was offered again, and, as all were concerned, almost the whole army crowded around the sacrifice; and the victims fell short. Still the generals did not lead out the troops, but called them, however, together ; 21. and Xenophon said, "Perhaps the enemy may be assem- bled in a body, and it may be necessary for us to fight : if, therefore, leaving our baggage in the strong part of the ground, vre march out prepared for battle, the victims may possibly prove more favorable to us." 22. But the soldiers, on hear- ing this observation, cried out that it was of no use to lead them to the part that he mentioned, but that they ought to sacrifice without delay. Sheep were no longer to be had, but they bought an ox that was yoked to a wagon, and sacrificed it ; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to be on the alert if any thing in the sacrifice should appear propitious. 1 But not even on this occasion were the signs favorable. 23. Neon was now general in the place of Cheirisophus, and when he saw how the men were suffering from want of food, was desirous to get them relief, and having found a man of Heraclea, who said that he knew of some villages in the neighborhood, from which it might be possible to procure provisions, he made proclamation that whoever was willing might go out to get a supply, as there would be a guide to conduct them. A party accordingly proceeded from the camp, to the number of two il TI tv TOVTU e<7?.] " Studiose rem urgere, si exta mine (boni) aliquid portenderent" Zeune. This seems to be the best of the various explanations that have been attempted of this passage. Bornemann and Kriiger conjecture irpo&vecdai, which Kiihner highly approves. No alteration, however, is necessary. Zeune supposes that Xenophon withdrew from the sacrifice to prevent any suspicion of un- fair play on bis part. CHAP. y. BITHYKTA: THE GREEKS ATTACKED. 197 thousand, equipped with spears, leather bags, sacks, and other things for holding what they might find. 24. But when they had reached the villages, and had dispersed themselves to plun- der, the cavalry of Pharnabazus first 1 fell upon them, for they had come to aid the Bithynians, designing, if they could, in conjunction with them, to prevent the Greeks from penetrating into Phrygia. These horsemen cut off not less than five hun- dred of the Greeks ; the rest fled to the mountain. 25. Ona of those who escaped immediately carried the news of the occurrence to the camp ; and Xenophon, as the victims had not been propitious that day, took an ox from a wagon (for there were no other cattle), and, after sacrificing it, went forth to give aid, with all the other soldiers not above thirty years of age. 26. They brought off the rest of the party and returned to the camp. It was now about sunset, and the Greeks were taking their supper in great despondency, when some of the Bithynians, coming suddenly upon the advanced guard through the thick- ets, killed part of them, and pursued the rest to the camp. 27. A great outcry arising, all the Greeks ran to their arms ; but it did not seem safe to pursue the enemy, or break up their camp, in the night, for the country was full of wood ; and they therefore passed the night under arms, covered by sufficient out-posts. CHAPTER V. The Greeks, moved by their previous dangers, at length consent to encamp in the strong part of the ground. Xenophon, having sacrificed, and placed a guard in the camp, led out the troops, who, after burying the dead that they found on the way, and possessing themselves of some booty from the villages, perceire the Barbarians posted upon a hill. They proceed to attack them, and though obstructed by a valley difficult to cross, are animated by the valor and eloquence of Xenophon to achieve a successful issue. 1. IN this manner they passed the night. At daybreak the generals proceeded to the strong part of the ground ; 2 1 Upu-oi.] Afterward some of the Bithynians, as is related in sect. 26. 2 Td ipv/jvov x<>>piov.\ See c. 4, sect. 3, 7, 21- 198 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vi. and the men followed, bringing with them their arms and bag- gage. Before it was time for dinner, they completed a trench on the side where the entrance to the place was, and fenced the whole length with palisades, leaving three gates. A vessel meanwhile had arrived from Heraclea, bringing barley-meal, cattle, and wine. 2. Xenophon, rising early, had sacrificed with reference to an excursion, and in the first victim the omens were favorable. Just as the sacrifice came to a conclusion, Arexion of Parrhasia, the augur, saw a lucky eagle, and encouraged Xenophon to lead forth. 3. The men, therefore, crossing the trench, ranged themselves under arms ; and the heralds made proclamation that the soldiers, after taking their dinner, should march out equipped for battle, and leave the camp-followers and slaves where they were. 4. All the rest accordingly went out, except Neon ; for it was thought best to leave him in guard of the people in the camp. But when the captains and soldiers had left them, they were ashamed not to follow where the others went, and in consequence left only those who were above forty- five years of age ; these therefore remained, and the rest went forth. 5. But before they had proceeded fifteen stadia, they began to meet with dead bodies, and bringing up the rear of their line opposite the corpses that were first seen, they buried all to which the line extended. 6. When they had interred this first set, they marched on, and again bringing up their rear against the first of those that they next found unburied, they buried in like manner as many as the line took in. When they came to the road that led to the villages, where the dead bodies lay in great numbers, they brought them all together and buried them. 7. It was now past mid-day, and having marched quuo through 2 the villages, the men were engaged in taking what- ever provisions they found within reach of the line, when, on a sudden, they caught sight of the enemy marching over some hills that were facing them, disposed in a line, consisting of a large number of both cavalry and infantry ; for Spithri- 1 'Acrdi* alaiov.~\ An eagle on the right. ^Esch Prom. 498. 2 *Eo.] The troops in front seem to have marched quite through tho villages, and out beyond them ; those in the rear appear to have col- lected the provisions, keeping themselves, at the same time, under cover of those in front. CHAP. v. EXCURSION AGAINST THE BITHYNIANS. 199 dates and Ratliines had now arrived with, a considerable force from Pharnabazus. 8. As soon as the enemy perceived the Greeks, they halted at the distance of about fifteen stadia. Upon this Arexion, the augur of the Greeks, immediately offered sacrifice, and in the very first victim the omens were favorable. 9. Xenophou then said, ' It appears to me, fellow- captains, that we ought to station some divisions on the watch behind the main body, in order that, if it should any where be necessary, there may be troops to support that body, and that the enemy, when thrown into disorder, may be received by men in array and full vigor." This proposal was approved by all. 10. "Advance, then," he continued, " on the road to- ward the enemy, that, since we have been seen by them, and have seen them, we may not stand still ; and I, after having arranged the divisions in the rear, as you have sanctioned, will join you." 11. The others then advanced quietly forward, and Xeno- phon, drtaching from the main body the three hindmost com- panies, consisting of about two hundred men each, ordered one of them to follow on the right, at the distance of about a hun- dred feet behind ; this company Samolas the Achasan com- manded. The second he directed to follow in the center ; this company Pvrrhias the Arcadian headed. The other he sta- tioned on the left ; this Phrasias the Athenian led. 12. As the front line, in marching on, came to a woody ravine, of great extent and difficult to pass, they halted, not knowing whether it were possible to cross it, and passed the word for the gen- erals and captains to come to the front. 13. Xenophon, won- dering what it was that stopped their progress, but soon hearing the word passed, rode up as fast as he could. When the offi- cers came together, Sophsenetus, the oldest of the generals, said that it was not worth consideration whether a ravine of such a nature were passable or not. 14. But Xenophon, eager- ly seizing an opportunity to speak, said, " You are certain, my fellow-soldiers, that I have never vol- untarily brought danger upon you, for I see that you do not want reputation for valor, but safety. 15. But now the matter stands thus with us : it is not possible for us to move from hence without fighting ; for if we do not advance upon the en- 1 That is, that no deliberation was necessary ; that they ought cer- tainly to cross the ravine. 200 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK n. emy, the enemy will pursue and attack us \vhen we retreat. 16. Consider, then, whether it is better for us to proceed against the foe holding out our arms in front of us, or, when we have turned them back, to find the enemy following behind us. 17. You know, assuredly, that to flee from an enemy has no sem- blance of honor, but that pursuit puts courage even into cow- ards. For my own part, I had rather pursue with half the number of men than retreat with twice as many. As for these enemies, I know that you yourselves do not expect them to make a stand against us, if we charge them ; but we are all aware that if we draw back they will have courage enough to follow us. 18. " But that we, by crossing, should place a difficult ravine in our rear, when \ve are going to engage, is not this an ad- vantage worth securing ? As for the enemy, I should wish every spot of ground to appear passable to them, so that they may retreat ; but it is for us to be instructed by the nature of our position that there is no safety for us unless we conquer. 19. I wonder, too, whether any of us thinks this ravine more formidable than many other places that we have passed. " How, indeed, will the plain be passable unk ss we defeat the cavalry ? How will the hills that we have traversed be passable, if so many peltasts pursue us ? 20. Even if we ar- rive safe at the sea, how large a ravine will the Euxine prove to us, where there are neither vessels to convey us away, nor provisions to support us if we remain ; and the more haste we should make thither, the more haste must we make to go out again to find subsistence. 21. It is better therefore for us to fight now, when we have dined, than to-morrow, when we may be without a dinner. The sacrifices, 1 soldiers, are favorable, the omens encouraging, the victims most auspicious. Let us march against the foe. Since they have certainly seen us, they ought not now to sup at their ease, or to encamp where they like." 22. The captains then bade him lead on, and no one made any objection. He accordingly put himself at their head, or- dering each to cross at that part of the ravine where he hap- pened to be ; for he thought that the army would thus sooner get over the ravine in a body than if they defiled over the 1 Tu re iepa TU rs er^uyta.] L 8. 15. CHAP. v. THE GREEKS VICTORIOUS. 201 bridge 1 that lay across it. 23. When they had passed over, ho said, as he passed along the line, " Remember, soldiers, how many battles, with the assistance of the gods, you have gained by coming to close quarters with the enemy, and how those fare who turn their backs upon their adversaries. Reflect also that you are at the very gates of Greece. 3 24. Follow, then, Hercules your Conductor, 3 and exhort one another by name.* It is pleasing to reflect, that he who now says and does any thing brave and honorable, will preserve a remembrance of himself among those with whom he would wish to pre- serve it." 25. These exhortations he uttered as he rode along, and at the same time proceeded to lead forward the troops in column ; and with the peltasts on each flank, they marched upon the enemy. He gave orders that they should carry their spears upon the right shoulder until a signal should be given with the trumpet, and that then, lowering them for a charge, they should follow their leaders at a steady pace, and that none should advance running. The word was immediately after given, JUPITER THE PRESERVER AND HERCULES THE CONDUCTOR. The enemy, meanwhile, kept their position, thinking that they had the ground in their favor. 26. As the Greeks approached them, the peltasts shouted, and ran forward to charge them before any one gave orders ; and the enemy rushed to meet them, both the horse and the mass of the Bithynians, and put them to flight. 27. But when the body of heavy-armed men came up, advancing at a quick pace, and when the trumpet sounded, and the men sang the paaan and shouted, and low- ered their spears, the enemy then no longer awaited their charge, but took to flight. 28. Timasion and the cavalry pur- sued them, and killed as many as they could, being but few. The enemy's left wing, to which the Greek cavalry were op- posed, was at once dispersed, but the right, not being closely pursued, rallied upon a hill. 29. As soon as the Greeks, how- 1 Kriiger supposes that the ravine (vd-rro^) was the bed of a mount- ain torrent, and that the bridge was constructed to afford a passage over it when it was inundated by rams in winter. From what Xeno- phon says above, it would hardly have been conceived that there waa a bridge. 2 That is, close upon Greece. Compare ii. 4. 4 3 See ch. 2. sect. 15. See also below, sect 25. 4 As in II. x. 68. 9* 202 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK VL ever, saw them making a stand, it appeared to them the easiest and safest thing 1 they could do, to charge them without delay. Singing the paean, therefore, they immediately advanced upon them ; and the enemy withdrew. The peltasts then pursued them till the right wing was also dispersed ; but only a small number were killed ; for the enemy's cavalry, being numerous, kept the Greeks in awe. 30. But when they observed the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in a body, and the Bithynian cavalry flocking to join them, and looking down from an eminence on what was going on, they determined, tired as they were, to make an assault upon them as vigorously as possible,* that they might not take breath and recover their courage. 31. Drawing up in close order, therefore, they ad- vanced ; when the enemy's horse fled down the hill as if they had been pursued by cavalry ; for there was a valley to re- ceive them, of which the Greeks were not aware, as they had desisted from the pursuit before they reached it, it being now late. 32. Returning then to the place where the first en- counter occurred, they erected a trophy, and went off toward the sea about sunset. The distance to their camp was about sixty stadia. CHAPTER VL The Greeks plunder Bithynia. Cleander, the Spartan governor of Byzan-. tium, arrives, and is prejudiced against the Greeks by Dexippus, but re- conciled to them by the efforte of Xenophon. Cleander declines the chief command, which is offered him, and the army march under their former generals through Bithynia to Chrysopolia. 1. THE enemy now employed themselves about their own affairs, and removed their families and effects as far off as they could. The Greeks, in the mean time, waited for Cleander and the galleys and transport vessels that were to come, and, going out every day with their baggage-cattle and slaves, brought in, without fear of danger, wheat, barley, wine, legu- minous vegetables, millet, and figs ; for the country afforded every useful production except olives. 2. While the army lay at rest in the camp, the men had liberty, individually, to go out for spoil, and those only who CHAP. vi. DEXIPPUS: AGASIAS. 203 went out had a share of it ; but when the whole army went out, and any one, straggling from the rest, took any booty, it was adjudged to be public property. 3. They had now abundance of every thing ; for provisions for sale were brought from the Greek cities ia every direction, and people who were sailing along the coast, hearing that a city was going to be built and a harbor formed, willingly put in there. 4. Such of the enemy, too, as lived in the neighborhood, sent to Xenophon, hearing that he had the management of the intended settlement, to ask what they should do iu order to become his friends ; and he introduced them among the soldiers. 1 5. Oleander now arrived with two galleys, but no transport vessel. At the time of his coming, it happened that the body of the army was gone out ; while some stragglers, going over the mountain for plunder, some one way, some another, had taken a great number of sheep, and being afraid that they would be taken from them, 2 informed Dexippus of the matter (the same that had run aw r ay with the fifty-oared galley from Trebisond), and requested him to keep the sheep for them, tak- ing part for himself, and giving them back the rest. 6. Dexip- pus immediately drove off the soldiers 3 that stood round, and who said that the sheep were public property, and, going to Cleander, told him that they Avere endeavoring to seize them as plunder for themselves. Cleander desired him to bring who- ever should seize them before him. 7. Dexippus accordingly laid hold on one of the men, and was taking him off', when Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man ; the prisoner being a private of his own troop. The rest of the soldiers that were there began to throw stones at Dexippus, calling him again and again, " the traitor." Not only he, in consequence, but also many of the men belonging to his galleys, were struck with terror, and fled toward the sea ; and Cleander fled like- wise. 8. But Xenophon, and the other generals, endeavored to stop their flight, and told Cleander that there was no reason far alarm/ but that the resolution passed by the army was 1 Xenophon, therefore, had not yet given up hopes of being able to persuade the troops to stay there and found a city. Schneider. 2 As being public property. See sect. 2 and 6. 3 Not the soldiers that had taken the- sheep, but others that had gathered round. 4 "On ovdlv el?) Trpdypa.'] Tlpd-ypa is often used to signify some- 204 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. BOOK vx the cause of the occurrence. 9. Oleander, however, being instigated by Dexippus, and vexed with himself for having shown so much fear, said that he would sail oft' and make proc- lamation that none of the cities should receive them, as being public enemies. The Lacedasmonians were at that time mas- ters of all Greece. 10. This affair appeared to the Greeks to threaten evil, and they entreated Oleander not to do so ; but he said that it could not be otherwise, unless somebody should give up to him the man that began to throw stones, and the person that rescued him. 11. The person that he wanted was Agasias, the con- stant friend of Xenophon, for which reason Dexippus had ac- cused him. As there was much perplexity, therefore, the gen- erals called together the soldiers ; and some of them made light of Oleander's menaces, but to Xenophon the affair ap- peared of no small importance. Rising up, he said, 12. " It seems to me, soldiers, a matter of no trifling mo- ment, if Oleander goes away, as he threatens, cherishing these feelings toward us ; for the Greek cities are close at hand, the Lacedaemonians are the chief people of Greece, and each individual Lacedemonian is able to do what he pleases in these cities. 13. If, therfeore, he first shuts us out of Byzan- tium, and then gives notice to the other governors not to ad- mit us into their cities, as persons refusing obedience to the Lacedaemonians and submitting to no law, and this character of us reaches the ear of Anaxibius the Admiral, it will be difficult for us either to remain or to sail away, for at this moment the Lacedaemonians are masters both by land and sea. 14. We ought not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men, to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to do whatever they direct ; for the cities, from which we come yield them obedi- ence. 15. I, for my own part (for I hear that Dexippus assures Oleander that Agasias would have done nothing in the matter, if I had not instigated him), for my part, I say, I am ready to clear you and Agasias from blame, if Aga- sias himself shall say that I was at all the cause of these proceedings, and I am prepared to condemn myself, if I en- couraged stone-throwing or any other act of violence, as de- serving of the severest punishment, and that punishment I will thing dangerous, or, at any rate, something of great moment Koh- CHAP. VL AGASIAS : OLEANDER. 205 submit to suffer. 16. I say, too, that if Dexippus accuses any other person, he ought to surrender himself to Oleander to be tried ; for by this means you may be exonerated from all censure. Under the present complexion of the case, it will be hard, if, when we expect applause and honor in Greece, we shall, instead of obtaining them, be not even on an equality with the rest of our countrymen, but be excluded from the Greek cities." 17. Agasias then, stood up and said, "I swear, my fellow- soldiers, by all the gods and goddesses, that neither Xenophon, nor any other person among you, desired me to rescue the man ; but, when I saw a brave fellow, one of my own troop, led off by Dexippus (who, you are aware, has played the traitor toward you), it seemed to me, I own, intolerable, and I set him free. 18. You need not, then, deliver me up, for I will surrender myself, as Xenophon recommends, to Oleander, to do to me, after having tried me, whatever he pleases. As far as this matter is concerned enter into no contention with the Lacedaemonians. May each of you return in safety to whatever place he would reach ! Make choice, however, of some of your own number, and send them with me to Oleander, that, if I omit any thing, they may speak and act for me." 19. Upon this the army allowed him to choose whoinsover he would, and to go. He chose the generals. Agasias, and the generals, and the man that had been re- leased by Agasias, accordingly proceeded to Oleander ; and the generals said, 20. " The army has sent us to you, O Oleander, and requests that if you accuse them all, you will yourself be the judge of them all, and treat them as you may think fit ; or, if you accuse one or two more, they think it right that they should surrender themselves to you for judgment. If, therefore, you accuse any one of us, we are here before you ; if any other, let us know ; for no man, who is willing to obey us, shall refuse to submit to you." 21. Agasias next stood forward, and said, "I am the per- son, O Oleander, that rescued this man when Dexippus was carrying him off, and that incited the men to stone Dexippus ; 22. for I knew that the soldier was a deserving man, and I knew also that Dexippus, after having been chosen by the army to command the galley which we begged of the people of Trebisond, for the purpose of collecting transport vessels to 20G THE EXPEDITION OF CYEUS. BOOK n. save ourselves, had run away and betrayed the soldiers in common with whom he had preserved his life. 23. Through his misconduct, therefore, we have both deprived the people of Trebisond of their galley, and seem to have acted dishon- estly ; and, as far as depended upon him, we were utterlv un- done ; for he had heard, as well as we, that it would be im- practicable for us, going by land, to cross the rivers and get safe to Greece. 24. It was from such a character as this that I rescued the man. If you had been leading him away, o: any one of those belonging to you, and not one of our own deserters, be assured that I should have done nothing of the kind. Consider, then, that if you put me to death, you will put to death a man of honor for the sake of a coward and a villain." 25. Oleander, on hearing this statement, said that he could not approve of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had acted in such a way, but observed, at the same time, that even if Dex- ippu.s were the worst of villains, he ought not to suffer any violence, but to be tried (" as you yourselves," said he, " now propose"), and to have his deserts. 26. "For the present, then," he continued, " retire, leaving Agasias with me, and, when I give you notice, come to witness his trial. I neither accuse the army, nor any one else, since Agasias himself con- fesses that it was he who released the man." 27. The man who had been released then said, " If you suppose, O Clean- der that I was apprehended for doing something wrong, be assured that I neither struck nor threw stones at any one, but merely said that the sheep were public property ; for it was a resolution passed by the soldiers, that if, when the whole army Went out, any particular person made any capture by himself, that capture should go to the public store. 28. This was what I said ; and Dexippus, in consequence, seized me and was lead- ing me oflj so that no one might utter a syllable, 1 but that lie himself, securing a share of the booty, might keep the rest for the plunderers, contrary to the resolution of the army." To this Oleander replied, " Since you are that sort of person, stay here, that we may consider respecting you likewise." 29. Oleander and his party then went to dinner ; and Xen- 1 'Iva fir) 6&eyyoiTo fif]5df.'\ That no one might report auy thing about him (Dexippus). Kuhner. Dexippus (as the man intimates) sup- posed that the apprehension of one would be a terror to the rest. CHAP. vi. AGASIAS EXCULPATED. 20V oplion assembled the troops, and advised them to send somo persons to Oleander to make intercession for the men. 30, They accordingly resolved to depute the generals and captains, with Dracontius 1 the Spartan, and such of the rest as seemed eligible, lo entreat Oleander by all means to set the two men free. 31. Xenophon, going to him, said "You have the men in your hands, O Oleander, and the army has allowed you to do what you please with regard both to them and to their whole force. They now, however, request and entreat of you to give up the two men to them, and not to put them to death ; for they exerted themselves greatly, in time past, to be of service to the army. 32. Should they obtain this favor from you, they promise you, in return for it, that if you are willing to be their leader, and the gods are propitious, they will let you see both how w y ell-disciplined they are, and how incapable, when obedient to their general, and aided by superior powers, of fear- ing an enemy. 33. They also beg of you, that when you have come and taken the command of them, you will make trial of Dexippus and the rest of them, ascertain what sort of person each is, and give every one his desert." 34. Oleander on hearing this application replied, " By the twin gods, 2 I will give you an answer at once. I give up the men to you, and will come to you myself; and, if the gods permit, I will lead you into Greece. Your words are very different from the accounts that I heard cf some of you, namely, that you were alienating the army from the Lacedae- monians.*' 35. The deputies then took their leave, applauding Oleander, and taking with them the two men. Oleander offered a sacrifice with reference to the journey, and associated in a friendly way with Xenophon ; and they contracted a bond of hospitality between them. AVhen he saw the Greek soldiers, too, execute their orders with regu- larity, lie grew still more desirous to become their commander. 36. But as the omens were not favorable to his wishes, though he offered sacrifices three days, he called the generals together, and said, " The victims have not been favorable for me 3 to 1 iv. 8. 25. 2 Nat TG> <7j.] Castor and Pollux, by whom the Lacedaemonians were accustomed to swear. See Schol. on Aristoph. Lys. 81, Pac. 214 ; Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 10. 3 'Efiol fiiv OVK treteff&i) r<2 lepa esdyeiv.'] " The sacrifices have noj 208 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK vn. lead you out ; but be not discouraged on that account ; for it is given to you, as it appears, to conduct the army home. Pro- ceed then, and we will receive you at Byzantium, when you ar- rive there, 1 in the best manner that we can." 37. It was then resolved by the soldiers to make him a present of the sheep that were public property ; and he, having accepted them, gave them back to the soldiers again, and then sailed off. The army, having disposed of the corn which they had col- lected, and the other booty that they had captured, advanced through the territory of the Bithynians. 38. But as, while they pursued the straight road, they met with nothing to enable them to enter the country of their friends with a portion of spoil, they resolved upon marching back for a day and a night; and, having done so, they took great numbers both of slaves and cattle, and arrived, after six days' march, at Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia, where they staid seven days to sell their booty BOOK YII. CHAPTER I. Anaxibius, at the instigation of Pharnabazus, who wishes to get the Greeks out of his territory, allures them, with hopes of employment and pay ; to Byzantium. They accordingly appear in arms before the city, but finding the gates shut against them, force an entrance, and are with great diffi- culty pacified by Xenophon. Coeratades, a Theban, offers to lead them into Thrace, and his proposal is accepted ; but he soon shows his incapac- ity, and lays down the command. 1. WHAT the Greeks did in their march up the country with Cyrus, until the battle was fought, what they ex- perienced in their retreat, after Cyrus was dead, till they reached the Euxine sea, and how they fared, in their .pro- gress by sea and land, from the time that they arrived at the Euxine until they got beyond the mouth of it to Chrysopolis been concluded (so as to be favorable) for me," etc. Owe ereAtm?;? is a conjecture of Bornemann's, adopted by Dindorf, for the common reading OVK id).ei, which Kiihner prefers and retains. 1 I follow Kiihner in the interpretation of tutics in this passage. The speaker probably pointed toward Byzantium. CHAP. I. OFFERS FROM SETJTHES. 209 in Asia, has been related in the preceding 1 part of the nar- rative. 2. Pharnabazus, fearing that the army of the Greeks might make aa irruption into his province, sent to Anaxibius the Spartan admiral, who was at Byzantium, and begged him to transport the army out of Asia, promising to do for him in re- turn whatever he might require of him. 3. Anaxibius, accord- ingly, sent for the generals and captains of the troops to Byzan- tium, engaging that if they came over to him, pay should be given to the men. 4. The rest of the officers said that they would give him an answer after they had considered of the mat- ter ; but Xenophon told him that he was going to leave the army, and wanted to sail away. Anaxibius, however, requested him to come across with the rest, and then to take his departure. Xenophon therefore said that he would do so. 5. In the mean time Seuthes 1 the Thracian sent Medosades to Xenophon, requesting that general to join with him in using his efforts that the army might cross over, and saying that he should have no cause to repent of assisting him in that object. 0. Xenophoa replied, " The army will doubtless cross over ; let him give nothing to me therefore, or to any one else, on that account. When it has crossed, I shall quit it ; so let him ad- dress himself to those who stay, and who may seem able to serve him in such a manner as may appear likely to be suc- cessful." 7. Soon after the whole army of the Greeks crossed over to Byzantium. Anaxibius however gave them no pay, but made proclamation that the soldiers should take their arms and bag- gage, and go out of the city, signifying that he intended at once to send them away home, and to take their number. The soldiers were in consequence greatly troubled, because they had no money to get provisions for their journey, and packed up their baggage with reluctance. 8. Xenophon, who had become a guest-friend to Oleander the governor, went to take leave of him, with the intention of 1 For some account of him, see c. 2, sect. 32. " He is not to be con- founded with Seuthes the son of Sparadocus, who succeeded Sitalces as king of the Odrysae, nor is to be altogether regarded as a king, though he is distinguished by this name in c. 7, sect. 22. He is with more pro- priety called upx^v (TUV) lirl da/MTari, c. 3, sect 16. See Xen. Hellen. iv. 8. 26. Aristot. Polit. v. 8. 15." Poppo. He was at this tune merelj a commander in subjection to Medocus. 210 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. sailing away immediately. But Oleander said to him, " By no means do so, for, if you do, you will incur blame, since some people, indeed, already accuse you as the cause that the army proceeds out 1 so slowly." 9. Xenophon replied, " I am not the cause of this, but the soldiers, being in want of provisions, are for that reason, of themselves, reluctant to go out." 1 0. ' How- ever I advise you," rejoinded Cleander, "to go out with them, as if you intended to accompany them, and when the army is clear of the city, then to quit it." " We will then go to Anaxibius," said Xenophon, " and further the proceedings." They accord- ingly went, and told him that such was their intention. 1 1. He recommended that they should act in conformity with what they said, and that the troops should go out as soon as possible with their baggage packed up ; desiring them to give notice, at the same time, that whoever should not be present at the review and numbering of the army, would have himself to blame. 12. The generals then went out first, and the rest of the army fol- lowed them. They were now all out except a few, and Eteonicus 2 was standing by the gates, ready to shut them, and thrust in the bar, as soon as they were all outside, 13. when Anaxibius, summoning the generals and captains, said, " You may take provisions from the Thracian villages ; for there is plenty of barley and wheat, and other necessaries, in them ; and when you have supplied yourselves, proceed to the Chersonesus, and there Cyniscus 3 will give you pay." 14. Some of the sol- diers that overheard this, or some one of the captains, com- municated it to the army. The generals, meanwhile, in- quired about Seuthes, whether he would prove hostile or friendly, and whether they must march over the Sacred Mountain, 4 or round about through the middle of Thrace. 1 'E|cpTCi.] Non ccleriter, sed quasi rependo exit (ex urbe). Huichin- son. This notion of the word is condemned by Heiland, Dial Xen. p. 7, who shows, with much learning, that ep-siv in the Doric dialect sig- nifies incedere, ire, so that l^ep-eiv in this passage is merely Jhe same as EKTropevEtrfrai. K'uhner. 8 A Lacedaemonian of some rank. See Thucyd. viii. 23. Kri'iger. 3 A Spartan commander, doubtless, who was then engaged in a war with the Thracians in the Chersonesus. Zeune. 4 Afd TOV iepov opovf.] To be distinguished from the mount?an of the same name mentioned iv. 7. 21. Schneider. Its situation is un- certain, but there was a road by it into the Chersonesus, as is ap- CHAP. L A TUMULT QUELLED BY XEXOPHON. 211 15. But while they were talking of these matters, the soldiers, snatching up their arms, ran in haste to the gates, with a de- sign to make their way back within the walls. Eteonicus, how- ever, and those about him, when they saw the heavy-armed men running toward them, shut the gates, and thrust in the bar. 16. The soldiers then knocked at the gates, and said that they were treated most unjustly, in being shut out as a prey to the enemy, and declared that they would split the gates asun- der, if the people did not open them of their own accord. 17. Some ran off to the sea, and got over into the city by the pier of the wall ; while others of them, who happened to be still in the town, when they perceived what was passing at the gates, cut the bars in twain with their axes, and set the gates wide open. They then all rushed in. 18. Xenophon, observing what was going on, and fearing lest the army should fall to plundering, and irreparable mis- chief be done not only to the city, but to himself and the men, ran aud got within the gates along with the crowd. 19. The people of Byzantium, at the same time, when they saw the army entering by force, fled from the market-place, some to the ships, and some to their houses, while others, who hap- pened to be within doors, ran out; some hauled down the galleys into the water, that they might save themselves in them ; and all believed themselves ruined, regarding the city as captured. 20. Eteonicus fled to the citadel. Anaxibius, run- ning down to the sea, sailed round to the same place in a fish- ing-boat, and immediately sent for men from the garrison at Chalcedon ; for those in the citadel did not appear sufficient to repel the Greeks. 21. The soldiers, as soon as they saw Xenophon, ran up to him in great numbers, and cried, " You have now an oppor- tunity, O Xenophon, to become a great man. You are in possession of a city, you have galleys, you have money, you have this large number of men. Now, therefore, if you are inclined, you may benefit us, and we may make you a distin- guished man." 22. Xenophon replied, " You say well, and I will act accordingly ; but if you aim at this object, range your- selves under arms as quickly as possible," for he wished to quiet parent from c. 3, sect. 3. " The fort lepdv opo? is mentioned by De- raosth. de Hal. p. 85, extr. ; Phil. iii. p. 114, and De Fals. Leg. p. 390." Kritger. 212 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vu. them, and not only gave these orders himself, but desired the other officers also to command the men to range themselves under arms. 23. As the men, too, began to march themselves, the heavy-armed troops soon formed eight deep, and the peltasts ran to take their station on each wing. 24. The ground, which was called the Thracian Area, 1 was excellent for the arrange- ment of troops, being clear of houses, and level. When the arms were in their places, 2 and the men somewhat tranquilized, Xenophon called the soldiers round him, and spoke as follows : 25. "That you are angry, soldiers, and think you have been treated strangely in being deceived, I am not at all sur- prised ; but if we gratify our resentment, and not only take revenge on the Lacedaemonians, who are here, for their impo- sition, but plunder the city which is not at all to blame, consider what will t>e the consequences ; 26. we shall be the declared enemies both of the Lacedaemonians and their allies. What will be the nature of a war with them, we may conjecture, as we have seen and remember what has recently occurred. 27. We the Athenians entered upon the contest with the Lacedae- monians and their allies, with not less than three hundred 3 gal- leys, some at sea and some in the docks, with a great sum of money in the Acropolis, 4 and with a yearly revenue from our customs at home and our territory abroad, of not less than a thousand talents ; but though we were masters of all the islands, were possessed of many cities in Asia, and many others in Europe, and of this very Byzantium where we now are, yet wo were reduced in the war to such a condition as you all know. 28. And what may we now expect to be our fate, when the 1 To QpaKiov.'] Larcher has not inaptly supposed that this place was near the gates called the Thracian Gates, referring to Xen. Hellen. i. 3, extr., ruf TTtJAaf rug eni TO QpaKiov Ka7iOVfj.evag. Zeune. The Thraciari Gates of Byzantium, before which there were seven towers, are men- tioned by Dio Cassius, Ixxiv. 14. Schneider. "With QpaKiov understand %upiov : it was an open space, an area or square. 2 "E/cetro ~u 6-yla.] Armaordine disposita erant. HutcMnson. Leun- clavius renders it postquam in armis ordine constiterant, but this is less suitable to the passage. The soldiers had laid down their arms, thai; they might listen to Xenophon more at ease. See iv. 2. 20. 3 Thucyd. ii. 13. * 'Ev r/) 7RM<.] The Athenians used to call their 'A/cpo7ro/lif by the simple name TroAtf: see Thucyd. ii. 15. The sum of money in the AcropolLs was not less than six thousand talents, Thucyd. ii. 24. CHAP. i. CCERATADES. 213 Lacedaemonians and Achseans are in alliance ; when the Athe- nians, and those who were then allied with them, have become an accession to the Spartan power; when Tissaphernes, and all the other Barbarians on the sea-coast, are our enemies, and the king of Persia himself our greatest enemy, whom wo went to despoil of his throne, and, if we could, to deprive of life ? When all these opponents are united against us, is there any body so senseless as to think that we could get the superi- ority ? 29. Let us not, in the name of the gods, act like mad- men, and perish with disgrace, by becoming enemies to our country, and to our friends and relations ! For our connections are all in the cities that will make Avar upon us, and that will make war justly indeed, if, when we declined to possess ourselves of any Barbarian city, though we were superior in force, we should plunder the first Greek city at which we have ar- rived. 30. For my own part, I pray that before I see such an atrocity committed by you, I may be buried ten thousand fathoms under ground. I advise you, as you are Greeks, to endeavor to obtain justice by submitting to those who are mas- ters of the Greeks. Should you be unable to obtain it, how- ever, we ought not, though wronged, to deprive ourselves of all hope of returning to Greece. 31. It appears to me, there- fore, that we should now send deputies to Anaxibius, with this message : ' We came into the city with no design to commit violence, but, if we could, to obtain some services from you ; but, if we obtain none, we intend to show that we shall go out of it, not because we have been deceived, but because we are willing to obey you.' " 32. This proposal met with approbation ; and they dispatched llierouymus the Elean, Eurylochus the Arcadian, and Philesius the Achasan, to carry the message. They accordingly proceeded to deliver it. 33. But whila the soldiers were still seated, Cceratades, 1 a Theban, came up to them ; a man who was going about the country, not banished from Greece, but wanting to be a general, and offering his services wherever any city or people required a leader ; and, as he came forward, he said that he 1 He had been a commander of the Boeotians toward the end of the Peloponnesian war, and, at the surrender of Byzantium, fell into tho hands of the Athenians, by whom he was carried prisoner to Athens, but contrived to escape. See Hellen. i. 3. 15. Zcune. 214 THE EXPEDITION OF CYEUS. BOOK TII. was prepared to conduct them to that part of Thrace called the Delta, where they would find plenty of good things, and that, till they should arrive there, he would supply them with meat and drink in abundance. 34. The soldiers listened to this offer, and heard, at the same time, the reply brought from Anaxibius, for he had sent an answer that "if they complied with his wishes, they should have no cause to repent ; and that he would report their conduct to the authorities at Sparta, and would contrive to do for them whatever service he could." 35. The soldiers, in consequence, took Coeratades as their leader, and went out of the city, Coeratades engaging to come to the army next day with victims for sacrifice, an augur, and meat and drink for the troops. 36. As soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, and proclamation made, that whoever of the soldiers should bo found within, should be sold as a slave. 37. Next day Coeratades came with the victims and the augur; and twenty men followed him carrying barley-meal, and other twenty carrying wine ; three also with as large a load as they could bear of olives ; one with as much as he could carry of garlic, and another of onions. Having ordered these things to be laid down, as if for distribution, he proceeded to offer sacrifice. 38. Xenophon, meanwhile, having sent for Cleander, urged him to obtain permission for him to enter the walls, and to sail away from Byzantium. 39. When Cleander arrived, he said, " I am come, after having obtained the permission with extreme difficulty ; for Anaxibius says that it is not proper for the soldiers to be close to the walls, and Xenophon within ; and that the Byzantines are split into factions, and at enmity one with another; yet he has desired you," he added, "to enter, if you intend 1 to sail with him." 40. Xenophon ac- cordingly took leave of the soldiers, and went into the city with Cleander. Coeratades, the first day, had no favorable omens from the sacrifice, and distributed nothing among the troops. The next day the victims were placed at the altar, and Coeratades 1 I read d peMoif, with Kriiger, instead of d fie/./.m, the common reading, which gives, " he has desired you to enter, if he (Xenophon) intends to sail with him (Anaxibius)," a confusion of persona at which Bornemann expresses his wonder. CHAP. IL DISAGREEMENT AMONG THE GENERALS. 215 took his station with a chaplet on his head, as if intending to offer sacrifice ; when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the Asinaean, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came forward and told Coeratades not to sacrifice, as he should not lead the army, unless he supplied it with provisions. 41. He then ordered a distribution to be made. But as his supply fell far short of one day's subsistence for each of the soldiers, he went off, taking with him the victims, and renouncing the general- ship. CHAPTER II. The generals disagreeing about the route, many of the soldiers desert. Anaxibius and Xenopnon, on their voyage, are met at Cyzicus by Aris- tarchus, Oleander's successor ; he sells four hundred of the Greeks for slaves. Xenophon returns to the army, and the Greeks, on his advice, agree to sail back to Asia, but are hindered by Aristarchus. Their serv- ices are solicited by Seuthes, and Xenophon goes to learn his terms. 1. BUT Neon the Asinaean, Phryniscus, 1 Philesius, Xanthi- cles, all Achseans, and Timasion the Dardanian, remained in command of the army, and marching forward to some villages of the Thracians, over against Byzantium, encamped there. 2. The generals had now some disagreement, Cleanor and Phryniscus wishing to lead the army to Seuthes (for he had gained them over to his interest, having presented a horse to the one, and a mistress to the other), and Neon desiring to take it to the Chersonesus, as he thought that if they came into the dominions of the Lacedaemonians, he himself would get the command of the whole army. Timasion, however, wanted to cross over again into Asia, expecting by this means to effect his return home. 3. The army were of the same mind ; but, while time was wasted in the discussion, many of the soldiers deserted ; some, selling their arms up and down the country, sailed away as they could ; others joined 2 the 1 He was one of the generals, as appears from sect. 29, and c. 5, sect. 10. " But at what time he was chosen, Xenophon has neglected to state." Kriiger. a The words 6i66i>T rd orr/.a KO.TU rovf x t ^P ovr i which Dindorf and others inclose in brackets, are not translated. They appear to have arisen from the error of some copyist, whoso eye was caught by nearly the same words above. Kiihner preserves them, adopting the notion 216 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. people in the neigboring towns. 4. Anaxibius \vas pleased to hear these accounts of the dispersion of the army ; for he thought that by such a state of things he should most gratify Phamabazus. 5. As Anaxibius \vas on his voyage from Byzantium, Aris- tarchus, the successor of Oleander as governor of Byzantium, met him at Cyzicus, and said that Polus, the successor of Anax- ibius as admiral, was on the point of entering the Hellespont. 6. Anaxibius desired Aristarchus to sell all the soldiers of Cyrus, whom he should find remaining in Byzantium, as slaves. As for Oleander, he had sold none, but had even attended, from compassion, to such as were sick, and obliged the inhabitants to receive them into their houses ; but Aristarchus, as soon as he arrived, sold not less than four hundred. 7. Anaxibius, when he had sailed along the coast as far as Parium, sent to Pharnabazus according to an agreement between them. But Pharnabazus, when he found that Aristarchus was going as governor to Byzantium, and that Anaxibius was no longer admiral, neglected Anaxibius, and entered into a nego- tiation with Aristarchus about the army of Cyrus, similar to that which he had previously made with Anaxibius. 8. Soon after, Anaxibius called Xenophon to him, and urged him, by every means and contrivance, to sail back to the army as soon as possible, to keep it together, to collect as many of the dispersed soldiers as he could, and then, leading them along the coast to Perinthus, to transport them without delay into Asia. He gave him, at the same time, a thirty -oared galley and a letter, and sent a man with him to tell the people of Pe- rinthus to dispatch Xenophon on horseback to the army as soon as possible. 9. Xenophon then sailed across, 1 and arrived at the army. The soldiers gladly welcomed him, and followed him at once with cheerfulness, in expectation of passing over from Thrace into Asia. 10. Seuthes, when he heard of his return, sent Medosades to him by sea, and begged him to bring the army to him, promising him whatever he thought likely to prevail on him. Xenophon told him in reply that nothing of the kind was pos- of Sturz and Lion, that the soldiers gave away their arms among the country people, that they might enter the towns unarmed, so as not tc alarm the inhabitants. 1 Across the Propontis. CHAP. II. ILL CONDUCT OF ARISTARCHUS. 21 7 sible ; 11. and Medosades, on receiving this answer, went away. When the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon, drawing cff from the rest, encamped apart with about eight hundred men. AH the other troops remained together under the walls of Perinthus. 12. Xenophon was next engaged in getting vessels, in order that they might cross over to Asia as soon as possible. But just at this time Aristarchus the govenor, instigated by Pharnabazus, came with two galleys from Byzantium, and forbade the masters of the ships to carry over the Greeks, and then, going to the army, desired the soldiers not to go across into Asia, 13. Xenophon told him that Anaxibius had or- dererd him to go, " and sent me thither," added he, " with that view." "Anaxibius," retorted Aristarchus, "is no longer admiral, and I am governor here ; and if I find one of you on the sea, I will drown him." Having said this, he went off into the town. 14. Next day he sent for the generals and captains of the army ; but, as they came up to the wall, somebody gave notice to Xenophon, that if he went in, he would be apprehended, and either suffer some injury there, or be delivered to Phar- nabazus. Hearing this, he sent the others on before, and said that he himself had a mind to offer sacrifice. 15. Returning, accordingly, he sacrificed to know whether the gods would per- mit him to attempt to lead the army to Seuthes, for he saw that it was not safe to cross over into Asia, as he who would hinder him had galleys at his command, nor was he willing to go to the Chersonesus and be shut up there, or that the army should be in great want of every thing in a place where it would be necessary to obey the governor, and where the troops would be able to procure no supplies. 16. He was engaged about this matter, when the generals and captains returned from Aristarchus, and brought word that he had told them to go away for the present, and to come back to him in the evening. Hence his treacherous intentions became still more manifest. 17. Xenophon, therefore, as tho sacrifices seemed favorable for himself and the army to go in security to Seuthes, took with him Polycrates the Athenian, one of the captains, and from each of the generals, except Neon, a person in whom they confided, and went in the night VOL. 1 10 218 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK viv to the camp of Seuthes, a distance of sixty stadia. 18. As ho drew near it, he met with several watch-fires without guards, and thought that Seuthes had decamped; but, hearing a noise, and the men about Seuthes making signals to one another, he understood that these fires had been kindled by Seuthes in front of the night-posts, in order that the sentinels, being in the dark, might not be seen, or show how many or where they were, while those who approached might not be concealed, but be conspicuous in the light. 19. When he found that such was the case, he sent the interpreter whom he had with him, and told him to let Seuthes know that Xeno- phon was there, and desired a conference with him. They inquired if it was Xenophon the Athenian, from the Grecian army. 20. As he answered that it was he, they leaped upon their horses, and hastened off. A little after, about two hun- dred peltasts appeared, and conducted Xenophon and his party to Seuthes. 21. Seuthes was ia a tower, strictly guarded, and round it stood horses ready bridled ; for, through fear, he fed his horses during the day, and kept on guard with them bridled during the night. 22. For Teres, one of his ancestors, when lie had once a large army in this country, was said to have lost great numbers of his men, and to have been stripped of his baggage by the natives, who are called Thynians, and are said to be the most formidable of all enemies, especially in the night. 23. When they approached, Seuthes gave notice that Xeno- phon, with any two of his attendants that he chose, might enter. As soon as they went in, they first saluted one another, and, according to the Thracian custom, drank to each other in horns full of wine ; Medosades, who acted as the embassador of Seuthes on all occasions, being present with him. 24. Xenophon then began to speak as follows. " You sent Medosades, who is present here, to me, Seuthes, for the first time at Chalcedon, requesting me to join my efforts to yours that the army might cross over out of Asia, and, promising, as Medosades here said, that if I succeeded, you would do me some service in return." 25. When he had said this, he asked Medosades if it was true ; and he said that it was. " When I had gone over again to the army from Pari' um, Medosades came to me a second time, assuring me, that if CHAP. IL XENOPHON CONFERS WITH SEUTHES. 219 I would bring the army to you, you would not only treat me as a friend and a brother in other respects but that the towns also along the sea, of which you are master, would be assigned to me from you." 20. He then again asked Medosades whether he said this, and Medosades acknowledged it. " Well then," said Xenophon, " tell Seuthes what answer I gave you, on the first occasion, at Chalcedon." 27. " You answered that the army was going to cross over to Byzantium, and that there would therefore be no occasion on that account to give any thing either to you or to any other person ; you added that, as soon as you had crossed, you would quit the army ; and all took place as you said/' 28. "And what did I say," con- tinued Xenophon, " when you came to Sclybria ?" ' " You said that what I proposed was impracticable, but that the army was to go to Perinthus, and pass over into Asia." 29. " Well then," said Xenophon, " I am now present before you, with Phryniscus here, one of the generals, and Polycrates, one of the captains ; and, without, are deputies from the other generals, the most confidential friends of each, except from Neon the Lacedaemonian. 30. If you wish the business to have greater sanction, call them in also ; and do you, Poly- crates, go and tell them that I desire them to leave their arms outside ; and do you leave your sword there, and come in again." 31. Seuthes, on hearing this, said that he would distrust no one of the Athenians, for he knew that they were connected with him by lineage, 2 and regarded them as kind fiiends. 1 I have adopted this mode of spelling the name with all the modern editors, though not without reluctance, for Selymbria i3 much more pleasing to the ear than Selybria. If Strabo's derivation is sight, however (lib. vii. c. 6, p. Ill, # T v Sjp.rof roAtf, the city of Selys, (3pia being the Thracian word for a city), it would appear that the letter m is an intruder. Yet, as Kuhner observes, Stephanua of Byzantium has 2?7/lt>/z6pi'a, and Selymbria is the invariable mode of spelling among the Lathis. I like Thimbron, too, much better thao Ttiibron. * 2vyy>if.] Yalckenaer (ad Herod, iv. 80) deduces this ovyyeveia from the circumstance of Sadocus, the son of Sitalces, having received the rights of citizenship from the Athenians. (Thucyd. ii. 29 ; SchoL ad Aristoph. Acharn. 145). Kriiger (do Authent. p. 33) rejects this no- tion, observing that avy/sveia would not follow from 57o/Um'a. But as Procne, the daughter of Pandion, king of Athens, is said to have been married to Tereus, king of Thrace (see Apollod. iii. 14. 8, ibique Heyne), 220 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vu Afterward, when those who were wanted had come in, Xen- ophon first asked Seuthes what use lie proposed to make of the armv. 32. Seuthes then proceeded to speak thus : " Mse- sades was my father ; and under his government were the Melanditae, the Thynians, and the Tranipsse. But when the power of the Odrysae declined, my father, being driven from this country, died of a disease, and I, being left an orphan was bred up with Medocus, the present king. 33. As soon as I became a young man, however, I could not bear to subsist in dependence upon another person's table ; and I sat on my seat 1 before him as a suppliant that he would give me as many troops as he could, in order that, if I found it at all in my power, I might inflict some evil on those who had expelled us, and might cease to live by looking, like a dog, to his table. 34. In com- pliance with my request he gave me the infantry and cavalry which you will see as soon as it is day. I now subsist with the aid of these troops, making depredations on my own hereditary dominions ; and if you join me, I should expect, with the as- sistance of the gods, to recover my authority with ease. This is what I desire of you." 35. " If we should come, then," said Xenophon, " what would you be able to give to the soldiers, captains, and generals ? Let me know, that these who are with me may carry word to them." 36. Seuthes then promised to give every soldier a Cyzicene stater, 2 twice as much to a captain, and four times as much to a general, with as much land as they should desire, yokes of oxen, and a walled town near the se'a. 37. "But if," said Xenophon, " when we attempt this service, we should not succeed, but something to deter us should arise on the part of the Lacedasmonians, will you, if any of us should wish to take refuge with you, receive them into your country ?" 38. " Nay, more," replied he, " I will even treat them as brothers, make them guests at my own table, and sharers of all that we may be able to acquire. To you, Xenophon, I will give my is it not more probable that this is the avyyeveia to be here understood? See c. 3, sec. 39. Kuhner. 1 'Evdipptof.] In selld, the same as ev Si&pu, c. 3. sect. 29. Kuhner. The Thracians did not recline on couches at meals, but sat on seats. Zeune. But the exact meaning of htifypios in this passage is uncertain. Sturz settles nothing. In sect. 38, the word is used in the sense of 6f*oTpi'nreot, table-companions. s See v. 6. 23. ' Monthly' is to be understood : see on c. 3, sect 10. CHAP. in. XENOPHON ADDRESSES THE ARMY. 221 daughter ; and, if you have a daughter, I will buy 1 her accord- ing to the Thraciau custom, and will give you Bisanthe, which is the finest of my towns upon the sea, as a residence." CHAPTER III. All the Greeks, except Neon and his party, accept the proposals of Seuthes, -and join him. They march with Seuthes against his enemies, whom they surprise unawares, and take a great number of slaves, aud much spoil. 1. THE party having heard these offers, and having ex- changed right hands, rode off. They got back to the camp before day-break, and made each his report to those who sent him. 2. As soon as it was light, Aristarchus sent again for the generals and captains, but they determined to decline going to him, and to call together the army. All the troops came, except those of Neon, Avho were about ten stadia dis- tant. 3. When they were met, Xenophon stood up and spoke as follows : " Soldiers ! Aristarchus, having galleys at command, seeks to prevent us sailing whither we desire : and in consequence it is not safe for us to embark. He would have us make our way by force over the Sacred Mountain into the Chersonesus ; and, if we should succeed in crossing that mountain, and ar- rive there, he says that he will not again sell any of you, as he did at Byzantium, or deceive you again, but that you shall receive pay, and that he will no longer suffer you, as at pres- ent to be in want of provisions. 4. Thus speaks Aristarchus. Seuthes, on the other hand, says that if you go to him, he will be of service to you. Consider, therefore, whether you Avill decide on this point while remaining here now, or after having gone back to get provisions. 5. My own opinion is, that since we have no money here to purchase, and since they will not allow us to take provisions without money, we should 1 'Qvqaofiai.] So Herodotus, v. G : The Thracians buy their wives from their parents with large sums of money. Kuhner. The people of the East, as is well known, had the same custom, as also the ancient Greeks : see Ariston. Polit. ii. 8. Weiske. See also Tacit, Germ. c. 13. Lion. Consult Mannert, vii. p. 24. Bornemann. 222 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK TIL return to the villages where the inhabitants, being weaker than vre are, permit us to take them, and that there when AVC have got supplies, and heard what each of them desires of you, 1 you may choose whatever may seem best. 6. To whomsoever this proposal is agreeable, let him hold up his hand." They all held up their hands. " Go then," continued he, " and pre- pare your baggage, and when any one gives the signal, follow your leader." 7. Soon after, Xenophon put himself at their head, and they followed him. Neon, however, and some other persons Bent by Aristarchus, tried to persuade them to turn back ; but they paid no regard to their words. When they had advanced about thirty stadia, Seuthes met them ; and Xenophon, when he saw him, invited him to ride up that he might state to him, in the hearing of as many as possible what he thought for their advantage. 8. As he came forward, Xenophon said, " We are going to some place where the army will be likely to get provisions, and where, after hearing your proposals, and those of the Lacedaemonian, we shall determine upon that course which may seem best to us. If, therefore, you will con- duct us to a place where provisions are in the greatest abund- ance, we shall consider ourselves as being your guests." 9. Seuthes replied, " I know of several villages lying close together, containing all sorts of provisions, and distant from us only so far that you may go over to them and dine in comfort." " Con- duct us, then," said Xenophon. 10. When they had reached the villages, in the afternoon, the soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke thus : " I wish you, soldiers, to take service with me, and propose to give each of you a Cyzicene stater" monthly, and the captains and generals what is customary-. In addition to this, I will do honor to every man that proves himself worthy of it. Meat and drink you shall have, as at present, by taking it from the country ; but whatever spoil shall be taken, I shall think proper to keep myself, that, by disposing of it, I may provide pay for you. 1 *O -L TIC vptiv 6elTai.~\ Ad quam rem uterque (Seuthes et Aristarchus) opera vestrd uti velit. Zeune. 2 See v. 6. 23. The words TOV [tijvoe, which occur in Hutchinson's and ather old editions after KV&KJJVOI', are omitted by Dindorf and Kiihner. Tt appears hotter to preserve them. They aro wanting in c, 2, sect. 26. CHAP. in. PROPOSALS OP SEUTHES ACCEPTED. 223 11. Such enemies as flee from us, and conceal themselves, we shall be able to pursue and discover ;' and such as resist us, we shall endeavor, with your assistance, to overcome." 12. Xeno- phon then inquired, " How far from the sea shall you require the army to follow you ?" He replied, " Never more than seven days' march, and often less." 13. Liberty was then given to any one that wished, to speak ; and many concurred in saying that Seuthes made proposals of the greatest advantage, as it was winter, and no longer practicable, even for such as desired, to sail home ; and as it was impossible for them to live, though in a country of friends, if they were to subsist by purchasing, while it would be safer for them to remain and find subsistence in an enemy's country jointly with Seuthes than by themselves, so many advantages offering themselves, and if, in addition to these, they also re- ceived pay, it appeared to them an unexpected piece of good fortune. 14. Xenophon then said, " If any one has aught to say aga! nst this opinion, let him speak at once ; if not let him vote for it." As no one said any thing against it, he put it to the vote, and the decision was in favor of it. Xenophon immediately told Seuthes that they would take the field with him. 15. The soldiers then pitched their tents according to their divisions ; the generals and captains, Seuthes, who occupied a neighboring village, invited to supper. 16. When they were at the entrance, going in to supper, a man named Heraclides, a native of Maronea, 2 presented himself before them. This man, addressing himself to every one whom he thought pos- sessed of any thing to present to Seuthes, and first to certain people from Parium, 3 who were come to establish a friendship with Medocus, king of the Odrysa?, and had brought presents for Seuthes and his wife, said that Medocus resided up the country, twelve days' journey from the sea, and that Seuthes, since he had taken this force into his service, would be master on the coast; 17. "being your neighbor, therefore," he added 1 AiGJKetv KOI fiaarevetv.] AIUKEIV, to pursue, with the aid of the cav- alry ; [laoreveiv, to search out, through being well acquainted with the country. Zeune. 2 A town of Thrace between Abdera and Doriscus, now called Jfironia. 3 A town of Mysia, mentioned c. 2, sect T 224 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS- BOG VIL " he will be greatly ia a condition to do you both good and harm ; and, if you are wise, you will accordingly give him what you have brought, and it will be bestowed to better account than if you were to give it to Medocus, who lives at a distance." 1 8. By these arguments lie prevailed upon them. Accosting, in the next place, Timasion the Dardanian, as ho had heard that he had cups and Persian carpets, he observed that it was customary, whenever Seuthes invited people to supper, for those who were invited to make him presents ; " and," sai 1 he, " if he becomes powerful in this country, lie will be able either to restore you to yours, or to make you rich here." In this manner he sued for Seuthes, addressing himself to each of the guests. 19. Advancing also toward Xenophon, he said, " You are of a most honorable city, and your name stands very high with Seuthes ; and perhaps you will desire to have some place of strength, and a portion of land, in this country, as others 1 of your countrymen have. It will be proper for you, therefore, to honor Seuthes most magnificently ; 20. and I give you this advice as your well- wisher ; for I know that the greater presents you mike him, 2 the greater benefits you will receive from him." Xenophon, on hearing this, was in some perplexity ; for he had come over from Parium with only one servant, and just enough inonev for the journey. 21. When the company went in to supper, consisting of tho chief Thracians who were there, the generals and captains of the Greeks, and such embassadors as had come from any city, the supper was prepared for them as they took tiieir seats in a circle, and tables with three feet were then brought in for each. These tables were full of pieces of meat piled up, and large leavened loaves were attached to the meat. 22. Tho tables 3 were always placed near the strangers in preference to others ; for such was their custom. Seuthes then first pro- ceeded to act as follows : taking up the loaves that were set by him, he broke them into small portions, and distributed to 1 He seems chiefly to allude to Alcibiades. See Corn. Nep. Arc. c. 7. Zeune. Consult Hellen. ii. 1. 25, where the reixn of Alcibiadea on tho coast of Thrace are mentioned. Schneider. 2 Toiirw.] Kiihner, and most other editors, read TOVTUV, " than these," i. e. those of your countrymen to whom I have alluded. 3 Al T/>a/rfa:.] These are the same that are before called rpt'rrcd^f. Kijhner. CHAP. m. PRESENTS MADE TO SEUTHES. 225 those whom ho pleased, and the flesh in a similar way, leaving for himself only just sufficient to taste. 23. The rest of those before whom tables were placed, followed his example. But a certain Arcadian, whose name was Arystas, an extraor- dinary eater, took no care about distributing, but taking in his hand a loaf of about three choenices, 1 and placing some meat upon his knees, went on with his supper. 24. In the mean lime they carried round horns of wine, and every body took some ; but Arystas, when the cup-bearer came to him with the horn, and he observed that Xenophon had finished his supper, said, " Give it to him, for he is now at leisure ; I am not so yet" 25. Seuthes, hearing the voice, asked the cup-bearer what he said ; and the cup-bearer (for he knew the Greek lan- guage) told him. A laugh in consequence followed. 26. As the cup made its way, a Thracian entered leading a white horse, and, taking up a horn full of wine, said, " I drink to you, O Seuthes, and present you with this horse, mounted on which, and pursuing whomsoever you please, you will over- take him, and when retreating, you will have no cause to fear an enemy." 27. Another, bringing ia a boy, presented him, drinking to Seuthes, in like manner, and another vestments for his wife. Timasion, drinking to him, made him a present of a silver cup, and a carpet worth ten minac. 28. But one Gnesippus, aa Athenian, rose up and said, that it was an ex- cellent custom in old times, that those who had any thing should give presents to the king to do him honor, and that the king should give to those who have nothing ; I, therefore, beg something of you, 2 that I may have something to present you, and to do you honor." 29. As for Xenophon, he was ia doubt how to act, for he was seated, as a person held in honor, in the place next to Seuthes ; and Heraclides now desired the cup-bearer to pre- sent him the horn. However, he stood up boldly (for he had by this time drunk rather copiously), and taking the horn, said, 30. " I present you, O Seuthes, myself, and these my comrades, to be your faithful friends, no one of them being reluctant, but all desiring, even more than myself, to be your adherents. 31. They are now here before you, asking nothing i See i. 5. 7. 3 'Iva KOI tyu, /;. 7. /.] Sententia aliqua mcnto supplenda est, ut dico 'Hi hoc, aut ptto abs te Iwc. Kiihner. 10* 226 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. else of you, but desiring to labor for you, expressing their willingness to incur dangers for your sake ; with whose as- sistance, if the gods are favorable, you will recover, on the one hand, a large portion of country which was your father's, and, on the other, acquire some in addition ; and you will also become master of many men and women, whom it will not be necessary to take by force, but they themselves will come to you with presents in their hands." 32. Seuthes then stood up and drank with him, 1 and then joined with him in sprinkling what remained in the horn upon himself. 3 Soon after some people came in that played on horns, such as they make signals with, and trumpets made of raw ox-hides, blowing regular tunes, and as if they were playing on the magadis? 33. Seuthes himself rose up and uttered the war- 1 2i>i>eeTtr.] The preposition cvv, says Kithner, shows that Seuthes received the address of Xenophou with pleasure. Person (ed. Hutch.) reads avve-ie, which is given by Suidas sub voce KaraaKetitiZfiv. The use of the preposition if, indeed, is not very apparent, unless it be to signify that Seuthes drained the cup to the bottom. " Kal KaTeaiitddaaTO pera TOVTO TO Ktpaf.] "It was a custom of the Thracians at their banquets, when the guests had drunk as much wino as they could, to pour the rest of the wine upon the garments of the guests, which they called KaraaKe^eiv." Suidas. " The Scythians and Thracians, indulging in wine, both their wives and themselves, to ex- cess, and pouring it over their garments, think that they observe an honorable and excellent custom." Plato do Legg. i. 9. The middle voice, in this passage of Xenophon, signifies that the- Thracians poured whatever remained in the cup, after they had drunk, not on the gar- ments of their guests, but on their own. Kuhner. This critic accord- ingly rejects the emendation of Pierson and Mcerin, p. 217, though approved by Toup and Person : avyicaTtaKt'tiacfE rtiv per' avTov TO icipar, quad rdiquurn trot vini, in convivas effudit. But as Athenasus, iv. 35, Eustathius ad Horn. p. 707, Suidas sub voce Ka-aaKedu&iv and Pha- vorinus, all read (JLET' avrov instead of //era TOVTO, he has admitted that reading into his text, thus making the sense of the passage. " Seuthes joined with Xenophon in sprinkling the wine on himself." i. e. Seuthes sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own garments, and Xeno- phon, imitating him, sprinkled wine from his own goblet on his own garments. This is, perhaps, the best way in which the passage can bo read and interpreted, if the verb be kept in the middle voice, which is in accordance with the passage just cited from Plato, though some- what at variance with what is said by Suidas. But whether they sprinkled the wine over their own clothes or those of others, or both, we may dismiss the passage with Spelman's observation, that it was a " ridiculous custom." s A-thenoeus, iv. c. tilt, says, 'O 62 /zuycJif Ka/.oi^evoc aiP.df dv* CHAP. in. PREPARATIONS FOR AN EXPEDITION. 227 cry, and sprang out of his place with the utmost agility, like a man guarding against a missile. Buffoons also entered. 34. When the sun was near setting, the Greeks rose, and said that it was time to place the guards for the nighi, and to give out the watch-word. They requested Seuthes, at the sama time, to give orders that none of the Thracians should enter the Greek camp by night ; " for," said they, " both your enemies are Thracians, and so are you, our friends." l 35. As they were going out, Seuthes stood up, not at all like a man intoxicated, and, walking forth, and calling back the generals by themselves, said to them, " The enemy, my friends, know nothing as yet of our alliance ; if, then, we should march upon them before they are on their guard against a surprise, or are prepared to make any defense, we should be veiy likely to take both prisoners and booty." 36. The generals expressed their assent to what he said, and desired him to lead them. " Prepare yourselves then," he replied, " and wait for me, and, when the proper time comes, I will come to you, and, taking the peltasts and yourselves, will, with the aid of the gods, conduct you." 37. " Consider, however, rejoined Xenophon, " whether, since we are to march in the night, the Greek practice is not preferable ; for on the march, during the day, whatever part of the army be suitable for the ground, takes the lead, whether it be the heavy-armed men, or the peltasts, or the cavalry ; but in the night it is the custom among the Greeks for the slowest part of the force to lead the way." 38. Thus the troops are least likely to be dispersed, and least in danger of strangling unobserved from one another ; for bodies that have been separated often fall foul of each other, and both do and suffer injury unawares." 39. "You say well," replied Seuthes, " and I will conform to your custom ; I will also pro- vide you guides, some of the oldest men, best acquainted with the country ; I will bring up the rear myself with the cavalry, Kal fiapi'v fyduyyov e~i6eiKvvrai : "The magadis, a pipo so called, gives forth a shrill and strong sound." This seems to be the instrument hero meant, though the same author (ibid) observes that there was another kind of /uuyaehf, resembling a harp. Poppo refers to Boeck. Comment, Metr. in Pind. p. 261. 1 Your enemies are Thracians, and you our friends are also Thra- cians, so that in the dark we might mistake you for our enemies, Weiske. 228 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK TIL und, if there be occasion, will soon come up to the front." For the watch-word they fixed upon MINERVA, on account of their relationship. 1 After this conversation they went to rest. 40. When it was about midnight, Seuthes came to them with his cavalry clad in their corslets, and his peltasts equipped with their arms. After he had appointed the guides, the heavy-armed men took the lead, the peltasts followed, and was a pcenula or outer garment, reaching to the feet, and fastened with a belt ; referring also to what Herodotus (vii. 69) says of tho Arabs, fpvep6uMMvai the dative plural of the participle, dependent on Kapjjv. 1 The father of Seuthes, c. 2, sect. 32. 2 The article TOV after Tt'ipav shows us that we should understand Xenophon as meaning fores the son of Odryses, the old king from whom the Odrysae were named. Bornemann. The sense of the passage seems to be that the Delta had formerly been part of the kingdom of the Odryste in the time of Teres, but had ceased to belong to it before or during tho reign of Ma3sades, the father of Seuthes. 3 Ov irXeiov t/nroT.Tjaai.'] Not to be rendered with Leunclaviua non pluris, but non majorem prcedcB partem. Kiihner CHAP. Y. DECEITFULNESS OP HERACLIDES. 035 and Xeontichos, but, after that period, he alluded to none of those places; for Heraclides had maliciously insinuated that it was not safe to intrust fortresses to a man at the head of an army. 9. Xenophon, in consequence, began to consider with him- self what he ought to do about the expedition further up the country. Heraclides, meantime, was thrusting the other gen- erals upon Seuthes, and urging them to say that (hey could lead the army not less effectively. than Xenophon ; he assured them also that, in a few days, their full pay for two months should be given them, and recommended them to continue in the service of Seuthes. 10. To this Timasion replied, "For my part, even if five months' pay were to be given me, I would not serve without Xenophon." Phryniscus and Cleaner expressed the same sentiments as Timasion. 11. Seuthes then blamed Heraclides for not calling in Xen- ophon with them ; and they accordingly sent for him alone. But Xenophon, seeing that this was a trick of Ileraclides, tc render him unpopular with the rest of the generals, took with him, when he went, not only all the generals, but all the cap- tains. 12. As they were all moved by the arguments of Seuthes, they joined him in an expedition, and proceeded through the country of the Thracians called Melinophagi, keeping the Euxine Sea on the right, to Salmydessus. Here many of the ships sailing into the Euxine are grounded and driven ashore ; for a shoal there stretches far out into the sea. 13. The Thracians who live in those parts, set up pillars as boundaries, and each party plunder the wrecks stranded on their own portion of the coast ; but for some time before they erected the pillars, it was said that they fell in great numbers bv the hands of each other while engaged in plundering. 14. In this place were found couches, boxes, written books, 1 and ' TLo7.7.al 61 0i t 3Xoi -yeypafijievai.] If yeypafifievai is genuine, as can not indeed be doubted, we must necessarily suppose that written books are meant. But some commentators have expressed great surprise at the mention of written books in this passage, because they were ex- tremely scarce in those days, and because it was not at all likely that they would have been brought by merchants into those parts. This consideration induced Larcher to set aside the word yeypaftfiivat, and suggest that we should read TTO/.AU 6$ (3v6?.ia, that is, many funiadi, restes, rudentes, "ropes or cables." * * * On the traffic in books, see Becker's Charicles, torn. L p. 207. Kiihner. Some have 236 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. many other things, such as seamea carry in their wooden store-chests. 1 Having subdued this people, they went back again. 15. Seuthes had now an army superior in number to that of the Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysae had come down to him, and others, as fast as they submitted, joined his force. They encamped in a plain above Selybria, at the dis- tance of about thirty stadia from the sea. 16. No pay as yet appeared ; the soldiers were greatly dissatisfied with Xeno- phon ; and Seuthes no longer treated him with familiarity, but, whenever he went to desire to speak with him, many engagements were pretended. CHAPTER VI. The Greeks are solicited by the Lacedaemonians to join them in a war with Tissaphernes, when a certain Arcadian brings a formal accusation against Xenophon: he defends himself, and is justified by others. He is request- ed by Seuthes to remain in his service with a thousand men, but resolves to depart. 1. AT this time, when two months had nearly expired, Charminus, a Lacedemonian, and Polynicus, came from Thi- bron, and stated that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to take the field against Tissaphernes, and that Thibron a had set sail thought that pifaoi hero means merely rolls of bark, as Theophrastus (H. P. iv. 8. 4) says that the /3t'6/lof was used for sails, ropes, mats, and other articles; but this notion, as well as that of Zeune and Weiske, who think that nothing but paper is meant, is irreconcilable with tho word yEypapuevai, which, as Kiihner observes, we have the strongest reason to think genuine. " And as so many books were written and read in Greece," says Kriiger, "it is not at all surprising that some of them should have been transported to the Greek colonies." Hutchinson refers to a passage of Theopompus, similar to that of Xenophon, preserv- ed by Longinus, sect. 43. 1 'Ey gu'Aivoic Tvxeai.~\ These, in case of shipwreck, would not sink, but float to the shore. Kriiger. 2 BMpuv.] See c. 2. sect. 28. Tissaphernes, unsuccessful in his attempts on tho Ton Thousand Greeks, had returned to Asia Minor to assume Cyrus's authority, and take vengeance on such as had supported him. The cities of Ionia, fearing his resentment, had applied for protection to the Lacedaemonians, who had sent out Thibroa thither as harmost, with an army of 4500 men. See Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. 3. CHAP. vr. SOLICITATIONS FROM THE LACEDAEMONIANS. 237 for the purpose of carrying on the war with him ; adding that he was in want of this auxiliary force, and promised that a daric a month should be the pay for each common soldier, twice as much for the captains, and four times as much for the generals. 2. When these Lacedaemonians arrived, Heraclides, hearing that they were come for the army, remarked to Seu- thes that it was a fortunate occurrence, " for the Lacedaemoni- ans," said he, " are in want of the army, and you no longer require it; by resigning it, therefore, you will gratify them, and the soldiers will cease to ask you for pay, and will leave the country." 3. Seuthes, listening to these representations, desired him to bring the Lacedemonians to him ; and as they told him that they were come for the army, he said that he would give it up, and was willing to be their friend and ally, and invited them to a banquet, at which he entertained them magnificently, but did not invite Xenophon, or any of the other generals. 4. The Lacedaemonians inquiring what sort of a person Xeno- phon was, he replied, that in other respects he was not a bad man, but that he was a great friend to the soldiers, " and on that account," added he, " it is the worse for him." l " Does the man then," said they, " try to make himself popular with the soldiers 1" " Certainly," replied Heraclides. 5. " Will he not then oppose us," said they, "respecting the removal of the army ?" " But if you call the soldiers together," rejoined He- raclides, " and promise them pay, they will show little regard to him, and will hasten away with you." 6. "Hovv, then," said they, " can they be assembled to hoar us ?" " To-morrow morning," answered Heraclides, ' we will bring you to them, and I feel assured that, as soon as they see you, they will readily flock together." Thus ended that day. 7. Next morning Seuthes and Heraclides conducted the Lacedaemonians to the army, and the soldiers were called to- gether. The Lacedaemonians then stated that it was resolved by their countrymen to go to war with Tissaphernes, " who," said they, " has injured you. If therefore you join with us, you will both revenge yourselves on an enemy, and will re- ceive, each of you, a daric a month, a captain double, and a general fourfold." 8. The soldiers listened to this offer with 1 He is in a worse condition than he would be, if ho paid less regard to the soldiers. Kahner. 238 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. pleasure ; and one of the Arcadians immediately rose up to make an accusation against Xenophon. Seuthes was also pres- ent, being desirous to know how the matter would end, and was standing where he could easily hear, attended by an in- terpreter, though he himself understood most of what was spoken in Greek. 9. The Arcadadian proceeded to say, " We should certainly, O Lacedaemonians, have been with you long ago, if Xenophon had not wrought upon us and led us hither, where, serving through a severe winter, we have had no rest 1 night or day ; while he has the fruit of our labors, and Seu- thes enriches him personally, and deprives us of our pay; 10. so that if I, who am the first to speak on this occasion, could see him stoned to death, and paying the penalty for what he has made us suffer in dragging us about, I should think that I had received my pay, and should cease to be concerned at what I have undergone." After him another stood up, and then another ; when Xenophon proceeded to speak as follows : 11. "A man may well, indeed, expect any kind of fate, since I now meet with accusations from you, at a time when I am conscious of having displayed the utmost zeal to serve you. After I had set out homeward, I turned back, not certainly from learning that you were in a satisfactory condition, but rather from hearing that you were in difficulties, and with the intention of aiding you if I could. 2 12. When I got back to the army, though Seuthes here sent many messengers to me, and promised me many advantages, if I would induce you to go to him, I made no attempt, as you yourselves know, to do so, but led you to a place 3 from which I thought you would have the quickest passage into Asia ; for I considered that this course would be best for you, and knew that you desired it. 13. But when Aristarchus came with his galleys, and prevented you from sailing across, I then (as was doubtless proper) called you together, that we might consider what measures we ought to take. 14. After hearing then Aristar- chus, on the one hand, desiring you to go to the Chersonesus, IIe-a/zn9a has crept into many editions, Hemy Steph- ens having said that it was found in some manuscripts. But Dindorf and Kiihner declare that every manuscript that has yet been examined presents 7TE7rat5yuei?or. 1 See c. 1, sect. 40, and c. 2, sect. 8. 3 Perinthus: c. 2, sect 10. Kiihner. CHAP. TI. XENOPHON OBLIGED TO JUSTIFY HIMSELF. 239 and listening to Seuthes, on the other, urging you to take tho field with him, you all said that you would go with Seuthes, and all gave your votes for that course. In what respect then did I wrong you on that occasion, by leading you whither you all resolved to go ? 15. "Since Seuthes, however, has begun to break his word concerning your pay, you, if I were to express approbation of his conduct, would justly accuse and detest me ; but if I, who was previously his greatest friend, and now most of all men at variance with frim, with what reason can I, who have prefer- red your interest to that of Seuthes, incur censure from you for that very conduct through which I have brought upon me his enmity ? 16. But perhaps you may say that I have re- ceived your pay from Seuthes, and am merely deluding you. This however is certain, that if Seuthes has paid me any thing, lie did not pay it with a view of losing what he paid me, and of paying, at the same time, an additional sum to you ; but, I should think, if he had given me any thing, he would have given it with this intention, that by bestowing on me a less sum, he might not have to pay you a greater. 17. If there- fore you suppose that sach is the case, it is in your power to render the compact profitless to both of us, by requiring from him your pay ; for it is evident that Seuthes, if I have re- ceived any thing from him, will in that case demand it back from me, and will demand it justly, if I fail to fulfill the con- tract for which I was bribed? 18. But I am conscious of being far from possessing any thing^ that belongs to you ; for I swear-to you by all the gods and goddesses, that I have not even received what Seuthes promised me for myself; and ho is himself present, and as he hears me, knows whether I com- mit perjury or not; 19. and, that you may be still more sur- prised, I swear that I have not even received as much as tho other generals have received, no, nor even as much as some of the captains. 20. From what motive, then, did I act thus ? I thought, my fellow-soldiers, that the more I participated in his poverty for the time, the more effectually should I render him my friend when he should be able to serve me. But I now see him at once in a state of prosperity, and understand his real disposition. 21. Possibly some one may say, 'Arc you not ashamed, then, of having been thus foolishly deceived ?' I should indeed be ashamed, if I had been thus deceived by an 240 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK TIL enemy, but in a friend it appears far more disgraceful to de- ceive than to be deceived. 22. If however we are to be on our guard against friends, I know that we have been on the strictest guard not to give Seuthes any just pretense for refusing to pay us Avhat he promised ; for we have neither done him any harm, nor neglected his interests, nor shrunk from any undertaking to which he called us. 23. "But, you may say, I ought to have taken pledges at the time, that even if he had had the will, he might not have had the power to deceive. With regard to this point, hear what I should never have mentioned before him, 1 if you had not shown yourself either extremely inconsiderate or ex' tremely ungrateful toward me. 24. For recollect in what circumstances you were placed, when I extricated you from them by conducting you to Seuthes. Did not' Aristarchus the Lacedaemonian prevent you from entering Perinthus, shut- ting the gates if you offered to approach the city ? Did you not encamp without the Avail in the open air ? Was it not the middle of winter ? Had you not to buy provisions, when you found but few commodities for sale, and had but little with which to buy? 25. Were you not obliged to remain in Thrace, because galleys at anchor prevented you from sailing across, while, whoever staid, had to stay in an enemy's country, where there were numbers of cavalry and numbers of peltasts to oppose you ? 26. And though we had a heavy- armed force, with which, going to the villages in a body, wo might perhaps have procured a moderate supply of food, we had no troops with which we could pursue or capture slaves or cattle ; for I found neither cavalry not peltasts any longer existing in a body among you. 27. If, then, when you were in such straits, I had, without demanding any pay for you, procured you Seuthes for an ally, who had cavalry and pel- tasts, of which you were in want, should I have appeared to have consulted ill for you ? 28. For, through having the aid 1 He would not have said this in the presence and hearing of Seuthes, lest Seuthes might say, in justification of his conduct, that he had dono the Greeks benefit, and that they had not been led to join him from any liking for his service, but from being compelled ty the difficulties of their circumstances. Weiske. 2 Most editors, I might perhaps pay J>U, give this passage interroga- tively, except Dindorf. who puts no note of interrogation. I have not thought proper to adhere co him oc this occasion. cnAP.vi. SPEECH OF XENOPHON. 241 of these troops, you not only found a greater abundance of provisions in the villages, from the Thracians being obliged to flee with greater precipitation, but had a greater share of both cattle and slaves. 29. As for enemies, we no longer saw any after the cavalry was attached to us, though, before that time, they pursued U3 both with horse and peltasts, hindering us from dispersing any where in small parties, so as to get provi- sions in greater quantities. 30. And if he who offered you this security, did not give you, in addition, very high pay for the security, 1 is this the dreadful calamity of which you complain, and do you think that, oa this account, you ought by no means to allow me to live ? 31. "But under what circumstance is it that you are now leaving the country ? Is it not after having passed the winter in the midst of abundance, and while you have in your pos- session, besides, whatever you have received from Seuthes ? What you have consumed belonged to the enemy ; and while faring thus, you have neither seen any of your number killed, nor lost any alive. 32. If any reputation had been gained by you against the Barbarians in Asia, have you not that still un- diminished, and have you not added to it a new glory by subdu- ing the Thracians, against whom you took the field, in Europe ? I think, indeed, that you may justly return thanks to the gods, as for so many blessings, for those very things for which you are incensed against me. 33. "Such is the state of your affairs; and now, in the name of the gods, consider what is the condition of mine. When I first set sail for home, I went off with great praise from you, and with honor, through your means, from the rest of the Greeks. I was also trusted by the Lacedemonians, or they would not have sent me back to you. 2 34. But now I go away calumniated in the eyes of the Laced a3monians by your statements, and at enmity with Seuthes upon your ac- count, whom I hoped, by serving him in conjunction with you, to secure as an honorable protector both for myself and my children, if I should have any. 35. Yet you, for whose sake chiefly I have incurred hatred, and incurred it from people far more powerful than myself, and while I do not yet cease attempting whatever good I can for you, entertain such an 1 Consult what is said on v. 6. 31. 2 C. 2, sect. 8. VOL. I. 11 242 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. opinion of mo as you now express. 36. But you have me in your power, having neither found me fleeing nor attempting to flee ; and, if you do what you say, you will put to death a man who has often watched for your salety ; who has gono through many toils and dangers in company with you, accord- ing to his share and beyond his share ; who, by the favor of the gods, lias raised with you many trophies over the Barba- rians ; and who has exerted himself most strenuously for you, 1 in every way that he could, in order that you might not make yourselves enemies to any of the Greeks. 37. As it is, you are at liberty to go whither you please, by sea or land, without censure ; and now, when abundance of every thing presents it- self before you, when you are going to sail whither you have long desired to go, when those who are at the height of power solicit your services, when pay is offered, and when Lacedae- monians, who are thought to be the best of leaders, are como to take the command of you, does it seem to you to be a fit time for putting me at once to death ? 38. You had no such inclination when we were in the midst of hardships, O men of admirable memories ! a You then called me father, and promis- ed always to remember me as your benefactor. However, those, who are now come to request your services, are not void of judgment, so that, as I think, you will not, by being such as you are toward me, appear better in their estimation." IIaving spoken thus, he ceased. 39. Charminus, the Lacedaemonian, then stood up and said, " By the twin gods, 3 soldiers, you do not appear to be dis- pleased with this man on any reasonable grounds ; for I my- self can bear testimony in his favor : since, when Polynicus and myself asked Seuthes about Xenophon, inquiring what sort of man he was, he had nothing else to lay to his charge, 1 Ilpdf t'//<2f.] Contra vos or apud vos. The former is perhaps pre- ferable. He alludes, v. gr. to vii. 1. 25, seqq. Weiske. Also to vL 6. 11, seqq. Kuhner. Weiske is right in interpreting "contra vos." Schneider. I follow those who are in favor of vestrd causa, "for your sake." Bornemarm. I think Bornemann in the right Yet contra vos might perhaps bo Englished, " against your follies or capri- ces." 2 T Q vuvruv f*vrj[jioviKerbg v~o Zevofavrof.'] This is the reading which Dindorf 's text exhibits, but to which most critics must surely prefer the common reading, eZrrev uvaaruf VTTEP tZevoQuvrot;, "arose and spoke on behalf of Xenophon," i. e. in favor and justification of Xenophon. "Eurylochus did not indeed speak undisguisedly," observes Kiihner, " in behalf of Xenophon, but rather with a covert attempt to transfer the blame from Xenophon to Ileraclides. It is, however, greatly to bo doubted," ho adds, " whether the received reading bo genuine ; for instead of dvaartig three manuscripts exhibit alverur, ' in a praiseworthy manner,' and two have iverdf, which Dindorf has admitted into his text, changing at the same time yirtp into VTTO, so that evsrof VTTO Scvo^irrof will bo ' suborn- ed by Xenophon.' But a strong objection to this reading is, that tverog is a word of the later age of the Greek language ; it occurs in Appian ; but Xenophon would rather have used vir6-cfj.TTTOf, as in iiL 3. 4. Nor is this word altogether suitable to the narrative. Some have objected to the order of the words dxev dvaaru^ instead of uvazriif elxev, which is more usual in Xenophon ; but this is a matter of very small moment, and is completely nullified by the examples adduced in Bornemann'a note and in Sturz's Lex. Xen. torn. i. p. 209, as well as by Cyrop. iL 3. 4; Do Rep. Ath. i. 6; and Hellen. i. 7. 7." * Five manuscripts have pdM.ov, instead of p.u7.a, which Dindorf has injudiciously adopted. Kiihner. * 'Hv au^povu/j.sv.] This seems to be an intentional repetition of these Words, which occur just above, in the speech of Poly crates. 244 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK m camp ; 43. from whence Seutlies sent Abrozelmes, his inter- preter, to Xenophon, and begged him to remain in his service with a thousand heavy-armed men, engaging at the same time, to give him the fortresses on the sea, and the other things which he had promised him. He also told him, causing it to be com- municated as a secret, that he had heard from Polynicus, that if he fell into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, he would cer- tainly be put to death by Thibron. 44. Many other persons, too, sent notice to Xenophon that he had been made an object of calumny, and ought to be upon his guard. Xenophon, on receiving these communications, took two victims and sacrificed to Jupiter, consulting him whether it would be better for him to stay with Seuthes on the conditions that he proposed, or to go away with the army. Jupiter signified to him that he had better depart. CHAPTER VII. The Greeks go to get provisions from the villages. Medosades tries to send them away, and prevails on Xenophon to go and consult the Lacedaemo- nians. The Lacedaemonians refuse to take away the army till Seuthes has paid them. Xenophon's speech to Seuthes. Seuthes at last produces the money, which Xenophon gives to the Lacedaemonians to be distributed among the soldiers. 1. SEUTHES then encamped at a great distance ; and the Greeks quartered in villages from which they intended to get plenty of provisions, and then to march to the sea. These villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosades ; 2. who, seeing his property in them consumed by the Greeks, was much displeased ; and, taking with him one of the Odrysae, the most influential of all those that had come down from the upper country, and about fifty horse, went and called Xenophon out of the Grecian camp. Xenophon, taking some of the captains, and other proper persons, came out to meet him. 3. Medosades then said, " You act unjustly, O Xenophon, in laying waste our villages. We give you notice therefore, I on the part of Seuthes, and this man on the part of Medocus the king of the upper country, to quit this district ; if, however, you do not quit it, we shall not allow you to continue your depredations, but, if you do harm to our territories, we shall defend ourselves against you as enemies. ' CHAP. vii. XENOPHON REPLIES TO MEDOSADES. 245 4. Xeaophon, on hearing this warning, said, " To give you an answer, when you speak in such terms, is painful, yet for the information of this young man, I will reply to you, that he may know what sort of people you are, and what sort we are. 5. We," he continued, " before AVC became your allies, march- ed through this country whithersoever we thought fit, laving waste what we pleased, and burning what we pleased ; G. and you yourself when you came to us as an embassador, pitched your tent with us, without fear of any enemy ; but your people never entered this region at all, or, if ever you did venture into it, used to encamp with your horses still bridled, as in the territory of those more powerful than yourselves. 7. But now, since you have become allied with us, and have by our means, and with the assistance of the gods, got possession of the country, you would drive us from that very land which you received from us, when we held it as our own by force of arms, for, as you are aware, the enemy were not strong enough to dispo ;so33 us. 8. And you would send us away, not only without oft'ering us a present, or doing us any service in re- turn for the benefits that you have received from us, but even without allowing us to encamp, as far as you are able to pre- vent us, when wo are just taking our departure. 9. In ad- dressing us thus, you show no respect either for the gods or for the man that accompanies you, who beholds you now abounding in wealth, but who saw you, before you were our ally, supporting your existence by plunder, as you yourself have acknowledged. 1 10. But why do you address yourself thus to me," added Xenophon, " for I no longer hold the com- mand, but the Lacedaemonians, to whom you gave the army that they might lead it away, and gave it, O most admirable of men, without calling on me to take part in the resignation of it, so that, as I incurred their disapprobation when I brought it to you, I might now do them a pleasure by restor- ing it to them." 11. When the Odrysian heard this account, he said, "I, O Medosades, am ready to sink into the earth with shame, as I listen to such a statement. Had I known this before, I should certainly not have accompanied you, and shall now take my de- parture ; for Medocus, my king, would by no means approve my conduct, if [ should assist in expelling his benefactors C. 2, sect. 31. Kiihner. 240 THE EXPEDITION OP CYRUS. BOOK vn from the country." 12. As ho uttered these words, he mounted his horse and rode off, and all the other horsemen went with him, except four or five. But Medosades (for the devastation of the country made him uneasy) requested Xenophon to call to him the two Lacedaemonians. 13. Xenophon, taking the most eligible persons to attend him, went to Channinus and Polynicus, and told them that Medosades wished to speak with them, intending to warn them, as they had warned him, to quit the country. 14. "I think, therefore," continued Xenophon, " that you might secure the pay owing to the army, if you were to say that the troops have entreated you to support them in obtaining their dues from Seuthes, whether with his consent or without it ; that they engage to follow you cheerfully if they gain their object ; that they appear to you to say what is just ; and that you have promised them not to depart until they have received their just demands." 15. The Lacedaemonians replied that they would say this, and what- ever else they might be able to urge with the greatest effect ; and immediately set out, witli all proper persons accompany- ing them. "When they arrived, Charminus said, " If you have any thing to say to us, Medosades, speak ; if not we have something to say to you." 16. Medosades replied, very submissively, "I have to say, and Seuthes says the same, that we desire that those who have become our friends may suffer no evil at your hands ; for whatever harm you do to them, you do at the same time to us, as they are our allies." 17. "We, then," said the Lacedaemonians, " shall be ready to depart, when those who have effected such services for you, have received their pay ; if they do not receive it, we are here even now to take their part, and to take vengeance on such as have wronged them in violation of their oaths. If you are of that number, it is from you that we shall begin to require justice for them." 18. " Would you be willing, Medosades," rejoined Xenophon, " to leave it to the people in whose country we are (as you say that they are your friends), to decide whether it is fit that you should quit the country, or we ?" 1 9. To this proposal he would not consent, but urged the two Lacedaemonians by all means to go to Seuthes about the pay, and said that he thought they would succeed with Seuthes ; if they did not, he re- quested them to send Xenophon with him, and promised to CHAP. vii. XENOPHON'S SPEECH TO SEUTHES. 247 support their application. In the mean time he begged them not to burn their villages. 20. They then deputed Xenophon, and those who appeared most eligible along with him. When he came to Seuthes, he said, " I am not come, O Seuthes, to ask any thing of you, but to convince you, if I am able, 21. that you had no just cause to be displeased with me for demanding, on behalf of the soldiers, the pay which you so readily promised them ; since I thought it would be not less advantageous for you to pay it than for them to receive it ; 22. for I knew that, next to the gods, they have been instrumental in placing you in a con- spicuous position, by making you king over a large extent of country and great numbers of people, so that it is not possible for you to escape the notice of mankind, whether you do what is good or what is evil. 23. To a man in such a con- dition it seems to me to be of no small importance that he should not be thought to send away his benefactors without gratitude ; of importance also to have the approbation of six thousand men ; and most important of all to show that you are never to be distrusted in what you say. 24. For I observe the words of the faithless wander about without power, influ- ence, or regard ; while the words of those who are known to observe truth, are not less effectual, if they desire any thing, in accomplishing their desire, than the strength of other men ; if they wish to recall any one to his duty, I know that the threats of such men are not less influential in producing re- form than the actual punishments of others ; and if men of such a character promise any thing, they produce no less ef- fect by their promises than others by giving at the moment. 25. Consider with yourself; what did you pay us before you obtained our alliance ? You know that you paid us nothing ; but from confidence being placed in you that you would truly perform what you said, you induced such a number of men to join you in the field, and to conquer for you a kingdom not worth fifty talents merely, the sum w T hich they now think they ought to receive from you, but many times that sum. 26. First of all, then, this confidence which was placed in you, and which secured you the kingdom, is bartered away by you for this sum of money. 27. " Consider, too, how great a matter you then thought it to obtain those dominions which you have now subjugated 248 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ni. and possess. I am well aware that you would have grayed for the accomplishment of what has now been done for you rather than for many times such a sum of money. 28. To me, then, it seems a greater disadvantage, as well as a greater disgrace, not to retain this power than not to have acquired it ; just as it is more grievous to a man to become poor after being rich than never to have been rich at all, and as it is more afflicting to appear as a private man after having been a king, than never to have been on a throne. 29. You are sensible, moreover, that those who have now become your subjects, have not submitted to be governed by you from any affection for you personally, but from necessity, and that they would endeavor to make themselves free again, if there were no fear to restrain them. 30. Whether therefore do you think that they will be more under the restraint of fear, and act more sensibly for your interests, if they should see these troops so disposed toward you, as to be willing to stay now if you request them, or soon to return again if it should be necessary, and find that others, hearing many good accounts of you from these, are ready to join you at once whenever you wish ; or if they should form an unfavorable opinion of you, and believe that no others will engage in your service through distrust arising from what has now happened, and that the Greeks are better affected toward your new subjects than yourself? 31. These people, besides, did not submit to you because they were inferior in number to us, but because they wanted lead- ers. It is now a matter of apprehension, then, that they may choose some of our men, who think themselves wronged by you, or the Lacedaemonians, who are still more powerful than they, as leaders, especially if, on the one hand, our soldiers promise to serve the Lacedaemonians with greater alacrity, on condition that they 1 exact what is due to them from you, and the Lacedaemonians on the other, assent to this condition from the need which they have of our army. 32. That the Thracians who have just become subject to you, would march against you much more willingly than with you, is indisput- able ; for, while you hold the mastery, servitude is their lot, but, if you are conquered, freedom. 33. "If, again, it be your business to take forethought for 1 That is, tho Lacedaemonians. CHAP. vn. XENOPHOX'S SPEECH TO SEUTHES. 249 the country, as being your own property, whether you do think that it would be less exposed to harm, if these soldiers, after having received from you what they claim, should go away leaving peace behind them, or if they say in the coun- try as in that of an enemy, and you, with other soldiers more numerous than they, who will be constantly in want of pro- visions, proceed to take the field against them ? 34. Or wheth- er will more money be expended by you, if what is due to the Greeks be paid, or if this be left due, and you have at the same time to take other troops, able to overcome them, into your service ? 35. " But this sum, in the opinion of Ileraclides (as he ex- pressed himself to me), appears excessively large. It is doubtless, however, a much lighter matter for you either tc receive or pay such a sum, than it was before we joined you, to receive or pay the tenth part of it. 36. For it is not the ac- tual amount that defines the much or the little, but the ability of him who has to pay or to receive. But your annual income is now greater than the whole of the property which you form- erly possessed. 37. "In theso observations, O Seuthes, I have had regard to your interest as to that of a friend, in order that you may appear worthy of the advantages which the gods have be- stowed upon you, and that I, at the same time, may not lose all reputation with the army. 38. For be assured, that if I now wished to do harm to an enemy, I should not be able to effect it Avith these troops, and that, if I desired again to give assistance to you, I should not be in a condition to do so ; such is the feeling of the army toward me. 39. Yet I call both you yourself, and the gods who know the truth, to witness, that I have neither received any thing from you on account of the sol- diers, nor have I ever asked of you, for my own private use, what was due to them nor have I claimed what you promised me. 40. I also swear to you, that, even though you hal offered to pay me, I would cot have received any thing from you, unless the soldiers had been at the same time to receive what was due to them ; for it would have been disgraceful in me to have settled my own business, and to have allowed theirs to continue in an unsatisfactory condition, especially when I had received the honor from them. 41. "To Ileraclides, however, every thing seems a trifle, ia 11* 250 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vi comparison with the acquirement of money by whatever means. But I, O Seuthes, think no possession more honor- able or more glorious to a man than that of virtue, and justice, and generosity. 42. lie that has these qualities, is rich in the numerous friends that he has, and rich in the good- will of numbers that wish to become" his friends ; if he is prosperous, he has associates ready to rejoice with him ; if he meets with a reverse of fortune, he is not in want of people to lend him aid. 43. " If you have neither understood from my actions that I am a friend to you at heart, nor are able to discover it from my words, yet consider, by all means, the expr?ssions of the soldiers concerning me ; for you were present and heard what those said who thought to asperse me. 44. They accused me to the Lacedaemonians of regarding you more than them ; they also charged me with taking more care that your affairs might prosper than their own ; and they added, that I had received presents from you. 45. Whether, then, do you think that they accused me of having received those presents from you, because they saw in me some ill-will toward you, or because they observed in me a great zeal for your good 1 46. I consider, indeed, that all men are of opinion that grati- tude ought to be cherished 1 toward him from whom they have received favors. You, before I did you any service, entertained me favorably with looks, and words, and demon- strations of hospitality, and were never satisfied with promis- ing how great rewards should be mine ; and now, when you have accomplished what you desired, and have become as great as I could assist you to become, have you the heart to allow me to be thus dishonored among the soldiers ? 47. I have, nevertheless, confidence that time will yet teach you to resolve to pay, and that you, of yourself will cot endure to 1 'A7ro/cei(Ti9a<.] Two manuscripts have (InoKsicrQai, which DindorfJ Foppo, and Kriiger have admitted into their texts (instead of the com- mon d^odsLKvva-^ai). It can not be denied that there is much elegance in this reading, for doKia&ai, like KaTa-itieadai and other similar verbs, are very frequently used in regard to favors and benefits, as is shown by Toppo, referring to Jacobs ad Achill. Tat. p. 678 ; yet this circumstance does not appear to me of sufficient weight to justify us in deserting that reading which is supported by the authority of almost all the manuscripts, and makes very good sense. Seo my note on the Mem. Soc. iL 1. 21. Kuhner. CHAP. vir. SEUTHES PROMISES TO PAT. 251 see those who freely did you service, 1 loading you with re- proaches. I entreat you, then, when you make the payment, to study to leave me in as much credit with the army as you found me." 48. Seuthes, on hearing this address, uttered imprecations on the man who had been the cause that the debt was not dis- charged long before (and every one surmised that Heracli- des was meant), " for," said he, " I never meant to deprive the men of their pay, and will now give it to them." 49. Xenophon then said again, " Since, therefore, you arc resolved to pay, I now beg you to make the payment through me, and not to suffer me, on your account, to bear a different character Avith the army from that which I bore when we came to you." 50. Seuthes replied, " You shall not lose more credit with the army by my means ; and if you will stay with me with only a thousand heavy-armed men, I will give you the fortresses, and every thing else that I promised." 51. "It can not be so," re- joined Xenophou ; " let us, therefore, depart." " Yet I know," replied Seuthes, " that it will be safer for you to remain with me than to go away." 52. "I commend 2 your care of me," rejoined Xenophon, " but it is impossible for me to stay ; yet be assured that wherever I receive greater honor, there will be good attendant on it for you." 53. Seuthes then said, " I have but very little money, and that I give you, one talent ; 3 but I have six hundred oxen, four thousand sheep, and a hun- dred and twenty slaves ; take these, and the hostages 4 from those who were treacherous to you, and depart." 54. " And if these," said Xenophon, laughing, " are not sufficient to 1 TotJf aoi Trpoeuvov Evepyeaiav.~\ Schneider observes that the phraso vpoea&ai nvl evepyeaiav was used when a person conferred a benefit on another without being certain whether he should receive any return; and refers to Plato, Gorg. p. 520. "The Greeks," says Kuhner, "had indeed bargained for a remuneration (c. 2, sect. 36), but, though it was not paid, they still continued to give their services to Seuthes." Kriiger, however, observes that Xenophon certainly indulges in a little rhetorical exaggeration. 2 'Eiraivu.] A similar mode of expression to that of people declining an invitation, "I thank you," " I am obliged to you," as in Latin laudo, benign-'. See Bos. Ellips. p. 785, ed. Schsefer. Kuhner. 3 i. 7. 18. * Weiske observes that these were Thynians, who had broken their word, by attacking Xenophon in the night, c. 4, sect. 14. See also soct 13, 20, 21. Poppo. 253 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK TII. make up the pay, for whom shall I say that I have the talent ?' Will it not be better for me, since danger threatens me, to secure myself against stoning by taking my departure ?' You heard the threats." The remainder of that day they con- tinued there. 55. The next clay Seuthes delivered to them the cattle he had promised, and sent men with them to drive them. The soldiers, in the mean time, began to say that Xenophon wa.-; gone to Seuthes to live with him, and to receive what Seuthes had promised him ; but when they saw him returning, they were rejoiced, and ran to meet him. 56. As soon as Xeno- phon saw Charrninus and Polynicus, he said, " This property has been saved for the army through your influence ; I deliver it to you ; dispose of it, and divide the proceeds among tho soldiers." The Lacedaemonians accordingly received the cattle, and, appointing salesmen, sold it, and incurred much blame. 3 57. As for Xenophon, he took no part in the pro- ceeding, but openly prepared to return home ; for a vote of banishment had not yet been passed against him at Athens. 4 But his friends in the camp came to him, and begged him not to desert them until he had led off the army and delivered it to Thi'oron. ruAavTov fy',iu c^ctv ;] " whose talent shall I say that I have ?' : Among which of the Greeks shall I divide this talent, when their num- ber is so great ? Kuhner. 4 Xenophon is to be considered as speaking with a sort of irony or sarcasm. If I return to the camp of the Greeks with this small sum of money, great danger will threaten me ; it will, therefore, be better for me to go away than to return to the camp. Kuhner. The passage may be understood thus : Since danger threatens me, Seuthes, as you yourself observed (sect. 51), will it not bo better for mo to go away into my own countrv, and so escapo stoning I Bornemann, Comp. c. vL sect. 10. 3 It being supposed that they had been guilty of fraud in the distri- bution. Kuhner. 4 See tho biography of Xenophon prefixed to this volume. CHAP. vui. THE GREEKS PROCEED TO LAMPSACUS. 253 CHAPTER VIII. The Greeks pass over to Lampsacus. Xenophon, having received no ray, is obliged to sell his horse. He sacrifices to Jupiter Meilichius. The Greeks arrive at Pergamus. Xenophon is prevailed upon to attack Asi- dates, a Persian nobleman, and at length takes him prisoner, with a great quantity of booty, of which he receives a considerable share. He deliv- ers the army into the hands of Thibron, to be incorporated with the forces assembled against Tissapherues. 1. FROM hence they sailed across to Lampsacus, when Eu- clides the augur, a native of Phlius, 1 the son of Cleagoras, who wrote THE DREAMS IN THE LYCEUM,* catno to meet Xeno- phon. lie congratulated Xenophon on having returned safe, and asked him how much gold he had. 2. Xenophon as. ured him, with an oath, that he should not have enough for his ex- penses in traveling home, unless lie sold his horse, and what he had ahout him. Euclides did not believe him. 8. But after the people of Lampsacus had sent presents to Xenophon, and Xenophon was proceeding to sacrifice to Apollo, he made Euclides stand heside him at the time, who, on inspecting the victims, said that he was now convinced he had no money. "' But I o'jssrve," aided he, " that even if money should ever 1 A city of Achaia in the Peloponnesus, between Sicyon and Argos. 5 Tov TO. evvirvia ev AvKeiu yeypa06-of.] I interpret with Brodaeus and Kriiger, " he who wrote the Dreams in the Lyceum," i. e., the book entitled " Dreams in the Lyceum." Whether the received reading be genuine, is uncertain ; for three manuscripts read TOV rd ivninia ev oiKiu. Several conjectures have been proposed by scholars, as Irriii^tn, ciKovia, ivuia, but these, as nothing is known of Cleagoras, can be of no service in leading us to a decision. The conjecture tvuma (a Homeric word) was thrown out by Toup, Ep. Critic, p. 48, Lips., in the sense of " he who painted the front or fi^ade of the Lyceum." Weiske defends ivv-via, on the supposition that Cleagoras might have been a painter of such genius as to have given a striking representation of the dreams mentioned in the Odyssey, T', 562, as going out of the horn and ivory gates; or of such as went on foot, II. /?', 8, 16; or of such as flew about, Eur. Hec. 71. Schneider remarks that there was a statue of a dream in the temple of JEsculapius, as is told by Pausanias, Corinth. 10. 2. Bornemann thinks the word tvvirvia suspicious, and incloses it in brackets. As to the omission of the article after evvtrvia, it can of- fend no one, if we consider, with Kriiger, that 'Evvm-ta v AVKEIU, was the title of the book. I read yeypacfu/Korof, instead of yfypa0orof, with four of the best manuscripts. See Lobeck. in Addend, ad Phryu. p. 764. K'iilmer. The Lyceum was a sacred inelosure at Athens, dedicated to -Apollo, 254 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK vn. be likely to come to you, there will be some obstacle, and, if no other, that you will be an obstacle to yourself." ' Xeno- phon assented to the justice of the observation. 4. " Jupiter Meilichius, 2 however," said Euclides, ' is an obstacle in your way ;" and then asked whether he had ever sacrificed to 'that god, " as I was accustomed," continued he, " to sacrifice and offer holocausts for you at home." 3 Xenophon replied, that since he had left home he had not sacrificed to that deity. Euclides then advised him to sacrifice as he had been used to do, and said that it would be for his advantage. 5. Next day, Xenophon, going on to Ophrynium, offered a sacrifice, burning whole hogs 4 after the custom of his country, find found the omens favorable. 6. The same day Biton and Euclides 5 came to bring pay for the army. These men were hospitably entertained by where the polemareh originally kept his court. It was decorated with fountains, plantations, and buildings, and became the usual place of exercise for the Athenian youth -who devoted themselves to military pursuits. Nor was it less frequented by philosophers, and it was espe- cially the favorito resort of Aristotle and his followers. Cramer's An- cient Greece, voL ii. p. 340. 1 By your disinterestedness and liberality. Weiske. 2 That is, Jupiter placabilis, Jupiter that might be propitiated by sacrifices. This appellation is often given to Jupiter, as in Thucyd. L 126, where see Duker. See the SchoL ad Aristoph. Nub. 407 ; and Meurs. in Thes. c. 7. But it appears from Pausanias, x. 38, that there were several gods to whom this title was given. Hutchin- son. ' Elu&fiv eyu v,ui t9te<7i?< KaZ cloKavrsiv.'] As I was accustomed at home (i. e. at Athens) to sacrifice and burn for you whole victims, the /cat being explicative, and equivalent to namdy. * * * This mode of sacrificing is to be distinguished from the common method, in which only the best parts of the victims were burned in sacrifice to the gods. Kuhner. Hence it appears that Euclides lived at Athens with Xenophon, and was accustomed to assist at his sacrifices as an augur or priest ; and thus a friendship and familiarity had arisen between them. Schneider. * Xo/poi'f.] Larcher, referring to Thucyd. i. 126, and tho scholiast on that passage, conjectures that these were not real swine, but loaves baked in the shape of swine; a conjecture which Schneider justly repudiates; for as there is nothing in tho text to indicate that the word is used in that signification, it is our business to take it in its ordinary * Not the Euolidos mentioned in sect. 1. Ki'ilmer thinks the namo corrupt. -rct.] Tho phrase cvovcdai nvi usually moans "to enter CHAP. vm. ATTACK ON ASIDATES. 255 Xenophon, and having repurchased his horse, which he had sold at Lampsacus for fifty darics (as they suspected that he had parted with it from necessity, for they had heard that ho Avas fond of the horse), they restored it to him, and would not receive from him the price of it. 7. Hence they advanced through Troas, and, passing over Ida, came first to Antandrus ; then, proceeding along by the sea, they arrived at the plain of Thebe in Lydia. 1 8. March- ing from hence through Atramyttium and Certorium, by Atarneus, to the plain of the Caicus, they reached Pergamus in Mysia. Here Xenophon was hospitably received by Hellas the wife of Gongylus of Eretria, 3 and mother of Gorgion and Gou- gylus. 9. She told him that Asidates, a Persian, resided in the plain, and said that if he Avould attack him in the night with three hundred men, he might take him, with his wife and children, and his wealth, which was considerable. 10. To guide him in the enterprise she sent her own cousin, and a man named Daplmagoras, whom she greatly esteemed ; and Xenophon, having these with him, offered sacrifice. Basias, an augur from Elis, who was present, said that the omens were extremely favorable, and that the man might easily be cap- tured. 11. After supper, accordingly, he set out, taking with him such of the captains as were most attached to him, and had constantly been his friends, in order that he might do them a service. 3 Others also came to join the party, forcing into a bond of hospitality with any one," "to become a person's guest- friend," but as this relation already existed between the parties, wo must take the verb here in a moro general signification. Kruger. So with ZevovTai in sect. 8. 1 Kruger thinks that wo should road Mysia, in which it appears that Thebe or Hypoplacia (so called from being built at the foot of Mount Placos) was situate. See Schneider ad h. L, and Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 129. " Gongylus of Eretria had been an accomplice of Pausanias in his treachery to Greece ; see Thucyd. L 128 ; Diod. Sic. xi. 44 ; C. Nep. Paus. ii. 2. Xerxes in consequence, according to tho practice of tho Persian kings (see ii. 1, 3 ; Herod, viii. 85, 136), had put him in pos- session of certain towns, of which it may be inferred from this passago that Pergamus was one. See- Hellen. iii. i. 6, from whence it appears that he was an exile in the time of the Persian wars. Hellas wo must suppose to havo been the wife, not of this Gongylus, but of i:is sou. Kruger. 3 By giving them a sharo cf whatever plunder ho might get. 256 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. BOOK ni. themselves upon him, to the number of six hundred ; but the captains sent them back, that they might not have to give them any portion of the booty, which they regarded as ready to their hands. 12. When they came to the place, about midnight, the slaves that were about the castle, and the greater part of the cattle, escaped them, as they neglected these in order that they might capture Asidates himself and his riches. 13. But as they were unable to take the building by assault (for it was high and* large, and had battlements, and many brave men to defend it), tfiey proceeded to dig a passage into it. 14. The wall was eight bricks of earth thick ; but a breach was made into it by day- break ; and the moment an opening appeared, some one from within pierced tho thigh of the man that was nearest him through with an ox-spit ;' and afterward, by shooting showers of arrows, they rendered it unsafe even to'approach. 15. As they uttered loud cries, too, and made signals with torches, Ita- belius, 3 with his force, came to their assistance, as well as some Assyrian heavy-armed men, and about eighty Hyrcanian cav- alry, who were in the king's pay, from Comania ; and other troops, lightly armed, to the number of eight hundred, with cavalry, some from Parthenium, and others from Apollonia and the neighboring parts. 10. It was now time for the Greeks to consider how they should retreat ; and, taking what oxen and sheep were at hand, they drove them off, placing them with the slaves, within a hollow square, not so much because they were anxious about the booty, but lest, if they went off and left it, their retreat might appear like a flight, and the enemy might thus be ren- dered bolder, and their own men more dispirited ; whereas they now retired as if resolved to defend their capture. 17. But when Gongylus observed that the Greeks were but few, and those who hung upon their rear were numerous, he sallied forth himself, against the will of his mother, at the head of his own force, wishing to take a share in the action ; Procles also, and Tcuthranias, a descendant of Damaratus, 3 came to his suppoit 1 A large spit ; such as might bo supposed large enough for roasting a whole ox. * "Who he was, is uncertain. Bornemann conjectures that wo should read Itabelisis. 3 See ii. 1. 3. Teuthrania waa a city of Mysia, on tho river Caicus. CHAP. vni. CONCLUSION. 257 from Ilalisarne. 18. Xenophon and his party, as they were sorely harassed by the enemy's arrows and slings, and as they marched in a circle to hold their shields as a defense against the missiles, got with great difficulty across the river Caicus, nearly half of them being wounded. 19. On this occasion Agasias the Stymphalian, one of the captains, was wounded after making head the whole time against the enemy. But they at last came off safe, with about two hundred slaves, and cattle enough for sacrifice. 20. On the following day Xenophon offered sacrifice, and led out his whole force in the night, with a design to go as far as possible into Lydia, in order that the Persian might not be in fear from his proximity, but be thrown off his guard. 21. But Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with a view to an attack upon him, and that he would return with all his strength, went out to encamp in some villages lying close under the little town of Parthenium. 22. Here Xenophon and his troop came round upon him, and captured himself, his wife and children, his horses, and all his property ; and thus the omens of the first sacrifice were verified. 23. They then marched back to Pergamus ; and here Xeno- phon had no cause to complain of the god ;' for the Lacedaemo- nians, the captains, the rest of the generals, and the soldiers, all agreed that he should receive select portions of the spoil, consisting of horses, oxen, and other things ; so that he was now able even to serve a friend. 24 Soon after, Thibron arrived and took charge of the army, and, uniting it with the rest of the Greek force, proceeded to make war upon Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. 25. s The governors of the king's country, as much of it as See Strabo, xiii. p. 615. Damaratus had been king of Sparta, but, hav- ing been expelled from his throne by his colleague Cleomenes, had taken refuge with Darius Hystaspes, by whom he was courteously re- ceived, and presented with the cities Teuthrania and Halisarna. Seo Herod, vi. 67 ; Xen. Hellen. iii. 1, 6. Kuhner. 1 Jupiter Meilichius. See sect. 4, 5. Kuhner. 2 This paragraph is pronounced by Kriiger, de Autheut p. 7, seqq., to be a mere interpolation. His reasons for forming this opinion are chiefly these : 1. That Xenophon is made to use the first person in it ; a cir- cumstance, however, which Kuhner thinks of little weight, referring to i. 9. 28, and v. 7. 23, in both which passages Xenophon uses the first person. 2. That Cyrus was satrap of Lydia and Phrygia before ho marched against his brother, and that Tissaphernes succeeded him in the 258 THE EXPEDITION OF CTEUS. BOOK TIL we went through, were these : of Lydia, Artemas ; of Phrygia, Artacamas ; of Lycaonia and Cappadocia, Mithridates ; of Cilicia, Syennesis ; of Phoenicia and Arabia, Dernes ; of Syria and As- syria, Belesys ; of Babylon, Rhoparas ; of Media, Arbacas ; of the Phasiani and Hesperitae, Tiribazus (the Carduchi, the Cha- lybes, the Chaldseans, the Macrones, the Colchians, the Mossy- noeci, the Ccetae, and the Tibareni, were independent nations) ; of Paphlagonia, Corylas ; of the Bithynians, Pharnabazus ; and of the Thracians in Europe, Seuthes. 26. The computation of the whole journey, the ascent and descent, 1 was two hundred and fifteen days' inarch, one thous- and one hundred and fifty-five parasangs, thirty-four thousand six hundred and fifty stadia. The length of time occupied in the ascent and descent was one year and three months. government of them. 3. That it is utterly incredible that Phoenicia and Arabia, countries lying at such a distance from one another, could have formed one satrapy. 4. That Syria and Assyria were never under the same satrap. 5. That if we suppose Hesperitoe, to mean the "Western Armenians, how is it that Xenophon makes no mention of Eastern Armenia, the satrap of which he had named, iii. 5. 17 ? 6. Why also does he not mention the Taochi and Drilaj ? 7. What is to be made of the Ccetae, who are mentioned neither in the Anabasis nor in any other ancient author ? 8. That it is ridiculous to rank Seuthes among tho king of Persia's satraps. These reasons appear sufficient to convince most readers of the spuriousness of the paragraph. Dindorf, however, allows it to stand without any mark of disapprobation. Kiihner incloses it in brackets. 1 As far as Cotyora ; for from Ephesus to Cunaxa are numbered (ii. 2. 6) 535 parasangs, and 16,050 stadia; and from Cunaxa to Cotyora (v. 5. 4), 620 parasangs, and 18,600 stadia. Thus from Ephesus to Cotyora the distance was 1155 parasaugs, and 34,650 stadia. Zeune. But tho manuscripts do not all agree with regard to the numbers. Kuhner. Sea the " Tabular View" subjoined. TABULAR VIEW THE MARCHES AND STOPPAGES IN THE EXPEDITION OF THE TEN THOUSAND GREEKS. TABULAR VIEW OF THE MARCHES AND STOPPAGES EXTRACTED FROM THE EDITION OF THE ANABASIS, OR MARCH UP THE COUNTRY TO CUNAXA. ! tj Sloppy.. .,.,,,,:. j-." i From Sardis to the Msander 22 3 Mar. 9 2.5. To Colossae 8 1 7 days. 1017. 2.6. To Celaenae 90 3 30 20 Apr. 10. . 2. 7. To Peltae To Ceramorum Forum 10 II 2 2 3 Apr. 21 24. 2426. 2. 10. 2.10. To the Plain of Caystrus 30 3 5 29 -May 4. 2.11. To Thymbnum 10 2 May 6. 2. 13. To Tynajum To Icomum 1C 2 3 3 3 8-11. 1417. 2. 14. 2. 19. Through Lycaoma H 5 22. 2. 19. To Dana 25 4 3 2620. 2.20. In the Plain 1 30. 2.21. Through the Defiles into Cilicia 39 4 June 3. 2.21. Stay at Tarsus From Tarsus to R. Psarus 10 2 20 23. 25. 2.23. 4.1. To Pyramus 5 1 26. To Issus 15 2 3 28 July 1. ,'. To the Gates of Syria To Mynandrus 5 1 7 July 2. 3-10. 4. 4. 4.6. To the river Chalus 20 ' 4 14. 4.9. To the River Daradax 19. 4. 10. To Thapsacus To the river Araxes 15J 3 50 9 5 3 2227. Aug. 58. 4.11. 4. 11 To Corsote 35 5 3 1316. 5.4. To Pylae Through Babylonia Day of the battle at Cunaxa 90 15 ! 4 I 20. Sept. 2. 5.5. 7.1. 8.0. Sum 514 M 97~ To this sum is to be added the march from Ephesus, which is said to have occupied three days : see Kriiger, ed. maj. p. 551. But Xenophon himself (Anab. ii. 2. 6) states that " the length of the journey from Ephesus in Ionia to the place where the battle was fought, was ninety-three days' march, five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, and sixteen thousand and fifty stadia ; while from the field of battle to Babylon the distance was said to be three hundred and sixty stadia." Hence it follows, either that Xenophon has made a mistake in reckoning up the numbers, or that the numbers themselves have been corrupted by transcribers. As to the dates in this table, the reader may consult Kriiger, ed. maj. p. 556 : Ainsworth, Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, p. 240, seqq.\ Karl Koch, Der Zug der Zehntausend nach Xenophous Anabasis, Leipz. 1660, p 140, ttqq. Runner. 260 IX THE EXPEDITION OF THE TEX THOUSAND GREEKS. DR. RAPHAEL KUHNEE. THE CATAUASIS, OR RETURN FROM CUNAXA TO COTYORA. g || (Stoppage.. JX-vte. B.C. -1C 1,400. Reference to Xeuophon. Day after the battle of Cunaxa (Junction with Ariseus 2 23 days. Sept. 4. 6-29. i. 2. 1, seqg. h. 2. 8. I To the Wall of Media 3 Oct. 2. ii. 4. 9 12. To Sitace e 2 2 4. ii. 4. 13. To the river Physcus 20 4 8. ii 4 25. Through Media 6 14. ii. 4. 27. To Caenee 4 1 15. il. 4. 28. To the river Zabatus 10 4 3 1922. ii. 5. 1. To some villages not named 5 1 1 23,24. iii. 3. 11. iii. 4. 1. To Lanssa 1 25. hi. 4. 7. To Mespila e 1 1 26. iii. 4. 10. To some villages not named 4 1 1 27, 28. in. 4. 13 18. Through the Plain 1 . 29. ii.4. 18. To a palace 5 3 Nov. 36. iii. 4. 24. To certain villages 1 iii. Into the Plain 3 10! ni.4. 31. March back 1 n. ii.5. 13. Through the Carduchi 18. iv. 1.&2. At the river Centrites 1 19. iv. 3. 2. To the sources of the Tigris To the river Teleboas 15 10 3 3 22. 25. iv. 4. 3. ib. Through the Plain To the Euphrates To the Armenian villages When the guide escaped Advance beyond the Phasis To the mountains of the Taochi 33 10 3 4 4 3 2 2 1 2830. Dec. 4. 815. 18. 25. 27, 28. iv. 5.2. ill. v. 5. 22, 23. v.6. 3. v.6. 4. v. 6. 5. Crossing the mountains 1 29. v.6. 5 27. Through the Taochi Through the Chalvbes Through the Scythini 30 50 20 5 4 3 Jan. [3. B.C. 400. 10. 1518. v.7. 1. v. 7. 15. v.7. 18. To Gymnias 20 4 22. v. 7. 19. To Mount Theches 5 87. iv. 7. 21. Through the Macrones Through the Colchians 10 3 3 30. Feb. 2. iv. 8. 18. iv. 8. 8. Battle with the Colchians 1 3. jv 8.919. Delay on account of the honey To Trebisond To Cerasus 7 2 3 3 31 10 6. 8 Mar. 10. Mar. 1323. iv. 8. 20. iv. 8.22. v. 3. 2. To the borders of the Mossynoeci Through the Mossynoeci Through the Chalybes 1 8 1 24. Apr. 1 . v. 4. 2. v. 4. 229. v. 5. 1. To Cotyora 2 45 3 May 10. v. 5. 3. Sum !l22 1 143 So Xcnophon (Anab. v. 5. 4) says that " the length of the journey down the country, from the field of battle near Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two days' march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, and eighteen thou- sand six hundred stadia, occupying eight months." i. e. from September 4th, 401, to May 18th, 400. The voyage "from Cotyora to Sinope took two days, May 19th and 20th ; the armv staid at Sinope five days, that is. till May 25th; and v\o tlays after, May 27th, they arrived at Heracleu. From thence they proceeded to 261 262 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS. the Harbor of Calpc, situated in Bythnia, or Asiatic Thrace ; a't the beginning c( October they crossed over to Byzantium; and during December, 400, and January, 399, they were engaged in the service of the Thracian prince, Seuthes. Xenophon (v. 5. 4) terminates the Catabasis at Cotyora. A summary of the events that took place after the Greeks arrived at Cotyora, is subjoined. Occurrence! Reference to Xe.rn.phon. Date. B.C. 40H.30E. Cotyora. Xenophon thinks of forming a settle- ment here, but is disappointed. v. 6. 15, 17. Xenophon is impeached, and defends himself. v. 7. 1, seqq. The armv purified. v.7.35. Trial of the generals. v. 8. 126. Truce made with Corylas of Paphia- gonia. v . 1. 1. Embarkation of the army. vi. ]. 14. Sinope, Arrival at. vi. 1. 15. Cheirisophus returns. Xenophon offered the sole command, but declines it in favor of Cheiriso- ili. phus. v. I. 18. Heraclea, Voyage to. vi. 2. Iti. The army separates into three divi- sions vi. 2. 15. July 1. Arcadian division in danger; relieved by Xenophon. vi. 3. 5. seqq. Port of Calpe Cheiriscphus dies. Pharnabazus cuts off five hundred of vi. 4. 11. the Greeks through the rashness of Neon. vi. 4. 2. Pharnabazus and his party defeated. vi. 5. 732. Cleander, harmost of Byzantium, comes to the Greeks. vi. C. 6. Aug. 7. Chrysopolis, Byzantium. The Greeks proceed to. Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, lurks the Greeks out of Asia by promis- ing them employment and pay. They accordingly cross over to By- vi. 6. 38. vii. I.I. zantium. vii. 1. 7. They find themselves deceived, and threaten to pillage Byzantium. Four hundred of the Greeks sold a? vi . 1. 16. slaves by Aristarchus the successor of Cleander. vii. 2. fi. Pertrthus. Arrival at, vii. 2. 1 1 . Xenophon confers with Seuthes. vii. 2. 23. Mid-winter, The Greeks enter the service of Seu- vii. 6. 24. thes (in which they remain two two months, vii. 6. 1). v ii. 3. 14. Dec. 5. Acts of Seuthes and the Greeks in Thrace (pay withheld, vii. 5. 2 & 9 ; paid, vii. 7. 55). v . 3. 34. Selybria. Thibron the Spartan invites them to ( ii. 5. 15. join him in the war in Asia. I ii. 6. 1. Lampsacus, Arrival at. March through Troas to Pergamus. Attack upon Asidates. Great spoil taken. v .8. 1. v . 7. 8. v . 8. 9. v .8.22. 399, B.C. | The Greeks join Thibron. v . 8. 24. Mar. 5. A COMMENTARY THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON ? WILLIAM FRANCIS AIOTORT1I, F.I.A., F.B.O.S., r.G.S., K. A COMMENTARY THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. THE zeal and critical acumen of scholars and travelers in- numerable, have been devoted to the elucidation of the very re- markable journey of the Greeks under Cyrus, from Sardes, the capital of Lydia in Asia Minor, to Babylonia; and the still more extraordinary and interesting retreat along the river Tigris by Kurdistan and Armenia to the shores of the Black Sea. The survey of the rivers Euphrates and Tigris by the expedition under Colonel Chesney, gave, however, opportunities for investi- gating this very interesting subject, such as had never previously presented themselves ; and these opportunities may be said to have received their complement, by the advantages which were derived from a journey in Kurdistan and Armenia, performed in 1840, under the auspices of the Eoyal Geographical Society and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, by the writer, who, upon that occasion, followed the track of the gallant little corps, through the most intricate and difficult portions of their wander- ings. The result of these researches Avere first given to the public in a little book, published in 1844, entitled " Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks." Since that time, however, further elucidations have rapidly suc- ceeded one another, by far the most important of which are con- !tained in the great work by Colonel Chesney, " The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris," of which the two first volumes only are yet published. These volumes, how- ever, comprise all that refers to the expedition of Cyrus, and con- tain an immense mass of matter corroborative or corrective of what has been before published. The brilliant discoveries of Layard in Assyria, and the not less valuable and important philological researches of Colonel llawlinson, have also, during the lapse of the last ten years, brought a Hood of light to bear upon the past history and con- VOL. i. 12 266 COMMENTARY ON dition of the population that dwelt upon the banks of the Eu- phrates and the Tigris, which are not without their intimate tear- ings upon the narrative left to us by the Athenian historian and commander. Several classical scholars have also contributed their share of new and valuable critical inquiries ; among the most important of which is a correction made by Professor Maiden, and published in the Classical Museum (M"o. vii. p. 36, et seq.), of the generally ac- cepted version of the passage which occurs in the Anabasis (iv. 6. 4), and which has been hitherto read as, "After this they inarched seven days' marches, at the rate of five parasangs a day, to the river Phasis," but which according to Professor Maiden, must be read as along the river Phasis. There is no real ambiguity, Pro- fessor Maiden avers, in the meaning of ~apa in sucli a context. The effect which such a correction of seven marches has upon that portion of the Catabasis which refers to Armenia is consider- able. The number of inarches between the Euphrates and the Phasis or Araxes, is reduced to seven, or by one-halt' what was previously supposed, and this important correction proportion- ately affects the subsequent portion of the route. The commentary or exposition now offered to the public is therefore just as much a commentary on the "Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks," as it is on those works which preceded it, and on those inquiries and speculations which have been entertained since. It is by no means, however, sup- posed to carry the subject out of the domain of further inquiry : much remains to be done before all the questions connected with this most perplexing subject can receive a complete and satisfactory solution. SAEDES. Leaving his relatives and friends in charge of the governments of Lydia, Phrygia, and Ionia, Cyrus is described as commencing his inarch from Sardes or Sardis, in April, displaying as Colonel Chesney remarks, admirable judgment in taking tho more circuitous route along the great plains and through the prin- cipal cities of Asia Minor, in preference to that by which Xerxes advanced through Cappadocia; since it gave him the support of his fleet, by which he could receive supplies and reinforcements from time to time, besides having a fair chance of concealing for a longer period his bold design. The capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia was situated at the foot of Mount Tmolus, in a tine plain watered by the river Pactolus, of gold-bearing celebrity. It was once a great and flour- ishing city, and from its wealth and importance was the object of much cupidity and of many sieges. "When, taken by Cyrus tho Great, under Croesus, its last king, who has become proverbial for his riches, Sardes was one of the most splendid and opulent cities of the East. After their victory over Antiochus it passed to UID THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOX. 267 Romans, under Avhom it rapidly declined in rank and importance. In the time of Tiberius it was destroyed by an earthquake, but was rebuilt by order of the emperor. The inhabitants of Sardes bore an ill repute among the ancients for their voluptuous habits of life. Hence, perhaps, the point of the phrase in the Apocalyptic message to the city " Thou hast a few names, even in Sardis, which have not deQled their garments." (Rev. iii. 4.) The place that Sardes holds in this message, as one of the " seven churches of Asia," is the source of the peculiar in- terest with which the Christian reader regards it. Successive sieges and earthquakes, and the ravages of Saracens and Turks, have reduced this once flourishing city to a heap of ruins, presenting, however, many remains of its former splendor. When visited by "W. J. Hamilton in 1836, with the exception of a few black Yuruk tents, the only habitation was that of a Greek miller, who had taken advantage of one of the streams which flow past the Acropolis, to turn the wheel of his mill. The principal ruin is that of the Acropolis, situated on the top of a crumbling hill. The ruin is, however, itself made up of an- cient fragments, the walls and gateway of the fortress being, ac- cording to Hamilton, probably Byzantine, and there being no traces of walls of Hellenic construction. Two gigantic Ionic columns, with other huge fragments, mark the site of the temple of Cybele. There are also remains of a Roman theater, but the marble seats, the proscenium, and scena, arc all gone : also of a stadium, the northern side of which has been artificially formed by a wall sup- ported on arches running along the side of the hill. There aro also remains of the two early Christian churches, one of which has been too hastily concluded, by travelers, to have been the church of Sardis to which allusion is made in the Apocalypse ; but besides that the expression can only have referred to the community of Christians then established, the nature of the structure shows that its date must have been at least posterior to the overthrow of the Pagan religion and the destruction of the temples toward the end of the fourth century. Many other remains are scattered over tho area of the ancient town; among which the most remarkable is the so-called Gerusia, situated near the western limits of the city, partly built of brick and partly of stone, but of a late period ; while to the west of these two walls are the massive marble fragments of another building, apparently of much older date. A countless number of sepulchral hillocks beyond the Hermus, heighten the desolateness of a spot which the multiudes lying there once made busy by their living presence and pursuits. 1 1 Tho late Captain Newbold called the attention of the Koyal Asiatic Society (see Journal, vol. xiii. p. 88) to the opening of some of the singular tumuli, which compose the Necropolis of the Lydian kings, more especially that of Alyattes. it id probable, he remarked, that their interior will ba 268 COMMENTARY OX R. The direction of Cyrus' march appears to have been parallel to the Cogamus, and having made in three days twenty-two parasangs, lie arrived at the river Hasander, which ho passed on a bridge of seven boats, probably above the junction of the Lycus. Tlie Mfeander was celebrated" in classic poetry for its tortnousnes?, whence onr term meandering. Ovid, in describing the Minotaur's labyrinth, compares it with the Masander. As soft Mseandcr's wanton current plays, When through the Phrygian fields it loosely strays; Backward and forward rolls the dimpled tide, Seeming at once two different ways to glide : While circling streams their former banks survey, And waters past succeeding waters see ; Now floating to the sea with downward course, Now pointing upward to its ancient source. It may be remarked here, that considering the stadium and para- sang as fragments of the earth's true meridional circumference, as more particularly developed by Colonel Jervis, the amount admit- ted in the Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, was 607.62977 English feet for the first, 5168.668 English feet for the The principle upon which this estimate is founded is this : that the Jewish itinerary measure was the Parsah of 3 Bereh ; each Bereh of 74 Khebel, or 3000 measures. The Parsah, correspond- ing to the Greek Trapasayya, or the Persian Farsakh, the Bereh to the Turkish Bere, and the Khebel, or rope, to the stadium. Tho Jewish Bereh was the 24,000th of the earth's true meridional cir- cumference ; the fundamental measure, therefore, the 72,000,000th of the meridional circumference, which Colonel Jervis, having com- puted to the ellipticity 5^5- from a comparative summary of the results of the Lapland, British, French, and Indian measurements, is J3i24|o 5 5 a i 5 .oi6484L or 21.8724876 inches English. Now the element is to the common element, of all those itinerary measures alluded to by Eratosthenes, Cleomedes, Posidonins, and other historians r.n 1 other writers, whether Egyptian, Jewish, Greek, Roman, or the earlier Arabian, as 5 to 9, that is, they were, one and all, the 40,000,000th, the Jewish the 72,000,000th, of the earth's meridional circumference ; and hence the true length of the Roman and Greek foot, and cubit, and stadium may be immedi- ately inferred. For the Jewish Parsah being the eight-thousandth part of the circumference, or 24,000 such measures above stated, was 5468. 6G8 feet English. The Bereh, l-24,000th of the meridional circumfer- ence, or 3000 snch measures, was 5468.668 feet English. The Khebel, or stadium = 729.15584 feet English (the side, i. e. the found to correspond with those singular tombs (supposed those of tha Pelo- pides) iu the Mils near Burnabat, overlooking the Gulf of Smyrna. THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOK 269 length and breadth, of the greatest pyramid, or that of Cheops). One-ninth of this was the Greek and Roman stadium, 607.62977 feet English; the 600th part, the true Greek foot, 12.156 English inches; the 625th part, the true Roman foot, 11.67 English inches. The Greek and Roman cubits respectively 18.2289 and 17.4997 English inches. Colonel Jervis felt satisfied that these data would serve to clear rip many difficulties in the writings of Herodotus, Xenophon, Strabo, Pliny, Diodorus, Curtius, and others, whose apparent discrepancies lie believed to be due rather to our misapprehen- sion, than to any obscurity or inaccuracy in those authors. For cither we must suppose the earth to have altered in dimension, tho situation of remarkable places to have changed, or the ancients to have been wholly devoid of intelligence ; or we must resort to the conclusion that the misapprehension of these difficulties is rather to be sought for in our own want of patient consideration. Colonel Chesney has proceeded upon a much more latitudina- rian system. " The modern farsang or barsakh of Persia," he says in his great work, " The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris," vol. ii. p. 207, "varies according to the nature of the ground, from three and a half to four English miles per hour ; and being always calculated for mules, or good horses, under favorable circumstances, it frequently exceeds four miles. The ancient pnrasang appears to have been fixed at thirty stadia, which at 202.84 yards would give three geographical miles. But this being also a road measure, it no doubt varied as at present, and was regulated according to the nature of the country; and for- tunately we have the means of ascertaining this difference with considerable precision. A line drawn along the map so as to touch the river, at short distances, from Thapsacus to the river Araxes, is about one hundred and five miles, which for tho fifty parasangs of Xenophon, give 2.10 geographical miles each. By the route followed from Sardis to Thapsacus, it is eight hundred and fifty- three geographical miles, which will give 2.608 geographical miles for each of the three hundred and twenty seven parasangs. Again, from Thapsacus to the mounds of Muhammad, thirty-six miles from Babylon, where, for the sake of water, the route constantly follows and almost touches the river Euphrates, it is four hundred and twelve geographical miles, thus giving 1.98 geographical miles for each of the two hundred and eight parasangs, or 2.294 geograph- ical miles for the mean of both." "This scarcely differs from the result obtained by the laborious and discriminating geographer, Major Rennel, who, without our present advantages, estimated the parasang at 2.25 miles; Avhich, in fact, approaches an average of the whole march of Cyrus. Wo find that the distance from Sardis to Cunaxa, or the mounds of Muhammad, can not be much under or over 1265 geographical 270 COMMENTARY OX miles, making 2.304 geographical miles for each of the five hun- dred and thirty-five para?angs given by Xenophon between those places." "From the preceding calculations," continues Colonel Chesney, "it appears that we are Avarranted in taking the average value of the parasang at 2.608 geographical miles throughout the march to Thapsacus, and at 1.98, or almost two miles, from thence to Cu- naxa; but subsequently it is less than two geographical miles. The greater speed in the first part of the march, was the natural consequence of moving during the most favorable season of the year (April and May), with the additional advantage of roads. The want of the latter must have been a serious impediment to the carriages during the next fortnight; for, although the marches were pressing, the heavy-armed men, with their weapons, would have been greatly retarded by the almost insupportable heat of the summer months; in the subsequent retreat, the mountains, the rivers, and unknown tracts, as well as the snow on the ground, must have caused still greater retardations." This is a view of the subject which I have also been obliged to adopt in the present commentary. COLOSSUS. Advancing from the Maaander through Phrygin, the army made in one day's march eight parasangs, to Colossa?, described as being at that time a large city, rich and well inhabit- ed. This city had indeed been previously noticed by Herodotus (vii. 30), as a large city of Phrygia on the Lycus, a tributary to the Meander. Xerxes, on his march to Sardis, u. c. 481, reached Colossfe after leaving Anaua. Colosste had become a place of comparatively little importance in Strabo's time. A Christian church was formed here very early, probably by Epaphras, consisting of Jews and Gentiles, to whom Paul, who does not appear to have ever visited Colossso in person, addressed an Epistle from Rome. Not long after, the town was, together with Laodicea and Hierapolis, destroyed by an earthquake. This, ac- cording to Eusebius, was in the ninth year of Nero; but the town must have been immediately rebuilt, for in his twelfth year it continued to be named as a flourishing place. In the middle ages there arose near it a town called Chonse, and Colossse dis- appeared. Chonro was the birth-place of Nicetas Choniates, one of the Byzantine historians. Arundel (Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 159, etc.) supposed that the ruins at the modern Khonos, which corresponds to Chona3, were also the ruins of Colossal, but Hamilton (lies. etc. i. 508) found exten- sive ruins of an ancient city about three miles north of Khonos, Avhich appear from certain hydrographical peculiarities alluded to by Herodotus and Pliny, and verilied by Hamilton, to be undoubt- edly the site of Colossal. . From Culossa) Cyrus made in three days' march THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHON". 271 twenty parasangs, to Celaense, a city of Phrygia, large, rich, and well inhabited, and where was the fortified palace of Xerxes, the palace of Cvrus, the hunting park, and the cave of Marsyas. He- rodotus speaks of Celaenao in describing the march of Xerxes to Sardes. lie says (vii. 26) that the sources of the Masnnder are here, and those of a stream not less than the Maeander: it i.; named Cattarrhactes, and rising in the Agora of Celaanao, flows into the Mrcander. The Cattarrhactes of Herodotus is clearly the Marsyas of Xenophon. Hamilton, who visited the source at a place called Deenair or Dinair, describes it as a considerable stream of water gushing out with great rapidity at the base of a *-ocky cliff. It appeared as if it had formerly risen in the center .of a great cavern, and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in from the cliffs above. In Livy's description (xxxviii. 13) the Maeander rises in the acropolis of Celaanas, and runs through the middle of the city ; and the Marsyas, which rises not far from the sources of the Maeander, joins the same river. Leake thinks that it clearly appears from Strabo that both the rivers (Marsyas and Maeander) ran through Cetenao, and that they united in the suburb which afterward became the new city Apameia. It did not appear to Hamilton that the cliff above the source of the Marsyas could be the acropolis of Celsenfe, which Alexander con- sidered to be impregnable, and came to terms with the inhabitants. He supposes that the acropolis may have been further to the N. E., a lofty hill about a mile from the ravine of the Marsyas. The town of Apameia Cibotus, which was built by Antiochus Soter out of the ruins of Celsenso, was positively stated by Strabo to lie at the source of the Marsyas. Arnndel was the first who clearly saw that Apameia must be at Dinair ; and his conclusions Avere confirmed by a Latin inscription which he found record- ing the erection of a monument by the merchants residing there. Leake has also collected the ancient testimonies as to Apa- meia. Hamilton investigated the hydrographic and other fea- tures of the place most carefully, and obtained several Greek inscriptions from the same neighborhood. PELT.E. From Celaenao Cyrus made in two days' march ten parasangs, and arrived at Peltao, a city well inhabited. Peltao, or rather the Peltenus Campus, has been identified with the plain now called Baklan uvah, which is watered by the Meander. Hamilton (ii. 163) describes himself as much struck with its level extent, and capabilities for maneuvering cavalry. It may be, he says, the plain on which Cyrus reviewed his troops, and celebrated martial games after leaving Apameia : l for although he was marching to the east, it appears that he did not proceed thither 1 At page 203, vol. ii. of his Researches, etc., Mr. Hamilton says he is in- clined to place Peltre either in the great plain to the south of'lshakli, or At the foot of the mountains two miles on the road from Ishakli to Dinair. 272 COMMENTARY OS direct; as Xenophon says that lie passed through Ceramoram Agora, a town on the frontiers of Mysia, twenty-two parasanga from Apameia, which must have been to the X. N. W. Colonel Cliesney (ii. 206) attributes these two retrograde inarches to the necessity of rounding a difficult portion of the Taurus. Hamilton met on this plain burial-grounds with large blocks of stone, and broken columns, on one of which he found a mutilated inscription ; but a whole month, lie says, dedicated to the examina- tion of the numerous villages and burial-grounds which fill this extensive plain and which increase in number as you advance eastward, would not be too much to determine the name and sites of the ancient towns which once flourished here. CERAMON* on CERAMORUM AGOUA. After halting three days to celebrate the Lupercalian sacrifice, Cyrus advanced twelve para- sangs to Ceramon Agora (the market of the Cramians), the site of Avhich, according to the back distances from Koniyah, would be a little east of the actual town of Ushak,but allowing for variation in the value of the parasang, at Ushak itself. Pliny having noticed a town called Caranse in Phrygia, Cramer conjectured that this might be the Ceramon Agora. It has also been supposed to be the same as the Caris or Carides of Stephanus, but that name corresponds to the Carina of Pliny, or Caria, as it perhaps should be read. Hamilton (ii. 204) describes Ushalc as a place of considerable commerce and traffic in the present day ; many of the high roads of Asia Minor passing through it. He also adds, that to a person going to Mysia from Apameia (Celronae), and supposing, as Strabo says, that Mysia extended to Ghiadiz (Kadi), Ushak would be the last town through which he would pass before entering Mysia, from which it is separated by a mountainous and uninhabited district PLALS OF CAYSTurs. From the market of the Cramian?, Cy- rus made in three days' march 30 parasangs, and arrived at a well-peopled city, called the Plain of Caystrus. (Caystri Campus.) It has been previously observed, that the site of the market of the Cramians has been determined by back distances, owing to the difficulty entailed by Cyrus having deviated from his course at Celjn6. Thus the inarch from Celaana) to Pelta) is 10 para- sangs; from Pelt89 to Ceraraon Agora 12 parasangs; and from Ceramon Agora to the Plain of Caystrus, was 30 parasangs. From the Plain of Caystrus, Cyrus marched 10 parasangs to Thymbrium, then 10 to Tyraeum, and then 20 to Iconium, the last city in Phrygia in the direction of his march ; for after leaving Iconium, he entered Cappadocia. Iconium is Koniyah, a position well known. Celsensa may also be considered as a well-determined position. JTow the march of Cyrus from Celsenae to Iconium was !)2 parasangs. The angle thus obtained drives the site of the mar- THE ANABASIS OP XEXOPIIOX. 2/3 Ret of the Cramians more or less to tlic X. TV', of TJshak, according to the estimate taken of the parasang, 2.G geog. miles according to Chesney, 2.455 geog. miles according to Hamilton, or 3 according to Colonel Jervis, but I have with others adopted the site of Ushak, as the most likely. This question has been made the subject of some critical re- marks by Mr. Long in the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geog- raphy, which I willingly give insertion to here. "Two recent attempts," Mr. Long writes, "have been made to fix the places between Cela3nso and Iconimn, one by Mr. Hamil- ton (Researches, etc., vol. ii. p. 198), nnd another by Mr. Ainsworth (Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand, etc., p. 24). The ex- amination of these two explanations can not be made here for want of space. But it is impossible to identify with certainty positions on a line of road where distances only are given, and we find no corresponding names to guide us. Mr. Hamilton supposes that the Caystri Campus may be near the village of Chai Kiui, ' and near the banks of the Eber Ghieul in the extensive plain between that village and Polybotum.' CliaiKieuiis in about 3S 40'NJat. "Mr. Ainsworth places the Caystri Campus further west, at a place called Surmeneh, ' a high and arid upland, ns its ancient name designates,' which is traversed by an insignificant tributary to the Eber Gol? Mr. Hamilton's Eber GhieuL The neighborhood of Surmeneh abounds in ancient remains; but Chai Kieui is an in- significant place, without ruins. "Both Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Ainsworth, however, agree in fixing the Caystri Campus in the basin of this river, the Eber &hieul, and so far the conclusion may be accepted as probable. But the exact site of the place can not be determined without further evi- dence. Cyrus staid at Caystri Campus five days, and he certainly would not stay with his troops five days in a high and arid upland. As the plain was called the Plain of Cayster, we may assume that there was a river Cayster, where Cyrus halted. One of Mr. Ains- worth's objections to Mr. Hamilton's conclusion is altogether un- founded. He says that the plain which Mr. Hamilton chooses as the site of the Caystri Campus is 'an extensive plain, but very marshy, being in one part occupied by a perpetual and large lake, called Eber Gol, and most unlikely at any season of the year to present the arid and burnt appearance which could have led the Greeks to call it Caustron or Caystrus, the burnt or barren plain.' Bat the word Caystrtw could not mean burnt, and Stephanus is guilty of originating this mistake. It means no more a burnt plain here than it does when applied to the plain above Ephesus. Both were watery places; one we know to be so, and the other we may with great probability conclude to be." As it appears that I was misled in the reading of Cayster, I do not wish to insist upon this special identification in the " Track of 12* 274 COMMENTARY ON the Ten Thousand Greeks." I ni.iv however bo permitted to ob- serve, that the identification was not solely founded upon the cir- cumstance of Sorananah being 1 a dry upland. It Avas also founded on back distances from Iconimn 20 parasang* to Tyrifeum, 10 to Thymbriurn, and 10 to the plain ofCaystrus, or 120 geographical mifes. Eber Gol, or Ibar Gill, being at a less distance. There is a stream of water at Surmanah as well as at Chai Kiui, and Xenophon tells us there was also in Cyrus's time a well-peopled city. So that it was not because it was' an arid plain that it can be also shown not to have been a fit place for a delay of five days. I may also add that so marshy is the plain of Bulavadin, that the road from N. W. to that town has to be carried in great part over a raised causeway. Hamilton (ii. 177) describes Surmanah as "a rich mine of antiquarian treasures," as is also the case with Afyum Kara Hissar in the same neighborhood, which he looks upon as the site of ancient Synnada. The same observing traveler however makes mention of no ruins at or near Ciiai Kiui, which he also identifies with the Ilolmi of Strabo. TIIYMBKICM. During a halt of five days on the plain of Cays- trus, Cyrus received Epyaxa, the queen of Cilicia; whose mysteri- ous visit and opportune supply of treasure enabled him to appease tho Greeks by giving them three months' arrears of pay. Ac- companied by Epyaxa, he advanced thence, ten parasangs, to Thymbrium, on the borders of Lycaonia. Estimating the parasang at three geographical miles, I have iden- tified Thymbrium with the modern Jshakli, reckoning back from Iconium. Even at the reduced estimate of Hamilton, ten parasang?, equal upon his scale to 24 or 25 geographic miles, measured from the site of Ilghun, or from the hot baths, brings us beyond Philo- melium at Ak-Shahir, and nearly half way between that town and the fountain of Ulu Bunar Darbnnd. Hamilton describes that fountain as only four or five miles from Ak-Shahir, whereas I was upward of two hours traveling from the one to the other. Colo- nel Chesney (ii. 208) places Thymbrium "at or a little south-east- ward of the present town of Ak-Shahir." The expression used by Xenophon, IvravOa rjv ^apa -/> 66ov, would certainly appear to denote that he passed the fountain of Midas on the road to Thymbrium, although Spelman translates it " Here was a fountain near the road, called the fountain of Midas." "There seems, therefore," says Hamilton, (ii. 202,) "every reason for placing Thymbrium at the foot of Sultan Tagh, between the fountain of Midas and Ak Shehr (Shahir), if indeed it be not an older name for Philomelium itself." There certainly seems, however, taking the reduced estimate of the value of the parasang adopted by Hamilton and Colonel Chesney, still to remain more reasons for approximating the site of Thymbrium to the fountain of Midas than to Ak-Slmhir, only that towns have mostly sue- THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 275 ceeded to one another at the same site. The road, it is to be re- marked upon this assumption of the value of the parasang, pre- sents few difficulties, and it improves still more on approaching Iconium. I can understand the parasang covering little plane surfaces in the passes of Kurdistan or the snows of Armenia, but I can not help feeling, with Colonel Jervis, that to suppose a varying estimate of that value on the plains of Asia Minor, argues a great want of intelligence on the part of the ancients, and reduces them to the semi-barbarous position of the modern Turk and Persian, who, reckoning by time and not by distance, leave it impossible, without actual investigation, to determine from such data the geographical position of places. It is obvious, therefore, in the instances of Peltro, Ceramon Agora, Caystii Campus, Thymbrium, and Tyria3um, where we have only distances to go upon, we must remain more or less in a state of uncertainty as to their true posi- tions. The fountain of Midas helps to throw some additional light upon the positioning of Thymbrium, that of Tyriaeum is confirmed by Strabo, and Ushak, as representing the market of the Cramians, remains to the present day a place of considerable traffic and commerce, and a place of meeting of high roads. These circumstances must be taken into consideration in determining the {tofition of the sites noticed by Xenophon between Celajnaj and conium, two known positions. Tnu-EUM.* Cyrus made in two days' march ten parasangs, and arrived at Tyriaeum, a populous town. Hamilton and Colonel Chesney, upon the evaluation of distances before alluded to, think that Tyriamrn is probably represented by llghun. I sought for the site at Arkut Khan, but without wishing to put much stress upon so indefinite a point. Neither Hamilton nor myself saw any remains of ancient timea at either Arkut Khan or llghun. There is this to be said of Ilghnn, that there is beyond that town a plain much better adapted for the review of the Greek and Bar- barian forces described by Xenophon, than at Arkut Khan, where the surface of the soil is broken up by slabs of horizontal lime- stone. Hamilton also remarks that their identilication is confirm- ed by Strabo'sj account of the great road from Ephesus to Mazaca; for he clearly places Tyriamm between Philomelium and Laodicea, and near the borders of Lycaonia. Another argument in favor of this site is, that Strabo states that Holmi was at the commence- ment of Phrygia Paroreius, which would therefore be at the west- ern extremity of Sultan Tagh, and he gives the distance from Holmi to Tyriamm as rather more than 500 stadia. Now the distance from the commencement of the Sultan Tagh to llghun is 53 miles, and from Chai Kiui, which Hamilton identifies with llolmi, just about 50 miles, or 500 stadia. ICONIUM. From Tyriamm Cyrus made in three days' march twenty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last city of Phrygia. 276 COMMENTARY OX This, as one of the most ancient and remarkable cities cf Asia Minor, requires little notice at our hands. Pliny calls it urbs cele- berrima Iconium. Strabo speaks of it as small but well built. When visited by the apostle Paul in A.D. 45, it is described as inhabited by a great multitude of Jews and Greeks. (Acts xiv. 1.) The most remarkable era in the history of Iconium is that of the Seljukian Turks or Tartars, a branch of whom founded a dynasty at Koniyah in Kararnan, before the rise of the Osmanli Turks. Modern Koniyah is still a large town, the seat of a pasha, and of a Greek metropolitan, and it contains many interesting relics of olden times. Among Ihe most remarkable of which is the mosque built by Sultan Aladin, the mausoleum of Hazrit Mavlana, the founder of the Mavlani darvishes or dervishes, the old Turkish prison, and the Injami Minareh Jami, "the mosque with the minarets towering to the stars." LYCAONIA. From Iconium, Cyrus made in five days' march thirty parasangs through Lycaonia, which, being an enemy's country, lie gave the Greeks leave to plunder it. From hence lie sent the Cilician queen into Cilicia the shortest way. Now as the next place reached by Cyrus Dana is a well-known site, AVO have only to mark off thirty parasangs from Iconium and twenty- five to Dana on the map, and the point of intersection will be the spot where Cyrus parted with the queen of Cilicia. This spot may therefore, it' Cyrus kept a northern road, have been at or near the now small town of Kara Bunar, " the Black Spring;" or if gallantry led him to take a southerly route, the parting may have taken place at or near Tchurla or Churla, north of Karaman, near Avhich Hamilton found many ruins of ancient sites, notoriously those of Lystra and Derbe, whither Paul and Barnabas fled after their expulsion from Iconium. I ana most inclined to the latter view of the case. From this point Epyaxa returned to her husband Syennesis, the king of Cilicia, across the Taurus by Kizil Chasmah, Alan Buzuk, Mazatli, Soli or Pompeiopolis, and onward to Tarsus. Colonel Chesney remarks upon this incident in the inarch of Cyrus, that it may be inferred from what subsequently passed in Cilicia, that the object of this remarkable mission and the timelv supply of treasure, was to induce Cyrus to take another route, that Syennesis might not be embroiled with Artaxerxes, by permitting the march through his territory; and it is not improbable that, from her peculiar intimacy with the prince, the queen believed she had been successful. Cyrus, however, availed himself of her re- turn, to send a body of Greeks under Menon, nominally as a guard of honor, but in reality to turn the Cilician Gates, the only pass which was practicable for an army through this part of Taurus. Two companies, amounting to one hundred heavy-armed men, were lost in this nndertakin:', and the rest, arriving before the THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHOK 277 main body of the army, and resenting the loss of their companions, plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace that stood there. DANA. Cyrus, with the rest of his army, moved on through Cappadocia, and, in four days' march, made five and twenty para- sangs to Dana, a large and rich city, well inhabited. Ty aim was well known to all antiquity, not only as the residence of Apollonius and the site of a temple of the Asbamasan Jupiter, but also as the town nearest to the Cilician Gates. Strabo says it was also called Eusebia ad Taurum, and that it was built on a mound raised by Semiramis, or called Semiramis, probably a heap of Assyrian ruins. Cellarius argued that Aava was a contraction made by the copyists for Tvava, and the correction thus made has been strengthened by subsequent inquiry. Thus Hamilton was enabled to identify the ruins at the site now called Iviz Hissar, "Girls Castle," or Kills Hissar, "Castle of tho Church," with Tyana, by the existence there of a small lake or pool which presents the peculiar phenomenon ascribed to the fountain of Asmaba3us sacred to Jupiter by Ammianus Marcelli- nu:H:>H--. Xor u tho scene so re- plete with historical associations wanung i:i picturesque acces- sories. MYRIANDKUS. Cyrus is described as proceeding from the Gates of Ciliciaand Syria, through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians: this place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. The site of Myriandrns lias not yet been satisfactorily deter- mined. According to the distances given by Xenophon of five parasangs from the Gates of Cilicia and Syria, it would be, if on the sea-shore, either some way beyond Alexandretta on the way to Arsus, or it' the sea, as was probably the case, extended further in- land at that time, and occupied the now pestilent marshej of Alexandretta, beyond Godefroy de Bouillon's Castle ; at the foot of the hills near Jacob or Joseph's well, where Kennel sought for the site in question, or a little beyond that, and nearer to the foot of the pass of Baylan. It is eVident that Myriandrus and the town subsequently named after the Macedonian hero, were not tho same, for Strabo mentions both, and in the following succession : Rhosus (Arsus), Myriandrus, and Alexandria. The ruins may per- chance yet be found in the wooded country that lies between Alex- andretta and Ehosus, at or near the coast, about opposite the entrance of the pass of Baylan. This is a region which has not yet been satisfactorily explored. RIVEK CHALUS. Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chains, which was aplethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon as gods, and allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. This is a long journey, of from 50 to 60 miles, in which several objects of interest are p'assed over without an observation. Among the first of these is the pass between Amanus and Rhosus, the true Syrian Gates, in which are situated vestiges of the strong town called Pinara by Pliny and Ptolemy, and by corruption Erana by Cicero, who describes it as being in the mountain above the region in which the altars of Alexander were situated another proof that the " Bomito) " were at the foot of Amanus and Rhosus, and not, as Quintns Curtius relates, on the banks of the Pinarus. Pinara was the Pictanus of the Jerusalem Itinerary, and it i3 now represented by the town of Baylan, whose mosque was built, according to the Mecca Itinerary, by Sultan Selim, and the Khan by Sultan Sulaiman the Magnificent. There are also remains of a causeway, of an aqueduct, and of a bridge. Beyond the Syrian Gates was Pagras or Pangrios, represented apparently by the castle of Ibn Abu Uaud ; and at tho foot of tho mountains, the great plain watered by three different rivers, tho Kara-su, the Aswad, and the Afrin, corresponding to the Labotas, THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHOX. 285 the Aenoporas, and Arceutlnv* of t'io Romans, and in the center of which is the great expanse of the lake of' Anlioch. The silence of Xeiiophon Avith regard to this mountain-pass, the rivers and lake of the plain of Antioch, and the rocky region beyond, now called St. Simon or Shaikh Barakat, has given origin to various surmises on the part of commentators on the Anabasis. Rennell has supposed, in consequence of this silence and that of Strabo, that the lake did not exist at that time; and Foster, in his Geographical Dissertation, has made this one of the grounds for supposing that Xenophon kept no journal, or at least no regu- lar one, of the expedition, but that he drew it up a great many years afterward. I think it more likely, from the general charac- ter of the work, that something occurred, sickness or despondency, and the latter might naturally have been brought about by the clandestine departure of Xenias and Pasion, to distract the atten- tion of our historian or to make him disinclined to write. Con- trast, for example, the indifference of the present moment, with the energy displayed and the minuteness of description indulged in when Xenophon became a leader in the passes of Kurdistan. A tributary to the river Sajur having been found during the survey of northern Syria by the Euphrates Expedition, to still preserve the name of Baluk or Baluklu-su, " Fish River," Colonel Chesney makes Cyrus march in a north-easterly direction, over a very difficult country, to that insignificant rivulet, to turn almost back again in a direction south, a little west, to the Chalib or Ku- wait the river of Aleppo, at the point where a large group of tells, 1 or mounds of ruin, give evidence of the existence of a onco prosperous and flourishing community. I do not, however, see any reason for changing the opinion I had adopted in common with other geographers, that the Chalib or Kuwait represents the Chains of Xenophon. The direct dis- tance is perhaps not sufficient, bat the difficulties of the road pre- sented by the pass of Baylan, the marshy plain of Antioch, and the necessity of turning northward up the valley of the Afrin, to avoid the rocky deserts of Shaikh Barakat, give in detail a distance between the Mediterranean and the river Chalib of at least sixty geographical miles, or of three miles to a parasang. Notwithstanding a statement of Kauwolf s that iisli were scarce in the market of Aleppo, I stated as the results of my own observ- ation in the Travels in the Track, etc., that the Chalib abounded in fish, and I have since found in Dr. Russell's Natural History of Aleppo, 1794, vol. ii. p. 207, that not only do fish abound in the Chalib, but that there is a fountain called Hai'lan, a Syriac word signifying "the pu\verf;il" (seo my Travels and Researches in i Tel or Tell of tbo Arabians, Tappah, valgo Teppeh, of tho Turks, Thupo in Pali, Stupa in Sauscrit, vulgo Topes ill India. 286 COMMENTARY OX Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, etc. vol. ii. p. 101), where, as ia the foantain of Birkat-al-Ibraliim or Abraham, the beloved, at Urfali, of Mambij ancient Hierapolis, at the tomb of Daniyali Akbar, " the greater Daniel" (see Bawlinson in Journal Roy. Geo. Soc. vol. ix. p. 83), and elsewhere, fish are still, or were till lately, pre- served unmolested, and therefore more or less reverenced or sacred in the eyes of the true believers. Dr. Russell says, '' From -what I had cursorily remarked in the markets, or at the tables of the inhabitants, and from the appear- ance of the Kowick (Kuwait), I hardly expected to find so great a variety of fish in that river; but, upon examination, it was found to produce seventeen species, and among those, some hitherto undescribed." To the assiduity of the fishermen, which, is restrained to no particular season, and exercised with little discretion, may be partly ascribed the small size of the fish in general; for at Heylan (Hailan), and the fountain of fishes, where they are suffered to re- main unmolested, they grow considerably larger." It is almost needless to remark, that this superstitious reverence for fish is a remnant of the Assyrian and Syro-Arabian worship of fish gods. Berosus (see Cory's Ancient Fragments, p. 22 and 81) makes Cannes the first and Odakon the last of these. Selden (De Diis Syris, p. 265) is persuaded that this Odakon is the Philistine god Dagon. The further resemblance between Dagon and Ater- gatis or Derketo is so great in other respects, that the same au- thority accounts for the only important difference between them that of sex by referring to the androgynous nature of many hea- then gods. The Greeks embodied their worship, as usnal, into their mythology, by a poetic story of the loves of the goddess Derketa or Derceta. RIVER DARADAX, or DAP.DKS. From the villages of Parysatis, on the Chalus, Cyrus advanced, five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs, to the sources of the river Dardes, winch is a plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, containing all that the seasons produce. The common text has AapaiW-of, but Anthon 1 gives Aa/xfyrof with Dindorf, on good MS. authority. Colonel Chesney's view of this portion of the progress is, " in advancing first in an easterly di- rection along the Baluk-su, then southward by the banks of the 1 Though Dindorf is an authority, Antlion is none. It would be better to quote Kuiner, "who gives Aapdarof, from five MSS. Nor can Macinschael (p. 283) be called much of an authority. But it might be said that Dindorf and Kuhner concur in reading ^idpor" "Weiske, Schneider, and Borneinann have tlie form Supo.c. Kepcrof is adopted by Dindorf and Kuhner ; "Welske, Schneider, and Bornemann, l>ave the old Kfpaof. Translator. THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOX. 287 same stream, and again eastward, quitting the latter when opposite to the fountain of Bab, near the source of the stream called Dhahab or Dabb, it is about sixty-one miles to the last, the presumed Dara- dax: and if the windings of the Koweik (Kuwait) be followed in the earlier part of the march, it would be seventy or eighty miles from the higher part of the Chalib or Chalus, which, as in the time of Xenophon, still abounds in fish. The distance (thirty para- sangs) given by Xenophon between the rivers Chalus and Dara- dar, which was accomplished in five marches, agrees with the nature of the intervening country; for whether the windings of the upper part of the Koweik were followed, or the stream forded two or three times in preference, a fifth march would be requisite, as already mentioned." (ii. p. 213.) Some difficulties present themselves in accepting this determina- tion. In the first place, the distance given would accord better with the idea of Cyrus having crossed the Syrian plains from the Chalus to the Euphrates, notwithstanding Xenophon's silence upon the subject. The same silence, or rather passing over all notice of the river Euphrates until the army came to Thapsacu*, is observed throughout, and may have been an inadvertence, for the nature of the country would oblige an army to keep along the banks of the river ; and Colonel Chesney, who identifies the foun- tain of Dhahab with that of Dardes, still makes Cyrus, notwith- standing the silence of Xenophon upon the subject, joia the Eu- phrates at Balis. The name of the site Balis corresponding to the Barbalissus or Barbarissus of the Romans, and the ruins existing there, would point to that place as the site of the palace of the Persian satrap. Then again, at that point there is a great alluvial plain, which to the present day abounds in boars and other game, while all beyond, or westward, is a dry arid upland, a perfect wilderness, which, how- ever, may be modified somewhat by the waters of the Dhahab. Lastly, there was a canal, taken from the Euphrates 'at Balis, which might be a hundred feet wide at its origin, as described by Xenophon, and which it is difficult to imagine the fountain at Fay, as Rennell calls it al Bab, or Taidiff could present at its origin. There is to be added to all this, that the back distance from Thapsacus (Al Ilammam) to Balis corresponds precisely with the distance given by Xenophon between the palace of Belesis and Thapsacus, that is, fifteen parasangs or forty-five miles by the bends of the river. Notwithstanding the points in favor of one and the other view of the subject, common sense would point to a probable visit to the fountain of Dhahab, or Dardes, on the way to the pa- lace of Belesis at Balis. But so common sense would also point to the identity of Bayas, or Baias, with Issus, where is a river to represent the Pinarus, a plain large enough to fight a battle, with- out being cut up by deep ruts like the plain of Dali-chai, and 288 COMMENTARY OX Avhere the ships could be moored opposite Cyrus 1 tent, a proceed- ing scarcely possible at the mouths of the" Dali-chai, only that other circumstances do not uphold this hypothesis. THA.PSACCS. Having wantonly destroyed the palace and park of Belesis, Cyrus is described by Xenophon as proceeding, in three days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which was situ- ated a large and rich city, named Thapsacus. Colonel Chesney (ii. 213) describes these as ' : pressing marches, following and constantly touching the Euphrates from Balis," which accords with the view previously taken of this portion of the inarch. The distance here given of forty-five miles, corresponds with the overland distance from Balis to the ford celebrated among the Arabs, as that of the Anazah or Badawin. This ford, as such or as a bridge, was used for the passage alike of Persian, Greek, and Roman armies, and more lately of Arabs, Tartar-*, and Turks. Xerxes, who, according to Herodotus, crossed the Hellespont bv a bridge of boats, in which one was tied to the other, had con- structed a similar one at Thapsacus, but this was destroyed by Abrocomas on the approach of Cyrus. Alexander dragged over the boats necessary for the passage of the river from the Medi- terranean. The remains of a paved causeAvay are still to be observed on both banks of the river, which is here eight hundred yards, or four stadia, in width. This causeway is marked in the Augustan and Tlieodosian Tables as part of a road carried by Palmyra to Ba- bylonia, as also northward to Carrha?, Edessa, and to more re- mote countries. A congregation of mounds, well worthy of archaeological explor- ation, are all that remain of the ancient Tiphsah, which was taken possession of by Solomon, probably in connection Avith the series of operations (of which the building or fortification of Tadmor was one) adopted by him for the purpose of drawing the Eastern trade into his own dominions. Tiphsah became afterward Thap- sacus, both signifying the same thing, u the ford.'' The same place is called Sura by Pliny and by Ptolemy, and this Avas its name in mediaeval times, for it is called in the Ecclesiastical notices of the Lower Empire, Flavia firma Sura. ItAvas also, according to Stephanus, called Turmeda by the Syrians, and Amphipolis tinder the successors of Alexander. The ruins are now called Suriyah. Rennell and D'Anville Avere induced from the supposed "exist- ence of a ford or pass of the Euphrates at Dair, the " monastery," and in ignorance of the existence of this ford, to identify Thapsa- cus Avith that little Arabic toAvn, Avhich is built upon a vast mound of ruin the remains of some site of antiquity. But it is two hun- dred and eleven miles by the river from Balis to Dair, and to get over this difficulty, these two distinguished geographers were THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 289 obliged to suppose that Xenophon had, by an oversight, misplaced the distances of Belesis to Thapsacus, (fifteen parasangs), and from ThapSacus to the Araxes Xenophon's name for the Khabur (fifteen parasangs) and that it should have been fifty parasangs from Balis to Thapsacus, and fifteen from Thapsacus to tho Araxes. It is satisfactory to find by the true determination of the position of Thapsacus at fifteen parasangs from Balis, that thero is no necessity whatsoever for this violation of the accuracy of the historian. . KIVKR ARAXES. Cyrus having with his army forded the Eu- phrates at Thapsacus, the waters rising no higher than the breast ; he is described by Xenophon as advancing through Syria, nine days' march, a distance of fifty parasangs, to the river Araxes, where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. Having crossed the Euphrates, it is manifest that the country the army was marching in was in reality Mesopotamia, but it was by no means an uncommon thing for the Romans to describe the districts in question sometimes as in Syria, at others in Mesopota- mia. Pliny and Strabo both speak of the country lying between Thapsacus and the Scenite or nomad Arabs, as Syria. Wherefore Xenophon called the river Khabur, Araxes, it is diffi- cult to determine. The name was by no means an uncommon one, and Strabo, in accordance with the national custom of referring foreign names to a Greek origin, connects the word with upaaau, and adds that the Peneus was once called Araxes, on account of its having separated Ossa from Olympus at the gorge of Tempe. 1 This river was, however, known to antiquity generally by other names, approaching more or less to its present appellation. Thus, it is described in the Old Testament (2 Kings xxiv. 15 ; Ezek. i. 1, 3 ; iii. 15, 23 ; x. 15, 20) under the name of Chebar, as a river of Mesopotamia, upon the banks of which Nebuchadnezzar plant- ed a colony of Jews, among whom was the prophet Ezekiel. i Rawlinson has shown the prefix Ar, Ara, and Arta, to be of transcend- ental use in every single branch of Arian Palaeography, with the exception of the Zend. (Jouru. of the Koyal Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 55, and vol. xi. p. 33, et seq.) Ar, or Har, he says, signifies mountain, as in Arburz (El Burz), traced Arius (Ariya of the cuneiform) to the root signifying " man." We have another form in Arabia, the cuneiform Arabaya. Arta, so much used as a prefix to names, as in Artakhshatra ( Artaxerxes), signifies, according to Kawlinson, a king. There can be little doubt, then, of the native origin of the name Aras, the Araxes of the Greeks, although there might be some doubt if it meant mountain river, or a head or chief river ; assuming tho prefix Ar to have somewhat the same power as Syr, Sir, or Sar, used by tha Turks iu Syr Darah (Jaxartes), as head valley or river ; and by the Kurds, jus head mountain or stream indifferently. Araxes has been generally sup- posed to be a Greek modification of the Armenian Arasch or Eraschs. VOL. L 13 290 COMMENTARY OX Layard says that in the Hebrew text the name i.s ppelt in two dif- ferent ways. In Kings we have Khabour. In Ezekiel it is written Kebar. So also in the Septnagint it is written Xo-3ao. It is called Aboras and Abboras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus, Procopius, and others. Ptolemy writes it Khaboras. Layard, while carrying on his archaeological explorations in Assyria, having been informed by the Arabs that two colossal idols, similar to those at IsTimrud, had been laid bare by the waters of ^the Khabur, he repaired to the spot, and was rewarded by the discovery of a considerable number of monuments of Assyrian times, of which he says, " the Archaic character of the treatment and design, the peculiar form of the features, the rude though forci- ble delineation of the muscles, and the simplicity of the details, certainly convey the impression of greater antiquity than any monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria Proper." The Khabur is a large river having its sources in the Karajah Tagli in northern Mesopotamia, and receiving in its course down- ward tributaries from Kuhrasar (Sinna) and Eas-al-Ain (Resaina) from the west; from Masku, Mardin, Dara, Nisibin (ancient Myg- donius), Asnawur, and Chil Agha from the east, besides a rivulet called Al Haul! or Holi from the marshes of Khatuniyah in the Sinjar. The main branch of the river is by accident omitted in the map accompanying Layard's account of his discoveries in Nineveh and Babylon. (1853.) At the junction of the Khabur and the Euphrates, we have on the north the ruins of Carchemish of Scripture, called by the Greeks Kirkesion, and by the Romans, with whom it was long a frontier town, Cercusium. The place is called by the Arabs in the present day Kirkisiyab, and also from the abundance of ruins, Abu Sarai, " the father of palaces." Layard, who did not visit it, says " Abou Psera." Al Wakidi, in his History of the Conquest of Mesopotamia by the Arabs, calls it Karkisha. To the south are the mounds of Kalneh, supposed by Colonel Chesney (i. 52 ; 117, 118) to be the site of Calneh, or Chalneh, the fourth of Nimrod's cities. (Gen. x. 10.) According to the Chaldee version, with which Eusebius and Jerome agree, this is the same place that was subsequently called Ctesiphon. Colonel Rawlinson has, however, by the aid of those important paleographic researches which promise to throw an entirely new light on Assyro-Babylonian and Chaldean history and geography, discovered the ideograph for Calneh among the inscribed bricks of a place called Niffer. (Ann. Report of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. 19.) He had previously (Jour, of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. x. p. 22) identified, as he also said from the evidence of the bricks, the same primeval site with the Chaldean ruins of Kalwadha near Baghdad. THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHOX. 291 ARABIA. Cyrus advanced from the Khabur through Arabia, having the Euphrates on his right, five days' inarch through the desert, a distance of five pnrasang*. Rawl inson remarks that in the cuneiform inscriptions the name of Arabia (Arabaya) is sometimes introduced between those of Babylon and Assyria, sometimes between Assyria and Egypt ; and lie adds, "I think, therefore, we may suppose the title to apply to the Mesopotamian Desert, and the basin of the Euphrates, which have always been inhabited by Arab tribes, rather than to the vast Southern Peninsula. The Jews, in the same way, whose geogra- phical notions Avere very limited, designated as Arabia, or tho country of the Arabs, the region immediately joining Palestine, and stretching southward to the Red Sea." (Journ. of Koy. Asiatic Society, vol. xi. p. 38.) Thus it Avas that, in accordance with the views entertained at that epoch, we find Xenophon deserting those regions of Mesopo- tamia which lie north-westward of the Khabur, as Syria ; and those to the south, as Arabia. The Athenian historian's descrip- tion of the desert is so concise, and so graphic, as to be familiar to every one, and, as a consequent penalty, has been often quoted as descriptive of regions which have- little in common with tho particular territory in question. KIVER MASCAS AXD CITY OF CORSOTE. Marching through this region, Xenophon relates, they came to the river Mascas, the breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surround- ed by the Mascas. At a distance of sixty-three miles touching the river curves, or of one hundred miles and upward by the river's winding, a con- siderable tract of alluvium is cut off from the main-land, by a canal, which drawn from the river at a northerly point, empties .Hself by three different embouchures to the south. Beyond aro cliffs of marls and gypsum, upon which traces of ruins of older lime are still to be met. The place is called in the present day J.rzah or Izrah, and also by corruption TVerdi. It is not at all improbable from this site being nearly opposite to Al Kayim, the Agamana of Ptolemy, where the great desert route from Palestine to Babylon first touches the Euphrates, that this was one of the cities of bondage, where the captive Israelites awaited the coming of Ezra, with the glad message that was to enable them to return to their own country. In this case the Masca would correspond to the Ahava of Scripture. The ruins of Corsote of Xenophon would appear to have been on the plain, being described as entirely surrounded by the Mas- cas, unless Ave are to understand, as is more probable, that this description alludes to the great bend of the river at this point, and which is described by lialbi, Avho descended the Euphrates iu 292 COMMENTARY OX 1579, as keeping tliem from morning to noon in sight of the rains. When Balbi, however, speaks of these ruins as of greater extent than the city of Cairo, and presenting nothing to view but portions of massy walls and lofty tower?, we must conclude that he mis- took the cliffs anil great broken masses of gypsum for fragments of ruin. Itauwolf, who traveled in 1574, also described the penin- sula as occupying more than half ft day to encompass it. GATES OF BABYLONIA. From Corsote Cyrus proceeded, thir- teen days' march, through the desert, a distance of ninety para- eangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the Gates. Colonel Chesney is inclined to think, that as it appears by the subsequent movements, that the " Gates " were about twenty-four miles short of the Median "Wall, the pass in question may safely be placed about twenty-seven miles below Hit, or nearly opposite to the village of Jarrah, from which, by the map, there are about one hundred und seventy-five or one hundred and seventy-seven geographical miles to represent the ninety parasangs from Corsoto to the Pyloe, which at 1.98 each, give 178.2 geographical miles. (ii. 214.) The banks of the Euphrates in this part of the route, and more particularly in the lower portion, are exceedingly rocky and irreg- ular, till we arrive at the level alluvial plains of Babylonia. It is difficult among these irregular hills to distinguish one place as more worthy of being designated as a pass than the other, and I had hence been induced by that circumstance, and by a considera- tion of the distance traveled (and which, by supposing the troops to have been compelled to keep to the banks of the river, I had given a much greater length to than Colonel Chesney), to identify the Pylas with the pass or descent from the hills upon the plain of Babylonia itself. Eennell, it is to be observed, coincides in this view of the subject, as he conjectures that the term pyla? refers to the shutting \ip of the river itself between the mountains, which terminate at the Bame place on both sides of the river. This termination of the hilly country at the level alluvial plain of Babylonia constitutes indeed a very remarkable feature in the physical aspect of these regions. The Rev. J. F. Macmichael, in his edition of Xenophon (Appen- dix, p. 336), suggests the conclusion that Pylaa Avas neither city (as Larcher surmised) nor mountain defile, but the ancient pass into Babylonia through the Median "Wall, at a time when it ex- tended as when entire it must have done to the Euphrates. There is a great deal of plausibility in tins suggestion. CHARMANDE. On this long inarch through the desert, the troops are described as passing over on rafts of skins to an opulent and cxteusive city, called Charmande. As no distances are given, THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHOX. 293 I was inclined to identify this site with the most important posi- tion on the right bank of the Euphrates, that occurs within the inter- val between Corsote and the " Gates," viz. the city of Izor Izanes- copolis, whose bitumen fountains were visited by Alexander, by Trajan, by Severus, and by Julian; but Colonel Che?ney (ii. 214) is more inclined to seek for the site at some ruins, which occur on the right bank opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jubbah. This is evidently, at the present moment, a position that is not satisfac- torily determined. FIELD OF REVIEW IN BABYLONIA. Cyrus is described as pro- ceeding through Babylonia, three days' march, a distance of twelve pnrasangs; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks and Barbarians in the plain, about mid- night; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his army to offer him battle. The spot at which this review took place would, allowing 3 geo. miles to the parasang, be 36 miles beyond the Pylas, 32 miles south of the Wall of Media, 36 miles north of Cunaxa, and 72 miles north of Babylon. If we allow only 2.5 geo. miles, or place the Pylso north of the plain of Babylonia, the distances will be proportionately diminished. We have, however, a means of de- termining the positioning of the army of Cyrus on the plain of Babylonia a little more accurately, from the events recorded in the next day's march. TEEXCIT OF AKTAXERXES. Cyrus proceeded from the field of re- view on the plain of Babylonia, one day's march, a distance of three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, drawn up in order of battle ; for he expected that on this day the king would give him battle ; as about the middle of the day's march, there was a deep trench dug ; the breadth of it was five fathoms, and the width three. This ditch extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the Wall of Media. Here are the canals which are supplied from the river Tigris ; there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and very deep ; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the trench, about twenty feet in breadth. This trench the Great King had made to serve as a defense, when he heard that Cyrus was marching against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made their Avay and got within the trench. If the trench or ditch, here spoken of, had been a canal drawn diagonally from the river Tigris, such a canal 36 peo. miles in length, starting from the X. E. or Tigris end of the Median Wall, would just touch on the maps attached to the Expedition for the Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, the Xahr Isa or Saklawiy* 294 COMMENTARY OX canal at or about the ruins of Sifairah, ancient Sippara. But there seems no reason to suppose that it was a canal. Xenophon appears to distinguish this trench or ditch from the four canals derived from the river Tigris which he describes in the same para- graph. This, however, may be open to doubt. In such a situation a trench or ditch might naturally be supposed to be full of water. But whichever may be the case, it is not said that it was drawn from the Tigris, but merly that it extended upward to the Me- dian Wall. Now a distance of 36 geo. miles laid down on the Expedition map from a central portion of the Median Wall, would carry the trencli to the Abu Gharib country, somewhere about where the Nahr Malka or Malik has its origin. This would place the field of review in the same region, some seven or eight miles to the northward, and would lead us to suppose, as would be most naturally the case, that the four canals were drawn from the great overflow of the Tigris near Accad, called Al Hur, and from the Tigris itself between that and Al Ghirarah, in the very line in fact of Colonel Chesney's proposed line of communication. All the com- mentators on Xenophon have found great difficulty in admitting the historian's accuracy in this point, because he differs from other authorities, as Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, and Ammianus, in making the canals flow from the Tigris; all others describing them as flowing from the Euphrates. But this difficulty loses its force, when we consider that the alluvial plain between the two rivers is so level that it merely requires to alter the diagonal direc- tion of a canal to determine which way its waters shall flow, and thus the marsh of Al Hur is flooded at one season by the Tigris, at another by the Euphrates through the Isa canal. Thus also the Isa, Xahr Malik, and other canals, flow from the Euphrates to the Tigris, while the Shat-al-Hai flows from the Tigris to the Euphrates. It is probable that, at the time of Artaxerxes, the usual canals may have also flowed from Euphrates to Tigris, and that the four canals of Xenophon described as only 2 1-2 or 3 miles from one another, were exceptions to the Kile, and drawn from the marsh of Accad and the Tigris, above the canals of Babylon itself, which may have flowed from the Euphrates to the Tigris. BATTLE-FIELD OF CUXAXA. As the king made no attempt at the trench to prevent the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighting; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march with less caution. This was still more the case on the next day's inarch; when news came that the Great King was approach- ing, and the battle so fatal to Cyrus took place. We have here an account of short, desultory, and irregular marches, Avhich would have brought the allies, according to Colo- nel Chesney, to, at, or near the mounds, of Muhammad, 34 or 36 miles along the river from the Median Wall ; but, according to my THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 295 former estimate of the value of the parasang, nearer to the site of Imsayab or Mussayib, about 15 miles direct, but upward of 20 by the bends of the river, north of Babylon. It is evident that Cyrus deemed himself very near to Babylon, since lie had almost given up any thoughts of resistance on the part of Arta- xerxes. Xenoplion describes the battle fully, but does not mention the name of the place where it was fought. Plutarch, in his Life of Artaxerxes, has alone preserved it, and states that it was 500 sta- dia from Babylon. This would make it fifty miles north of Baby- lon. Xenoplion, however, says that the distance from the field of battle to Babylon was only 360 stadia, or 36 miles, a distance which would tally best with that of the before-mentioned mounds of Muhammad. MOUND, ON PLAIN OF BABYLONIA. The night of the battle, the Greeks pursued the Persians as far as a certain village, where they halted; for above the village was a hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight. The hill here alluded to appears to have been one of the numerous artificial mounds, topes, or tells, sometimes sepulchral, sometimes heaps of ruin, which abound on the plain of Babylonia. The word used to designate the hill is sufficiently descriptive, yj^o^of, a compound of yrt, earth, and Ao^ot, hill, mound, or tumulus, " a heap of earth." It is the more important to establish this fact, as there are no natural hills on the plain of Babylonia; and, therefore, the mention made by Xenoplion of a hill at this place has led the distinguished traveler, Baillie Fraser, to consider it as furnishing evidence of the battle having been fought to the north of the Median Wall. BABYLONIAN VILLAGES. As soon as a retreat had been decided upon between the Greeks and the Barbarians, and the line of route to be followed determined by Aria3us, they started on a long day's journey to certain villages, the position of which would be in a great measure determined by a more satisfactory conclusion as to the site of Cunaxa. Colonel Chesney places these villages on the Abu Gharib or Nahr Sarsar of Abulfeda, near the extensive mounds nnd ruins of Kush or Sindiyali. The direction of the next march is not given, but it is stated that the army met with ditches and canals, so full of water, that they could not cross without bridges ; but they made crossings of the palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. There is every reason to believe from this statement that the Greeks were led into the interior of Babylonia, and Clearchus ap- pears justly to have suspected that the ditches had been filled with water purposely, as it was not the season for irrigating the land. At last they arrived at some villages, where was plenty of corn, and wine made from dates, and where it would appear they rc- nained twenty-three or twenty-four days. 296 COMMENTARY ON OF MEDIA. At length, after inarching three days, they arrived at the Wall of Media, as it is called, and passed to the other side of if. This wall was built of burned brick?, laid in bitu- men ; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs; and it was not far distant from Babylon. " Not the least remarkable of the discoveries," says the Rev. J. F. Macmichael in the Appendix to his Xenophon, "which of late years have marked the progress of geographical inquiry in this most interesting, but, till of late, unexplored region, is the actual existence at the present time of an ancient wall stretching across Mesopotamia at the head of the Babylonian plain. Mr. Boss, who first examined it at its eastern terminus, in 1836, describes it under the name of Khalu or Sidd Nirurud (wall or embankment of Nimrod), and as a straight wall 25 long paces thick, and from 35 to 40 feet high, running S. W. 1-4 K as far as the eye could reach, to two mounds called Kamelah (Sifairah, Ainsw. p. 81-2), on tho Euphrates, some hours above Felujah. The eastern extremity was built of the small pebbles of the country, cemented with lime of great tenacity ; and further inland, his Bedouin guides told him it was built of brick, and in some places worn down level with the desert, and was built by Ximrod to keep off the people of Nineveh, with whom he had an implacable feud. (Journal of R. Geog. S. ix. p. 44G). It was further examined by Captain Lynch, and its ea-tern extremity determined to be in lat. 34 3' 30", and long. 21' 50" W. of Baghdad. (U>id. p. 472). " The identity of this wall with Xenophon's Wall of Media was assumed by the explorers tacitly, but with strong ground of prob- ability. Of the great antiquity of the Sidd Nimrud there can be no question ; record of its origin there is none, except local tra- dition assigning it to Kimrod. On the other hand, the continued existence of a wall (corresponding to the Median) from Xeno- phon's age down to comparatively recent times, is attested by a chain of scattered notices in later writer?. Such a wall is men- tioned by Eratosthenes (in the third century B.C., quoted by Strabo ii. ], and xi. 14), as -d rt/c I,e[*ipdui6oe dia-ei^iajna, having its eastern terminus at or near Opis. Again, its western terminus Avas noticed (in a state of ruin) by Anun. Marcellinus (303 A.D.) at Macepracta on the Euphrates, near the head of a canal, Avhich he distinguishes from the Naha Malcha (Xahr Malik) doubtless the Saklawiyeh, a few miles north ofvrhich is theS.W. extremity of the Sidd Nimrud." "Their identity is further attested by their occupying the same general position as a partition-line between the rocky desert of Arabia, and the fertile alluvial plain of Babylonia : the Sidd Xim- rud, for all practical purposes, distinguishes tho Babylonian plain from the hilly and rocky country. "(Ainsw. p. 82, note 2;. And THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHOS". 297 that alike position must be assigned to the Median Wall is strongly indicated hy the name it bears, TO Mediae TeZ^of. For the Medea under Cyaxares had conquered all Assyria up to Babylonia, a tract which, in Herodotus, includes the entire canal district (i. 193), and in Xenophon commences -where the desert of Arabia terminates at or near a place called Pylaa (i. 5. 5), where, accord- ingly we should look for the western* terminus of the Median Wall." From a consideration of the different circumstances detailed by Xenophon of the first retrograde steps taken after the battle of Cunaxa, I was induced to believe that Tissaphernes, having arrived with his army and the guides, marched, as Xenophon expresses it, as if he designed to return home; that he led the Greeks three days' marcli, or about thirty-six: miles, toward Sifairah, at which point he turned round, and conducted them through the "Wall into Sitacene, thus leaving them in perplexity with regard to the rela- tions of that rich and fertile province to the city of Babylon. (Trav. in the Track, etc., p. 108-9). The following is the account given by Colonel Chesney of this the first portion of the Catabasis, and which is so difficult to un- derstand. " In taking a northerly direction from the presumed position of the camp, it would be necessary to cross the Nahr Malka; and on account of this obstruction, as well as the pres- ence of an enemy, the distance made would scarcely exceed ten miles. Fatigued by the march, and without sustenance, a slight circumstance was sufficient to cause a tumult, and almost a panic, among the Greeks. The panic was, however, speedily calmed by the ingenuity of Clearchu*, and at day-break ho marched with the intention of becoming the assailant. This bold maneuver led to a negotiation with the king on equal terms, and guides were in consequence appointed to conduct the Greeks across the Nahr Scrsar, and its affluents, which intersect this part of the country. These cuts appear to have been filled with water, but the difficulties were overcome by cutting down the palm-trees to make bridges, in which operation Clearchus set the example ; and the army reached the intended halting-place in some villages probably not more than ten miles from the preceding station. These were abundantly provided with corn, vinegar, and wine made from dates. After spending about twenty-three days in negotiations, having made engagements to be faithfully conducted homeward, and ob- tained supplies, the Greeks, the troops of Ariajus, and those of the king under Tissaphernes, commenced what seemed a peace- able march, although certain circumstances attending it gave rise to suspicion, and some precautions were adopted in conse- quence by the Greeks. In three days, probably, taking, as in the preceding march, a westerly direction, in order to round the marshes and inundations near Akar Ivuf, the armies came up to and de- 298 COMMENTARY ON" parted from the Median "Wall into the interior. This wall, whose remains are described in Xenophon, was of bricks, and once 100 feet high and 20 feet thick : it is still to be traced, with its towers and ditch, running south-westward from the Tigris, nearly opposite Kadisiyeh, to the Euphrates, near Felujah, a distance of forty- two or forty-three miles." This view of the subject is illustrated by the following note : " The translation of this passage of Xenophon, U^LKOV-O irpbf rd M?7<5mf reZjof, not KaprjWov avrov eiau (Anabasis, lib. ii. cap. iv.), has been much discussed and variously rendered. In Allpress's Xeno- phon, p. 80, the army is made to arrive at, and pass along within, the Median Wall; which translation is also given in the Anabasis of Xenophon, by Charles Anthon, L.L.D. William Tegg and Co. Cheapside (By passing within this wall, Dr. Anthon does not appear to understand keeping to the south side of it, but passing through it, for he says in a note (p. 157 of the 1st edition), Ains- worth thinks that this going through the Median "Wall, etc. W.F.A.) ; by the Rev. Dr. Butcher, Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin ; as Avell as by Schneider, who, in a note on this passage, condemns Ilalbkardt for translating it, 'Ivamensie zur Medischen Mauer, und setzen nnnjenseit derselben ihren Marsch fort.'" Viger, in his Greek Idioms, also quotes an instance from Xeno- phon, where the verb occurring in the passage in question joined with a substantive in the genitive case, signifies " departure from " or deflection ; and Donnegan's Greek Lexicon gives elau as an ad- verb, with the signification of " in the interior," " inside," or with- in, which renderings of the passage are in conformity with the relative geographical positions of the Median Wall and Sitace. On the other hand, Hutchinson, in his edition of Xenoplion, p. 139 (Hutchinson's translation is " inlraque eum ingressi sunt" p. 145, Oxford edition, 1745, W.F.A.), and Mitford, History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 189, state that the Greeks came up to and passed through the Median Wall; and this interpretation has been followed by Bishop Thirlwall, in his History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 335, ed. Lon- don, 1847, since he conceives, in accordance with Passow, in his Greek Lexicon, that when joined with a verb of motion, elau must bear the signification of to the inside, not on the inside. The bishop '" / " St. David's considers that Schneider's condemnation of Halb- .' -*rdt arises solely from the great difficulty of reconciling his trans- lation with the geographical position of Sitace, but that the philo- logical difficulty thus raised by Schneider, is quite as great as the geographical difficulty of the other. The same opinion appears to be held by other Grecian scholars ; the Eight Rev. Dr. Wilson, Lord Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, and the Rev. Dr. Mac-Donnell, Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, among the number." (Vol. ii. p. 219 etseq.) To this array of authorities I may add that of the Rev. J. F. Mac- THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 299 micriael, Head-master of the Grammar School, Burton on Trent, who says, "We gather from the narrative, that they commenced the retreat (after joining Ariaws) in a northerly direction (ii. 2. 8), and continued it with Tissaphernes who was journeying home- wards ((if e*f OIKOV UTTLUV, iv. 8) far enough in this direction to pass out of Babylonia; for on the sixth day of the retreat, they passed within the Median "Wall (-apijZdov elau avrov, iv. 12) an expression which can only signifv an entry through it into Baby- lonia. (Cf. 1. iv. 4, 5 vfi. 1C.) "The line of route suggested by Mr. Ainsworth, viz. back by Pyla3, and then for some distance on the N. side of the Wall, is apparently the only one consistent Avith the data, geographical and historical, of the problem." P. 339. Apart, however, from the respect due to Colonel Chesney's views of the matter it remains quite an open question, whether a north-westerly route, to avoid the ITur or marshes of Akka Kuf, would not have taken the Greeks to .1 position so near to the Median Wall as to be described by them as within that Avail, before they turned to the eastward toAvard Sitace. SITACE. From the Wall of Media they proceeded, in two days' march, the distance of eight parasangs ; crossing IAVO canals, the one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one, formed of seven boats. These canals Avere supplied from the river Tigris ; and from one to the other of them Avere cut ditches across tho country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller ; and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through tho panic fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; near Avhich there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from tho banks of the river only fifteen stadia. Xenophon, by repeating the circumstance here, that the canals Avere derived from the Tigris, lends additional Aveight to his prior statement, that at that time the northerly part of the plain of Babylonia Avas Avatered from the Tigris. Tho Arabs of Balad in- formed Captain Lynch, that there Avere anciently tAvo canals, which ran across from the Tigris to the Euphrates one from Tstabalat, called Jalilu-i-Darb, near where the Dujail, "Littlo Tigris," leaves the Tigris, and one that ran from the Dujail itself, called Bu Khaimah. (Journal of R. G. S., vol. ix. p. 474.) There are also in the same district the remains of several canals Avhich Avere drawn iu olden time from the river Tigris to floAv back into the same river. Among the most remarkable are the Dujail, or Dijail, or Little Tigris; the Shat Aidha and the Ishakli. Ak- bara, a favorite residence of the Khalifs, Avas on the Shat Aidha. Mr. Ross sought for Sitace at Shiriat-al-Baidha, or the White River, Avhere there are extensive ruins, consisting of mounds and embankments, and the dry ditch of a canal extending northAvard some miles, and Avestward almost to the colossal ruin of Akka Kuf or Accad the only remaining example of an Assyrian or Baby- 300 COMMENTARY ON Ionian ruin not converted by the lapse of time and disintegration of materials into a tel or mound. Having been led to reject the identification of the river Physcus with the modern Athaim, as surmised by Mr. Ross and Captain Lynch, upon the grounds advanced by Colonel Rawlinson, that if the Katur or Xahrawan canals existed in the time of Xenophon, they would represent the Physcus and not the Athaim, I was further induced, by considering the incompatibility of the distance between Shiriat-al-Baidha and Opis at the confluence of the Athaim, with that reported by Xenophon, to seek for the ruins of Sitace at or near the site of Akbara. Colonel Chesney has, by placing Opis at or a little above Kayim or Kaim, and close to the head of a second or lower branch of the Nahr-wan, called the Xahr-,il-Risas, and which he identifies with tho Phvscu?, got over this difficulty. "In taking the distance backward," says Colonel Chesney, vol. ii. p. 221, "at the average rate of the march through Asia Minor, or 2.608 geographical miles per parasang along the Upper Tigris (at the favorable season of the year), from the known point of the river Zab, there would be 130 geographical miles for the fifty parasangs to Opis, which places that city a little above Ivaim, and close to the head of the Nahrawan, instead of being, as before sup- posed, some miles lower down near the river Athaim. Twenty parasangs, or fifty-two geographical miles, from the latter, the an- cient bed of the "Tigris, would place Sitace about ten miles north- west of Baghdad, near Sheriat-el-Beidha, the presumed site of tho Sitace of Xenophon." This identification, it will be observed, establishes the correspond- ence of the old bed of the river Tigris the Shat Aidha with tho Tigris of Xenophon. OPIS. From the Tigris, the Greeks are described as proceeding in four days' inarch, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was a plethrnm in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis. Tho discussion of the true positioning of Sitace involved, it has been seen, a knowledge of the site of Opis, Avhich was situated at the issue of the Katur, or Nahrawan, from the Tigris. 1 The Rev. Mr. Macmichael remarks upon this identification of a river witli :\ canal, that it is not improbably the third instance in the work of Xenophon. " Ainsworth," he says in the Appendix (p. 339), u fol- lowing Colonel Rawlinson, who is inclined to identity the Physcus with the ancient canal, Katnr or Nahrawan (compare the case of the Daradax and Masca, called -ora/tot, 1. iv. 10, n., and v. 4; the 1 Colonel Chesney's Al Kayim is situated, it has been observed, on th Ni'jr-al-Kisas, a tributary to the Katur or Nahrawan; the rains of Dura, aiiJ taDse called now Old Baghdad, ere upon the Katur or Nahrawan proper. THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON 3d breadth also (a pletlirnm), which is uniformly that of canals (v. 1; vii. 15), somewhat favor the supposition." Opis was a city of considerable commercial importance at one lime, having, according to the learned Dr. Vincent, risen into emi- nence upon the decline of the Assyrian cities on the Tigris, and then again decayed in its turn, as Seleucia, and Apamea, the crea- tion of the Seleucidse, became conspicuous; hence its positioning is of great interest to comparative geography generally. VILLAGES OF PAEYSATIS. From Opis the Greeks proceeded through Media, six days' inarch through a desert country, a dis- tance of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the villages of Pary satis, the mother of Cyrus and the king. At 2.608 geographical miles for each of the thirty parasangs, or 78.24 geographical miles, the villages in question would have been situated, according to Colonel Chesney (ii. 222), about three miles beyond the Lesser Zab a river concerning the existence of which Xenophon is as silent as he was regarding the Lake of Antioch and its tributaries. The position of these villages, according to the distance stated in the text, would, says Dr. Anthon (note to Xenophon, p. 163), both in Lynch's and in Rich's maps, fall pretty nearly at the posi- tion marked Tel Kunus in the first, and Tel Geloos in the second. This is the same identification as in tlie ''Travels in the Track." It is however over-estimated, being laid down in the maps, in- stead of as in other cases corrected for the difficulties of road, which in most cases render my estimate of 3 geo. miles equal to not more than 2.5 on the map, making them really of the same value as accorded by Eennell, Colonel Chesney, Hamilton, and Layard. C-EN^E. From the villages of Parysatis the Greeks advanced in a inarch of five days more through the desert, a distance of twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of the first day's march, there was situate on the opposite bank of the river, a large and opulent city, called Caen, whence the Barba- rians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, and wine. Captain Lynch having found some ruins with a canal called fienn, not far from the embouchure of the Great Zab on the oppo- site side of the Tigris, I was induced to identify the Coenao of tho Greeks with that spot, puzzled however at the same time to iden- tity this site with the Scena of Strabo, and which according to the Amasian geographer was a remarkable city the capital of tho tScenite Arabs eighteen schseni or one hundred and eight miles from Seleucia, and with a canal which was carried thence to the confines of Babylonia. Notwithstanding the difficulty of gettinp a canal 'hronjrh the Lilly ranges south of Kalah Shirgat, still, considering iiu> corree- 802 COMMENTARY ON tiou given to the distances by Colonel Chesney, I am inclined tc suppose that the site must be the same as the ruins at the last- mentioned place, and not exactly, as Colonel Chesney has it, at the ruins of the Ur of the Persians, which he says are three or four miles below Shirkat or Toprak Kalahsi. (ii. p. 222.) Kalah Shirgat, since the time when I first visited it in company with Layard, in 1840, has been the scene of many most remark- able and interesting discoveries in Assyrian Archaeology, made by the most successful explorer. Among other monuments of olden time, a cylinder, a splendid relic, containing 800 lines of beautiful writing, at least 100 yearj older than the oldest monument hitherto discovered in Assyria, was found here. It was, when found, broken into a hundred frag- ments, and in some pans even reduced to powder; but the whole has been carefully joined together, and barely a dozen lines lost. Colonel B&wlinson states (Journal of Eoyal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. p. xvi. et seq.) that it contains the bulletins of Tiglatli Pile- ser I., a king who is mentioned in the annals of Assur-akh-pal, as a remote ancestor; and as Divanuras, the builder of Calah, must, Colonel Rawlinson thinks, intervene between the connected series and this king, and as there is no mention on the cylinder either of Calali or Nineveh ; the Colonel is led to believe that the capital of the empire at that early period, that is before the build- ing of Nineveh, was Kileh Shirgat, as he spells it, itself, and which is every where on the cylinder named Assur, as it is also in the well-known sitting figure obtained from the same place by Layard, and now in the British Museum. This ancient and pre-Ninevite capital of the Assyrian empire being then named Assur, Avas also, according to Colonel Rawlin- son, the Allasar of Genesis, of which Arioch was the king. It is also the Tel Assur of the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Resen; and instead, therefore, of Resen being between Nineveh find Calah, it should be Calah, which was between Nineveh and Resen. " I consider," adds the Colonel, " these three sites to be now determinately fixed Nineveh at Nebbi Yunus, Calah at Nimrud, and Resen at Shirgat." Notwithstanding such high authority, I can not help feeling that there will yet be found no reason for thus forcing the reading of the Mosaic record. The term Assur has been found at Nimrud as well as at Shirgat. 1 And it is very likely to apply to the co'in- i Boss (Jour. E. G. S. vol. ix. p. 451) calls it Kalah Sherkat. Eich (vol. ii. p. 138), Toprak Kalaa and Kalaat-ul-Shirgath. Lavard (Nineveh and its Eemains, i. 4; ii. 45 and 51 ; and Discoveries in the Euins of Nineveh and Babylon, p. 581), Kalah Sherghat. Chesney (vol. ii. 222), Sherkat or Topruk Kalahsi. Myself, Kaleh Sherkat and Kalah Shirgat. We have all looked upon it as a modern name, signifying the same, in Turkish, Toprak Kalah, and La Arabic, Kalah Shirgat, " castle of earth." THE AXABASIS OF XENOPHOK 303 try rather than to the city. If, as I suspect it will "stilt turn out to be the case, Nimrud is ever identified by satisfactory paleogra- phic research with Resen, and Kalah Shirgat with Calah, the Biblical expression will be found to be correct. Colonel Rawlinson has himself been induced to change his opinions with progressive inquiry, he having in 1839 identified Calah with Hohvan ne.ir Sar Puli Zohab (Journ. of Koy. Geo. Soo. ix. p. 35 et seq.) ; and in 18i9 or 50, identified the same place Avith Nimrud. (Journ. of Roy. Asiut, Soc. xii. p. 417). In the ''Memoir on Cuneiform Inscriptions," published in the eleventh volume of the Jour. Roy. Asiat. Soc., Colonel Rawlinson speaks of Athur-a and Athur-nya as the cuneiform expression for our Assyria. lie then adds in a note, the Arabic geographers always give the title of Athur to the great ruined capital nenr the mouth of the Upper Zab. If so, that place is just as likely to bo the Tel Assur of the Targums as Kalah Shirgat, and consequently, as far as any identification founded on such data will go, the same as Resen. RIVEIJ ZABATUS. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zabatns, the breadth of which was four plethra. The river Zab is too well known to detain us long. It is in the present day called Zab Ala. Thevenot and Tavernier called it Zarb and Zarbe. It is the Lycus of the older geographers, with the exception of Pliny, who calls it Zirbis, and Marcellinus, who misspells it Diaba. The Zab is one of the principal confluents of the Tigris, and at certain seasons of the year brings down a larger body of water than the main stream. There are many tels or mounds of ruin on the south side of the Zab near its confluence with the Tigris, in the plain of Sliumanuk, 01- Shomanok, now tenanted by the Tai Arabs, some of wliicl: tho indefatigable Layard caused to be excavated by the Jehesh A nibs under his pay. Among the most remarkable of these is the lot'tv mound of Kashaf or Keshaf, an artificial platform of earth and unbaked bricks resting upon limestone rock, and crowned by the remains of i deserted fort, tho mounds and ruins called Muk- hamur or Mokhamour, in the pastoral plains between the Karajuk hills and the Tigris, the mound of Abu Jerdah, that of Abu Shi'tha or Abou Sheetha, and eight others enumerated by Layard, all in- dicative of a large and prosperous population in olden times. Speaking more particularly of the mound called Abu-Shith.i, Layard says (p. 225), "Xear this ruin, perhaps at its very foot, must have taken place an event which led to one of the most cele- brated episodes of ancient history. Here were treacherously seized Clearchus, Proxenus, Menon, Agias, and Socrates ; and Xenophon, elected to the command of the Greek Auxiliaries, com- menced the ever-memorable retreat of the Ten. Thousand. The camp 304 COMMENTARY ON of Tissaphernes, dappled with its many-colored tents, ancl glitter- ing with golden arms and silken standards, the gorgeous display ot" Persian pomp, probably stood on the Kordereh (Kur Darah, valley of Cyrus?) between Abou Sheatha and the Kasr. The Greeks having taken the lower road to the west of the Karachok range, through a plain even then as now a desert, turned to the east, and crossed the spur of the mountain, where we had recently seen the tents of the Howar, in order to reach the fords of the Zab." PASS OF THE ZABATCS. Misfortunes awaited the Greeks at Ihis point, and active hostilities ensuing upon the passage of the Zab, that passage was deferred for a short time. The Persians hav- ing been described by Xenophon as taking up a position at the ford over the Z;il>, I was induced to identify the place of passage, notwitstanding its distance from the confluence of the Zab and Tigris, with the ford at Kulak Kupar, which is beyond tlie ferry called Kulik Izidi, or the pass of the Yezidees. " The fact of their leaving the Tigris," says the Rev. Mr. Mac- michael in the Appendix to the Xenophon (p. 340), " and march- ing up the Zab before crossing it, though not expressly stated, is tsutficiently indicated by the remark that they arrived at the Tigris near Larissa (iii. 4. 6), after two marches from the ford. It is also to be added to this, that it seems probable that they crossed above the junction of the Khazir-su or Bum ad us, as they are de- cribed as passing on their way to Larissa, a valley formed by a torrent." Colonel Chesney makes the Greeks cross the Zab near its con- fluence, " probably in boats," (ii. 222). Layard, who has examined the country about the confluence of the two rivers with great care, says, u The ford by which the Greeks crossed the great Zab (Zab.ites) may, I think, be accurately determined. It is still the principal ford in this part of the river, and must, from the naturo of the bed of the stream, have been so from the earliest periods. It is about twenty-five miles from the confluence of the Zab and Tigris. A march of twenty-five stadia, or nearly three miles, in the direction of Larissa, would have brought them to the Ghazer or Burmadus ; and this stream Avas, I have little doubt, the deep valley formed by the torrent where Mithridates, venturing to attack the retreating army was signally defeated." (Discov. in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, p. 60). Layard is wrong in saying that "Mr. Ainsworth would tnke the Greeks up to the modern ferry, where there could never have been a ford." I said distinctly "(Trav. in the Track, etc., p. 119) the actual ferry is at Kelek Izedi (or Kulak Izidi), but beyond this, at Kelek Gopar (Kulak Kupar), the river is said to be ford- able at favorable seasons. This Mr. Rassam and myself ascer- tained on the spot. As it appears, however, there is a ford THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 305 lower down the river. m\t\ yet above the confluence of the Kliazir- pu, it is evidently useless to go higher up the river in search of a spot for the passage of the Greek?. LAP.ISSA. Having crossed the Zabatii", the Greeks were only enabled, owing to the hostile front presented by Mithridates, the satrap of the new district they had entered upon, to advance some five and twenty stadia to some villages on the plain. The next morning they started earlier than usual on account of the ravine, but the Persians did not attack them till they had crossed the torrent, and being driven back, the Greeks traveled the rest of the day without molestation, arriving at the river Tigris, where was a large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which the Medes had formerly inhabited. The identity of the Larissa of Xenophon with the ruins of Nira- rud, the scene of Layard's most remarkable discoveries, appearing to be undisputed by those who have written since the publication of the " Travels in the Track," it only remains to notice some facts that have sprung out of more recent researches. The learned Bochart first advanced the supposition that this Assyrian city was the same as the primeval city, called Resen in the Bible and that the Greeks having asked its name were answered, Al Resen, the article being prefixed, and from whence they made Larissa, in an easy transposition. I adopted this presumed identity as extremely probable, and Colonel Chesney (ii. 223) has done the same, not as an established fact, but as a presumed identity. Layard was satisfied with looking upon Nimrud as a quarter of Nineveh. "That the ruins at Nimrud were within the precincts of Nineveh," he says in Nineveh and its Remains (vol. ii. p. 245), " If they do not alone mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, and by'Ptolemy's statement, that the city Avas on the Lycus, cor- roborated by the tradition preserved by the earliest Arab geogra- phers. Yakut and others, mention the ruins of Athur, near Sela- miyah, which gave the name of Assyria to the province ; and Ibn Said expressly states, that they were those of the city of the As- syrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem. They are still called, as it lias been shown, both Athur and Nimrond." Certain cuneiform characters represented in Layard's Nineveh and its Remains (vol. ii. p. 228, 229), were, from their frequent recurrence both in the sculptures and the bricks, supposed to rep- resent the name of Asshur. Dr. Hincks deemed them to repre- sent either the name, or an abbreviation of the name of Athur, the country of Assyria. u lt is possible," Layard remarks upon this, "that Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used ia speaking of the country." Athor, or Athyr, has also been read by Dr. Hincks as the name of the presiding divinity on the monuments of Assyria, somewhat. 306 COMMENTARY OX we suppose, in the same "way, only with more religious feeling mixed up with it, that Britannia represents Great Britain. In 1846, Colonel Rawlinson, speaking of Nimrud, noticed it at probably the Rehoboth of Scripture, but he added in a note, " I Lave no reason for identifying it with Rehoboth, beyond its evident antiquity, and the attribution of Resen and Calah to other sites. (Journal of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. x. p. 26.) At this time Colonel Rawlinson identified Calah with Holwan or Sir Pul-i-Zohab, and Resen, or Dasen, with Yasin Teppeh in the plain of Sharizur hi Kurdistan. (See note to p. 23 op. cit.) In 1849 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xi. p. 10), Colonel Rawlinson said, " The Arabic geographers always give the title of Athur to the great ruined capital near the mouth of the Upper Zab. The ruins are now usually known by the name of Nimrud. It would seem highly probable that they represent the Calah of Genesis, for the Samaritan Pentateuch names this city Lachisa, which is evidently the same title as the Aapiaaa of Xenophon, the Persian r being very usually replaced both in Median and Baby- lonian by a guttural." In 1850 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xii.), Colonel Rawlin- son added the discovery of a cuneiform inscription bearing the title Levekh, which he reads Halukh. " Nimrud," says the distin- guished palseographist, " the great treasure-house which lias furnished us Avith all the most remarkable specimens of Assyrian sculpture, although very probably forming one of that group of cities, which in the time of the prophet Jonas, were known by the common name of Nineveh, has no claim, itself, I think, to that particular appellation. The title by which it is designated on the bricks and slabs that form its buildings, I read doubtfully as Le- vekh, and I suspect this to be the original form of the name which appears as Calah in Genesis, and Halah in Kings and Chronicles, and which indeed, as the capital of Calachene, must needs havo occupied some site in the immediate vicinity." Lastly, in 1853 (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Sor. vol. xv. p. vi. etseq.), Colonel Rawlin?o:i describes the remarkable cylinder before al- luded to as found at Kilah Shirgat, Avhich establishes that site to have been the most ancient capital of the Assyrian empire, and to have been called Assur as well as Nimrud and Nineveh Proper. This Assur, we have seen, he identifies with the Tel Assur of the Turgums. Avhich is used for the Mosaic Resen ; and instead, there- fore, of Resen being between Nineveh and Calah, it should be Ca- lah, which was between Nineveh and Resen. But, notwithstanding such very high authority, the conclusion thus arrived at does not appear to be perfectly satisfactory. The discovery of the expression Levekh, and its analogy in the Samari- tan Lachisa and the Greek Larissa, is very curious and very THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 3Q7 remarkable, but not conclusive. The name Assnr, op Athur, occurs just as frequently in connection with Nimnid ,-is with Shir- gat, and, therefore, the same argument of its being the Tel Assur of the Targums, which is nsed for the Mosaic Eesen, would apply to the one as well as to the other. It is possible to imagine two cities like Nineveh and Resen to have been within some twenty miles of one another, but it is not so easy to imagine that in after times one was in the province of Adiabene, the other in that of Caln- chene. This part of the subject will be found discussed at length in the u Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society," (vol. i. part ii.) The whole question, indeed, regarding Nineveh and Assur ap- pears to be involved in a great deal of philological confusion. It is evident that the name of the country came from Assur or Athur, and we can not, therefore, feel surprised at finding the name at Kilah t Shirgat, afterward transposed to Nimrud and to Nineveh, just as we find the Chaldean priests using it in the present day in their bibles at Musul or Mausil. It does not appear, therefore, that any correct data will be derived from naming any of the Assyrian cities from the presence of this epithet. Then again, Avith regard to Nineveh, it may at one time have designated one place, at another time another place, according to where the king took up his abode : and again, it may, in the time of Jonah, have embraced the whole group of cities, as Colonel Rawlinson remarks, in Assyria Proper. Layard does not dispute that the different portions of Nineveh, thus comprehensively viewed, may have had different names. Much light lias already been thrown upon the history of the different Assyrian cities and edifices, as well as upon the dwellers therein, and that is quite suf- ficient to show that we are as yet only upon the threshold of what will be eliminated by the labors of our truly zealous and laborious paleographers and archaeologists. Since the above was written, a letter from Colonel Rawlinson appears in the Athenrcum, No. 1381, making mention of the dis- covery in the S. E. Palace at Nimrud, of a perfect statue of the god Nebo, with an inscription on the breast, stating that the figure in question was executed by a certain sculptor of Lakisa or Calah, and dedicated by him to the Lord Phal-lukha, king of Assyria, and to his Lady, Sammuramit, Queen of the Palace. In the same in- scription the territorial name of Sutgan is mentioned in conjunc- tion with that of the city of Calah, being, Colonel Rawlinson says, the title given by the Samaritan interpreter for the Hebrew of Re- hoboth Ir. The Colonel identifies the king and queen here no- ticed together with the Belochus and Semiramis of the Greek As- syrian lists. lie believes Semiramis to have been the daughter of the king of Medo- Armenia, to have married Phal-lukha, the king of Armenia, when she changed her name from Atossa to Semi- 308 COMMENTARY ON ramis, and to have reigned with her husband as joint monarch of Nineveh in the eighth century before Christ. MESPILA. From Larissa the Greeks are described as proceed- ing, in one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied for- tress, situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila. Upon the data here given, I identified the fortress with the ruins at Yarumjah, and Mespila with Nineveh. Colonel Chesney appears to coincide in this view of the subject. " That Larissa and Mes- pila are represented by the ruins of Nimrud and Kouyunjik," Layard says (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 61), " no one can reason- ably doubt." Colonel Rawlinson, however, says (Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xii. p. 419), " It seems to me very possible that Xenophon's name of Mespila may denote Mosul, and not Nineveh." The term Mes- pila or Meso-pulai, "middle pass or gates," would certain! v appear to apply to the pass of the river between Musul and Kouyunjik or Nabbi Yunus, and there may have been ruins on both banks, for a great mound still exists in Musul. not far from the river, but there is no evidence of such extensive ruins, as are described by Xenophon as being at Mespila, having existed on the right bank of the river, while we know they do occur on the left. Rennell lias, however, also conjectured Musul to be derived from Mesulco, a corruption of Meso-pulai. It does not matter much. Xenophon's name, no doubt, applied to the pass of the Tigris, and therefore to Musul and Nineveh, and his descriptions of ruins to the latter. VILLAGES BEYOND MESPILA. The Greeks proceeded from the pass of the Tigris, one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs, to some villages where there was plenty of corn. Fertility is the characteristic of the plain of Nineveh to the present day, and there are no want of villages. From the data here given, I identified the particular villages at which the Greeks encamped with Tel Kaif, an Assyrian mound with a village or small town at its foot. Colonel Chesney joins me in this identification. Layard, however, says, " they probably halted naar the modern village of Batnai, between Tel Kef and Tel Eskof, an ancient site, exactly four hours, by the usual caravan road, from Kouyunjik." There is no doubt that Tel Kaif is not above nine geog. Tniles from Kouyunjik, and Batnai is twelve. But this is allowing the full three geog. miles to the parasang, and that when the Greeks were harassed throughout the journey by Tissaphernes. Tel Kaif is evidently also an old Assyrian site, which is not so certain with respect to Batnai, and I, therefore, considering all the circumstances of the site, prefer the first identification. PALACES AND VILLAGES. The Greeks remained at the villages on the Assyrian plain the ensuing day, after which they proceeded through the open country, five days' march, till they came to hills, beyond which was a kind of palace and several villages round it. THE ANABASIS OF XENOPEOX. 309 The first hills that are met with in proceeding northward from Assyria to Karducliia, are those which constitute the triple range, designated as the Jibal Ahyad by the Arabs, and Cha Spi by the Kurds, both signifying " white hills," and immediately beyond them is the castle of Zakhu, with villages around it, like a feudal castle of olden times. In no part of the journey do the circum- stances of the case more closely correspond with Xenophon's de- scriptions, especially of the difficulties met with in passing the hilly range, and the unforeseen opposition they met with in the now wooded valleys between the ranges. Colonel Chesney (ii. 224) and Layard (Xineveh and Babylon, p. 61) both agree with me in this identification. It is remarkable that Xenophon does not mention the Khabur, Avhich Dr. Grant confounded with the Chebar of Scripture the Khabnr of Meso potamia although he must have crossed that river either by a ford or bridge. VILLAGE IN THE PLAIN. There being plenty of provisions at Zakhu, the Greeks remained there three days, and on the fourth they went down into the plain. Xenophon neglects here to notice cither the Khabur or its tributary the Hazil, both of which the army must apparently have crossed. They are reported as having encamped at the first village they came to, which I have supposed might correspond with Tel Kubbin, where a mound of ruin marks an ancient site, but Layard does not think they got beyond the Hazil su. The first village in the plain in the present day is Bidari, inhabited by Chaldeans. FOOT OF THE MOUNTAINS. The Greeks evidently continued their march across the plain of Zakhu the Romaion Ager of Procopius till they reached the foot of the hills south of Jizirah. A superior knowledge of the country had, however, been turned to account by the Persians in the mean time, and the Greeks, to their astonishment, found the enemy in possession of the heights over which they necessarily must pass, while the troops of Ariseus and Tissaphernes pressed upon the rear. The scene of this second conflict in the outlying mountains of Kurdistan I have identified with the low hills which constitute that spur of the Jibal Judi which advances immediately beyond the plain of Zakhu down to the banks of the Tigris, and where h the snow ruinous castle of Rabahi the Rabdium of the Low- Empire, Tur Abdin of Al "Wakidis' History of the Conquest of Mesopotamia by the Saracens, and Tur Rabdin of the Jihan Numa. Colonel Chesney agrees with me in this explanation ot matters, but Layard takes the Greeks (p. 62) all the way to Fynyk or Finik, a view of the subject that will meet with very little support from those who will be at the pains to consider the details carefully. KURDISH PLAIN WITH VILLAGES. The Greeks having driven the enemy from the commanding position which they held, they 310 COMMENTARY OX descended into a plain, in which were many villages, stored with excellent provision?, lying along the river Tigris. This plain ex- ists precisely in the position indicated, between the Rabahi spur of the Jibal Judi and the low eminences which again block tip the plain opposite to Jizirah ibn Umar, the Zozarta of the Chaldeans, and Bezabde of the Romans, and at the further or northern end of which is the Chaldean village of Mansuriyah. There Avas formerly a bridge over the Tigris in this plain, the ruins of which still exist. The Greeks are described as being much perplexed, for on one side of them Avere exceeding high mountains, and on the other a river of such depth, that when they sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. They were also obliged to retrace their steps to a certain extent. The Persians having set fire to some of the villages before them, they had to return in search of provisions to some that were un- burned. These villages may have been at the westerly end of the plain of Zakhu, where are, in the present day. Ivalah Salahsani or Sayid Bay's castle, Nahrwan, Girgi Pedros or Mar Yiorgio (Church of St. George), Zibarra, Wasit, Perishabur, and other villages mostly Chaldean. I prefer this view of the case to the one I first entertained, that they went up the valley of Mar Yuhannah. The whole district, however, as Colonel Chesney (ii. 225) justly re- marks, included the tract round Jizirah ibn Umar. Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. G2) identifies the villages in question with those still found around Funduk, but it appears evident from what follows in chapter i. of the 10th book of the Anabasis, that the Greeks had not yet fought their way through the chief pass of the Tigris, and which is met with immediately beyond Jizirah ibn Umar and the valley of Mar Yuhannah, or the Dargilah of Layard Fynyk, ancient Phoenicia, commanding the pass in question from above. I can not but attribute the great discrepancy that occurs here between my identifications and those admitted by Layard, to the circumstances of his having traveled from the north, I from the south. Coming in the first direction, Layard first saw the plains of Assyria through the gap made by the river stretching before him, as it were at his feet, from the heights of Funduk, and all other passes were from that moment looked at as insignificant ; coming, on the contrary, from the south, the great range of the Jibal Judi seems to hem in the Tigris immediately beyond Jizirah, like a mighty Avail of rock. There is no mistaking this great physical feature in the configuration of the country. The pass of the Tigris, Avhere tho Greeks stopped aAve-struck at the formidable aspect of the country before them, Avas at or near the Bezabde of the Romans. That town has been from time immemorial the fortress which has com- manded the great pass of the Tigris. THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHOX. 3H PASS OF THE TIGKIS. The Greeks arc described in the nest book as having arrived at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there Avas no passage along its banks, as the Karducliian mountains hung steep over the stream, and hence their further progress became a matter of seri- ous and anxious discussions. This is the great pass of the Tigris I have just alluded to imme- diately beyond Jizirah ibn Umar. There can. not be a moment's question upon the subject. It was a point of such great import- ance in the retreat, that it is made the scene of discussion of all the principal routes that presented themselves to get out of the country, and Xenophon begins another book with the account of the passage of this remarkable pass, which the Greeks effected with their characteristic gallantry and expedition, arriving beyond the summit in certain villages of Karduchians that lay dispersed in the valleys and recesses of the mountains. It is perhaps scarcely necessary to say that Colonel Chesney quite coincides with this view of the matter. VILLAGES OF KARDUCIIIAXS. The pass of the Tigris will l>o found minutely described in the Travels in the Track, p. 154. After the summit of the pass is gained, the line of hills and cliffs gradually recede from the river, till suddenly, from having a nearly horizontal stratification, additional beds of rock make their appearance in front of the cliffs, dipping nearly vertically to the west, and rising in rude irregular conical summits, in front of what had been hitherto one continuous wall of rock. The recesses thus left between the hills are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in tho time of Xenophon, and the crags in front and in the rear bristle- with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds This place cor- responds to the Phcenica of Atnm. Marcellinus, of the existence of which Mr. Rich obtained some intelligence ; but as I was, I be- lieve, the first traveler to visit it in modern times, I can not refrain from quoting tho description given of this remarkable spot in tho Trav. in the Track, etc. p. loi et seq. "My surprise and pleasure may be well imagined (after crossing the before-mentioned wild rocky pass) at finding extending before me a considerable expanse of well-wooded gardens, which stretch- ed from the hills down to the water-side, and for about two miles up the river-course. Nothing could exceed the rich luxuriance of these groves and orchards; there were open spaces here and there for maize, melon, gourd, and cucumber, but otherwise tho groves of plurn, apricot, and peach appeared almost inaccessible, from the dense lower growth of fig-trees and pomegranates, them- selves again half hid beneath clustering vines. Overlooking this scene of vegetative splendor, and upon the side of the hill, wcro the ruins of a castellated building, thebafctlemcnted wall and irre- gularly dispersed towers of which still remain. This building 312 COMMENTARY ON covered a considerable space, being six hundred yards in depth, l>r eleven hundred in length. Traces of ont-works, and of buildings connected with ir, were also quite evident, stretching downward to the gardens. "On two mounds, not fur distant from each other, and close to the river, are the ruins of two smaller castles of similar character to the large one, only with double battlements, and consequently rising more loftily from the deep green groves, in the midst of which they are situated. " In a deep and rocky glen at the head of these gardens is situated the village of Giili or Kuli Shirafi (so called from its being in a narrow strait or pass), many of the houses of which are hewn out of rock, and some of them out of fallen masse.*, winch often stand erect at the foot of the cliffs, like great obelisks with a door-way in front : on the cliffs around are also numerous sepulchral grots, and the remains of aqueducts. "To the north of this glen is another of greater dimensions, in which is the modern village of Fynyk, containing about one hun- dred houses, many of them excavated. The village is defended by several Kurd forts, two of which were on the opposite hill-tops, while other small ones succeeded to one another along the crest and acclivities down to the village. This pass of the Tigris was rendered quite impracticable to strangers by the Kurds of these villages till the time of Rashid Pasha." It is manifest that it is these villages to which Xenophon alludes when he speaks of such being in rocky recesses. Layard however looks for these villages at Funduk (p. G2). While resting during the heat of day in the gardens down by the river Tigris, Liyard was lucky enough to have had imforma- tion brought to him of the existence of sculptures in one of theso ravines the description appears to apply rather to that of Kuli Shirafi than to that of Finik or Fynyk proper. " We rode," he says (p. 54), " up a narrow and shady ravine, through which leapt a brawl ing torrent, watering fruit-trees and melon beds. The rocks on both sides were honey-combed with tombs. The bas-relief is somewhat above the line of cultivation, and is surrounded by ex- cavated chambers. It consists of two figures, dressed in loose vests and trowsers, one apparently resting his hand on the shoulder of the other. There are tlie remains of an inscription, but too much weather-worn to be copied with any accuracy. Tho costume of the figures, and the forms of the characters as far as they can be distinguished, prove that the tablet belongs to the Parthian period. It closely resembles monuments of the samo epoch existing in the mountains of Persia.'' What further satisfies me that the glen or ravine which my informants told me was called Kuli Shirafi is the same as that in which Layard found the bas-reliefs, is thatLayard adds, "Beneath THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHOX. 313 tnm (the figures) is a long cutting, and tunnel in the rock, prob- ably an ancient watercourse for irrigation, to record the con- struction of which the tablets may have been sculptured." Layard also discovered some sculptures of a similar character in the valley which leads from Jizirah to Darghilah, tho former stronghold of Badir Khan Bey, or as I have called it from a Chal- dean church, and the seat of a Chaldean episcopacy, the valley of Mar Yuhannah. These sculptures were about two miles from the high road, near a small fort built by Mir Saif-ad-din, the hereditary chief of Buhtan, in whose name Badir Khan Bey exercised his authority. There were two tablets, one above the other ; the upper contained a warrior on horseback, the lower a simple figure. Although no traces of inscription remain, the bas-relief may con- fidently be assigned to the same period, Layard says, as that of Fynyk. PASS OF SCRUTINY. Beyond Finik, or Fynyk, the hills and the river recede from one another, the latter being closed up amil precipitous cliffs, and to avoid this long precipitous bend, the road is carried over the hills by tho village of Finduk or Funduk. As the Greeks did not start from Finik till after breakfast, more than seven or eight geographical miles can not be allowed to the first day's march thence, which Avould carry them to the slope of those heights where are now the remains of Kunakti and other castles, which defended the approach to Finduk. There is only one pass in the line of road thus traversed, adapted for the purposes men- tioned by Xenophon, of examining the men in a file, and scru- tinizing their baggage or impedimenta, and that is the ravine of the rivulet of Zawiyah, Avhich is deep and narrow, and to which there is only one descent on either side, the remainder being vertical cliffs in which are here and there a sepulchral grotto. PASS OF FINDUK. On the next day a great storm arose in the very place to expect such, on the ascent of the highlands of Fin- duk ; but they were obliged to go on, for their provisions failed them. Beyond the castle of Kunakti, the road enters a narrow glen, and winds round along similar passes, till turning the face of a lofty precipice, it advances upon more open and cultivated high- lands by the village or town of Finduk, down again into the valley of the Tigris, where are the villages of Kuwarru, Baravan, and others, inhabited in the present day by Syrian Christians. Layard gives an amusing account of his passage through Fin- duk, whose inhabitants, he says, during the rule of Badir Khan Bey were notorious among even the savage tribes of Buhtan, for their hatred and insolence to Christians. At the time of my visit Badir Khan had not been subdued, and the dangers of the road were proportionably greater, but the only annoyance the savage old chieftain Rasul gave me (if it can be even so termed), was to ask me contemptuously if I was a Christian. 14 314 COMMENTARY OX The Greeks Avere subjected to much annoyance by the Kurds on this passage, and Xenophon was irritated at Cheirisophns hastening, as lie deemed, too rashly forward ; but the rival leader pointed to the river pass and mountains before him, and urged the necessity of having hurried forward to secure the position they were in. That this was on the banks of the Tigris is evidenced by a prisoner they had taken, promising, under fear of death, to lead them over the hills, instead of by the river-banks, which are indeed at this point impassable, except when the waters are low, besides being commanded by the neignboring hills. PASS OF KULAK. At the point where they had now arrived then, that is, where the Tigris is hemmed in by the mountains, and yet there is no short cut over the latter, as at Finduk ; the Greeks were obliged to detach a party to take possession of the heights before they conld attempt to force the passage below. Notwith- standing these precautions, the Kurds rolled down great stones upon the Greeks and entailed considerable delay. The scene of this event appears to have been at the entrance of the pass, where is a ferry and villages on each side of the river known as Kulak, as is also the ferry on the Zab pronounced by the Kurds, Kelek or Chelek. At this point a rivulet of clear water flows into the Tigris, by a narrow ravine, which is hemmed in, as the Tigris is also from this point northward, by perpendicu- lar rocks. A road, carried up in part by steps cut in the rock, leads up the cliff to the ruins of a castle that once commanded this important position. To gain this pass, the Greeks had to fight three separate con- flicts, on as many distinct eminences ; after which they arrived at a number of good houses, and in the midst of abundance of pro- visions. ^Vine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were plastered over. On emerging from the hills that hem in the river below Kulak, there are at the present day no villages close to the river, but there are several in the interior, and a little further on the ruins of a large village, and of a Khan built of stone. Kulah, with its tall Kurdish castle, stands on the right bank of the river, a little further on. The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon are still to be met with in Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. THE CEXTEITES. The next day the Greeks pursued their way, one party as usual ascending the mountains from behind to drive the enemy away, and leave the passage below free to their com- rades. By these means they were enabled to force another wooded and picturesque pass, that is met with north of Kulak, and to reach the more open country where the Buhtan-chai or Centrites joins the Tigris. The army did not encamp on the banks of the Centrites, but, as is described by Xenophon, above the plain, where are some villages THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOX. 315 of Chaldeans in the present day. At the point of junction of the Tigris and Centrites is the ancient Armenian site of Til, or Till (written by Layard, Tilleh), -which was celebrated in history as favored by Tigranes, and as the burial-place of several of the early Armenian pontiffs. Layard having got the Greeks on their first day's march over the Karduchian hills, as far as Finduk, he says, "There now re- mained about ten parasangs to the plain through which flows the eastern branch of the Tigris ; but the country was difficult, and at this time of the year (nearly mid-winter) the lower road along the river was impassable. The Greeks had, therefore, to force their way over a series of difficult passes, all stoutly defended by warlike tribes. They were consequently four days in reaching the Cen- trites or eastern Tigris, the united waters of the rivers of Bitlis, Sert, and Bohtan." FORD OF THE CEXTRITKS. The passage of the river was op- posed by an united army of Armenians, Mardians, or, as it was previously read, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. These mercenaries were drawn up on high banks, three or four hundred feet from the river ; and the only road that was visible, was one that led up- ward, apparently a work of art, and the Greeks attempted to cross the river at this point, but without success. They, in consequence, retreated, and when they had encamped on the banks of the river, they found their previous station occupied by the Kurds. That day, therefore, and the following night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. But the next morning, two young men came to Xenophon, when he was at breakfast, and told him they had found a ford. This ford was at a distance of about four stadia, and the Greeks effected a passage by a series of ingenious maneuvers which are described in the text. Layard, who forded the Buhtan-chai in the month of September I believe (he disembarked at Trebizond on the 31st of August), says, " We crossed the lower or eastern ford, which we found wide and exceedingly rapid, the water, however, not reaching above the saddle-girths. The villagers raised the luggage and supported the horses against the current, which, rnshing over loose and slippery stones, affording an uncertain footing, threatened to sweep the animals down the stream. * * The spot at which we crossed was one of peculiar interest. It was here that the Ten Thousand in their memorable retreat forded, this river, called by Xenophon, theCentrites (p. 49). The next paragraph but one, he says, " The ford was deep, and its passage disputed by a formidable force of Armenians, Mygdonians (Mardians ?) and Chaldean?, drawn up on an eminence 300 or 400 feet from the river. In this strait Xenophon dreamed that he was in chains, and that suddenly his fetters burst assunder of their own accord. His dream was fulfilled when two youths casually found a more practicable ford, by which the army, after a 316 COMMENTARY OX skillful stratagem, on the part of their commander, safely reached the opposite bank. These two paragraphs contradict one another. Layard also says at page 63, vi The stream Avas rapid, the water reaching to the breast, and the ford, owing to the unevenness of the bottom and the loose slippery stones, exceeding difficult; such, it will be remembered, we found to be the case near Tilleh. The op- posite banks were, moreover, defended by the combined forces of the Armenians, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. It was impossible to cross the river at this spot in the face of the enemy. At length a ford was discovered higher up, and Xenophon, by skillful strategy, effected the passage. This must have been at a short distance from Tiileh, as the river, narrowed between rocky banks, is no longer fordable higher up." This latter statement is founded in error, for Mr. Rassam and myself forded it a few miles higher up, in the month of September, when the water was in its deepest part, not above three feet, but generally two. Supposing the Greeks to have first attempted the ford at Til, it is evident, according to Layard's own showing, that they crossed ultimately higher up the river. But the fact'is that the" point at which the Greeks passed must be determined by where they first reached the river-banks. On reaching the plain of the Centrites, the Tigris makes a great bend to the westward before receiving the Ceutrites, and as the course of the Greeks lay northward, I conceive it very unlikely that they would have turned unneces- sarily out of their way toward the junction, of the two rivers. Again, at the point where they approached the river, the enemy is described as occupying high banks from 300 to 400 feet from tho river. This description would correspond with that part of the valley where the Buhtan-chai is first hemmed in by low hills, now called Janiminiyah. About four miles beyond this there are in the pres- ent day the ruins of a bridge, over which lay formerly the road to Radwan. Beyond this again is an artificial causeway carried up the face of a limestone rock, partly by steps cut out of the rock itself, and partly by a causeway paved with large blocks of stone. This is the highway to Sa'art, and appears to be of remote an- tiquity. Here is also a ford, but as the river is fordable at its em- bouchure, it is evident there may be many ford<. between the two. It is not necessary to presume then that the higher ford was crossed, although the reference to the artificial causeway carried up the face of the cliffs, and which remains to the present day, is very curious ; but as it appears almost certain that they did not approach the river till where it is hemmed in by low "hills, and which is precisely what they would be expected to do from the route taken and the configuration of the valley, and as they crossed about four stadia above that point, the place where THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. Bit the Greeks forded the river was manifestly beyond the said low hills. PALACE OF ARMENIAN SATRAP. Having forced the passage of the Centrites, tlie Greeks are described as proceeding through Armenia, over plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of not less than five parasangs, arriving ultimately at a village of consid- erable size, which contained a palace for the satrap ; upon most of the houses there were towers, and provisions in great plenty. This spot, by the distance given, would appear to correspond with the town now called Sa'art or Se'ert. THE TELEBOAS. The Greeks are described as advancing from the palace of the Armenian satrap, two days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, until they passed beyond the sources of the river Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fifteen parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of much beauty ; and there were many villages on its banks. This part of the country was called "Western Armenia. There is a difficulty about the identification of the Teleboas, which has been revived by Mr. Layard's going back to the old view of the case. My ideas, as propounded from an unbiassed consideration of the facts of the case, are given in the " Travels in the Track," etc., in the following words : "Had the Greeks marched by the great road from Sa'art to Bitlis, the distance here given at the onset would take them to the difficult pass called the Darah-i-Tasul, when they Avould leave behind them the minor tributaries to the Kharzan-su (anc. Arsa- nius), but only to arrive, after another ascent and descent, at the river Bakiyah or of Bitlis, the greatest of the easterly tributaries to the Tigris. So that Xenophon could hardly be expected to have made the mistake regarding the passing the sources of the Tigris, besides that the distance given from his passing the head- waters of the Tigris, to the river Teleboas, much exceeds the distance of the Darah-i-Tasul from the Bakiyah river. Lastly, the Teleboas was a small river Avith many villages on its banks, the Bakiyah is not large, but is so goodly a stream, that the his- torian would not have gone out of his way to describe it as small, nor is it a district in which (except at Bitlis) many villages prob- ably ever existed. All these circumstances taken into considera- tion leave no doubt that the Greeks ascended directly toward the great chain of the Ali Tagh, the ancient Niphates, in a direction nearly north ; by which proceeding, a journey of thirty miles would have carried them beyond the head-waters of the tributaries to the Tigris, in those districts, and another forty-five miles would have brought them into the valley of the Kara-su, recognized by many as the Teleboas of our author, and situate in the district of Moxoene, the present Mush apparently from the most remote times the seat of numerous towns and villages, and having a large population. That this is the only version that can b3 given to this 318 COMMENTARY OS portion of the narrative is further corroborated by tbe fact that from the Teleboas they proceeded through a plain which would not apply itself to the river Bakiyeh (nor to the river of Bitlis), both of which are inclosed in deep and Avooded mountain valleys.' 1 Colonel Chesney's view of the subject is as follows: "It is con- sidered to be a journey of thirty-eight hours from Se'ert to Mush by the shortest route (see Colonel Shell's Journey from Tabriz through Kurdistan, Jour, of Roy. Geo. Soc. vol. viii. p. 77), but as the Greeks approached the source of the Tigris, theirs must have been rather longer. About twenty hours would be consumed on their march to the high ground in question ; and about twenty hours more in reaching the supposed Teleboas or Kara-su at the village of Arisban near Mush." This is the most satisfactory explanation of all, because by crossing the Niphates to Mush instead of to the valley of the Kara- su at the foot of the Nimrud Tagh, the Greeks would have had the advantage of the highway from Hazu to Mush. It may also be observed here, that had the Greeks intended keeping to the country of the Karduchians, and passing the mountains by Bitlis, they need not have fought their way over the Centrites ; and Xenophon, when lie speaks of passing above Tigris, was, there is every reason to believe, well enough aware that he was crossing the great water- shed. The historian also distinguishes the country they had ad- vanced into as a different region of Armenia, under its own satrap. In the face of all these facts, Layard say?, u Six marches, of five parasangs each, brought them to the sm'all river Teleboas. I am convinced that this river can not be identified with the Kara-sn, which would be at least between forty and fifty parasangs, or from eight to ten days' march from Tilleh, supposing Xenophon to have made the smallest possible deviation to the west." (This is sup- posing the Greeks to have started from Tilleh, which is not prob- able, and then to have traveled to the Kara-su by way of Bitlis, which is left out of the consideration.) " I believe," continues Layard, " the Teleboas to have been the river of Bitlis. After cross- ing the low country of Kharzan, well described by Xenophon as ' a plain varied by hills of an easy ascent,' the Greeks must neces- sarily have turned slightly to the eastward to reach the Bitlis val- ley, as inaccessible mountains stopped all further progress." This is not the case ; Colonel Sheil, as before quoted, describes a road from Se'ert of thirty-eight hours to Mush direct, which does not pass through Bitlis : and the Colonel adds, " This must be the road which Macdonald Kinneir supposes the Ten Thousand to have taken after they crossed the river, which he calls the Khabur, at Se'ert." (Op. cit. p. 77.) Viscount Pollington passed through the Niphates on his journey from Erzrum to Aleppo in 1838 ; and Mr. Consul Brant did the same on his journey from Kharput by Mush to Bitlis. This was by the valley of the *Kolb-su (Handle water), bnt Mr. Brant says there was another road crossing the mountains THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOX. 319 immediately south of Mush. (See Jonrn. of Boy. Geog. Soc. vol. ii. p. 445 et seq. and p. 352 et seq.) Either of those roads would have heen preferable to the mountain route through Kurdistan by Bitlis, to the Greeks. Mr. Layard remarks, that the text of Xenoplion describes the Greeks as coming to, not crossing, the Teleboas. This would ap- ply itself alike to the origin of the Kara-su at the foot of theXim- i-ud Tagh to the rivulet of Mush or Ak-su the White Water a tributary to the Kara-su, or to the rivulet at Kizil Aghaz on the north side of the Kolb Tagh. It would scarcely apply to the river of Bitli?, with which they would have had to keep company some time. Beyond either of the above rivers there are plains, not so at the head of the Bitlis river, and all these rivers are beyond the water- shed of the Tigris, which is not the case with the river of Bitlis. PALACE OF TIEIBAZUS. The Greeks proceeded from the Tele- boas three days' march, a distance of five parasangs, through a plain, till they came to a palace, with several villages around it, stored with abundance of provisions. The direction followed by the Greeks, after reaching the plains of Armenia, must be chiefly judged of by the time spent before they crossed the Euphrates. Had they pursued a direct northerly course, they could have reached the river in a day's march, but at a point where it is scarcely fordable. Probably they were informed of this fact, and hence led to pursue a north-easterly course to where the river was sufficiently fordable, and which was not attained till the sources of the river are described as being not far off. The palace of Tiribazus and surrounding villages may, from the distance given, be at or near the sites of Perak or Lis, north of Lake Nazuk, but this, in the absence of corroborative information, is naturally a merely speculative suggestion. The plain of Mush attains an average elevation, from my own observations, of 4200 feet above the sea, which is some 1800 feet below that of Arzrum, vulgo Erzrum, Erzerum, and Erzeroom. 1 But between the two, or the valleys of the western Euphrates and that of the Murad-su, the generality of the valleys and uplands which attain their culminating point in the Bin giil Tagh the mountain of a thousand lakes the Abus of the Romans and on which are patches of perpetual snow, are much higher. The knowledge which we now possess of the great elevation of these Armenian uplands explains the extreme severity of the win- ters, which has been the subject of much controversy ; so much so, that Tournefort, the traveler and botanist, suggested that it might be owing to so unnatural a cause as the impregnation of the soil 1 Oriental manuscripts leave no doubt as to the name of the present capital of Armenia being Arzrum, vulgarly pronounced Erzerum. The im- portance of the prefix justify us in writing the word as it is spelled not aa it is pronounced. 320 COMMENTARY ON with sal-ammoniac. Positive elevation, in which the immediate re- sults of a lower temperature are increased by a continental climate, and a long continuity of open woodless tracts, appears to be the main causes of the phenomena in question. The Hon. Mr. Curzon, who spent the winter of 1842-i3 at Arz- rum, speaking of the intense cold experienced at that city, the present capital of Armenia, say?, "During great part of the year, and naturally in the winter, the cold was so severe that any one standing still for even a very short time, was frozen to death! Dead frozen bodies were frequently brought into the city ; and it is common in the summer, on the melting of the snow, to find nu- merous corpses of men and bodies of horses, who had perished in the preceding winter. So usual an event is this, that there is a custom, or law, in the mountains of Armenia, that every summer the villagers go out to the more dangerous passes and bury the dead whom they are sure to find." (Armenia, etc. p. 162.) This will give some idea of Avhat the Greeks had to suffer during a win- ter journey across the uplands of Armenia. FORD OF THE EUPHRATES. From these villages an attack was made upon Tiribazns, who held a pass that lay on their way, after which the whole body set forward through deep snow, and trav- eled three days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a dis- tance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which they passed without being wet higher than the middle. "The sources of the river were said to be not far off." Rennell and Kinneir had both remarked that this distance is too great for troops marching through deep snow. All the proba- bilities of tho case are, however, that the Greeks crossed the Murad- su above its confluence with the Char Buhar-su, and the river of Khanus or Kalah-su, as beyond these points there would be so much tho less water. Layard having taken the Greeks through Karduchia to Bitli?, says," The high road from Bitlisto Northern Armenia would lead in'exactly thirty hours, or six marches, to the Euphrates, which it crosses near Karaghal. I believe, therefore, that, after issuing from the valley of Bitlis, Xenophon turned to the westward, Jeav- ing the lake of "Wan a little to the right, though completely con- cealed from him by a range of low bills. Skirting the western foot of Nimroud Dagh range, he passed through a plain thickly inhabited, abounding in well -provisioned villages, and crossed hero by ranges of hills. Tho country still tallies precisely with Xeno- phon's description." The upper valley of the Kara-su here alluded to, certainly abounds in villages, but I saw no ranges of hills actu- ally crossing it. It is, however, commanded by low hills where it takes a westerly turn. Colonel Chesney (ii. 229), says, "Agreeably to the intention of fording the great rivers toward their sources (previously expressed, Anab. iv. 1), the Greeks would necessarily proceed from the 'IV^ THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHOX. 321 boas in a north-eastern direction, through a very mountainous tract, till they could cross the Murad Cliai: this could not have been the case before they reached 39 10' north latitude, or some- where about seventy miles from the Kara-sn, which, under ex- isting circumstances, would require the seven marches given by Xenophon. This would identify the place where the Greeks forded the Murad-su with a position not far beyond the junction of the river of Khanus or the Kalah-su ; as would indeed be deduced from the general facts of the case. TRIBUTARIES TO THE EUPHRATES. From the Euphrates they advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs : the third day's march was ex- tremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces. The depth of the snow was a fathom ; so that many of the bag- gage-cattle and slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. There was plenty of wood at the encampment, which would indi- cate that they had reached the banks of a river, as it is almost only in such situations that wood is found in this part of Armenia. The valley most probably of one of the tributaries to the river of Khanus, or, if further east, a tribxitary to the Mnrad-sn, on the plain of Arishkart. If in a westerly direction, the distances would lead them to the upper valley of the Kalah-su or river of Khanns. In all these instances a northerly wind would still have blown more or less in their faces. VILLAGES ix KHAXUS DISTRICT. From thence they made one day's irregular march through the snow, the men affected with bulimia, snow-blindness, and mortification of the toes. Five or six geographic miles are as much as can be allowed for such a march : and at dark they arrived at a village with a rampart. The satrap residing a parasang off, very possibly at Khanus Ka- lahsi, which is apart from the villages. A thermal spring, it is to be noted, was met with on this day's march. Xenophon with the rear did not get up to the villages till the next day. The de- scription of the houses of the Armenians corresponds with what is observed in the present day, they are in part subterranean, and the live stock herd with the people during these severe winters. As these Armenians had laid in their stores for the winter, the Greeks found plenty of provisions, including barley-wine, and even grape-wine, in these villages. Professor Maiden rather sharply criticises this identification of Khanus with the villages in question, adopted by Eennell also long previously, but on different grounds. " There is absolutely nothing." he says, "according to Air. Ainsworth's notion of the route, but the existence of villages round the modern castle of Khanus, to identify that district with the group of villages where the Greeks rested a week ; for Air. Ainsworth goes bevond his author, when 14* 322 COMMENTARY OX he speaks of ' the palace of the satrap,' and would fain suppose the modern castle to be on the same site." The impression I received and still retain, however, is that the women and girls at the fount- ain, when the Greeks told them that they were going to the satrap, answered by informing them, that he was ahout a parasang off, meaning thereby, not that he and his army were hovering at that distance, but that his residence was there; and having read of tho palace of the satrap Orontes and of that of Tiribazus a few pages before, I pictured to myself a palace or castle for the satrap of the Khanus district, more especially since the chief of that district dwells in a feudal castle to the present day. In identifications like these, the traveler often differs from the cabinet geographer or scholar, inasmuch as his identifications are not only founded upon what exists, but that he has also in his mind at the same time what he does not enter into at length, a mass of negative matter as to what does not exist. The "mere bare results thus presented often do not satisfy the critic upon the grounds given. "When he doubts or condemns an identification, however, upon such grounds he does not take sufficiently into consideration, that the territory perhaps presents no other re- sources. Thus, for example, in the present instance, it is quite possible that the Greeks held on a due northerly course. I by no means wish to insist upon the point that they did not do so, as the north wind blew in their faces, and they would, in such a case, reach the upper and watered valleys of the Tag Tagh. But what has been omitted to be explained in the " Travels in the Track," is that these upper valleys of the Bin Giil Tagh, and Tag Tagh, are utterly unproductive, except of a little short grass, and a narrow fringe or belt of low wood on the banks of the rivu- lets. They are neither cultivated nor inhabited. It seems much more likely, therefore, that the Greeks found villages and cultivation, and heard of a satrap's residence, where there are in the present day villages and a chieftain's residence, than that they found such higher up the country, where there are none such nor traces of such to be met with, nor a possible culti- vation to induce the natives to settle at such a point. THE AHAS. After stopping eight days at these villages, the Greeks started under guidance of a native, who, leading them three days' marches without coming to any villages, so irritated Cheiri- sophus that he struck him, which was the occasion of his running away in the night. From what follows in the account of their journey, it appeal's that during these three days the Greeks turned tho Tag Tagh, an easterly spur of tho Bin Giil Tngh, and reached the tributaries of the Aras. This they would do traveling from fifteen to twenty geographic miles in the three days. The Bin Giil Tagh, one of the remarkable mountains of Central Armenia, gives birth to the south, to tributaries to the Murad-su, to the west THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 323 and north-west, to the tributaries to the Western Euphrates, and to the north and north-east, to tributaries to the Aras. River Phasin, or AEAXES. After losing the guide, the Greeks are described as proceeding seven days' journey, five parasangs each day, along the river Phasis. I am indebted for this important correction of all previous versions to Professor Maiden, who has published it in the 7th number of the Classical Museum, April, 1845, p. 36 et seq. There is, the Professor states, no real ambiguity in the meaning of the word ^apa in such a context. The meaning is the same as in v. 10. 1, Ixfaov I'tyxpaq 6vo napa TTJV yfiv, "they sailed two days along the coast." This being admitted, then, it will be observed that Xenophon, who mistook the Aras for the Colchian Phasis, describes it as only a plethrum, or a hundred feet, broad, Avhere they joined it. This would show that it was not far from its sources. With such an indefinite point to start from, and a very uncertain value of the parasang in a journey through snow, it is difficult to measure off 3d parasangs on the map. Allowing, however, two geog. miles to the parasang, the utmost that can be done under the circum- stances, 70 miles laid down on- the map to illustrate the routes by Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Stiter, Mr. Brant, and Lord Pollington, pub- lished in the 10th volume of the Journ. of the Roy. Geog. Soc., would carry the Greeks to the junction of the Karu-sn, or river of Oran, with the Aras. Professor Maiden has conjectured, that having mistaken the Araxes for the Phasis, they followed the course of the stream, in the hope that it would lead them toward the Euxine, till, seeing that it continued to flow eastward, they resolved to try a somewhat more direct line. Now, nothing would have so aroused the Greeks to a sense of the mistake they were laboring under so much as coining to a large river flowing into the Aras from the north, at the very same time that the supposed Phasis took a bend rather to the south of east. Nothing would be left for them in their de- spair but (having crossed the Aras at its head) to turn away from k and follow the course of the new river they had come to north- ward toward its sources. The distances granted are, however, very great, and the very same reflections may have forced them- selves upon them at tho very first stream they came to which flowed from the north the river of Hassan Kalah. This would give a distance of fifty miles direct, and upward of seventy miles by river from the point at which Mr. Brant and myself crossed the Aras. That river is already at that point fifty to sixty yards in width, the current rapid, the water reaching above the horse's girths. See Brant's Journal (Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. x. p. 844). If the Greeks passed it to the westward of this, then (which is not likely, as the Bin Gill Tagh presented an impediment to so 324 COMMENTARY ON doing) the cliances of their not having got beyond the junction of the Hassan Kalah tributary, is still further increased. Colonel Chesney's view of this portion of the retreat is as fol- lows (ii. 229) : "From hence (the Murad-su), in a north-western direction, to a point where the river Aras, or Phasis of Xenophon, is generally fordable, namely, at the junction of the Hassan Kalah-su and the Bin Giil-su, near Kupri Kiui (Bridge village), it can not be less than from seventy to eighty miles ; since the shorter distance from the latter point to the upper part of the Murad-su, near Kara Kilisa (Black or ruined Church), is sixty-six miles." "It has just been seen, that the distance in question occupied thirteen marches, or, including four days not particularly men- tioned, about sixty-nine parasangs. But, as it is to be observed lhat these were intended to be road distances answering to one hour, it may fairly be presumed that an army could not accom- plish much more than about one mile ia each, especially through snow so deep that the whole of the specified time must have been consumed between the rivers Euphrates and Araxes ; even the pressing inarches through Mesopotamia were less than two miles per hour. "We are told that it even became necessary to tie bags stuffed with hay to the horses' feet to prevent their sinking." It is obvious, that if we admit such a judicious estimate of the value of the parasang, under the described circumstances, that the diffi- culties of explaining the marches between the Euphrates and the Black Sea will be considerably diminished, and that the Greeks, notwithstanding their seven days' journey along the Aras, as estab- lished by Professor Maiden, may in reality have only traveled some thirty-five miles along that river, and not beyond the first westerly not northerly affluent, the river of Hassan Kalahsi. The point at which that river joins the Aras is thirty miles by map from where Mr. Brant and myself crossed the Aras, but it would be a good thirty-five or more by the river. PASS OF THE TAOCHI. Quitting, it is to be supposed, the Ara?, the Greeks advanced two days' journey, ten parasangs ; Avhen on the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their progress. 1 As soou as they had gained this pass, and had'sacrificed and erect- ed a trophy, they went down into the plain before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of excellent; provisions. These villages would apparently be situated in the valley of Kara Oran or Kara Osman, which ia watered by the 1 It is to be supposed that these ten miles were performed over the rocky districts between Knpri Kiui and Khorasan. Hamilton describes the road as, after leaving Kupri Kiui, being soon confined to a narrow pass between high bills on the left uud the river on the right (i. p. 135). THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOST. 325 Kara-su. Kara Oran ought possibly to be read Kara TTiran, " Black Paii n." i[orxTAix STRONGHOLD OF THE TAOCHIAX3. From hence they inarched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the country of the Taochi, where provisions beginning to fail them, they attacked one of the fastnesses, which is described as containing no houses, but defended by high rocks, down which the Taochians rolled great stones. Supposing the country of the Taochians to correspond to that which is in part occupied by the Suwanlior Sughanli Tagh, if the parasang did not amount to more than a mile, in a difficult and hostile country, this journey would have only conducted the Greeks to the head waters of tho river of Bardes. The forest range of the Suwanli T.igh is described by Hamilton as constitut- ing an important and interesting feature in the geography of that part of the country, being the only district in which forests of any extent are to be found for many miles round, and its passage by Bardes and Gushlah is full of natural obstacles. It is to be observed that traces of the name of Taochi are supposed to be found in the Tauk or Taok of the Turks, and Tuclii or Taoutchie of the Georgian districts. These people and those of the little Kabarda are said by Captain Stoltzman, as quoted by Colonel Chesney, to still retire occasionally into wattled inclo- sures. COUNTRY OF THE CIIALYBES. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance of fifty parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes, who had their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid up their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing from that country, but lived upon tho cattle which they had taken from the Taochi. The distance from the head waters of the river of Bardes to tho main tributary to the Arpa-chai, is as the crow flies some forty mile; 5 , but by following the road to Kars, as the great road doe? in the present day, and crossing the mountains from Kars to the Arpa chai at Kizil Chak Chak, it Avould be upward of fifty miles a fair allowance for the fifty parasangs under the circumstances described in the text. RIVER HARPASTJS. The Greeks next arrived at the river Har- y>asus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Supposing tho modern Arpa chai to represent the Harpasus, we have shown, that the point where the Greeks would be expected to touch that river, by the distances given, would be at or where the present high road from Arzrum and Kars to Ardahan and Ahkiskah crosses it at Kizil Chak Chak. Jt must be already a goodly river at such a place, but there are no data for giving it a width of four hundred feet. So much obscurity indeed pervades this port of the route, that I am much inclined to doubt the correctness of the identifica- 326 COMMENTARY ON tion of the Harpasus of Xenophon with the modern Arpa-chai, and with Colonel Chesney and Layard to consider that the histo< rian applied that name to the river now called the Juruk-su 01 Tchoruk-su, and which was called in later times the Apsarus and Acampsis. The Juruk in the lower part of its course would pre- sent a width fully of four hundred feet. COUNTRY OF TIIE SCYTHINI. Ilence they proceeded through the territory of the Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty parasangs, over a level tract, until they came to some villages, in which they halted three days, and collected provisions. The distance here given, allowing about 1 1-2 mile for the para- sang, would carry the Greeks up the valley of the Arpa-chai across the watershed of that river, and down the valley of the river of Olti, a tributary to the Juruk-su, to about the site of Olti itself'. Or it is possible that they may have crossed the country that in- tervenes between the river of Olti aad the Araxes in a more direct line to the Juruk-su, nearly touching Hamilton's route, at ihe head waters of the rivers of Narman, Liesgaff, Turtum, and Yani Kiui, a line of country which Hamilton's, and still more lately Mr. Curzon's descriptions show to be wooded, rocky, precipitous, and most difficult. CITY OF GYMXIAS. From this place they advanced four days' journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks a guide, to conduct them through a region at Avar with the people. The distance given of twenty parasangs, allowing 1 1-2 mile per parasang, would carry the Greeks along the valley of the Olti river and up that of the Juruk-su to Ispir or Ispira, a town of great antiquity, described at length by Hamilton in his Researches (vol. i. p. 219 et seq.). It is to be observed also, that supposing Mount Theches to cor- respond to Tekiya Tagh, it is about sixty miles thence to Ispir, following the valley of the Juruk-su; this in five days would give an average of twelve miles a day, which the Greeks may well be supposed to have got over in a route that did not present so many difficulties as usual. It is evident, however, that it will require further corroborative testimony before Gymnias can be admitted to be the same as tho modern Ispir. MOUNT TIIECIIES. On the fifth day from Gymnias, distances not given, they came to a mountain, the name of which was The- ches, and whence, to their great delight, the Greeks saw the sea. The distance allowed between Mount Theches and the country of the Macrones, which in such a country did not much exceed twenty miles, places Mount Theches between the Juruk-su, tho river of Baiburt, and the Kurash Tagh. It is in the present day called Takiya Tagh, which may be a corruption of Theches, or THE ANABASIS OF XESTOPHON. 327 Tneches of it, or it may simply mean the mountain of the monas- tery. This is the name also given to it by Hamilton, who adds a sketch of a remarkable mountain castle near Takiya. Mr. Vivien de St. Martin calls the mountain in his map Hak Mesdjidy Tagh. This name, like that of Takiya, refers to some holy edifice ex- isting at tlie spot, and indicates that tradition has preserved the character imputed to the mountain by Xenophon down to existing times. COUNTRY OF THE MACROXES. From Mount Theches the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, through the country of the Macrone's. On the first day they came to a river which divided the territory of the Macrones from that of the Scythini. On their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, and on their left another river, into which the boundary river which they had to cross emptied itself. Allowing 1 1-2 geo. miles to the parasang in this difficult coun- try, the country of the Macrones would correspond to the mount- ain land that lies between Gumush Khana or the silver mines, and the Kara Darah-su, the Hyssus of Arrian's Periplus. Tim mountain is called Korash Tagh in Brant's map of 183G. The river to which they came would appear to correspond with the river beyond Kalah Kiui, or castle village, one of the head tribu- taries of the Kharshut river, or river of Gumush Khana, into which the river of Kalah Kiui itself flows from the left. As the Greeks crossed the boundary river above its junction with the river to the left, this very fact of its being in such a direction shows that it must have been a stream flowing westward, and not eastward. Had it had an easterly flow, and yet been to the left hand, it must have joined the boundary river before the Greeks crossed it. COUNTRY OF THE COLOHIAXS. The Macrones conducted the Greeks through their country for three days, until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. At this point there Avas a range of hills high, but accessible, and upon them tho Colchians were drawn up in array. Having passed the summit, tho Greeks encamped in a number of villages containing abundance of pro- visions. These villages, from the distance traveled the next day to Trebi- zond, manifestly correspond with the Greek villages which occupy at the present day the head of the valley, whence a very precipitous road leads down from the Kohat or Kolat Tagh (quan-e Kulak Tagh, mountain of the pass), of Brant's map (Journ. of Boy. Geo. Soc. vol. vi.), and the Kara Kaban of Hamilton, and which appears to have been the range on which the Colchians had posted them- selves. The rivulet in question is called Surmel in Hamilton's mup. where one of the villages is marked as Jivislik. (Kara Kapan and Pjevisak of St. Martin's map). It is recorded in my own notes 328 COMMENTARY OM as Muhurji wooded valley \vith Greek villages, and a bridge ovot the rivulet, at the foot of the Kara Kapan. TEEBIZOND. From the villages of the Colchians, the Greeks proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Trebi- zond, a Greek city of large population, on the Euxine Sea ; a colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. Here they staid thirty days, encamping in the villages of the Colchians. It is obvious that, in sketching out a possible line of travel through the countries of the Taochians, Chalybes, Scythians, Ma- cronians, and Colchians, a region as yet little investigated, that other explanations might be admitted. One of these is, that the Greeks took a more central line, between the Aras and the Juruk- PU. Tliis is not at all improbable. Hamilton explored this country from Bardes to Ispira, and found it so mountainous and difficult, as to fully account for a very great lapse of time in traversing it in almost a direct line. The difficulty that would remain to ac- count for here, would be the account given of the Greeks having arrived at the Ilarpasus where it was four plethra in breadth. But may not this have been the Bardes-su or the river of Narman, or some other river, not yet correctly delineated on the maps in the interval between the Juruk-su, the Aras, the Olti viver, and the river of Kars ? Colonel Chesney is with a still greater degree of probability inclined to identify the Ilarpasus with the Juruk- su or Tchornk-su variously designated as the Apsarus and Acampsis by the Romans. Upon the subject of the prolonged marches made by the Greeks between the Aras and the Euxine, Colonel Chesney offers the fol- lowing general explanations. " On the second day after crossing the latter river (the Araxes), which Colonel Chesney supposes to have been crossed, as previ- ously observed, near Kupri Iviui, the Greeks discovered the in- habitants of the surrounding countries, namely, the Chalybeans, the Taochians, and the Phasians, assembled to dispute the'ir pass- age, and occupying strong ground, probably between the territory of the two last. Here, as when difficulties of the same kind previously occurred, the eminences were gained by an attack made in the flank by volunteers; and the disheartened defenders having fled with loss, the Greeks got possession of some well-stored villages in advance. During the succeeding five marches of thirty parasangs, made through the territory of the Taochians, provisions were scarce, it being the custom of the country people to place their supplies in secret fastnesses, probably wattled inclosures, such as those still in use in the Little Kabarda, and district of Tuchi. One of these in- trenchments, containing a number of oxen, asses, and slice]), \vr.s, however, taken after a prolonged resistance; during which the THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHOX. 329 women chose to perish rather than fall into the power of the Greeks. The latter now proceeded a distance of fifty parasangs through the territory of the Chalybeans to the river Harpasus, which they accomplished in seven marches ; notwithstanding the difficulties caused by the most warlike and the most troublesome people hitherto encountered. The system of hostilities pursued chiefly consisted in constantly harassing the rear ; but when pressed ia turn, they retreated to fastnesses in which their provisions were secured : so that the Greeks would have been starved by their systematic and persevering opposition, had it not been for the supply of cattle taken from the Taochians. The difficulties experienced by Rennell, Ainsworth, nnd other commentators in following this part of the retreat of the Ten Thou- sand, will be greatly lessened if it be borne in mind, that the daily marches, through deep snow in January, the army being also harassed by the Chalybeans, mnst have been very short. From the supposed crossing-place on the Aras, keeping a little way northward of the direct line, it is about 110 miles to the Tchoruk- su (Juruk-sn) or Acampsis, near Kara Aghatch, which would coincide with the fourteen marches given by Xenophon, as does also the position of the river in question Avith the Harpasus ; the last seven marches being, as we are informed, through the country of the Chalybeans, the Chaldeans of Strabo (xii. 549). This probably was the southern part of the district of Tchildir; for the Chaldeans, as a separate people, occupied a tract next to the Colchians, which was, however, after ward extended to Pontus, and formed a considerable kingdom under Mithridates. Quitting the river Harpasus, twenty parasangs, made in four inarches, brought the Greeks to a halting-place at some villages, possibly near the present town of Baiburt, in which they remained three days to obtain provisions. From hence, apparently proceed- ing toward the western pass through the great northern chain, they made twenty parasangs in three additional marches, to the rich and well-inhabited city of Gymnias. Possibly this place may now be represented by the small town of Gemeri on the Kara-su, an affluent of the river Frat; in which case the distance thither, being about CO miles, would occupy seven or eight inarches along the slope of the Paryadres, a branch of the Taurus, or, as it is stated, through the country of the Scythinians. This appears to be the only trace of that ephemeral power, which commenced with the Saca? or Scythians, on the banks of the Araxes; from whence the people extended their name and authority over Imiretia, Colchis. Georgia, the Caucasus, Media, Persia, and even Palestine ; according to Herodotus, the same people ruled Asia during twenty-eight years. On leaving Gymnias, the guide furnished by the satrap of the 330 COMMENTARY OST district delighted the Greeks by saying that he would forfeit his head if he did not show them the sea in five marches ; and ac- cordingly on the fifth day, in ascending the holy mountain of Thc- ches, the Greeks gave a tremendous shout of surprise and delight, on finding his promise realized. The mountain alluded to may be the present Gaur Tagh (from the summit of which Colonel Ches- ney saw the sea in 1831); and from hence to Tarabuzun, although the direct distance is not great, the journey occupied five days with good horses. This was owing to the necessity of passing along what in reality is more a winding chasm than a mountain valley in the ordinary acceptation of the word ; and it is scarcely neces- sary to observe that the inarches through the mountains of Kurdistan and Armenia often must have presented difficulties and caused delays susceptible of the same kind of explanation. Gaur Tagh is not, however, the only mountain in this part of the country from Avliich the Euxine may be seen, for the guide inform- ed the author that it was visible from three other peaks, namely, the Zigani mountain, two hours K. W. of Godol ; again, with a more extensive view, from Fililein, two hours on the other side of Godol toward Guinish Khanah ; and lastly, at the higher peak of Karagul, three hours southward of the latter. The name of the first, " Infidel mountain," and its position with respect to Tarabazun, claim for it the honor of representing the holy Theches ; the localities also appear to correspond to the de- scription. Xenophon tells us that in the first day they came to a river separating the Macronians from the Scythinians ; and on this, which disembogued into another river, the Macronians were drawn up to dispute the passage. A negotiation, followed by a treaty, produced, however, friendship witli that people. Eleven or twelve miles IsT. N. W. of Gaur Tagh (visible from thence) is the village of Damajula, which is situated near the meeting of four valleys and two rivers. One of the latter coming from the N. "W. has remarkably steep banks, rising fifteen or twenty feet, with hills above, of difficult ascent on the eastern side, and a chain of more accessible shoulders on the opposite ; both are covered with firs, and silver poplars of small size. This valley would have been met during the first day's march from Gaur Tagh, and troops posted on the opposite sides would bo within speaking distance, although they must have been com- pletely separated by the difficult nature of the ravine. Peace being concluded, the Greeks were conducted by this people during the succeeding three marches through the remainder of their territory; no doubt following the valleys of Damoulee and Godol, till at the termination of the latter, and about thirty-one miles from Damajula, they entered that of Gumush Khauah, a little northward of the town of this name. The great and deep valley in question runs northward from THE ANABASIS OP XENOPHON. 331 thence along the foot of the Colchian monntains for about twelve miles, where an abutment of the latter, called Karakaban, crosses it near Zigani, at an elevation of 5300 feet, and the pass thus formed was occupied in force by the Colchians. Being in a state of hostility with the latter, the Macronians re- turned to their own country, a distance of about forty-three miles, which would correspond with the three marches made in a more favorable season (February) than the preceding part of tlio inarch. It is difficult to imagine a stronger barrier or a more formidable position than that which here presented itself, to ex- ercise the talent and display the unshaken intrepidity of the Grecian chief. Owing to the nature of the ground, as well as the numbers by which it was occupied, the Greeks, even could they have passed the latter unbroken, would have been out-flanked had they attacked in line. But Xenophon, Avithout hesitation, turned this circumstance to his own advantage, by a master-piece of tactics hitherto uuequaled. The Greeks were formed in eleven columns, three of which, each consisting of 600 targeteers and archers, occupied the flanks and center ; these ascended the hill at such distances from one another that Xenophon not only outstretched the flanks of tho Colchians, but was also prepared to attack them in rear, if, con- trary to expectation, they had stood the shock and maintained their ground. At first the Colchians advanced, but before they closed with the Greek columns, they opened right and left, and eventually fled in disorder, abandoning the well-stored villages in their rear. After three days' halt, suffering from the quantity and nature of the honey, which, from the abundance of the Azalea pontica, the Rhododendron ponticum, and the hellebore, in this fine coun- try, affects the brain for a time, the Greeks, in two marches of seven parasangs, reached the villages, near Tarabuzun (Trebizond). (Vol. ii. p. 2-30 et seq.) Colonel Chesney's explanation gains a manifest advantage in simplicity of detail over mine, by his not taking the Greeks out of the Avay to reach the Arpa-chai, Hamilton's Harpasus, but it loses it again by going out of the way to the westward to the Gaur Tagh, because the Colonel saw the sea from that point. It is evident that there must be many heights of the mountains east as well as west of the river of Gumush Khanah, from whence the sea can be discerned. In this part of the retreat, where probably the points will never be all definitively settled, that explanation which presents the greatest degree of simplicity, and at the same time meets most closely all the exigences of the case, will be the one which will ultimately meet with the most general acceptance. M. Vivien de Saint Martin, in his admirable Histoire des Dicou- vertes Geoyraj^hiques (tome ii. p. 324), after identifying Gytnnias 332 COMMENTARY OS with a village called Dj'innis, situated near the left Lank of tha Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum to the westward, says : "The body of the Greeks having left Gymnias or Djinnis/on the Upper Euphrates, must have ascended the Kop Tagh, de- scended the Massa Deressi (Marsah Darahsi) or river of Baiburt, then re-ascended up the course of the river of Balakhor (Balak Ilur, "Fish stream?") to the Takiya Tagh, Avhere tlie name of Theches is still preserved. From thence they descended to the upper valley of the Balak Ilur, which led them to the precipitous chain of the Kolat Tagh, evidently the same as the mountain of the Colchians of Xenophon ; this chain separates the two water- sheds, which pour their waters to the south in the Upper Tchoruk or river of Ispir, to the north directly to the Black Sea. toward the coast of Trebizond. The divers circumstances of the narrative do not appear to us to leave the least doubt upon this itinerary, of which nature has marked the features in an ineffaceable man- ner in this country of deeply contrasted configurations." It is scarcely necessary, but for fear of misconception it may he as well to remark that this identification of the Kolat Tagh with the mountain of the Colchians, upon the strength of the name, will not be received by scholars in this country. Professor Maiden, after recurring to the mistake made by Major Kennell, Kinneir, and myself, in supposing that the Greeks marched seven days after the guide rau away from them before they reached the Phasis ; adds, u Rennell, however, has probably fallen into a further mistake in thinking that the Greeks did not cross the Ilarpasus ; for this seems to be his opinion. lie supposes that they came to the river between its conflux with the Araxes and the conflux of the river of Kars with the other streams that form it, and then turned back from it toward the west ; so that their subsequent marches for four days were still between the Harpasus and the Phasis or Araxes; and he is inclined to identify the city of Gymnias with a modern town on the latter river. Xenophon certainly does not say distinctly that they crossed the Ilarpasus, but his language implies it. He says, 'After this the Greeks arrived at the river Ilarpasus, which was four hundred feet broad. Thence they inarched through the country of the Scythini,' etc. (iv. 7. 18). Ho does not say that they did not cross it, and the notice of the breadth of the river is not much to the purpose unless they did cross it ; and besides, he uses the very same language with respect to rivers which were certainly crossed. (See i. 4, 9 and 19 ; and iv. 4, 3 and 7.) " But, if they crossed it, it was probably the branch called the river of Kars which they crossed, not the stream below the junc- tion of this branch with those to the east of it; otherwise, wo should have them still persevering intheir mistaken easterly course ; THE ANABASIS OF XENOPH02T. 333 and they would have had to cross the eastern branch 0:1 their way back toward the west. In crossing the river of Kars they would be going northward ; and if they then turned westward, they would foil in with no considerable river till they came to the Apsarus or Shoruk (Juruk), which accords with Xenophon's narrative ; the Shoruk being identified with the river of the Macrones. "After examining all the circumstances of the story, if we sup- pose the Greeks to have crossed the Phasis at the point which Eennell indicates, near the modern bridge of Koban Kupri (samo as Kupri Kiui), or perhaps even nearer to its source ; and then, in consequence of their confusion between the two rivers Phasic, to have turned eastward, and marched seven days along its north- ern bank, and even when they left the river to have inclined but little toward the north, and to have reached the ILvrpasus about the junction of the river of Kars with the other branches, thus traversing the diagonal of the space between the Araxes and the Arpa-su, we assign them a march, which in winter, through an unknown country, and in the presence of an active enemy, might well occupy the time given for if. The time is twenty-one- days; and the distance from point to point in a straight line, if the Greeks had not kept to the river-side for the first seven days, would be about 120 miles. If we admit, therefore, a very reasonable ac- count of deviation from the direct course, and allow that the length of the days' marches has either been overrated by Xenophon, or exaggerated by errors of the transcribers, the difficulties seem to be removed. " The problem which remains is to fix the position of the city of Gymnias north of the river of Kars." (The Classical Museum, Iso. vii. p. 41 et seq.) The most superficial glance at the map published by the Roy. Geog. Soc. to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Brant, Mr. Suter, and Lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of their Journal, would satisfy Professor Maiden that it was along the Bin Gul su, or Upper Aras, that the Greeks would have performed their seven days' journey, and not on the Kalah-su, which they joined at Ku- pri Kiui, where I suppose them to have terminated their seven days' inarch, having Professor Maiden's correction in mind. I quite agree, however, with the Professor, that the correct determin- ation of the position of Gymnias Avill do much toward elucidating this most abstruse part of the narrative, and the determination may yet be expected, from the constant progress that geographical and archajological research are making in the East. The question has, indeed, been much narrowed in its corapaas already, from the day when Rennell conceived that the Greeks, having lost their way, wandered up and down after crossing the Araxes. A more intimate acquaintance with the physical charac- 334 COMMENTARY OX tere of northern Armenia Iia3 shown it lo he a country peculiar! j difficult to travel in a constant succession of hills and valleys precipices and ravines rocky ledges and foaming torrents. Mr. Curzon, who has given a very picturesque account of some. of the difficulties to be met with in traveling from Arzrnm to Trebizond, in his little work on Armenia, mentions having met .1 rich Persian merchant on the 2nd of January, at a hotel called Khaderach Khan, who had been eighteen days' on the road from Trebizond, which was thirty-two hours of Tartar posting. At the pass of Husha-Bunar he also came npon a party of Persians, seated on the ledge of a precipice, looking despairingly at a number of their baggage-horses which had tumbled over, and were wallowing in the snow many hundred feet below. At the Zigana Tagh, a whole caravan had been overwhelmed in an avalanche. When these difficulties come to be better appreciated, it will be easy to understand how the Greeks should, in the depth of winter and the natives in open hostilities to them, have spent so much time in this part of the country. "We have not," says Layard, "I conceive, sufficient data in Xenophon's narrative to identify with any degree of certainty his route after crossing the Euphrates. We know that about twenty parasangs from that river, the Greeks encamped near a hot spring, and this spring might be recognized in one of the many which abound in the country. It is most probable that the Greeks took the road still nsed by caravans through the plains of Ilinnis (Kha- nus) and Hassan-Kalah, as offering the fewest difficulties. But what rivers are we to identify with the Phasis and Ilarpasus, the distance between the Euphrates and Phasis being seventv para- sangs, and between the Phasis and Ilarpasus ninety-five, a"nd the Ilarpasus being the larger of the two rivers ? I can not admit that the Greeks turned to the west and passed near the site of the mo- dern Erzeroom. There are no rivers in that direction to answer the description of Xenophon. Moreover, the Greeks came to tho high mountain, and beheld the sea for the lirst time, at the dis- tance of thirty-two parasangs from Trebizond. Had they taken either of the three modern roads from Erzeroom to the coast, and there are no others, they must have seen the Euxine in the im- mediate vicinity of Trebizond, certainly not more than six or eight parasangs from that city. I am, on the whole, inclined to believe, that either the Greeks took a very tortuous course after leaving tho Euphrates, making daily but little actual progress toward tho great end of their arduous journey, the sea-coast, or that there is a considerable error in the amount of parasangs given by Xeno- phon ; that the Harpasus must be the Tcherouk (Juruk), and the Phasis, either the Araxes or the Knr; and that Mount Theches, tho holy mountain, from which the Greeks beheld the sea, was be- THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHOX 335 tween Batim and Trebizond, tho army having followed the valley ot the Tcherouk, but leaving it before reaching the site of the modern port on the Black Sea." (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 65.) ot the Tcherouk, but leaving it before reaching the site of the nd Babylon, p. This is, at all events, an uncompromising statement of the ob- scurities that envelop this part of the retreat, if it is not a lucid record of the details. Colonel Chesney having seen the sea with his own eyes from the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, is an answer to one objec- tion that it could certainly not be seen at a greater distance than six or seven parasangs from Trebizond. With regard to other diffi- culties, Layard would throw the whole subject back again to tho dark period that preceded the investigations of Rennell and Kin- neir. I have endeavored to show what has been added to thoso able and conscientious researches, and the patience and zeal of future inquirers will, most assuredly, sift what is good from all these statements, will expunge that which will not stand the test of time, and Avill arrive ultimately at some clear and satisfactory conclusions regarding these very remarkable Armenian wanderings. CEEASUS. The Greeks recruited themselves at Trebizond, till the supplies furnished by the surrounding country were nearly ex- hausted, and then, only a portion of the necessary shipping having been obtained, they embarked their women and children, with tho sick and the aged, under the two oldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, while the remainder proceeded by land ; and in three marches they reached the Greek city Cerasus, or, more correctly, Kerasus. Hamilton has shown that the ancient Kerasns does not correspond with the modern Kirasunt, but that the site must bo sought for at the rivulet of Kirasun Darah-sn, about eight miles from Cape Yurus, and not quite forty from Trebizond. Consider- ing the difficulties of the country, it is not likely, Colonel Ches- ney remarks, that a greater distance could have be'en accomplished in three days. THE MOSSYXCECI The territory of the Mossynreci or Moschi, in which the Greeks became engaged in a struggle that had nearly been disastrous to them, appears to have stretched from a little distance westward of Trebizond, to the district of Pharnacia, or upward of seventy miles along the coast. The fort or citadel of these fierce people appears to have been in the neighborhood of Cerasus. These Mossynceci the Mossyni of Pliny and of Pom- ponius Mela and who are said to derive their name from tho wooden turrets or the trees they dwelt in, are described as being the most barbarous people the Greeks met with during the whole of their journey. THE CIIALYBES. The Greeks were eight days traveling through the territory of the Mossynoeci, after which they came to that of the Chalybes. These were subject to the Mossyncecians, and far from being numerous, they lived by the manufacture of iron, and were mixed with the Tibarenians. Hamilton found the poor na- 336 COMMENTARY 02T lives of Hie coast occupied in the present day in extracting iron from the superficial soil, not exactly at this spot, but to the west of Cotyora, and between the ruins of Polemonium and the Ther- modon, directly soutli of Uniyah Kalah, ancient CEnoe. COTTORA. Marching through the country of the Tibareni, which is described as being more campaign, and the towns near the sea not so strong, the Greeks came to Cotyora, a Greek city, and a colony of Sinopians, situated in the territory of the Tibare- nians. Cotyora was replaced by Pharnacia, which was built, ac- cording to Strabo, out of its spoils, and hence, in the time of Ar- rian, was already a, mere village. Hamilton lias identified the site with a place called Ordu or Urdu, where are some remains of an ancient port, and Colonel Chesney has accepted the identification. There are some diffi- culties in the way of this identification with the distances given by Arrian in the Peri pi us of the Euxine Sea, which led me to prefer the site of Parshambah. It is, however, by no means a point to be insisted upon. SINOVE. After discussing the question of forming a Greek set- tlement on the Euxine, as well as the relative advantages of a homeward voyage by sea, and a march thither by land, the Greeks adopted the former course; and the Cotyorians having provided the necessary shipping to get rid of their uninvited guest?, a fair wind carried the Greeks rapidly along the coast of Paphlagonia, when passing in succession the rivers Thermodon (Thirmah-su), Tris (Tashil Irmak), and Ilalys (Kizil Irmak), they landed at Tlarmene or Armene, a port five miles from the nourishing city of Sinope, once a Milesian colony. The site of this port and city is too well known to require further illustration. HKRACLEA. After electing Cheirisophus commander-in-chief, Mie Greeks sailed from Sinope along the coast of Paphlagonia and .Bithynia, to Ileraclea, where the army disembarked at the close of the second day's sail. Xenophon makes the Greeks pass the rivers Thermodon and Halys on this journey, by mistake ; instead of on that from Cotyora to Sinope. The Greeks came to an anchor near to the peninsula of the Acherusians the site of one of Hercules' fabled exploits. The modern town of Ilarakli occupies only the south-west corner of the space covered by the ancient city. The Lycus noticed by Xenophon is called the Kilij-su or Sword river, significative of the same thing its sudden wolf-like or destructive risings. CALPH. The Greeks, in their apparent great anxiety for booty an anxiety which attained its acme as they were getting near home, divided into three bodies. The Arcadians and the Acha>- ans, mustering about 4500 heavy-armed men, proceeded by sea to Calpe, while the other heavy-armed men and the Thracian target- eers, who amounted to about 2100 men under Cheirisophus, THE ANABASIS OF XENOPHON. 337 marched along the coast to Thraco ; Xenophon himself, at the head of 1700 heavy-armed men, 300 targeteers, and 40 horsemen, marching, according to Colonel Chesney, toward Calpe in a direct, line. I read it, however, through the middle of the country, a phrase which is twice repeated in the account of the journey, and as the district that lies hetween the shore and the plains of Tuz-clia and Sahancha, is occupied by the Yailah Tagh, a densely-wooded range of hills, totally impassable to a body of troops, there remained no alternative but to keep to the shore or to take to the middle of the country. My idea, as expressed in the " Travels in the Track," and which I am still inclined to hold by, is, that Xenophon, in the pursuit of booty, crossed the Yailah Tag ancient Mons Hypius, and descended upon the fertile plain WPrusa ad Ilypium, but on hearing of the straits in which his comrades were placed at Oalpe, he re- turned thither through the westerly prolongation of the same hills. The promontory of Calpe enjoyed in those times the same namo as that of Gibraltar. It is now called Kirpah or Kafkan Adasi. CHRTSOPOLIS. After a long stay and no small disasters entailed by the restlessness of the Greeks at Calpe, they started from that place, inarching through Bithynia, or Asiatic Thrace, as it was also called, six days' march, to Chrysopolis the Golden city, the modern Uskudar or Scutari, opposite to Constantinople. The dis- tance traveled upon this occasion by road of some eighty miles in six days, gives an average of thirteen miles a day, showing that eight, ten, and twelve were as often assumed ordinary day's jour- neys, under circumstances of greater difficulties, according to the exigences of the case, and may indeed have been still less. The retreat of the Ten Thousand may in reality be said to end at this point, for the kind of business Avhich they became engaged in after crossing the Bosphorus, has nothing to do with that in which they were originally taken from their homes by the ambition of Cyrus. The Ten Thousand in European THRACE. From Chrysopolis the Greeks crossed over to Byzantium, where they were but scur- vily treated by the Lacedaemonian admiral, Anaxibius, and henco obliged to quarter in some Thracian villages. Xenophon sailed in the mean time to Cyzicus (now Baal Kiz), from whence he re- turned to his comrades, and led them all, except such as remained with Neon and such as had disbanded on finding themselves in Europe, to Perinthus, now Harakli. From this point they were induced by large promises to assist Seuthes, son of Msesades, to recover his patrimony as one of the independent kings of Thrace. In execution of this compact they marched into the country called the Delta of the Thracians, above Byzantium, that of the Melino- phagi, who dwelt in the eastern part of the Kutchuk Balkhan (Little Balkhan), and they arrived at Salmydissus or Kalmydissus, now Midiyah, on the Euxine. After they had subdued the in- 15 338 COMMENTARY OX THE ANABASIS OF XEXOPHON, habitants, who lived chiefly by the plunder of wrecks, they re- turned and encamped on a plain above Selymbria. The G-reeks arrive at PERGAMUS. At 'this point the Greeks parted from Seuthes, who had failed to fulfill his promises made to them, and crossing the Propontis, they repaired to Larapsacus, a well-known port on the Hellespont, now called Lamsaki. From hence they marched through Troas, and passing over the celebrated Mount Ida, they came first to Antandrus, now Antandros, near Adramiti. Hence they continued their march along the coast of the Lydian sea, to the plain of Thebes. It is known, from Herod- otus and Livy, that the plain of Adramyttium was so called. Thence they passed through Adramyttium or Atramyttium Cer- tonium, which is believed to be the Karene of Herodotus, and Atarne, an ^Eolian city the Atarneus of Strabo, from whence they reached Pergainus, where the narrative of the historian finally ceases. The whole of the Avay, both of the Expedition and of the Re- treat, is said to have comprised two hundred and fifteen days' inarch, of eleven hundred and fifty-five parasangs, and of thirty thousand six hundred and fifty stadia ; and the time employed in both, was a year and three months. GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX TO THE ANABASIS. ABYDUS, i. 1.9. A city of Mysia on the Hellespont, nearly opposite Sestus on the European shore. Aidos or Avido, a modern village on the Hellespont, may be the site of Abydus, though the conclusion from a name alone is not admitted by some critics. Acherusian Chersonese, vi. 2. 2 : the scene, as it is said, of Hercules's twelfth labor, to bring up the dog Cerberus from Acheron. It ran out into the Black sea, near Heraclea, now HaraUi. Ainsw. p. 215. yEolia, v. 6. 24. A district on the west coast of Asia Minor, which is included by Strabo in the larger division of Mysia. Antandrus, vii. 8. 7. A city on the coast of Troas, now Antandros. Apollonia, vii. 8. 15. A town of Mysia, on an eminence east of Per- gamus, on the way to Sardis. Strabo, xiii. p. 625. It seems to have been near the borders of Lydia. The exact site does not appear to be determined. Arabia, i. 5. 1 ; vii. 8. 25. The term Arabia is used by Xenophon to designate thoso parts of Mesopotamia which lie south of the river Kka- bur, the same as are described by Strabo (L 2, p. 65 ; xvi. 1, p. 351), as inhabited by the Arabes Scenitse or Nomad Arabs, and which are in the present day chiefly occupied by the Shamar Arabs. Araxes, i. 4. 19. There is every reason to believe that what Xen- ophon calls the Araxes (a river of Mesopotamia running into the Euphrates), is the same river that is called Chaboras by Ptolemy and Pliny, Aborras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus Marcellinus, and other writers : and by the Arabs, the Khdbur. The contributor to the Dic- tionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. Chaboras, has, however, thought fit to question this identification. Armenia, Orontes the satrap of, iii. 5. 17 ; contains the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates, iv. 1. 3 ; divided by the river Centrites from the country of the Carduchi, iv. 3. 1 ; its mountains, iv. 3. 20 ; traversed by the Greeks, iv. 4. 1 ; Western Armenia, Tiribazus satrap of, iv. 4. 4 ; their boys act as cup-bearers, iv. 5. 33 ; their horses described, iv. 5. 36. 340 GEOGRAPHICAL IXDEX Atarneus, a city of Mysia, opposite to Lesbos, and a strong place. Tho site is generally fixed at Dikhdi or Dikhali Kiui. Cramer's Asia Minor, voL i. p. 133. Atramyttium or Adramyttium, a town situated at the head of the bay, called from it Sinus Adramyttenus, on the river Caicus, in Mysia, on the road from the Hellespont to Pergamus. Now Adramytti. Ainsw. p. 230, 248. Babylon, its distance from Cunaxa, where the battle was fought, ii. 2. C ; its distance from Cotyora in Pontus, v. 5. 4. Babylonia, i. 7. 1 ; ii. 2. 13. Bisa'nthe, vii. 2. 38 ; 5. 8 ; a city on the Propontis, north-west of Perinthus. At a later period its name was changed into Rhsedestum or Rhsedestus, whence its present name, Rodosto. Kriiger ad vii. 2. 38. Bithynia, Pharnabazus satrap of it, viL 8. 25. Byzantium, on the Bosporus, now Constantinople; the Greeks force an entrance into it, vii. 1. 16; belonged to the Athenians before the Pelop- onnesian war, vii. 1. 27. Csonse, ii. 4. 28. A large city of Mesopotamia on the Tigris. Sup- posed by Mannert, Rennell, and others to be represented by the ruins at Senn, but determined by Colonel Chesney and Colonel Rawlin- son to bo represented by the ruins at or near Kalah Shirgat or Kileh Shirgat. Caicus, Plain of, vii. 8. 8, 18. The Caicus is a river of Mysia and Lydia, flowing past Pergamus into the sea opposite Lesbos ; it is now called the KrimaklL Ainsw. p. 230. Calpe, Harbor of, in Bithynia, described, vi. 4. 1, 2. See also vi. 2. 13, 17 ; vi 3. 2. It is now called Kirpah Liman, and the mountain Kaifkan Tagh, the chief headland or promontory Kaifkan Adasi, and a lesser promontory Yutonji Kaifkan, or the lying or deceitful Kaifkan. Cappadocia, L 2. 20 ; viL 8. 25. Carduchi or Karduchi, now the Kurds. A people inhabiting the mountains of Kurdistan, the ancient Gordene or Gordiaeus Mons, the banks of the Tigris, and more particularly the country bordering on Armenia and Assyria : independent, hardy, and warlike mountaineers, iii. 5. 16; v. 5. 17; vii. 8. 25; the Greeks ascend their hills, iiL 5. 17; iv. 1. 2; attempt in vain to be friendly with them, iv. 1. 8, 9; are ha- rassed by them, iv. L 16 ; 3. 7. Carsus or Karsus. Cersus or Kersus, a river of Cilicia, i. 4. 4. Tho Andricus of Pliny, now, Markatz-su, at the gates of Cilicia and Syria, L 4. 4. AinBW. p. 8. 58. Castolus, Plain of, i. 1. 2 ; 9. 7. Stephanus says that Castolus was a city of Lydia. See note on i. 1. 2. Caystrus, Plain of, i. 2. 11. Supposed to be the plain of Bulavadin, in the lower part of which is the lake called Ibar GUI. Hamilton thinks at or near the village called Chai Kiui or " river village." It has been placed higher up, near Surmanah. Koch and Long have dissented from the latter identification. See Kiihner ad i. 2. 11. TO THE ANABASIS. 341 Celaense, a large city of Phrygia, i. 27. Xerxes built its citadel, i. 2. 9. Cyrus had a palace there. The site is now called Dinair or Dee- nair. Leake's Tour, p. 158. Cramer, voL ii. p. 50. Hamilton, voL i. p. 499, 505. Centrites, a river dividing the country of the Carduchi from Ar- menia, iv. 3. 1 ; the Greeks cross it, iv. 3. 15. Now the Buhtan Chai. Ainsw. Travels, voL ii. p. 356. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 49, 63. Ceramon Agora, or Ceramorum Forum, i. 2. 10. This place appears to be represented by the modern Ushak, still a place of considerable traffic and commerce. Hamilton, ii. 204. Hutchinson supposes it to be the same with Ceranae, mentioned by Plin. H. N. v. 41. Cerasus, a Greek city on the coast of Colchis, founded by the people of Sinope, v. 3. 2 ; 5. 10; 7. 13. The site of this place was not at the modern Kirasunt, but in a valley bearing the same name of Kirasun Darah-su, or river of the valley of Kerasus. Hamilton, i. 250. Eus- tathius, ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 437, says that the place was so named from the abundance of Kepuaoc, cherry-trees, that grew there. Hence it is supposed Lucullus first introduced the cherry-tree into Europe. Plin. II. N. xv. 5.3; 5.10; 7. 13. Cersus, see Carsus. Certo:.'um, a city of Mysia, vii. 8. 8. It is not mentioned in any other author : see Cramer, Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 133, who favors the suggestion of Hutchinson, that we should perhaps read Kapivrjf, the name of a town mentioned by Herodotus. It has been conjectured that it may be the Cytonium of Theopompus (Steph. s. v. KVTUVIOV) : there being now a place named Kidonia, near the supposed situation of Cer- tonium. But Cytonium was between Mysia and Lydia ; and Xenophon's Certonium is in Mysia. Carine or Carene may have stood on the river Caresos, mentioned by Homer, II. xii. 20. Chalcedon, on the Bosporus, opposite Byzantium, vii. 1. 20 ; 2. 24, 26. Now Kadi Kiui. Ainsw. i. 14. Chalcedonia, vi. 6. 38. Chaldaeans, iv. 3. 4 ; v. 5. 17 ; vii. 8. 23. Now Khaldis and Nestorian mountaineers. Chalus. a river of Syria, i. 4. 9. Identified by Colonel Chesney with the Baluklu-su, or Fish river, a tributary to the Sajur, but more prob- ably the Chalib or Kuwait, the river of Aleppo. Ainsw. p. 63. Chalybes, a people on the shore of the Euxine, bordering on Armenia, iv. 5. 34; vii. 8. 25; serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18 ; meet the Greeks, iv. 6. 5 ; their bravery, and armor, vL 7. 15 ; subject to the Mossynoeci, v. 5. 1. Strabo makes the Chalybes the same as the ChaldaeL Ainsw. p. 184. Charmanda, a large city on the Euphrates, i. 5. 10. Formerly identi- fied with Hit, but Colonel Chesney thinks that the site is represented by ruins opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jabbah. (Exped. to survey the rivers Euph. and Tigris, vol. ii. 214.) Chersonesus opposite Abydus, or the Thracian Chersor.esus, i. 1. 9: ii. 6. 2, 24; its beauty and fertility, v. 6. 2G ; vii. 1. 13. Chersonesus, Acherusian. See Acherusian Chersonesus. 342 GEOGRAPHICAL INDEX Chrysopolis, a city near Chalcedon, vL 1. 1 ; 6. 38. Now Uskudar or Scutari. Ainsw. p. 222. Cilicia, difficulty of entering it, i. 2. 21 ; situation and nature of the country, i. 2. 22 ; its Gates, L 4. 4. Coetse, vii. 8. 25. Perhaps a corruption of Taochi : see Dindorf ad loc. Colchians, iv. 8. 23 ; viL 8. 25 ; oppose the Greeks, but are defeated, iv. 8. 9, 18; Greeks suffer from the Colchian honey, iv. 8. 20; their deputies stoned, v. 7.2. Colossae, a large city of Phrygia Major, i. 2. G. Supposed by Arundel (ii. 159) to be represented by ruins at the modern Clwnos or Khonos, but identified by Hamilton with ruins about three miles north of that site (L 508). Comania, viii. 8. 15. It seems to have been a fortress not far from Pergamus. Zeune ad loc. Corsote, a deserted city on the river, or canal, Mascas. 5. 5. 4. Sup- posed to be represented by ruins at a site now called Jrzah or Werdi. Ainsw. p. 79. Cotyora, a Greek city, and colony of the Sinopians, situated on the Euxine in the territory of the Tibareni, v. 5. 3, 4. Cramer (i. 278) places it at Buyuk KalaJi, " Great Castle," near Cape Vona or Bona. Kinneir and Hamilton think it lay nearer to Urdu or Ordou, Cydnus, flows through tho midst of Tarsus, i. 2. 23. Now called Tarsus chai. Cyzicus, a city of ITysia on the Propontis, vii. 2. 5. This celebrated city is now represented by the ruins of Bal Kiz, of which a description is given by Hamilton (ii. 103), and Leake, p. 271. Dana> a city of Cappadocia, i. 2. 20. The same as tho Tyana of Strabo, xiii. p. 371. Now represented by the ruins of Kiz Hissar. Dardes, a river described as a plethrum in breadth at its sources, i. 4. 10. In most of the old editions it is called the Daradax. Identified formerly with the canal at Balis, but supposed by Colonel Chesney to bo the same as the fountain of Al Bab, near the source of the stream called Dhahab or Dabb (ii. 213). Delta of Thrace, was between Byzantium and Salmydessus, vii. 1. 33 ; 5. 1. Gryllus de Bosporo Tlwracio (see Schneider ad vii. 5. 1.) places it the angular point Derkon, in which opinion D'Anvillo agrees with him. Rennell, p. 268, thinks it the angular space running out into the Euxine near Byzantium. Dolopes, of Epirus, i. 2. 6. Drilae, v. 2. 1. Arrian, PeripL p. 123, ed. Blanc., suggests that this people may have been a tribe of the Sanni or Macrones. See Ainsw. p. 189, and Cramer, Asia Min. L p. 287, who refers to Steph. Byz. v. Ecbatana, the capital of Media, ii. 4. 25 ; iii, 5. 15. The Ecbatana or Agbatana, " Treasure city," of Media, is supposed to be represented by Jfamadan, the Ecbatana of Assyria by Amadiyah, the Ecbatana of Babylonia by Kirkuk, and the Ecbatana of Atropatene by Takhti TO THE ANABASIS. 343 tfulatman. There were also Ecbatanas at Persepolis and on Mount Carmel. Ephesus, ii. 2. 6. The ruins of Ephesus have been described by Spon and Wheler, Chishull and Chandler, Arundel, Hamilton, Fellows, and others. The site of these ruins is now called Ayasaluk. Euphrates, its breadth, i. 4. 11. CJTUS crosses it, i. 4. IT, IS. The Greeks re-cross it, not far from its source, iv. 5. 2. Ganus, a city of Thrace, on tho Propontis, to the south of Bisanthe, ViL 5. 8. Gates of Silicia and Syria, i. 4. 4. See note ad loc. Gates, Babylonian, L 5. 5 ; placed by Colonel Chesney 24 miles short of the Median "Well, nearly opposite the village of Jarrah (ii. 214) ; by others at the termination of the hilly country on the plains of Babylonia. See note ad loc. Gymnias, a, largo city of tho Scythini, iv. 7. 10. Identified formerly conjecturally with Arzrum, now with Ispir or Ispira. Identified by Colonel Chesney with the little town of Gemeri on the Kara-su (ii. p. 230) ; by M. Yivien de Saint Martin, Hist, des Decouvertes Geographiques (tome ii. p. 324), with Djlnnis, a village on the left bank of tho Upper Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum. Halisarne, a town near Pergamus, vii. 8. 17. It is mentioned by Xen. Hell. iii. 1, 4; Plin. H. N. v. 32 ; and Steph. Byz. Halys, river of Paphlagonia, v. G. 9 ; vi. 2. 1. Now called the Kizil Irmak, or Red River. See Jasonian Shore. Harmene, a port near Sinope, vi. 1. 15. Strabo, xiL p. 545 ; Arrian, Peripl. p. 127. Harpasus, river so called, iv. 7. 18. Rennell (p. 225) and Hamilton (i. 197) have identified this river with the Arpa cltai, a branch or tribut- ary to the Aras or Araxes, but Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) and Layard (Nin. and Baby. p. G5) have identified it with the Juruk or Tchoruk-su, the Asparus of the Romans. Heraclea^ a Greek city of Pontus, originally a colony from Megara, in the territory of the Mariandyni, vi. 2. 1 ; its distance from Byzantium, ^//aif.] $r'/LtT], an omen taken from the voices of men. See Cicero de Div. i. 45. 102 ; where it is said that the Pythagoreans observed not only the voices of the gods, but also those of men. and called the signs from them omina. See Eustath. ad II. *', p. 799; Xen. Apol. 12; Boraemann ad Apol. 18, p. 51, ed. 1824; Herbst on Sympos. iv. 48, and on this passage. Kuhner. 2 Iluf OVK. dvai #eot)? ivoui^ev ;] Xenopbon here goes out of his line of argument, and introduces a new point, which is not given in tho charge against Socrates as it stands in sect. 1. He there says that Soc- rates was accused of introducing new gods, not of denying that there were gods. Plato, in his Apology, p. 36, C., has made a far more accu- rate distinction between these two points of accusation. Kuhner. It is observable, that if dvai were omitted, the question would ba ia ac- CHAP. I. ON CONSULTING THE GODS. 351 6. Ho also acted toward his friends according to his con- victions, for lie recommended them to perform affairs of ne- cessary consequence 1 in such a manner as he thought that they would be best managed ; but concerning those of which it was doubtful how they would terminate, he sent them to take auguries whether they should be done or not. 7. Those who would govern families or cities well, he said, had need of divination ; for to become skillful in architecture, or working in brass, or agriculture, or in commanding men, or to become a critic in any such arts, 2 or a good reasoner, or a skillful regu- lator of a household, or a well-qualified general, he considered as wholly matters of learning, and left to the choice of the human understanding ; 8. but he said that the gods reserved to themselves the most important particulars attending such matters, of which nothing was apparent to men ; for neither was it certain to him who had sown his field well, who should reap the fruit of it ; nor certain to him who had built a house well, who should inhabit it ; nor certain to him who was skilled in generalship, whether it would be for his advantage to act as a general ; nor certain to him who was versed in political affairs, whether it would be for his profit to be at the head of the state ; nor certain to him who had married a beautiful wife in hopes of happiness, whether he should not incur misery by her means ; nor certain to him who had acquired powerful connections in the state, whether he might not be banished by them : 9. and those who thought that none of these things depended on the gods, but that all were dependent on the human understanding, he pronounced to be insane ; as he also pronounced those to be insane who had recourse to omens re- specting matters which the gods had granted to men to dis- cover by the exercise of their faculties ; as if, for instance, a man should inquire whether it would be better to take for the driver of his chariot one who knows how to drive, or one who does not know ; or whether it would be better to place cordance with the accusation: "How could he, who trusted in the gods, not pay respect to the gods ?" 1 T dvo-yKala.] Things of which the event is certain, because neces- sary, as Ernesti interprets. Schneider. 2 Tuv TOIOVTUV t-pyufiF^ETaaTiKov.] 'Ejeraari/cof appears to signify one who can point out the merits and defects in works, though he him- self could not execute any thing better than what he criticises ; a mad of theory, not of practice. Weiske. 352 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. over his ship one who knows how to steer it, or one who does not know; or if men should ask respecting matters which they may learn by counting, or measuring, or weighing ; for those who inquired of the gods concerning such matters he thought guilty of impiety, and said that it was the duty of men to learn whatever the gods had enabled them to do by learning, and to try to ascertain from the gods by augury whatever was obscure to men ; as the gods always afford in- formation to those to whom they are rendered propitious. 10. He was constantly in public, for he went in the morning to the places for walking and the gymnasia ; at the time when the market was full 1 he was to be seen there ; and the rest of the day he was where he was likely to meet the greatest number of people ; he was generally engaged in discourse, and all who pleased were at liberty to hear him; 11. yet no one ever either saw Socrates doing, or heard him saying, any thing impious or profane; for he did not dispute about the nature of things as most other philosophers disputed, 2 specu- lating how that which is called by sophists the world was produced, and by what necessary laws every thing in the heav- ens is effected, but endeavored to show that those who chose such subjects of contemplation were foolish; 12. and used iu the first place to inquire of them whether they thought that they already knew sufficient of human affairs, and therefore proceeded to such subjects of meditation, or whether, when they neglected human affairs entirely, and speculated on celes- tial matters, they thought that they were doing what became them. 13. He wondered, too, that it was not apparent to them that it is impossible for man to satisfy himself on such points, since even those who pride themselves most on dis- cussing them, do not hold the same opinions one with another, Jyopuc.] See note on Anab. i. 8. 1. That Socrates used at times to discuss physical subjects, appears from Xenophon himself (see c. 4, and Symp. vi. 6), as well as from Plato's Apology and Phasdo, a 46, and Diog. Laert. ii. 45 ; but ho pursued a different method from that of other philosophers in such discussions; for, abstaining from subtle and useless inquiries as to the origin of things, the courses of the heavenly bodies, and other ob- scure topics, he directed his inquiries to the consideration of the divine power, the nature of man, the connection of the human with tho divine nature, and the government of the world by divine influence- Kuhner. CHAP. I. OX THE PHILOSOPHERS. 353 but are, compared with each other, like madmen ; 14. for of mad- men some have no fear of Avhat is to be feared, and others fear what is not to be feared ; some think it no shame to say or do any thing whatever before men, and others think that they ought not to go among men at all ; some pay no respect to temple, or altar, or any thing dedicated to the gods, and others worship stones, and common stocks, and beasts : so of those who speculate on the nature of the universe, some imagine that all that exists h one, others that there are worlds infinite ia number ; some that all things are in perpetual motion, others that nothing is ever moved ; some that all things are generated and decay, and others that nothing is either gener- ated or- decays. 15. He would ask, also, concerning such philosophers, whether, as those who have learned arts practiced by men, expect that they will be able to carry into effect what they have learned, either for themselves, or for any one else whom they may wish, so those who inquire into celestial things, imagine that, when they have discovered by what law r s every thing is effected, they will be able to produce, whenever they please, wind, rain, changes of the seasons, and whatever else of that sort they may desire, or whether they have no such expectation, but are content merely to know how every thing of that nature is generated. 16. Such were the observations which he made about those who busied themselves in such speculations ; but for himself, he would hold discourse, from time to time, on what concerned mankind, considering what was pious, what impious ; what was becoming, what unbe- coming ; what was just, what unjust ; what was sanity, what insanity ; what was fortitude, what cowardice ; what a state was, and what the character of a statesman ; what was the nature of government over men, and the qualities of one skilled in governing them ; and touching on other subjects, with which he thought that those who were acquainted were men of worth and estimation, but that those who were ignor- ant of them might justly be deemed no better than slaves. 17. As to those matters, then, on which Socrates gave no intimation what his sentiments were, it is not at all wonderful that his judges should have decided erroneously concerning him ; but is it not wonderful that they should have taken no account of such things as all men knew ? 18. For when he 354 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK i. was a member of the senate, and had taken the senator's oath, in which it was expressed that he would vote in accordance with the laws, he, being president in the assembly of the people when they were eager to put to death Thrasyllus, Erasinides, and all the nine generals, by a single vote con- trary to the law, refused, 1 though the multitude were en- raged at him, and many of those in power uttered threats against him, to put the question to the vote, but considered it of more importance to observe his oath than to gratify the people contrary to what was right, or to seek safety against those who menaced him; 19. for he thought that the gods paid regard to men, not in the way in which some people suppose, who imagine that the gods know some things and do not know others, but he considered that the gods know all things, both what is said, what is done, and what is medi- tated in silence, and are present every where, and give ad- monitions to men concerning every thing human. 20. I wonder, therefore, how the Athenians were ever per- suaded that Socrates had not right sentiments concerning the gods ; a man who never said or did any thing impious toward the gods, but spoke and acted in such a manner with respect to them, that any other who had spoken and acted in the same manner, would have been, and have been considered, emi- nently pious. CHAPTER II. Reply to the other charge against Socrates. He did not corrupt the youth, ror his whole teaching dissuaded them from vice, and encouraged them to temperance and virtue of every kind, sect. 1-8. He exhorted them to obey the laws, 9-11. If Critias and Alcibiades, who listened to his dis- courses, became corrupt, the fault was not his, 12-23 ; he endeavored to reclaim them, till they deserted him ; and others, who resigned themselves wholly to his instructions, became virtuous and honorable men, 28-48. Other frivolous assertions refuted, 49-60. His benevolence, disinterest- edness, and general merits, 61-64. 1. IT also seems wonderful to me, that any should have been persuaded that Socrates corrupted the youth ; Socrates, who, in addition to what has been said of him, was not only i See Xen. TfpJl i. 7, especially sect. 15. CHAP. II. PRINCIPLES AND HABITS OF SOCRATES. 355 the most rigid of all men in the government of his passions and appetites, but also most able to withstand cold, heat, and every kind of labor ; and, besides, so inured to frugality, that, though he possessed very little, he very easily made it a suffi- ciency. 2. How, then, being of such a character himself, could he have rendered others impious, or lawless, or luxuri- ous, or incontinent, or too effeminate to endure labor? On the contrary, he restrained many of them from such, vices, leading them to love virtue, and giving them hopes, that if they would take care of themselves, they would become hon- orable and worthy characters. 3. Not indeed that he ever professed to be an instructor in that way, but, by showing that he was himself such a character, he made those in his society hope that, by imitating him, they would become such as he was. 4. Of the body he was not neglectful, nor did he commend those who were. He did not approve that a person should eat to excess, and then use immoderate exercise, but recom- mended that he should work off, by a proper degree of exer- cise, as much as the appetite received with pleasure ; for such a habit, he said, was peculiarly conducive to health, and did not prevent attention to the mind. 5. He was not, however, fine Xof his overs of money, 1 for he checked them in this as well as other passions, and asked no remuneration from those who desired his com- pany. 6. By refraining from such demand, he thought that he consulted his liberty, and called those who took money for their discourses their own enslavers, since they must of neces- sity hold discussions w r ith those from whom they received pay. 7. U > expressed wonder, too, that any one who pro- fessed to tefvh virtue, should demand money, and not think that he gained the greatest profit in securing a good friend, but fear that he whom he had made an honorable and worthy character would not retain the greatest gratitude toward his greatest benefactor. 8. Socrates, indeed, never expressed so much to any one ; yet he believed that those of his associates who imbibed what he approved, would be always good friends both to himself and to each other. How then 1 Though he was not extravagant, he was not avaricious ; nor had his conversation a tendenc3' to make others avaricious. or ostentatious in his clothes or sandals, or in any habits of life ; yet he did not make those about him Ic 356 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOKI, could a man of such a character corrupt the young, unless, indeed, the study of virtue be corruption ? 9. " But assuredly," said the accuser, " he caused those who conversed with him to despise the established laws, by saying how foolish it was to elect the magistrates of a state by beans, 1 wheu nobody would be willing to take a pilot elected by beans, or an architect, or a flute-player, 4 or a person in any other profession, which, if erroneously exercised, would cause far less harm than errors in the administration of a state ;" and declared that " such remarks excited the young to con- temn the established form of government, and disposed them to acts of violence." 10. But I think that young men who exercise their understanding, and expect to become capable of teaching their fellow-citizens what is for their interest, grow by no means addicted to violence, knowing that on violence attend enmity and danger, but that, by persuasion, the same results are attained without peril, and with good- will ; for those who are compelled by us, hate us as if despoiled of something, while those who are persuaded by us, love us ns if they had received a favor. It is not the part, there- fore, of those who cultivate the intellect to use violence ; for to adopt such a course belongs to those who possess brute force without intellect. 11. Besides, he who would venture to use force, had need of no small number of allies, but he who can succeed with persuasion, has need of none, for, ihough left alone, he would think himself still able to persuade ; and it by no means belongs to such men to shed blood, for who would wish to put another man to death rather than to have him as a living subject persuaded to obey ? 12. "But," said the accuser, " Critias and Alcibiades, after having been associates of Socrates, inflicted a great number of evils on the state ; for Critias was the most avaricious and violent of all that composed the oligarchy, and Alcibiades was the most intemperate, insolent, and turbulent of all those in the democracy." 13. For whatever evil they did the state, I shall make no apology ; but as to their intimacy with 1 'ATTO KVU/J.OV.~\ Black and whito beans were used in voting for the magistrates at Athens. 3 Mj?(5' ai>/.i]Ty.] These words, which occur in the texts of "Weisko, Schneider, and all others that I have seen, are omitted by Kiihner; perhaps inadvertently. CHAP. n. CRITIAS AND ALCIBIADES. 357 Socrates, I will state how it took place. 14. These two meu were by nature the most ambitious of all the Athenians, and wished that every thing should be done by their means, and that they themselves should become the most celebrated of all men. But they knew that Socrates lived with the utmost contentment on very "small means, that he was most abstinent from every kind of pleasure, and that he swayed those with whom he con- versed just as he pleased by his arguments; 15. and, seeing such to be the case, and being such characters as they have just been stated to be, whether will any one say that they sought his society from a desire to lead such a life as Socrates led, and to practice such temperance as he practiced, or from an expectation, that if they associated with him, they would be- come eminently able to speak and act ? 16. I myself, indeed, am of opinion, that if a god had given them their choice, whether they would live their whole lives as they saw Socrates living, or die, they would have chosen rather to die ; and they showed this disposition by what they did ; for as soon as they con- sidered themselves superior to their associates, they at once started away from Socrates, and engaged in political life, to qualify themselves for which they had sought the society of Socrates. 17. Perhaps some one may observe on this point, that Socrates should not have taught his followers politics before he taught them self-control. To this remark I make no reply at present ; ' but I see that all teachers make themselves examples to their pupils how far they practice what they teach, and stimulate them by precepts ; 1 8. and I know that Socrates made himself an example to those who associated with him as a mau of honorable and excellent character, and that he discoursed admirably concerning virtue and other things that concern mankind. I know, too, that those men exercised self-control as long as they conversed with Socrates, not from fear lest they should be fined or beaten by him, but from a persuasion at the time that it was best to observe such ponduct. 19. Perhaps, however, many of those who profess to be philosophers, may say that a man once just, can never become unjust, or once modest, immodest ; and that, with regard to 1 Xenophon leaves this point for the present, intending to reply to it in iv. 3. Kithner. 358 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK n. any other qualification (among such as can be taught), he who> has once learned it can never become ignorant of it. But re- garding such points I am not of that opinion ; for I see that as those who do not exercise the body can not perform what is proper to the body, so those who can not exercise the mind, can not perform what is proper to the mind ; for they can neither do that which they ought to do, nor refrain from that from which they ought to refrain. 20. For which reason fathers keep their sous, though they be of a virtuous disposition, from the society of bad men, in the belief that association with the good is an exercise of virtue, but that association with the bad is the destruction of it. One of the poets also bears testimony to this truth, who says, 'E /lev yup UTT' eoGl.ti. fii6d$eck ' f/v 6 Kanolai 'Zvfifiisyyf, UTTOAEI^ not TOV eovra voov. From good men you -will learn what is good ; but if you associate with the bad, you will lose the understanding which is in you. 1 And another, who observes, AvTap uvijp tlyadbf TOTE JIEV KOKO;, UA/.OTC <5' - pear the better reason:" ~ov I/TTU /,6yov KpeiTru TTOICIV. CHAP. ii. ENMITY TOWARD SOCRATES. 361 But Critias showed that such was the case; for when the Thirty had put to death many of the citizens, and those not of the inferior class, and had encouraged many to acts of injus- tice, 1 Socrates happened to observe that " it seemed surprising to him if a man, becoming herdsman of a number of cattle, and rendering the cattle fewer and in worse condition, should not confess that he was a bad herdsman, and still more surprising if a man, becoming governor of a city, and rendering the people fewer and in worse condition, should not feel ashamed, and be conscious of being a bad governor of the city." 33. This 'emark being repeated to the Thirty, Ciitias and Charicles summoned Socrates before them, showed him the law, and .'brbade him to hold discourse with the youth. Socrates in- quired of them if he might be permitted to ask a question as to any point in the prohibitions that might not be understood by him. They gave him permission. 34. "Then," said he, "I am prepared to obey the laws ; but that I may not unconscious- ly transgress through ignorance, I wish to ascertain exactly from you, ' whether it is because you think that the art of reasoning is an auxiliary to what is rightly spoken, 2 or to what is not rightly spoken, that you give command to abstain from it; for if it be an adjunct to what is rightly spoken, it is plain that we have to abstain from speaking rightly ; but if to what is not rightly spoken, it is plain that we ought to en- deavor to speak rightly.'" 35. Charicles, falling into a passion with him, said, " Since, Socrates, you are ignorant of this particular, we give you an order more easily to be under- stood, not to discourse at all with the young." " That it may not be doubtful, then," said Socrates, " whether I do any thing contrary to what is enjoined, define for me till what age I must consider men to be young." " As long," replied Chari- cles, " as they are not allowed to fill the office of senator, as not being yet come to maturity of understanding ; and do 1 See Plato's Apology of Socrates, c. 20 : Ola e5/} Kai a TroA/loff Tro/.Ad irpoaeraTTOv, povho/tEvoi tjf 7rAfyrot>f dvairhTJaai alriuv. 2 2t'v rolg opiJwf J.eyofjLivois elvdt.] That is, " that the art of speak- ing supports what is rightly said;" for avv TIVL elvai signifies alicui auxilio esse. See my Gr. Gr. vol. it. 601. Kuhner. Schneider took cvv for tv, giving the passage tho meaning of inter ilia quce rede di- curitur, which is, as Weiske says, a forced sense of ovv, but which, it must be confessed, suits very well with the sequel of the question put by Socrates. VOL. i. 16 362 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK i. not discourse with such as .ire tinder thirty years of age." 36. " And if I wish to buy any thing," said Socrates, " and a person under thirty years of age has it for sale, may I not ask him r.t what price he sells it ?"' " Yes, such questions as these," replied Charicles, " but you arc accustomed to ask most of your ques- tions about things, when you know very well how they stand ; such questions, therefore, do not ask." " If then any young man," said he, " should ask me such a question as ' where does Charicles live ?' or ' where is Critias <' may I not answer him, if I know ?" " Yes, you may answer such questions," said Charicles. 37. "But," added Critias, " it will be necessary for you to abstain from speaking of those shoemakers, 1 and carpenters, and smiths ; indeed I think that they must now be worn out from being so often in your mouth." "I must therefore," said Socrates, " abstain from the illustrations that I attach to the mention of those people, illustrations on justice, piety, and other such subjects." ' Yes, by Jupiter," retorted Charicles, " and you must abstain from illustrations taken from herdsmen ; for, if you do not, take care lest you yourself make cattle fewer." 1 38. Hence it was evident that they were angry with Socrates on account of his remark about the cattle having been reported to them. What sort of intercourse Critias had with Socrates, and how they stood toward each other, has now been stated. 39. But I would say that no regular training is derived by any one from a teacher who does not please him ; and Critias and Alcibiades did not associate with Socrates, while their associa- tion with him lasted, as being an instructor that pleased them, but they were, from the very first, eager to be at the head of the state, for, while they still attended Socrates, they sought to converse with none more than with those who were most ai TUV GKVTEUV, K. r. /I] A brief mode of expression for "to abstain from drawing illustrations from those shoemakers," etc. Socrates, in his conversation, was accustomed to illustrate or support his precepts and opinions by examples taken from fullers, leather-cutters, potters, and other artizans ; a mode of lecturing quite the reverse of that of the sophists, who sought to dazzle or delight the minds of their hearers, by the splendor and magnificence of their illustrations, and tho grandiloquence of their speeches, and derided the method of Socrates as common, trite, and mean. See b. iv. 4. 5; Plato, Symp. p. 221, E; Gorg. 491, A. Kuhner. * By losing your own life. CHAP. IL WHAT A LAW IS. 363 engaged in affairs of government. 40. Alcibiades, it is said, before he was twenty years of age, held the following dis- course with Pericles, who was his guardian, and chief ruler of the state about laws. 41. "Tell me," said he, "Pericles, can you teach me what a law is." " Certainly," replied Pericles. " Teach me then, in the name of the gods," said Alcibiades, " for I, hearing some persons praised as being obedient to the laws, consider that no one can fairly obtain such praise who does not know what a law is." 42. "You desire no very difficult matter, Alcibiades," said Pericles, "when you wish to know what a law is ; for all those regulations are law's, which the people, on meeting together and approving them, have enacted, directing what we should do and what we should not do." " And whether do they direct that we should do good things, or that we should do bad things ?" " Good, by Jupiter, my child," said he, "but bad by no means." 43. "And if it should not be the whole people, but a few, as where there is an oligarchy, that should meet together, and enact what wo are to do, what are such enactments ?" " Every thing," replied Pericles, " which the supreme power in the state, on determin- ing what the people ought to do, has enacted, is called a law." "And if a tyrant, holding rule over the state, prescribes to the citizens what they must do, is such prescription called a law." " Whatever a tyrant in authority prescribes," returned Pericles, " is also called a law." 44. " What then, Pericles," asked Alcibiades, "is force and lawlessness? Is it not when the stronger obliges the weaker, not by persuasion, but by compulsion, to do w r hat he pleases f ' " So it appears to me,' 1 replied Pericles. "Whatever then a tyrant compels tho people to do, by enacting it without gaining their consent, is that an act of lawlessness ?" " Yes," said Pericles, " it appears to me that it is, for I retract my admission 1 that what a tyrant prescribes to the people without persuading them, is a law." 45. " But what the few enact, not from gaining tho consent of the many, but from having superior power, should we say that that is force or that it is not ?" " Every thing," said Pericles, " which one man obliges another to do without gaining 1 ' Arari&e/j.ai.'] A metaphorical expression from the game of irerroi or calculi, in which dvadelvat TTETTOV^ is to replace or re-arrange the calculi, after discovering that one or more of them arc misplaced. Kuhncr. See Suidas sub voco dvadca&ai. 64 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK i. his consent, whether he enact it in writing or not, seems to me to be force rather than law." " Whatever, then, the whole people, when they are stronger than the wealthier class, enact without their consent, would be an act of force rather than a law?" 46. "Certainly, Alcibiades," said Pericles; "and I, when I was cf your age, was very acute at such disquisitions ; for we used to meditate and argue about such subjects as you now appear to meditate." " Would, therefore," said Alci- biades, " that I had conversed with you, Pericles, at the time when you were most acute in discussing such topics !" 47. When Alcibiades and Critias, therefore, began to think them- selves superior to those who Avere then governing the state, they no longer attended Socrates (for he was not agreeable to them in other respects, and they were offended, if they went to him at all, at being reproved for any error that they had committed), but devoted themselves to political employ- ments, with a view to which they had at first associated with Socrates. 48. But Crito was also an attendant on Socrates, as well as ChaBrephon, Chserecrates, Hermocrates, Simmias, Cebes, and Phaadoudes, who, with others that attended him, did not seek his society that they might be fitted for popular orators or forensic pleaders, but that, becoming honorable and good men, they might conduct themselves irreproachably toward their families, connections, dependents, and friends, as well as toward their country and their fellow-citizens ; and no one of all these, whether in youth or at a more advanced age, cither was guilty, or was accused, of any crime. 49. " But Socrates," said the accuser, " taught children to show contempt for * their parents, persuading his followers that he rendered them wiser than their fathers, and observing that a son was allowed by the law to confine his father on convicting him of being deranged, using that circumstance as an argu- ment that it was lawful for the more ignorant to be confined by the wiser." 50. But what Socrate.5 said was, that he 1 npo:r)7?.aK<7m'.] See Apolog. sect 20, and Atistoph. Nub. 140T, where Phidippides is introduced, as a disciple of Socrates, beating his father with a stick, and proving that he was right in doing so. Upo-r,- /.aK&iv is properly stercore aliquem inquinare; treatment to which they were subjected who were punished with UTI/JIO : but it was at length applied to every kind of insult. See Bremi ad Deraosth. de Cot p. 229. Kuhner. CHAP. n. HIS CONDUCT TOWARD THE YOUTH. 365 thought lie who confined another for ignorance, might justly be himself confined by those who knew what he did not know ; and, with a view to such cases, he used to consider in what respect ignorance differed from madness, and expressed his opinion that madmen might be confined with advantage to themselves and their friends, but that those who did not know what they ought to know, might reasonably learn from those who did know. 51. "But Socrates," proceeded the accuser, "not only caused parents, but other relations, to be held in contempt by his followers, saying that relatives, as relatives, were of no profit to people who were sick, or to people going to law, but that physicians aided the one, and lawyers the other." 52. The accuser asserted, too, that Socrates said concerning friends that "it was of no profit that they were well-disposed, unless they were able also to assist ; and that he insisted that those only were deserving of honor who knew what was for the advantage of others, and could make it intelligible to them ; and that by thus persuading the young that he himself was the wisest of mankind, and most capable of making others wise, he so disposed his pupils toward him, that other people were of no account with them in comparison with himself." 53. I am aware, indeed, that he did express himself concern- ing parents and other relatives, and concerning friends, in such a manner as this : and used to say, besides, that when the soul ha? departed, in which alone intelligence exists, men take away the body of their dearest friend, and put it out of sight as soon as possible. 54. He was accustomed to say, also, that every man while he is alive, removes of himself from his own body, which he loves most of all things, and allows others to remove from it, every thing that is useless and un- profitable ; since men themselves take off portions of their nails, and hair, and callous parts, and resign themselves to surgeons to cut and burn them with labor and pain, and think it their duty even to pay them money for their operations ; and the saliva from the mouth, he said, men spit away as far as pos- sible, because, while it is in the mouth, it profits them nothing, but is far more likely to harm them. 55. But such observa- tions Socrates uttered, not to teach any one of his followers to bury his father alive, or to cut himself to pieces, but, by showing that what is senseless is worthless, he exhorted each to 366 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. Boor L study to become as intelligent and useful as possible, so that, whether he wished to be honored by his father, by his brother, or by any one else, he might not be neglectful of him- self through trusting to his relationship, but might en- deavor to be serviceable to those by whom he desired to be respected. 56. The accuser also said that Socrates, selecting the worst passages of the most celebrated poets, and using them as arguments, taught those who kept him company to be un- principled and tyrannical. The verse of Hesiod, for example, 'Epyov <5' oi>6i!v ovetJof, depyirj 62 ovctdof, "Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace, 1 they say that he used to explain as intimating that the poet bids us abstain from no kind of work, dishonest or dishonor- able, but to do such work for the sake of profit. 57. But when Socrates maintained that to be busy was useful and beneficial for a man, and that to be unemployed was noxious and ill for him, that to work was a good, and to be idle an evil, he at the same time observed that those only who do something good really work, and are useful workmen, 3 but those who gamble or do any thing bad and pernicious, ho called idle ; and in this view the sentiment of the poet will be unobjectionable. Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace. 58. That passage of Homer, too, the accuser stated that he often used to quote, in which it is said that Ulysses, Whatever king or eminent hero ho found, Stood beside him, and detained him with gentle words : "Illustrious chief, it is not fit that you should shrink back as a coward; Sit down yourself, and make the rest of the people sit down." But whatever man of the people he noticed, and found clamoring, He struck him with his staff, and rebuked him with words : "Worthless fellow, sit down in peace, and hear the exhortations of others, 1 Xot toll, but sloth, shall ignominious be. Elton. The enemies of Socrates insinuated that he joined oi'6v, not with its proper substantive oi-fidof, but with Ipyov, making the cense to be " no work is disgraceful." 7 Compare iii. 9. 9. CHAP. a. HIS PHILANTHROPY. 367 Who arc much better than you ; for you are unwarlike and power- less, Neither to be numbered in the field nor in the council." * i>9. And ho said that lie used to explain it as if the poet rec- ommended that plebeians and poor people should be beaten. Socrates, however, said no such thing (for he would thus have given an opinion that he himself ought to be beaten), but Avhat he did say was, that those who benefited others neither by word nor deed, and who were incapable of serving the army, or the state, or the common people, if they should ever be called upon to serve, should, especially if, in addition to their incapacity, they were of an insolent spirit, be curbed in every way, even though they might be ever so rich. 60. But, contrary to the charge of the accuser, Socrates was evidently a friend to the common people, and of a liberal dis- position ; for though he received numbers of persons desirous to hear him discourse, as well citizens as foreigners, he never require 1 payment for his communications from any one, but imparted to every one in abundance from his stores, of which some" receiving fragments from him for nothing, sold them at a great price to others, and were not, like him, friends to the common people, for they declined to converse with such as had not money to give them. Cl. But Socrates, in 1he eyes of other men, conferred glory on the city, far more than Lichas, who was celebrated in this respect, on that of the Lacedae- monians ; for Lichas indeed entertained the strangers that visited Lacedaemon at the Gymnopsedia3, 3 but Socrates, through 1 II. ii. 188, seqq. Each prince of name, or chief in arms approv'd, He fir'd with praise, or with persuasion mov'd ; Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, By brave examples should confirm the rest. But if a clamorous, vile plebeian rose, Him with reproof he check'd, or tam'd with blows : Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield, Unknown alike in council and in field. Pope. a Xenophon alludes to other hearers of Socrates, but especially to Aristippus, who was the first of the Socratic philosophers that taught for hire. Ruhnken. See Diog. Laert. ii. 65. 3 A festival at Sparta, which lasted for several days during the month of Hecatombaeon, and in which dances were performed by youths in honor of Apollo, Diana, and Latona. It was partly in- tended to celebrate the victory of tho Spartans over the Argives at 368 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK i. the whole course of his life freely imparted whatever he had to bestow, and thus benefited in the highest degree all who were willing to receive from him, making those who asso- ciated with him better before he let them go. 62. To me, therefore, Socrates, being a man of such a character, appeared to be worthy of honor rather than of death; and any one, considering his case according to the laws, would find such to be the fact ; for, by the laws, death .is the punishment for a man if he be found stealing, or strip- ping people of their clothes, or cutting purses, or house- breaking, or kidnapping, or sacrilege, of which crimes Soc- rates was the most innocent of all men. 63. Nor was he ever the cause of any war ending unfortunately for the state, or of any sedition or treachery ; nor did he ever, in his private transactions, cither deprive any man of what was for his good, or involve him in evil ; nor did he ever lie under suspicion of any of the crimes which I have mentioned. 64. How then could he have been guilty of the charges brought against him ? a man who, instead of not acknowledg- ing the gods, as was stated in the indictment, evidently paid respect to the gods more than other men ; and instead of cor- rupting the youth, as the accuser laid to his charge, plainly led such of his associates as had vicious inclinations, to cease from indulging them, and exhorted them to cherish a love of that most honorable and excellent virtue, by which men successfully govern states and families. How then, pursuing such a course of conduct, was he not deserving of great honor from the city ? CHAPTER IH. Confirmation of the character of Socrates given in the preceding chapters. He worshiped the gods, and exhorted others to worship them, sect. 1. His notions how the gods were to be supplicated, 2. His judgment as to what was acceptable to them in a sacrifice, 3. His regard for omens, 4. His observance of temperance, and recommendation ot it to others, 5-15. 1. But to show how he appeared to improve those who associated with him, partly by showing them what his Thyrea. See Smith's Dictionary of Gr. and Rom. Ant. art TVIMVO- ira<(5/a. CHAR in. HIS RESPECT FOR THE GODC. 369 character was, and partly by his conversation, I shall record whatever I can remember of him relating to these points. As to what had reference to the gods, then he evidently acted and spoke in conformity with the answer which the priestess of Apollo gives to those who inquire how they ought to proceed with regard to a sacrifice, to the worship of their ancestors, or to any such matter ; for the priestess replies that they will act piously, if they act in agreement with the law of their country ; and Socrates both acted in this manner him- self, and exhorted others to act similarly ; and such as acted in any other way he regarded as doing what was not to the pur- pose, 1 and guilty of folly. 2. To the gods he simply prayed that they would give him good things, as believing that the gods knew best what things are good ; and those who prayed for gold, or silver, or dominion, or any thing of that kind, he considered to utter no other sort of requests than if they Avere to pray that they might play at dice, or fight, or do any thing else of which it is quite uncertain what the result will be. 3. When he offered small sacrifices from his small means, he thought that he was not at all inferior in merit to those Vi'lio offered numerous and great sacrifices from ample and abundant means ; for he said that it would not become the gods to delight in large rather than in small sacrifices ; since, if such were the case, the offerings of the bad Avouid often- times be more acceptable to them than those of the good ; nor Avouid life be of any account in the eyes of men, if oblations from the bad were better received by the gods than oblations from the good ; but he thought that the gods had most pleas- ure in the offerings of the most pious, lie also used to quote, Avith approbation, the Averse, Kd<5' tivvajuv 6' fpdetv lep' udavuTotffi deoiai, Perform sacrifices to the gods according to your ability, and used to say that it Avas a good exhortation to men, with regard to friends, and guests, and all other relations of life, to perform according to their ability. 4. If any thing appeared to be intimated to him from the gods, he could no more have been persuaded to act contrary Doing what was supesfluous; not adhering, as they ought, to what was prescribed by law. 16* 370 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK i. to such intimation, than any one could have persuaded him to take for his guide on n journey a blind man, or one who did not know the way, instead of one who could see, and did know it ; and he condemned the folly of others, who act con- trary to what is signified by the gods, through anxiety to avoid the ill opinion of men. As for himself, he undervalued every thing human, in comparison with counsel from the gods. 1 5. He disciplined his mind and body by such a course of life, that he who should adopt a similar one, would, if no supernatural influence prevented, live in good spirits and un- interrupted health ; nor would he ever be in want of the necessary expenses for it. So frugal was he, that I do not know whether any one could earn so little by the labor of his hands, as not to procure sufficient to have satisfied Soc- rates. He took only so much food as he could eat with a keen relish ; and, to this end, he came to his meals 2 so dis- posed that the appetite for his meat was the sauce to it. Every kind of drink was agreeable to him, because he never drank unless he was thirsty. 6. If he ever complied with an invitation to go to a feast, he very easily guarded, what is extremely difficult to most men, against loading his stomach to excess. Those who were unable to do so, he advised to be cautious of taking any thing that would stimulate them to eat when they were not hungry, and to drink when they were not thirsty ; for he said that those were the things that dis- ordered the stomach, the head and the mind ; 7. and he used to say, in jest, that he thought Circe transformed men into swine, by entertaining them with abundance of such luxuries, but that Ulysses, through the admonition of Mercury, and through being himself temperate, and forbearing to partake of such delicacies to excess, was in consequence not changed into a swine. 1 Schneider thinks that some clause is wanting here, to connect this paragraph with what follows. Kiihner supposes that Xenophon, in passing from the duties of men toward the gods to their duties toward themselves and their fellow-creatures, hardly thought any connecting observation necessary. 8 'E;r2 TOVTU OVTU TraperrKevartfifvof ?j. ] Kiihner prefers eni TOVTU, "on this account, with this view," understanding /TTJ alrov with yet. Schneider has im TOVTOV, from a conjecture of Neiske. 'Eni TOVT^ is supported by almost all the manuscripts. WIA?. in. EXHORTATIONS TO SELF-CONTROL. 37 1 8. Such jests ho would utter on these subjects, but with an earnest meaning. As to love, 1m counsel was to abstain rigidly from familiarity with beautiful persons ; for he ob- served that it was not easy to be in communication with such persons, and observe continence. Hearing, on one occasion, that Critobulus, the son of Criton, had kissed the son of Alci- biades,' a handsome youth, he asked Xenophon, in the pres- ence of Critobulus, saying, " Tell me, Xenophon, did you not think that Critobulus was one of the modest rather than the forward, one of the thoughtful rather than of the thoughtless and inconsiderate ?" 9. " Certainly," replied Xenophon. " You must now, then, think him extremely headstrong and daring ; one who would even spring upon drawn swords, and leap into the fire." 10. "And what," said Xenophon, "have you seen him doing, that you form so unfavorable an opinion of him ?" " Why, has he not dared," rejoined Socrates, " to kiss the son of Alcibiades, a youth extremely handsome, and in the flower of his age ?" " If such a deed," returned Xenophon, " is one of daring and peril, I think that even I could undergo such peril." 11. " Unhappy man ! " exclaimed Socrates, " and what do you think that you incur by kissing a handsome person ? Do you not expect to become at once a slave instead of a free- man ? To spend much money upon hurtful pleasures ? To have too much occupation to attend to any thing honorable and profitable ? And to be compelled to pursue what not even a madman would pursue ?" 12. " By Hercules," said Xenophon, "what extraordinary power you represent to be in a kiss!" "Do you wonder at this?" rejoined Socrates; " are you not aware that the Tarantula, 2 an insect not as large 1 The various opinions of critics on this passage have been con- sidered by Cobet, Prosop. p. 59-G9, who conjectures that wo should read TOV rov 'AS;ii>xov viuv, "the son of Axiochus," named Clinias. K'dhner. * $aA(i}'ym.] Insects similar in form to scorpions or spiders, of which the most venomous and destructive are found in Italy, and are called Tarantula, from Tarentum. Concerning the madness said to be caused by their bite, sensible men entertain doubts in the present pay. Weiske. The comparison of it to the. half obolus shows at once the shape and sraallness of the insect. Schneider. Kircher, in his Musurgia, Sir Thomas Brown, Vulg. Err. b. iii. c. 28, and Boyle, in his treatise On Languid and Unheeded Motions^ express belief in the effects ascribed to the bite of the Tarantula. Opinions unfavorable to the truth of the accounts respecting" >t, maybe found in the Philosophical Transactions for 1672 and 17 TO. and 372 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK L as half an obolus, by just touching a part of the body with his mouth, wears men down with pain, and deprives them of their senses ?" " Yes, indeed," said Xenophon, " but the Tarantula infuses something at the bitten part ?" 13. "And do you not think, foolish man," rejoined Socrates, " that beauti- ful persons infuse something when they kiss, something which you do not see? Do you not know "that the animal, which they call a Itandsome and a beautiful object, is so much more formidable than the Tarantula, as those insects instill something when they touch the body, but this creature, without even touching, but if a person only looks at it, though from a very great distance, instills something of such potency, as to drive people mad ? Perhaps indeed Cupids are called archers for no other reason but because the beautiful wound from a distance. But I advise you, Xenophon, whenever you see any handsome person, to flee without looking behind you ; and I recommend to you, Critobulus, to absent yourself from hence for a year, for perhaps you may in that time, though hardly indeed, be cured of your wound." 14. Thus he thought that those should act with regard to objects of love who were not secure against the attractions of such objects ; objects of such a nature, that if the body did not at all desire them, the mind would not contemplate them, and which, if the body did desire them, should cause us no trouble. For himself, he was evidently so disciplined Avith respect to such matters, that he could more easily keep aloof from the fairest and most blooming objects than others from the most deformed and unattractive. 15. Such was the state of his feelings in regard to eating, drinking, and amorous gratification ; and he believed that he himself, with self-restraint, would have no less pleasure from them, than those who took great trouble to pursue such grati- fications, and that he would suffer far less anxiety. in Swinburne's Travels in Hie Two Sicilies. The popular opinion regard- ing it is now generally supposed to have arisen from impostures of the lower class of people ; no instance of any respectable person having died of the bite of the insect, or having been made to dance by it, being known. DIALOGUE WITH ARISTODEMUS. 373 CHAPTER IV. Socrates not only exhorted men to practice virtue, but led them to the prac- tice of it; his dialogue -with Aristodemus, sect. 1, 2. Things formed for a purpose, must be the production, not of chance, but of reason, 3, 4. The human frame is a structure of great excellence, and admirably fitted for its purposes ; and we must therefore suppose that man is the object of divine forethought, 5-7. The order of things throughout the universe shows that it is under the providence of a superior nature, 8, 9. The su- periority of man over the inferior animals proves that he is more immedi- ately under the care of the higher powers, 10-14. The gods also give instruction to man as to his conduct, 15. That they care for man both individually and collectively is evident from various considerations, 15, 16. As the mind governs the body, so the providence of the gods governs the world, 17. If men therefore worship the gods rigrhtly, they may feel per- suaded that the gods will be ready to aid them, IS, 19. 1. BUT if any suppose that Socrates, as some write and speak of him on conjecture, 1 was excellently qualified to ex- hort men to virtue, but incapable of leading them forward in it, let them consider not only what he said in refutation, by questioning, of those Avho thought that they knew every thing (refutations intended to check the progress of those disput- ants), 2 but what he used to say in his daily intercourse with his associates, and then form an opinion whether he was capa- ble of making those who conversed with him better. 2. I will first mention what I myself once heard him advance in a dialogue with Aristodemus, surnamed The Little, 3 concerning the gods ; for having heard that Aristodemus neither sacri- ficed to the gods, nor prayed to them, nor attended to augu- ries, but ridiculed those who regarded such matters, he said to him, " Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any men for their genius ?" '' I do," replied he. " Tell us their names, then," said Socrates. 3. " la epic poetry I most admire 1 TeKfiaipo/nevoi.] Forming conjectures from those men, who, after being under the instruction of Socrates, fell into vice. Weiske. 2 Ko^aarripiov evenc.] I have been obliged to paraphrase this expres- sion. KoP.ufu was often used in the signification of " to restrain, check, or keep within bounds," like the Latin castigare, as Liddell and Scott observe. "Xcnophon seems to allude to the AiuM-yot epiariKoi of Plato and the other disciples of Socrates, in which Socrates refutes the subtle- ties of the sophists." Schneider. 3 An Athenian whom Plato names in his Symposium, a constant audi* tor of Socrates, and a man of much austerity." Schneider. 574 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK I. Homer, in dithyrambic Melanippides, 1 in tragedy Sephocles, in statuary Polycletus, in painting Zeuxis." 4. "And whether do those who form images without sense and motion, or those Avho form animals endowed with sense and vital energy, ap- pear to you the more worthy of admiration ?" " Those who form animals, by Jupiter, for they are not produced by chance, but by understanding." " And regarding things of which it is uncertain for what purpose they exist, and those evidently existing for some useful purpose, which of the two would you say were the productions of chance, and which of intelli- gence ?" " Doubtless those which exist for some useful pur- pose must be the productions of intelligence." 5. " Does not he, then," proceeded Socrates, " who made men at first, ap- pear to you to have given them, for some useful purpose, those parts by which they perceive different objects, the eyes to s;'0 what is to be seen, the ears to hear what is to be heard ? What would be the use of smells, if no nostrils had been as- signed us ? What perception would there have been of sweet and sour, and of all that is pleasant to the mouth, if a tongue had not been formed in it to have a sense of them ? 6. In ad- dition to these things, does it not seem to you like the work of forethought, to guard the eye, since it is tender, with eye- lids, like doors, which, when it is necessary to use the sight. are set open, but in sleep are closed ? To make the eyelashes grow as a screen, that winds may not injure it ? To make a cop- ing on the parts above the eyes with the eye-brows, that the perspiration from the head may not annoy them ? To provide that the ears may receive all kinds of sounds, yet never be ob- structed ? and that the front teeth in all animals may be adapted to cut, and the back teeth to receive food from them and grind it ? To place the mouth, through which animals take in what they desire, near the eyes arid the nose ? and since what passes off from the stomach is offensive, to turn the channels of it away, and remove them as far as possible from the senses ? can you doubt whether such a disposition of things, made thus apparently with attention, is the result of chance or of intelligence ?" 7. " No, indeed," replied Aris- todemus, " but to one who looks at those matters in this light, 1 He flourished about B. c. 520. Another Mclanippides, his grand- son, lived about sixty years later, at the court of Perdiccaa II. of Mac> donia. CHAP. iv. A RULING INTELLIGENCE. 375 they appear like the work of some wise maker who studied the welfare of animals ?" "And to have engendered in them a love of having offspring, and in mothers a desire to rear their pro- geny, and to have implanted in the young that are reared a de- sire of life, and the greatest dread of death ?" " Assuredly these appear to be the contrivances of some one who designed that animals should continue to exist." 8. " And do you think that you yourself have any portion of intelligence ?" " Question me, at least, and I will answer." ' " And can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any where else ? When you know that you have in your body but a small portion of the earth, which is vast, and a small portion of the water, which is vast, and that your fra no is constituted for you to receive only a small portion of each of other things, that are vast, do you think that you have seized for yourself, by some extraordinary good fortune, in- telligence alone which exists nowhere else, and that this assemblage of vast bodies, countless in number, is maintained in order by some thing void of reason ?" 9. " By Jupiter, / can hardly suppose that there is any ruling intelligence among that assemblage of bodies? for I do not see the directors, as I sea the agent of things which are done here." " Nor do you 1 'Epu-ra yovv KOI drroKpivov/tai.] These words are wanting in many editions, though found, as Kiihner says, who has replaced them, in all the manuscripts. " As modesty prevented Aristodemus from expressly affirming, and a regard for truth kept him from exactly denying, that he had any intelligence, he answers guardedly and ingeniously, ' Question me and I will answer;' and, when I answer, you will understand that I hare in me some portion of intelligence." Lange. " Lange, therefore, thinks that Aristodemus did not wish his possession of intelligence to bo concluded from the matter of his answer or answers, but from the mero fact of his answering; intimating that ho who could give an answer to a question must necessarily be possessed of intellect." Kuhner. Zeuno gives this sense to the passage : " Question me as to other things which necessarily follow from hence, and which you are accustomed to infer from premises of this kind, and you will find me prepared to answer you." The true sense, however, seems to be, " Question me, and judge from my answers whether I ought to be considered as possessed cf intellect or not/' y The words in italics are supplied according to the sense given to tho passage by Kuhner, who observes that the expression " By Jupiter," Ma A/a, has reference to tho flrst part of the question of Socrates, " can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any where else?" 376 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. KOOK i. see your own soul, which is the director of your body ; so that, by like reasoning, you may say that you yourself do nothing with undestanding, but every thing by chance." 10. "However, Socrates," said Aristodemus, '-I do not despise the gods, but consider them as too exalted to need my attention." " But," said Socrates, " the more exalted they are, while they deign to attend to you, the more ought you to honor them." 11. "Be assured," replied Aristodemus, " that if I believed the gods took any thought for men, I would not neglect them." "Do you not, then, believe that the gods take thought for men ? the gods who, in the first place, have made man alone, of all animals, upright (which uprightness enables him to look forward to a greater distance, and to con- template better what is above, and renders those parts less liable to injury in which 1 the gods have placed the eyes, and ears, and mouth) ; and, in the next place, have given to other animals only feet, which merely give them the capacity of walking, while to men they have added hands, which execute most of those things through "which we aie better oft' than they. 12. And though all animals have tongues, they have made that of mail alone of such a nature, as by touching sometimes one part of the mouth, and sometimes another, to express articulate sounds, and to signify every thing that we wish to communicate one to another. Do you not see too, that to other animals they have so given the pleasures of sexual in- tercourse as to limit them to a certain season of the year, but that they allow them to us uninterruptedly till extreme old age? 13. Nor did it satisfy the gods to take care of the body merely, but, what is most important of all, they implanted in him the soul, his most excellent part. For what other animal has a soul to understand, first of all, that the gods, who have arranged such a vast and noble order of things, exist? What other species of animal, besides man, offers worship to the gods ? What other animal has a mind better fitted than that of man, to guard against hunger or thirst, or cold or heat, or to relieve disease, or to acquire strength by exercise, or to labor to obtain knowledge ; or more capable of remembering whatever it has heard, or seen, or learned ? 14. I; it not clearly evident to you, that in comparison with 1 This passage admitted of no satisfactory interpretation till Kiihner substituted olc for KOI. CHAP. IT. A SUPERINTENDING PROVIDENCE. 377 other animals, men live like gods, excelling them by nature, both in body and mind } For an animal, having the body of an ox, and the understanding of a man, would bo unable to execute what it might meditate; and animals which have hands, 1 but are without reason, have no advantage over others ; and do you, who share both these excellent endowments, think that the gods take no thought for you ? What then must they do, before you will think that they take thought for you ?" 1 15. "I will think so," observed Aristodemus, "when they sand me, as you say that they send to you, monitors, to show what I ought, and what I ought not, to do." "But when they send admonitions to the Athenians, on consulting them by divination, do you not thing that they admonish you also ? Or when they give warnings to the Greeks by sending por- tents, or when they give them to the whole human race, do they except you alone from the whole, and utterly neglect you? 16. Do you suppose, too, that the gods would have en- gendered a persuasion in men that they are able to benefit or injure them, unless they were really able to do so, and that men, if they had been thus perpetually deluded, would not have become sensible of the delusion ? Do you not see that the oldest and wisest of human communities, the oldest and wisest cities and nations, are the most respectful to the gods, and that the wisest age of man is the most observant of their worship? 17. Consider also, my good youth," continued Socrates, " that your mind, existing within your body, directs your body as it pleases; and it becomes you therefore to believe that the intelligence pervading all things directs all things as may bo agreeable to it, and not to think that while your eye can extend its sight over many furlongs, that of the divinity 3 is unable to see all things at ooce, or that while your mind can think of things here, or things in Egypt or Sicily, the mind of the deity is incapable of regarding every 1 Apes have hands resembling those of men, but are not on that apovriEiv ;] " But when they have done what, will you think that they care for you ?" 3 Tov tfeoi'.] Xenophon sometimes makes Socrates use tho singular, iSeof, in speaking of the gods. But it is not hence to be inferred that lie insinuated that there was only one god ; for the Greeks frequently used the singular when they might have been expected tp uso the plural. Compare iv. 3. 14. 3V8 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK i. thing at the same time. 18. If, however, as you discover, by paying court to men, those "who are willing to pay court to you in return, and, by doing favors to men, those who are willing to return your favors, and as, by asking counsel of men, you discover who are wise, you should, in like manner, make trial of the gods by offering worship to them, whether they will advise you concerning matters hidden from man, you will then find that the divinity is of such power, and of such a nature, as to see all things and hear all things at once, to be present every where, and to have a care for all things at the same time. 19. By delivering such sentiments, Socrates seems to me to have led his associates to refrain from what was impious, or unjust, or dishonorable, not merely when they were seen by men, but when they were in solitude, since they would conceive that nothing that they did would escape the knowledge of the gods. CHAPTER V. Temperance and self-control recommended : he that is destitute of tempe- rance can be profitable or agreeable neither to himself nor others, sect. 14. Without temperance nothing can be learned or done with due effect, 5. Socrates not only encouraged to temperance by precept, but by his ex- ample, 6. 1. IF temperance, moreover, be an honorable and valuable quality in a man, let us consider whether he at all promoted its observance by reflections of the following kind concern- ing it. "If, my friends, when a war was coming upon us, we should wish to choose a man by whose exertions we might ourselves be preserved, and might gain the mastery over our enemies, should we select one whom we knew to be unable to resist gluttony, or wine, or sensuality, or fatigue, or sleep ? How could we think that such a man would either serve us, or conquer our adversaries ? 2. Or if, being at the close of life, we should wish to commit to any one the guardianship of our sons, or the care of our unmarried daughters, or the preservation of our property, should we think an intemperate man worthy of confidence for such purposes ? Should we in- OIAP.Y. VALUE OF TEMPERANCE. 379 trust to an intemperate slave our herds, our granaries, or the superintendence of our agriculture ? Should we be willing to accept such a slave as an agent, or purveyor, even for nothing 2 3. But if we would not even accept an intemperate slave, how can it he otherwise than important for every man to take caro that he himself does not become such a character ? For the intemperate man is not injurious to his neighbor and pro- fitable to himself (liko the avaricious, who, by despoiling others of their property, seem to enrich themselves), but, while he is mischievous to others, is still more mischievous to himself, for it is, indeed, mischievous in the highest degree, to ruin not only his family, but his body and mind. 4. In society, too, who could find pleasure in the company of such a man, w r ho, he would be aware, felt more delight in eating and drinking than in intercourse with his friends, and preferred the company of harlots to that of his fellows ? Is it not the duty of every man to consider that temperance is the founda- tion of every virtue, and to establish the observance of it in his mind before all things? 5. For who, without it, can either learn any thing good, or sufficiently practice it ? Who, that is a slave to pleasure, is not in an ill condition both as to his body and his mind ? It appears to me, by Juno, 1 that a free- man ought to pray that he may never meet with a slave of such a character, and that he who is a slave to pleasure should pray to the gods that he may find well-disposed masters ; for by such means only can a man of that sort be saved." G. While such were the remarks that he made, he proved himself more a friend to temperance by his life than by his words ; for he was not only superior to all corporeal pleasures, but also to those attendant on the acquisition of money ; thinking that he who received money from any one, 2 set up a master over himself, and submitted to a slavery as disgraceful as any that could be. 1 N// TI/V "llpav.~\ This mode of swearing, which was commonly used by women, was very frequently adopted by Socrates. See below, iiL 10. 9; 11. 5; iv. 2. 9 ; 4. 8; (Econ. x. 1; Plato, Phsedr. p. 230, B. Kiihner. 3 Trapu rov rv^'ivTor.'] From any one that happened to present him- self; from any one indiscriminately. 380 ilEilORAJJILIA OF SOCRATES. CHAPTER VI. Three dialogues of Socratea with. Antipho. I. Autipho ridicules lac poverty and frugality of Socrates, and his forbearance to receive pay for his in- structions, sect. 1-3 ; Socrates replies that, by not receiving remuneration, he is more at liberty to choose his audience, 4, 5 ; that tiiere are various advantages attendant on plainness of diet and dress, 6, 7 ; that the frugal man has the advantage over the man of pleasure in facilities for self-im- provement, for doing his duty to his country, and for securing general happiness, 8-10. II. Antipho asserts that Socrates might be a just man, but was by no means wise, in accepting no payment, 11, 12; Socrates replies that to sell wisdom is to degrade it, and that more good is gained by the acquisition of friends than of money, 13, 14. III. Antipho asks Socrates why, when he trained others to manage public affairs, he took no part in public affairs himself; Socrates replies that he was of more service to his country bv training many to govern it, than he could have been by giving his single aid in the government of it, 15. 1. IT is due to Socrates, also, not to omit the dialogues winch he held with Antipho the sophist. Antipho, on one occasion, wishing to draw away his associates from him, came up to Socrates when they were present, and said, 2. "I thought, Socrates, that those who studied philosophy were to become happier than other men ; but you seem to have reaped from philosophy fruits of an opposite kind ; at least you live ia a way in which no slave would continue to live with his master ; you. eat foo J, and drink drink, of the worst kind ; you wear a dress, not only bad, but the same both summer and winter, and you continue shoeless and coatless. 1 3. Money, which cheers men when they receive it, and enables those who possess it to live more generously and pleasantly, you do not take; and if, therefore, as teachers in other professions make their pupils imitate themselves, you also shall produce a similar effect on your followers, you must consider yourself but a teacher of wretchedness." 4. Socrates, in reply to these 1 'Avt;jr6Jj?r<;f re KOI u^irwr.] On the uvv~oftrjaia of Socrates, see .Vorster on Plato Phaedon. p. 64, D. ; and the commentators on Aristoph. Nub. 103, 362, and on Plato Phaedr. p. 229, A. Kiihner. By d X tTuv is not to be understood that Socrates had covered his bare body only with his cloak, but that he wore only the inner tunic, ii-ev6i/?.oj -/r/vu[teda.~\ For $UMI Ernesti substituted from one manu- script uQeAifioi, which Kuhner stigmatizes as " apertum glossema," and restores the old uc.] Properly, couches or beds spread on the ground. "With these the luxurious were not content, but prepared for themselves K/.ivai, or couches with legs, to which they afterward added vTroCia&pa, rockers or rollers. " Commentators used to interpret ii-oCadpa, carpets spread under the feet of couches, referring to Cyrop. viiL 8. 16; but the truo signification of the word has been very learnedly made clear by Schnei- der from three passages of Antyllus in Fragm. Medicorum. ed. Oribas. ed. Matthaei, p. 114, 170, 172; from which it appears that the i'-oCadpa were fulcra diagonalia, diagonal props, put under the feet of couches, in order that a astcfiu^ or rocking might be produced. The effect, as he observes, would ba the same as that of suspended cradles." Kuhner. HAP. i. CHOICE Off HERCULES. 395 couches, for you do not desire sleep in consequence of labor, but in consequence of having nothing to do ; you force the sensual inclinations before they require gratification, using every species of contrivance for the purpose, and abusing male and female; for thus it is that you treat your friends, insulting their modesty at night, and making them sleep away the most useful part of their day. 31. Though you are one of the immortal, you are cast out from the society of the gods, and despised by the good among mankind ; the sweetest of all sounds, the praises of yourself, 1 you have never heard, nor have you ever seen the most pleasing of all sights, for you have never beheld one meritorious work of your own hand. Who would believe you when you give your word for any thing ? Or who would assist you when in need of any thing t Or who, that has proper feeling, would venture to join your company of revelers? for while they are young they grow impotent in body, and when they are older they are impo- tent in mind; they live without labor, and in fatness, through their youth, and pass laboriously, and in wretched- ness, through old age ; ashamed of what they have done, op- pressed with what they have to do, having run through their pleasures in early years, and laid up afflictions for the closa of life. 32. But I am the companion of the gods; I associate with virtuous men ; no honorable deed, divine or human, is done without me ; I am honored, most of all, by the deities, and by those among men to whom it belongs to honor me, being a welcome co-operator with artisans, a faithful house- hold guardian to masters, a benevolent assistant to servants, a, benign promoter of the labors of peace, a. constant auxiliary to the efforts of war, an excellent sharer ia friendship. 33. My friends have a sweet and untroubled enjoyment of meat and drink, for they refrain from them till they feel an appe- tite. They have also sweeter sleep than the idle ; and arc neither annoyed if they lose a portion of it, nor neglect to do their duties for the sake of it. The young aro pleased with praises from the old ; the old are delighted with honors from the young. They remember the-Jr former acts with pleasure, 1 " It is said that Themistocles, when he was asked what acroama, or whose voice, he would hear with most pleasure, replied, ' The voice of him by whom his merits would be best set forth.' " Cicero Pro Archia, c. 9. 396' MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES- BOOK n. and rejoice to perform their present occupations with success being, through my influence, dear to the gods, beloved by their friends, and honored by their country. And when the destined end of life comes, they do not lie in oblivion and dis- honor, but, celebrated with songs of praise, flourish forever in the memory of mankind. By such a course of conduct, O Hercules, son of noble parents, you may secure the most ex- alted happiness." 34. Nearly thus it was that Prodicus related the instruction of Hercules by Virtue ; adorning the sentiments, however, with far more magnificent language than that in which I now give them. It becomes you, therefore, Aristippus, reflecting on these admonitions, to endeavor to think of what concerns the future period of your life. CHAPTER II. A dialogue between Socrates and his son Lamprocles, who had expressed resentment against his mother, on the duty of children to their parents. The ungrateful are to be deemed xinjust, sect. 1, 2. The greater benefits a person has received, the more unjust is he if he is ungrateful ; and there are no greater benefits than those -which children experience from their parents, 3-6. Hence it follows that a son ought to reverence his mother, though she be severe, when he knows that her severity proceeds from kind motives, 7-12. How great a crime the neglect of filial duty is, appears from the fact that it is punished by the laws and execrated by mankind, 13, 14. 1. HAVING learned, one day, that Lamprocles, the eldest 1 of his sons, had exhibited anger against his mother, " Tell me, my son," said he, "do you know that certain persons are called ungrateful?" "Certainly," replied the youth. "And do you understand how it is they act that men give them this appellation ?" " I do," said Lamprocles, " for it is those that have received a kindness, and that do not make a return when they are able to make one, whom they call ungrateful." " They 'then appear to you to class the ungrateful with the unjust?" "I think so." 2. "And have you ever considered whether, an it is thought unjust to make slaves of our friends, but just to 1 Socrates had three sons, Lamprocles, Sophroniscus, and Menexenus. Seo Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 57. Kuhner. CHAP. ii. DUTY TOWARD PARENTS. 397 make slaves of our enemies, so it is unjust to be ungrateful to- ward our friends, but just to be so toward our enemies?" " I certainly have," answered Lamprocles, " and from whom- soever a man receives a favor, whether friend or enemy, and does not endeavor to make a return for it, he is in my opinion unjust." 3. " If such, then, be the case," pursued Socrates, " ingrat- itude must be manifest injustice?" Lamprocles expressed his assent. "The greater benefits, therefore, a person has received, and makes no return, the more unjust he must be." He assented to this position also. " Whom, then," asked Socrates, " can we find receiving greater benefits from any persons than children receive from their parents ? children whom their parents have brought from non-existence into ex- istence, to view so many beautiful objects, and to share in so many blessings, as the gods grant to men; blessings which appear to us so inestimable, that we shrink, in the highest degree, from relinquishing them ; and governments have made death the penalty for the most heinous crimes, in the sup- position that they could not suppress injustice by the terror of any greater evil. 4. You do not, surely, suppose that men beget children merely to gratify their passions, since the streets are full, as well as the brothels, of means to allay desire ; but what we evidently consider, is, from what sort of women the finest 1 children may be born to us, and, uniting with them, we beget children. 5. The man maintains her who joins with him to produce offspring, and provides, for the children that are likely to be born to him, whatever he thinks will conduce to their support, in as great abundance as he can ; while ihe woman receives and bears the burden, oppressed ai.d endan- gering her life, and imparting a portion of the nutriment with which she herself is supported; and, at length, after bearing it the full time, and bringing it forth with great pain, she suckles and cherishes it, though she has received no previous benefit from it, nor does the infant know by whom it is tended, nor is it able to signify what it wants, but she, conjecturing what will nourish and please it, tries to satisfy his calls, and feeds it for a long time, both night and day, submitting to the trouble 1 Be/.7i (5 TOtf TToTilTlKOlf, K. T. ^.] " Since, accordingly, they do not permit to act so there (i. e , in the public games), but in political affairs," etc. 412 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK 11. But strive -with good courage, Critobulus," he continued, " to be good yourself, and, having become so, endeavor to gain the friendship of men of honor and virtue. Perhaps I myself also may bo able to assist you in this pursuit of the honorable and virtuous, from being naturally disposed to love, for, for whatever persons I conceive a liking, I devote myself with ardor, and with my whole mind, to love them, and be loved in return by them, regretting their absence to have mine regretted by them, and longing for their society while they on the other hand long for mine. 29. I know that you also must cultivate such feelings, whenever you desire to form a friendship with any person. Do not conceal from my knowledge, therefore, the persons to whom you may wish to become a friend ; for, from my carefulness to please those who please me, I do not think that I am unskilled in the art of gaining men's affections." 30. "Indeed, Socrates,* 5 replied Critobulus, "I have long desired to receive such instructions as yours, especially if the same knowledge will have effect at once on those who are amiable in mind, and handsome in person." 31. " But, Crito- bulus," replied Socrates, " there is nothing in the knowledge that I communicate to make those who are handsome in per- son endure him who lays hands upon them ; for I am per- suaded that men shrunk from Scylla because she offered to put her hands on them ; while every one, they say, was ready to listen to the Sirens, and were enchanted as they listened, because they laid hands on no one, but sang to all men from a distance." 32. " On the understanding, then, that I shall lay my hands on no one," said Critobulus, " tell me if you know any effectual means for securing friends." " But will you never," asked Socrates, " apply your lips to theirs ?" " Be of good courage, Socrates," said Critobulus, "for I will never apply my lips to those of any person, unless that person be beauti- ful." "You have now said," rejoined Socrates, the exact contrary to what will promote your object ; for the beautiful 1 will not allow such liberties, though the deformed receive them with pleasure, thinking that they are accounted beau- tiful for their mental qualities." 33. "As I shall caress the beautiful, then," said Critobulus, " and caress the good with. 1 Ka2,o/.] Socrates plays on the word /caAo/, which referred, as Borno- maim observes, both to beauty of person and beauty of mind. CHAP, vi EFFECTS OF JUDICIOUS PRAISE. 413 the utmost ardor, teach me, -with confidence, the art of at- taching ray friends to me." ''When, therefore, Critobulus," said Socrates, " you wish to become a friend to any one, will you permit me to say to him concerning you, that you admire him, and desire to be his friend ?" " You may say so," an- swered Critobulus, " for I have never known any one dislike those who praised him." 34. " But if I say of you, in addition, that, because you admire him, you feel kindly disposed to- ward him, will you not think that false information is given of you by me ?" " No : for a kind feeling springs up in my- self also toward those whom I regard as kindly disposed toward me." 35. " Such information, then," continued So- crates, " I may communicate regarding you to such as you may wish to make your friends ; but if you enable me also to say concerning you, that you are attentive to your friends ; that you delight in nothing so much as in the possession of good friends ; that you pride yourself on the honorable con- duct of your friends not less than on your own ; that you rejoice at the good fortune of your friends not less than at your own ; that you are never weary of contriving means by which good fortune may come to your friends ; and that you think it the great virtue of a man to surpass his friends in do- ing them good and his enemies in doing them harm, I think that I shall be a veiy useful assistant to you in gaining the affections of worthy friends." 36. "But why," said Crito- bulus, " do you say this to me, as if you were not at liberty to say of me any thing you please ?" " No, by Jupiter," replied Socrates ; " I have no such liberty, according to a remark that I once heard from Aspasia ; for she said that skillful match- makers, by reporting with truth good points of character, had great influence in leading people to form unions, but that those who said what was false, did no good by their praises, for that such as were deceived hated each other and the match-maker alike ; and as I am persuaded that this opinion is correct, I think that I ought not to say, when I praise you, any thing that I can not utter with truth." 37. "You are, therefore," returned Critobulus, " a friend of such a kind to me, Socrates, as to assist me, if I have myself any qualities adapted to gain friends ; but if not, you would not be willing to invent any thing to serve me." " And whether, Critobulus," said Soc- rates, " should I appear to serve you more by extolling you 4U MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK n. \vith false praises, or by persuading you to endeavor to be- come a truly deserving man? 38. If this point is not clear to you, consider it with the following illustrations: If, wishing to make the owner of a ship your friend, I should praise you falsely to him, pronouncing you a skillful pilot, and ho, believing me, should intrust his ship to you to steer when you are incapable of steering it, would you have any expectation that you would not destroy both yourself and the ship ? Or if, by false representations, I should persuade the state, publicly, to intrust itself to you as a man skilled in military tactics, in judicial proceedings, or in political affairs, what do you think that yourself and the state would suffer at your hands ? Or if, in private intercourse, I should induce any of the citizens, by unfounded statements, to commit their property to your care, as being a good and diligent manager, would you not, when you came to give proof of your abilities, be convicted of dis- honesty, and make yourself appear ridiculous? 39. But the shortest, and safest, and best way, Critobulus, is to strive to be really good in that in which you wish to be thought good. Whatever are called virtues among mankind, you will find, on consideration, capable of being increased by study and exer- cise. I am of opinion, that it is in accordance with these sentiments, that we ought to endeavor to acquire friends ; if you know any other way, make me acquainted with it." " I should be indeed ashamed," replied Critobulus, "to say any thing in opposition to such an opinion ; for I should say what was neither honorable nor true." CHAPTER VH. Socrates endeavored to alleviate the necessities of his friends by his instruc- tions, and by exhorting them to assist each other. In this chapter it is particularly shown that anv person of liberal education may, when op- pressed by poverty, honorably use his talents and accomplishments for his support. 1. SUCH difficulties of his friends as arose from ignorance, he endeavored to remedy by his counsel ; such as sprung from poverty, by admonishing them to assist each other ac- cording to their means. With, reference to this point, I will CHAP. vir. NECESSITY OF LABOR. 415 relate what I know of him from having been an ear-witness cf what he said. Observing Aristarchus, 1 on one occasion looking gloomily, " You seem," said he, " Aristarchus, to be taking something to heart ; but you ought to impart the cause of your uneasiness to your friends ; for perhaps we may by some means lighten it." 2. "I am indeed, Socrates," replied Aristarchus, "in great perplexity ; for since the city has been disturbed," and many of our people have fled to the Piraseus, my surviving sisters, and nieces, and cousins have gathered about me in such numbers, that there are now in my house fourteen free- born persons. 3 At the same tune, we receive no profit from our lands, for the enemy are in possession of them ; nor any rent from our houses, for but few inhabitants are left in the city ; no one will buy our furniture, nor is it possible to bor- row money from any quarter ; a person, indeed, as it seems to me, would sooner find money by seeking it on the road, than get it by borrowing it. It is a grievous thing to me, therefore, to leave my relations to perish ; and it is impossible for me to support such a number under such circumstances." 3. Soc- rates, on hearing this, replied, "And how is it that Cera- mon, 4 yonder, though maintaining a great number of people, is not only able to procure what is necessary for himself and them, but gains so much more, also, as to be positively rich, while you, having many to support, are afraid lest you should all perish for want of necessaries?" "Because, assuredly," replied Aristarchus, " he mantains slaves, while I have to support free-born persons." 4. "And which of the two," in- quired Socrates, " do you consider to be the better, the free- born persons that are with you, or the slaves that are with Ceramon ?" " I consider the free persons with me as the 1 Nothing more is known of him than is here mentioned. Kuhner. * When Lysander had taken the city, and established the Thirty Tyrants, those who sought to restore the democracy and regain their ancient liberty, occupied the Pireeeus under the leadership of Thrasy- bulus, and began to make war on the supporters of the oligarchy. See Xen. Hellen. ii. 4. Schneider. * Tovf t/.ev&epov?.] Observe the force of the article: " Fourteen, and those free persons, to say nothing of slaves." Ernesti. * 'O Kepuf*uv.~] He is nowhere else mentioned, Tho article is hero used deiKTinur, Ceramon ilk. Kuhner 416 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK n- better." "Is it not then a disgrace that he should gain abund- ance by means of the inferior sort, and that you should be in difficulties while having with you those of the better class ?" " Such certainly is the case ; but it is not at all wonderful ; for 1 he supports artisans ; but I, persons of liberal education." 5. "Artisans, then," asked Socrates, "are per- sons that know how to make something useful ?" " Unques- tionably," replied Aristarchus. " Is barley-meal, then, use- ful?" "Very." "Is bread?" "Not less so." "And are men's and women's garments, coats, cloaks, and mantles, use- ful?" "They are all extremely useful." "And do those who are residing with you then, not know how to make any of these things T' " They know how to make them all, as I believe." 6. " And are you not aware that from the manu- facture of one of these articles, that of barley-meal, Nau- sicydes* supports not only himself and his household but a great number of swine and oxen besides, and gains, indeed, so much more than he wants, that he often even assists the govern- ment with his money ? Aro you not aware that Cyrebus, by making bread, maintains his whole household, and lives luxu- riously ; that Demea, of Collytus,* supports himself by mak- ing cloaks, Menon by making woolen cloaks, and that most of the Megarians live by making mantles?" "Certainly they do," said Aristarchus ; " for they purchase barbarian slaves and keep them, in order to force them to do what they please ; but I have with me free-born persons and relatives." 7. " Then," added Socrates, " because they are free and re- lated to you, do you think that they ought to do nothing elso but eat and sleep ? Among other free persons, do you see that those who live thus spend their time more pleasantly, and do you consider them happier, than those who practice the arts which they know, and which are useful to support life ? Do 1 Ni) A?, e^v, f. r. A.] I have been obliged to supply some words here, which it is absolutely necessary to understand, if we adhere, with Kiihner, to the reading Nr) A/'. " Profecto ille in abundantiS vivit, ego in egestate ; neque id mirum est, nam," etc. Finck apud Kiihner. Zeuno and Schneider would read negatively ftu A*'. " No, indeed, it is not at all disgraceful, for," etc. ; a change which I can not but think would much improve the passage. 5 By the Scholiast on Aristoph. Eccl. 426, he is called d Sturz, Lex. Xen. 3 One of the boroughs or districts into which Attica was divided. CHAP. VIL AD VANTAGES OP INDUSTRY. 41*, you find that idleness and carelessness are serviceable to man* kind, either for learning what it becomes them to know, or for remembering what they have learned, or for maintain- ing the health and strength of their bodies, or for acquiring and preserving what is useful for the support of life, and that industiy and diligence are of no service at all ? 8. And as to the arts which you say they know, whether did they learn them as being useless to maintain life, and with the in- tention of never practicing any of them, or, on the contrary, with a view to occupy themselves about them, and to reap profit from them ? In which condition will men be more temperate, living in idleness, or attending to useful employ- ments ? In which condition will they be more honest, if they work, or if they sit in idleness meditating how to procure necessaries I 9. Under present circumstances, as I should sup- pose, you neither feel attached to your relatives, nor they to you, for you find them burdensome to you, and they see that you are annoyed with their company. For such feelings there is danger that dislike may grow stronger and stronger, and that previous friendly inclination may be diminished. But if you take them under your direction, so that they may be em- ployed, you will love them, when you see that they are serv- iceable to you, and they will grow attached to you, when they find that you feel satisfaction in their society ; and remember- ing past services with greater pleasure, you will increase the friendly feeling resulting from them, and consequently grow more attached and better disposed toward each other. 10. If, indeed, they were going to employ themselves in any thing dishonorable, death would be preferable to it ; but the ac- complishments which they know, are, as it appears, such as are most honorable and becoming to women ; and all people execute what they know with the greatest ease and expedition, and with the utmost credit and pleasure. Do not hesitate, therefore," concluded Socrates, " to recommend to them this line of conduct, which will benefit both you and them ; and they, as it is probable, will cheerfully comply with your wishes." 11. "By the gods," exclaimed Aristarchus, "you seem to me to give such excellent advice, Socrates, that though hitherto I did not like to borrow money, knowing that, when I had spent what I got, I should have no means of repay- 18* 4i ff MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK n. ing it, I now think that I can endure to do so, in order to gain the necessary means of commencing work." / 12. The necessary means were accordingly provided ; wool was bought ; and the women took their dinners as they con- tinued at work, and supped when they had finished their tasks ; they became cheerful instead of gloomy in countenance, and, instead of regarding each other with dislike, met the looks of one another with pleasure ; they loved Aristarchus as their protector, and he loved them as being of use to him. At last he came to Socrates, and told him with delight of the state of things in his house ; adding that " the women complained of him as being the only person in the house that ate the bread of idleness." 13. "And do you not tell them," said Socrates, "the fable of the dog? For they say .that when beasts had the faculty of speech, the sheep said to her master, ' you act strangely, in granting nothing to us who supply you with -wool, and lambs, and cheese, except what we get from the ground ; while to the dog, who brings you no such profits, you give a share of the food which you take yourself.' 14. The dog, hear- ing these remarks, said, ' And not indeed without reason ; for I ain he that protects even yourselves, so that you are neither stolen by men, or carried otf by wolves ; while, if I were not to guard you, you would be unable even to feed, for fear lest you should be destroyed.' In consequence it is said that the sheep agreed that the dog should have the superior honor. You, accordingly, tell your relations that you are, in the place of the dog, their guardian and protector, and that, by your means, they work and live in security and pleasure, without suffering injury from any one." . mi. CONVERSATION WITH EUTHERUS. 419 CHAPTER VIII. Socrates persuades Eutlierus, who was working for hire, to seek some more eligible employment, as his present occupation was not suited for old age, and recommends to him the post of steward to some rich man. An ob- jection on the part of Eutherus, that he should dislike to have to render an account to a master, Socrates opposes with the remark that there is no office in the world free from responsibility. 1. SEEING an old friend one day, after a considerable inter- val of time, he said, " Whence do you come, Eutherus ?" " I am returned, Socrates," replied Eutherus, " from iny retire- ment abroad at the conclusion of the Avar / and I come now from the immediate neighborhood; for since we were robbed of all our possessions beyond the borders, and my father left me nothing in Attica, I am obliged to live in the city and work with my own hands to procure the necessaries of life ; but this seems to me better than to ask aid of any body, espe- cially as I have nothing on which I could borrow." 2. " And how long," said Socrates, "do you think that your bodily labor will serve to earn what you require ?" " Not very long, by Jupiter," replied Eutherus. " Then," said Socrates, "when you grow older, you will doubtless be in want of money, and no one will be willing to give you wages for your bodily labor." "What you say is true," rejoined Eutherus. 3. "It will be better for you, therefore," continued Socrates, 11 to apply yourself immediately 'to some employment which will maintain you when you are old, and, attaching yourself to some one of those that have larger fortunes (who requires a person to assist him), and, superintending his works, help- ing to gather in his fruits, and preserve his property, to benefit him, and to be benefited by him in return." 4. " I should with great reluctance, Socrates," said he, " submit to slavery." " Yet those who have the superintendence in states, and who take care of the public interests, are not the more like slaves oa that account, but are thought to have more of the free- 1 There is no doubt that the allusion here is to the peace of Thera- menes, by -which every thing that the Athenians possessed beyond tho limits of Attica was taken from them. See Plutarch. Lys. 14. Andoc, de Pace, 12. Kriiger. 420 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK it man." 5. " la a word, however," rejoined Eutherus, " I am not at all willing to make myself liable to any one's censure." " But assuredly, Eutherus," said Socrates, " it is not very easy to find an employment in which a person would not be ex- posed to censure ; for it is difficult to do any thing so as to commit no error ; and it is difficult, even if you have done it without error, to meet with a considerate judge ; for even in the occupation in which you are now engaged I should wonder if it be easy for you to go through it without blame. 6. But 7ou must endeavor to avoid such employers as are given to censure, and seek such as are candid ; to undertake such duties as you are able to do, and to decline such as you can not fulfill ; and to execute whatever you take upon you in the best manner and Avith the utmost zeal ; for I think that, by such conduct, you will be least exposed to censure, you will most readily find assistance in time of need, and you will live with the greatest ease and freedom from danger, and with the best provision for old age. CHAPTER IX. Crfto, a rich man, complaining that he is harassed by informers, Socrates recommends him to secure the services of Archedemus, a poor man well skilled in the law, to defend him against them ; a plan by which both are benefited. Archedemus also assists others, and gains both reputation and emolument. ,. 1. I KNOW that he also heard Crito once observe, how difficult it was for a man who wished to mind his own busi- ness to live at Athens. 1 " For at this very time," added he, " there are people bringing actions against me, not because they have suffered any wrong from me, but because they think that I would rather pay them a sum of money than have the trouble of law proceedings." 2. " Tell me, Crito," said Socrates, " do you not keep dogs, that they may drive away the wolves from your sheep ?" " Certainly," answered 1 To live at Athens 13 said to have been troublesome on account of the sycophanice, or informers, whom the populace allowed to harasa And annoy the richer class, in the belief that Buch liberty helped to support ca democracy. Schneider. CHAP. ix. ARCHEDEMUS SERVES C3ITO. 421 Crito, " for it is more profitable to me to keep them than not." "Would you not then be inclined to keep a man also, who would be willing and able to drive away from you those that try to molest you ?" " I would with pleasure," returned Crito, " it* I were not afraid that he would turn against me." 3. " But do you not see," said Socrates, " that it would be much more pleasant for him to serve himself by gratifying such a man as you than by incurring your enmity. And be assured that there are such characters here, who would be extremely ambitious to have you for a friend." 4. In consequence of this conversation, they fixed upon Archedemus, a man of great ability both in speaking and acting, but poor ; for he was not of a character to make money by every means, but was a lover of honesty, and a person of superior mind, so that he could draw money from the informers. 1 Crito, therefore, whenever he gathered in his corn, or oil, or wine, or wool, or any thing else that grew on his land, used to select a portion of it, and give it to Ar- chedemus ; and used to invite him whenever he sacrificed, 1 and paid him attention in every similar way. 5., Archedemus, accordingly, thinking that Crito's house would be a place of refuge for him, showed him much respect, and quickly dis- covered, on the part of Crito's accusers, many illegal acts, and many persons who were enemies to those accusers, one of whom he summoned to a public trial, in which it would bo settled what he should suffer or pay. 3 6. This person, being conscious of many crimes, tried every means to get out of the hands of Archedemus ; but Archedemus would not let him oft', until he ceased to molest Crito, and gave himself a sum of money besides. 7. When Archedemus had succeeded in this and some TS KO.I evQvcaTepof uv, UTTO ruv WKoQavTiJv Understand Acre, " so that he could get the better of the sycophants, and draw money from them, instead of allowing them to practice on Crito." This is the reading of Kiihner; most editions have Ipv fidarov elvat, " he said that it was very easy to get money from the syco- phants." 2 "When the sacrifice was ended, an entertainment followed, to which it was usual to invite kinsmen and friends, as a mark of respect. See Bachius ad Hieron. viii. 3. Kiihner. 3 *O n del ira&eiv ij dirorlaai.] A legal expression, Tra&slv referring to corporal punishment, a~orlaai to a pecuniary fine. 422 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK IL other similar proceedings, then, as when any shepherd has a good dog, other shepherds wish to station 'their flocks near him, in order to have the benefit of his dog, so likewise many of the friends of Crito begged him to lend them the services of Archedemus as a protector. 8. Archedemus willingly gratified Crito in this respect, and thus not only Crito himseh' was left at peace, but his friends. And if any of those with whom he was at variance taunted him with receiving favors from Crito, and paying court to him, Archedemus would ask, " whether is it disgraceful to be benefited by honest men, and to make them your friends by serving them in return, and to be at variance with the unprincipled, or to make the honorable and good your enemies by trying to wrong them, and to make the bad your friends by co-operating with them, and associate with the vicious instead of the virtuous ?" From this time Archedemus was one of Crito's friends, and was honored by the other friends of Crito. CHAPTER X. Socrates exhorts Diodorus, a rich man, to aid his friend Hermogenes, who is in extreme poverty. A man endeavors to preserve the life of a slave, and ought surely to use greater exertions to save a friend, who will well repay our kindness. 1. I AM aware that he also held a conversation with Dio- dorus, one of his followers, to the following effect. " Tell me, Diodorus," said he, " if one of your slaves runs away, do you use any care to recover him ?" 2. " Yes, indeed," an- swered he, " and I call others to my aid, by offering rewards for capturing him." "And if any of your slaves falls ill," continued Socrates, " do you pay any attention to him, and call in medical men, that he may not die?" "Certainly," replied the other. " And if any one of your friends, who is far more valuable to you than all your slaves, is in danger of perishing of want, do you not think that it becomes you to take care of him, that his life may be saved ? 3. But you are not ignorant that Hermogenes is not ungrateful, and would be ashamed, if, after being assisted by you, he were not to serve you in return ; and indeed to secure such a supporter as CHAP. i. ON CHARITY. ON DOING- OUR DUTY. 423 he, willing, well-disposed, steady, and not only able to do what he is directed, but capable of being useful of himself, and of taking forethought, and forming plans for you, I consider equivalent to the value of many slaves. 4. Good economists say that you ought to buy, when you can purchase for a little Avhat is worth much ; but now, in consequence of the troubled state of affairs, it is possible to obtain good friends at a very easy rate." 5. " You say well, Socrates," rejoined IModorus ; " and therefore tell Hermogenes to come to me." " No, by Jupiter," said Socrates, " I shall not ; for I think it not so honorable for you to send for him as to go yourself to him ; nor do I consider it a greater benefit to him thrm to you that this intercourse should take place." 6. DioJorus accordingly went to Hermogenes, and secured, at no great expense, a friend who made it his business to consider by what words or deeds he could profit or please Diodorus. BOOK III. CHAPTER I. Socrates used to exhort those who aspired to public offices to learn the duties that would be required in them. Tiie duties of a military commander, and his responsibilities, sect. 1-5. He must know many things besides military tactics, 6-11. 1. I WILL now show that Socrates was of great service to those who aspired to posts of honor, 1 by rendering them attentive to the duties of the offices which they sought. Having heard that Dionysodorus 2 had arrived at the city, offering to teach the art of a general, he said to one of those who were with him, whom he observed to be desirous of obtaining that honor in the state, 2. " It is indeed unbe- coming, young man, that he who wishes to be commander of 1 Tuv /caAwv.] Ta KO.A.U. are here munera publica, honores. See Weisko ad h. 1., and Haas, ad lib. de Rep. Lac. p. 95, seq. Kuhner. 8 A native of Chios, and brother of Euthydemus. He first taught the military art at Athens, and then devoted himself to the professiou of the Sophists. See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 38. Kuhner. 424 MSMORABIUA OF SOCRATES. BOOK m. an army in his country should neglect to learn the duties of that office when he has an opportunity of learning them ; and such a person would be far more justly punished by his coun- try than one who should contract to make statues for it, when he had not learned to make them ; 3. for as the whole state, in the perils of war, is intrusted to the care of the general, it is likely that great advantages will occur if he act well, and great evils if he fall into error. How, then, would not he, who neglects to learn the duties of the office, while he is eager to be elected to it, be deservedly punished?" By making such observations, he induced the young man to go and learn. 4. "When, after having learned, he returned to Socrates again, he began to joke upon him, saying, " Since Homer, my friends, has represented Agamemnon as dignified, 1 does not this young man, after learning to be a general, seem to you to look more dignified than before ? For as he who has learned to play the lyre is a lyrist, though he may not use the instru- ment^ and he who has learned the art of healing is a physician, though he may not practice his art, so this youth will from henceforth be a general, though no one may elect him to com- mand ; but he who wants the proper knowledge is neither general nor physician, even though he be chosen to act as such by all the people in the world. 5. But," he continued, " in order that we may have a better knowledge of the mili- tary art, in case any one of us should have to command a troop or company under you, tell us how he began to teach you generalship ?" " He began," replied the youth, " with the same thing with which he ended ; for he taught me tactics, and nothing else." 6. "But," said Socrates, "how small a part of the qualifications of a general is this ! For a. general must be skillful in preparing what is necessary for war, able 3 in securing provisions for his troops, a man of great contrivance and activity, careful, persevering, and sagacious; kind, and yet severe ; open, yet crafty ; careful of his own, yet ready to steal from others ; profuse, yet rapacious ; lavish of presents, yet eager 'to acquire money ; cautious, yet enter- prising; and many other qualities there are, both natural and acquired, which he, who would fill the office of general with ability, must possess. 7. It is good, indeed, to be skilled in 1 Teoaoov. II iii. 171. * Compare Cvrop. I 6, 12, seqq. CHAP. L THE DUTIES OF A GENERAL. 425 tactics; for a well-arranged army is very different from a disorderly one ; as stones and bricks, wood and tiles, if thrown together in confusion, are of no use whatever ; but when the stones and tiles, materials not likely to rot or decay, are placed at the bottom and the top, and the bricks and wood are arranged in the middle (as in building), a house, which is a valuable piece of property, is formed." ' 8. " What you have said, Socrates," rejoined the youth, " is an exact illustration of our practice ; for in the field of battle we must place the bravest troops in the front and rear, and the cowardly in the middle, that they may be led on by those before them, and pushed forward by those behind." 2 9. " If indeed he has taught you to distinguish the brave and cowardly," rejoined Socrates, " that rule may be of use ; but if not, what profit is there in what you have learned ? for if he ordered you, in arranging a number of coins, to lay the best first and last, arid the worst in the middle, and gave you no instructions how to distinguish the good and bad, his orders to you would be to no purpose." " But indeed," he replied, " he did not teach me this ; so that we must distinguish the brave from the cowardly ourselves." 3 10." Why should we not consider then," said Socrates, " how we may avoid mistakes as to that matter ?" " I am willing," returned the young man. " If then we had to capture a sum of money, and were to place the most covetous men in front, should we not arrange them properly ?" " It appears so to me." " And what must generals do when entering on a perilous enterprise ? Must they not place the most ambitious in front ?" " They at least," said the young man, "are those who are ready to brave danger for the sake of praise ; and they are by no means difficult to discover, but will be every where con- spicuous and easy to be selected." 4 11. "But did your in- 1 Compare Cyrop. vi. 3, 25. a See Cyrop. viL 5. 5. As Homer, II. iv. 297, says of Nestor, The horse and chariots to the front assign'd, The foot (the strength of war) he rang'd behind ; The middle space suspected troops supply, Inclos'd by both, nor left the power to fly. Pope. 3 So that if we have to decide which are good, and which bad, we must make the decision for ourselves. Kuhner. 4 These remarks on the easiness of discovering the ambitious, are given to the young man by Schneider, Kuhner, and, I believe, all otue 426 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK m. structor," inquired Socrates, " teach you to arrange an army, merely, or did he tell you for what purpose, and in what manner, you must employ each division of your forces?" " Not at all," replied he. " Yet there are many occasions, on which it is not proper to draw up an army, or to conduct it, in the same way." " But, by Jupiter, he gave me no ex- planation as to such occasions." " Go, again, then, by all means," said Socrates, " and question him ; for if he knows, and is not quite shameless, he will blush, after taking your money, to send you away in ignorance." CHAPTER H. A good general ought to take measures for the safety, maintenance, and success of liia troops ; and not to study his own honor alone, but that of his whole army. 1. HAVING met, on some occasion, a person who had been elected general, Socrates said to him, " Why is it, do you think, that Homer has styled Agamemnon ' Shepherd of the people ?' Is it not for this reason, that as a shepherd must be careful that his sheep be safe, and have food, and the ob- ject may be effected for which they are kept, so a general must take care that his soldiers be safe, and have provisions, and that the object be effected for which they serve ? and they serve, no doubt, that they may increase their gratifica- tions by conquering the enemy. 2. Or why has he praised Agamemnon in the following manner, saying that he was Both characters, a good king, and an efficient warrior ? l Does he not mean that he would not have been " an efficient warrior" if he had fought courageously alone against the enemy, and if he had not been the cause of courage to his whole army ; and that he would not have been " a good king," if he had attended to his own subsistence only, and had not been the cause of comfort to those over whom he ruled ? 3. Editors ; but it might be inquired whether they are not more suitable to *he character of Socrates, to whom Sarah Fielding has taken the liberty of giving them. 1 II. iii. 179. CHAP. in. DUTIES OP A CAVALRY OFFICER. 427 For a man is chosen king, not that he may take good care of himself, but that those who have chosen him may prosper by his means ; and all men, when they take the field, take it that their lives may be rendered as happy as possible, and choose generals that they may conduct them to the accomplishment of that object. 4. It is incumbent on the leader of an army, therefore, to carry into execution the views of those who have chosen him their leader. Nor is it easy to find any thing more honorable than such exertion, or more disgraceful than an op- posite course of conduct." Thus considering what was the merit of a good leader, he omitted other points in his character, and left only this, that he should render those whom he commanded happy. CHAPTER HI. The duty of a commander of cavalry is twofold, to improve the condition both of his men and his horses ; and not to leave the care of the horses to the troops, sect. 1-4. How he should train his men, and how he should be himself qualified to do so, 5-10. He should acquire oratorial power, that he may incite his men to exertion, and fire them with the desire ot glory, 11-15. 1. I REMEMBER that he held a dialogue with a person who had been chosen Hipparch, 1 to the following purport : " Could you tell me, young man," said he, " with what object you de- sired to be a Hipparch ? It certainly was not for the sake of rid- ing first among the cavalry ; for the horse-archers are honored with that dignity, as they ride even before the Hipparchs." " You say the truth," said the youth. " Nor was it, surely, for the sake of being noticed, for even madmen are noticed by every body." " You say the truth in that respect also." 2. " But was it, then, that you expect to render the cavalry better, and present them in that condition to your country, and that, if there should be need for the services of 1 There were at Athen3 two tTrrrapxoi, or commanders of the horse, who had supreme authority over the cavalry, but were subject to the orders of the ten aTpurrj-yoi, or commanders of the infantry. The duties of a Hipparch, Xenophon has described in his treatise entitled 'I Kvhner. 428 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK in. cavalry, you hope, as their leader, to be the author of some advantage to the state ?" " I do hope so, certainly." " And it will be truly honorable to you," continued Socrates, " if you are able to effect that object. But the office, to Avhich you have been chosen, takes charge of both the horses and riders ?" " It does so," said the young man. 3. " Come then, tell me this first of all, how you propose to render the horses better?" "That," replied the other, "I do not consider to be my business ; for I think that each man, individually, must take care or his own horse." 4. "If, then," said Socrates, " some of the men should present their horses before you so diseased in the feet, so weak in the legs, or so feeble in body, and others, theirs so ill-fed, that they could not follow you ; others, theirs so unmanageable, that they would not remain where you posted them ; others, theirs so vicious that it would not be possible to post them at all ; what would be the use of such cavalry to you ? Or how would you be able, at the head of them, to be of any service to your country ?" " You admonish me well," said the youth, " and I will try to look to the horses as far as may be in my power." 5. " And will you not also endeavor," asked Socrates, " to make the riders better?" "I will," said he. "You will first of all, then, make them more expert in mounting their horses." " I ought to do so ; for if any of them should fall off, they would thus be better prepared to recover themselves." 6. " If, then," said Socrates, " you should be obliged to hazard an engagement, whether will you order your men to bring the enemy down to the level sand 1 on which you have been accustomed to ride, or will you try to exercise them on such ground as that on which the enemy may show themselves ?" " The latter method will be the better," said the young man. 7. " Will you also take any care that the greatest possible number of your men may be able to hurl the dart on horse- back ?" " That will be better, too," replied he. " And have you considered how to whet the courage of your cavalry, since you intend to make them more courageous, and animate them against the enemy !" " If I have not yet considered," 1 The cavalry were exercised on level ground strewed with sand ; hence such places were called du.Li66po[ioi. See Lexic. apud Ruhnk. ad Timaeum, p. 23, ed. ii. Schneider. See also Hipparch. L 5, and Scaneider ad Hipparch. iii. 10. CHAP. in. PTJTIES OF A CAVALRY OFFICER.. 429 said he, " I will now try to do so." 8. " And havo you at all considered how your cavalry may be induced to obey you ? For without obedience you will have no profit either from horses or horsemen, spirited and valiant as they may be." " You say the truth, Socrates," said he ; " but by what means can a leader most effectually induce them to obedience ?" 9. "You are doubtless aware that in all circumstances men most willingly obey those whom they consider most able to direct ; for in sickness patients obey him whom they think the best physician ; on shipboard, the passengers obey him whom they" think the best pilot, and in agriculture, people obey him whom they deem the best husbandman." " Unques- tionably," said the young man. " Is it not then likely," said Socrates, " that in horsemanship also, others will be most will- ing to obey him who appears to know best what he ought to do ?" 10. "If, therefore, Socrates, I should myself appear the best horseman among them, will that circumstance be .sufficient to induce them to obey me ?" " If you convince them in addition," said Socrates, " that it is better and safer for them to obey you." " How, then, shall I convince them of that ?" " With much more ease," replied Socrates, " than if you had to convince them that bad things are better and more profitable than good." 11. " You mean," said the young man, " that a commander of cavalry, in addition to his other qualifications, should study to acquire some ability in speak- ing." " And did you think," asked Socrates, " that you would command cavalry by silence ? Have you not reflected, that whatever excellent principles we have learned according to law, 1 principles by which we know how to live, we learned all through the medium of speech ; and that whatever other valuable instruction any person acquires, he acquires it by means of speech likewise ? Do not those who teach best, use speech most ; and those who know the most important trutns, discuss them with the greatest eloquence ? 12. Or have you not observed, 3 that when a band of dancers and musicians is 1 Nn/zu.] That is, more et institutis civitatis. Ernesti. 2 The idp*a is, that though the Athenians excel other people in many respects, they excel them in nothing more than in their love of praise. If, therefore, you wish to improve the cavalry, you must bestow praise and honors upon them as often as they do their duty well. 430 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK ra formed from this city, as that, for instance, -which is sent ta Delos, 1 no one from any other quarter can compete with it ; and that in no other city is manly grace 2 shown by num- bers of people like that which is seen here ?" " What you say is true," said he. 13. "But it is not so much in sweet- ness of voice, or in size and strength of body, that the Athen- ians excel other people, as in ambition, which is the greatest incitement to whatever is honorable and noble." " This also is true," said he. 14. " Do you not think, then," said Soc- rates, " that if any one should study to improve the cavalry here, the Athenians would excel other people in that depart- ment also (as well in the decoration of their arms and horses as in the good order of the men, and in boldly defying danger to encounter the enemy), if they thought that'by such means they would acquire praise and honor ?" " It is probable," said the young man. " Do not delay, therefore," added Socrates, " but try to excite your men to 'those exertions by which you will both be benefited yourself, and your countrymen through your means." " I will assuredly try," replied he. CHAPTER IV. Nicomachides complaining that the Athenians had not chosen him general, though he -was experienced in war, hut Antisthenes, who had seen no military service, Socrates proceeds to show that Antisthenes, although h had never filled the office of commander, might have qualities to indicate that he would fill it with success. 1. SEEING Nicomachides, 3 one day, coming from the as- sembly for the election of magistrates, he asked him, " Who 1 The Athenians sent a chorus to Delos every year, and a sacred de- putation, in which there was also a chorus, every fifth year, to celebrate games in honor of Apollo. It is of this deputation that the passage in iv. 8. 2 is to be understood. Weiske. - He refers to the custom of selecting the best-looking men. both young and old, to walk as Thallophori at the Panathensea, or feast of Minerva. See Harpocration sub h. v. ibique Valesius, p. 34. Old men are men- tioned as Thallophori by Xen. Sympos. iv. 17. See Athenteus, lib. xiii. p. 565. Schneider. 3 Nothing is said of him elsewhere. Kiihntr. CHAP. iv. GOOD QUALITIES FOR COMMAND. 431 have been chosen generals, Nicoinachidcs ?" " Are not the Athenians the same as ever, Socrates ?" he replied ; " for they have not chosen me, who am worn out with serving on the. list, 1 both as captain and centurion, 2 and with having re- ceived so many wounds from the enemy (he then drew aside his robe, and showed the scars of the wounds), but have elected Antisthenes, who has never served in the heavy-armed infantry, nor done any thing remarkable in the cavalry, and who indeed knows nothing, but how to get money." 2. " Is it not good, however, to know this," said Socrates, " since he will then be able to get necessaries for the troops 1" " But merchants," replied Nicomachides, " are able to collect money ; and yet would not on that account, be capable of leading an army." 3. " Antisthenes, however," continued Socrates, " is given to emulation, a quality necessary in a general. Do you not know that whenever he has been chorus-manager 3 he has gained the superiority in all his choruses ?" " But, by Jupi ter," rejoined Nicomachides, "there is nothing similar i:i managing a chorus and an army." 4. " Yet Antisthenes," said Socrates, " though neither skilled in music nor in teach- ing a cherus, 4 was able to find out the best masters in these departments." " In the army, accordingly," exclaimed Nico- machides, " he will find others to range his troops for him, and others to fight for him !" 5. " Well, then," rejoined Soc- rates, "if he find out and select the best men in military affairs, as he has done in the conduct of his choruses, he will probably attain superiority in this respect also ; and it is likely that he will be more willing to spend money for a vic- tory in war on behalf of the whole state, than for a victory with a chorus in behalf of his single tribe." 5 C. " Do you 1 'Ex KaraXoyov.] E delectu militans. * * * Significatur ratio qua ad militares expeditiones venit. Kiihner: who also refers to Thucyd. viii. 24; Aristot. Polit. v. 2 ; and Suidas, v. KaraAoyoc. 2 Aoxayuv Kal rai-iapxiJv.] Serving as /io^aydf, captain of twenty-five, and ra^iapxoc, captain of a hundred. 3 The x o pyyC< or chorus-manager, among the Attic writers, is properly he who raised the chorus, and provided it with instruction and every thing necessary, at his own expense. Schneider. See Bockh, Sub. (Econ. of Athens, vol. i. p. 487. 4 Xopuv fnfiaaK.a7.iac.'] He that taught and disciplined the ^opdf, was called xPv &tSuaKa'Xo^. 5 Tho victory belonged, not to the xopijybr, but to his tribe, in tho 432 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK in. say, then, Socrates," said lie, " that it is in the power of tlio same man to manage a chorus well, and to manage an army well ?" t: I say," said Socrates, " that over whatever a mail may preside, he will, if he knows what he needs, and is ablo to provide it, be a good president, whether he have the direc- tion of a chorus, a family, a city, or an army." 7. " By Jupiter, Socrates," cried Nicomachides, " I should never have expected to hear from you that good managers of a. family would also be good generals." " Come, then," proceeded Soc- rates, " let us consider what are the duties of each of them, that we may understand whether they are the same, or are in any respect different." " By all means," said he. 8. " Is it not, then, the duty of both," asked Socrates, " to render those under their command obedient and submissive to them ?" " Unquestionably." " Is it not also the duty of both to in- trust various employments to such as are fitted to execute them ?" " That is also unquestionable." " To punish the bad, and to honor the good, too, belongs, I think, to each of them." " Undoubtedly." 9. " And is it not honorable in both to render those under them well-disposed toward them ? r ' " That also is certain." " And do you think it for the interest of both to gain for themselves allies and auxiliaries or not " " It assuredly is for their interest." " Is it not proper for both also to be careful of their resources'?" "Assuredly." " And is it not proper for both, therefore, to be attentive and industrious in their respective duties ?" 10. " All these par- ticulars," said Nicomachides, "are common alike to both; but it is not common to both to fight." ,' Yet both have doubtless enemies," rejoined Socrates. " That is probably the case," said the other. " Is it not for the interest of both to gain the superiority over those enemies?" 11. "Certainly; but to say nothing on that point, what, I ask, will skill in managing a household avail, if it be necessary to fight ?" " It will doubtless in that case, be of the greatest avail," said Soc- rates ; " for a good manager of a house, knowing that nothing is so advantageous or profitable as to get the better of your enemies when you contend with them, nothing so unprofitable and prejudicial as to be defeated, will zealously seek and pro- vide every thing that may conduce to victory, will carefully name of which tho money was expended. Schneider. Attica was divid- ed into ten tribes. CHAP. v. CONVERSATION WITH PERKJLES. 433 watch and guard against whatever tends to defeat, will vigor- ously engage it' he sees that his force is likely to conquer, and, what is not the least important point, will cautiously avoid en- gaging if he finds himself insufficiently prepared. 12. Do not, therefore, Nicomachides," he added, " despise men skillful in managing a household ; for the conduct of private affairs dif- fers from that of public concerns only in magnitude ; in other respects they are similar ; but what is most to be observed, is, that neither of them are managed without men, and that pri- vate matters are not managed by one species of men, and pub- lic matters by another ; for those who conduct public business make use of men not at all differing in nature from those whom the managers of private affairs employ ; and those who know how to employ them conduct either public or private affairs judiciously, while those who do not know will err in the management of both." CHAPTER V. Conrersation of Socrates with Pericles the younger on the manner in which the Athenians might be made to recover their ancient spirit and ambition. They ought to be reminded of the deeds of their ancestors, sect. 1-12 ; and to be taught that indolence has been the cause of their degeneracy, 13. They ought to revive the institutions of their forefathers, or iriitata those of the Lacedaemonians, 14 ; and to pay great attention to military affairs, 15-25. How the territory of Attica might be best secured against invasion, 26-23. 1. CONVERSING, on one occasion, with Pericles, 1 the son of the great Pericles, Socrates said, " I have hopes, Pericles, that under your leadership the city will become more eminent and famous in military affairs, and will get the better of her ene- mies." " I wish, Socrates," said Pericles, " that what you say may happen ; but how such effects are to be produced, I can not understand." "Are you willing, then/' asked Socrates, 1 This is the Pericles, the illegitimate son of the great Pericles, whom the Athenians, when the legitimate sons of the elder Pericles were dead, naturalized, in order to gratify his father. See Plutarch in Pericl. extr. Being made general with Thrasylus and Erasinides, and being involved in the ill-success at Arginusse, he was condemned to death, Olymp. xciii 2. Ernesti. VOL. I. 19 434 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL "that we should have some conversation on these points, and consider ho\v far there is a possibility of effecting what we desire." " I am quite willing," replied Pericles. 2. " Are you aware, then," said Socrates, " that the Athenians arc not at all inferior in number to the Boeotians?" "I am," said Pericles. " And whether do you think that a greater number of efficient and well-formed men could he selected from the Boeotians, or from the Athenians ?" " The Atheni- ans do not appear to me to be inferior in this respect." " And which of the two j eoples do you consider to be more united among themselves?" '"I think that the Athenians are ; for many of the Boeotians, being oppressed by the The- bans, entertain hostile feelings toward them. But at Athens I see nothing of the kind." 3. " But the Athenians are, more- over, of all people most eager for honor and most friendly in disposition ; qualities which most effectually impel men to face danger in the cause of glory and of their country." " The Athenians are certainly not to be found fault with in these respects." " And assuredly there is no people that can boast of greater or more numerous exploits of their ancestors than the Athenians ; a circumstance by which many are prompted and stimulated to cultivate manly courage and to become brave." 4. " All that you say is true, Socrates, but you see that since the slaughter of the thousand occurred at Lebadeia, under Tolmides, 1 and that at Delium under Hippocrates, 2 the reputation of the Athenians has suffered as far as regards the Boeotians, and the spirit of the Boeotians has been raised 1 Lebadeia was a town of central Bceotia, between ITaliartus and Chaeronea ; the whole province is now comprehended under the name of Livadia. From the proximity of these places, it has happened that the battle is sometimes called the battle of Lebadeia, sometimes at Chaeronea, sometimes at Coronea See Thucyd. i. 113; Plutarch, PericL c. 18; Agesil. c. 19; Diod. Sic. xii. 6; Plat. Alcib. L p. 112, K The battle was fought B. c. 447. The " slaughter" was of a thousand Athenians by the Boeotians. Tolmides was the Athenian general Kuhner. 2 Hippocrates was a general of the Athenians killed by the Boeotians. See Kriiger, de Xen. Vit. Questt. Critt. p. 6. Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 49. The battle at Delium was fought B.C. 424 ; Socrates, as Schnei- der observes, was present at it, according to Strabo, Lx. p. 618, B., and Diogenes Laertius, Vit. Soc. See Thucyd. iv. 93, seqq. * * * Delium was a temple of Apollo in Boeotia, near which a little town seems gradually to have arisen ; for Strabo and others speak of a Kiihner. CHAP. r. CONDITION OF THE ATHENIANS. 435 as far as regards the Athenians, so that the Boeotians, indeed, who formerly did not dare, even on their own soil, to meet the Athenians in the field without the aid of the Spartans and other Peloponnesians, now threaten to invade Attica single-handed ; while the Athenians, who formerly, when the Boeotians were unsupported, ravaged Boeotia, are afraid lest the Boeotians should lay waste Attica." 5. " I perceive, in- deed," said Socrates, " that such is the case ; but the city seems to me now to be more favorably disposed for any good general ; for confidence produces in men carelessness, indo- lence, and disobedience, but fear renders them more attentive, obedient, and orderly. 6. You may form a notion of this from people in a ship ; for as long as they fear nothing, they are all in disorder, but as soon as they begin to dread a storm, or the approach of an enemy, they not only do every thing that they are told to do, but are hushed in silence, waiting for the directions to be given, like a band of dancers." * 7. " Well, then," said Pericles, " if they would now, assuredly, obey, it would be time for us to discuss how we might incite them to struggle to regain their ancient spirit, glory, and happiness." 8. " If then," said Socrates, " we wished them to claim property of which others were in possession, we should most effectively urge them to lay claim to it, if we proved that it belonged to their fathers, and was their rightful inheritance ; and since we wish that they should strive for pre-eminence in valor, we must show them that such pre- eminence was indisputably theirs of old, and that if they now exert themselves to recover it, they will be the most power- ful of all people." 9. u How, then, can we convince them of this ?" " I think that we may do so, if we remind them that they have heard that their most ancient forefathers, of whom we have any knowledge, were the bravest of men." 10. "Do you allude to the dispute between the gods, of which Cecrops" and his assessors had the decision on account of their valor ?" " I do allude to that, and to the education and birth of Erech- 1 "Qer;re/9 ^opevrat.] Who always look to the corvphaeus, or chorus- leader. Schneider. 2 Cecrops is said to have set as judge between Xeptune and Minerva when they were contending for the dominion over Attica. The fable is related both by other writers and by Apollodorus, iii. 14. See Heyne, Observat. p. 321, seqq., and the commentators on Ovid. Met. vt 70. Schneider. 436 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IIL theus, 1 and the war which occurred in his time with the people of the whole adjoining continent, 2 as well as that which was waged under the Heracleidaj against the Peloponnesians, 3 and all the wars that were carried ou under Theseus, 4 in all of which they showed themselves the bravest people of their time; 11. and also, if you please, to what their descendants have since done, who lived not long before our day, not only contending, with their own unassisted strength, against the lords of all Asia and of Europe, as far as Macedonia (who in- herited vast power and wealth from their ancestors, and who had themselves performed great achievements), but also dis- tinguished themselves, in conjunction with the Peloponnesians, both by land and sea. They, doubtless, are celebrated as having far surpassed other men of their time." " They are so," said Pericles. 12. ''In consequence, though many migrations occurred in Greece, they remained 5 in their own country ; and many, when contending for their rights, submitted their claims to their arbitration, while many others, also, when persecuted by more powerful people, sought refuge with them." 13. U I wonder, indeed, Socrates," said Pericles, " how our city ever degenerated." " I imagine," said Socrates, " that as some other nations" have grown indolent through excessive exaltation and 1 Erectheus was the fourth king of Athens. H. ii. 547 : Athens the fair, where great Erectheus sway'd, That owed his nurture to the blue-ey'd maid, But from the teeming furrow took his birth, The mighty offspring of the foodful earth. Pope. * The continent meant is the country of Thrace, which, in the earliest times, reached to the boundaries of Attica. See Isocrates, Panegyr. c. 19. The war intended is that which was waged by the Athenians against the Thracians and Eleusinians. See Goeller ad Thucyd. ii. 15, and Stall- baum ad Plat. Menex. p. 239, B. Kuhner. 3 The war carried on by the descendants of Hercules against Eurysth- eus and the Peloponnesiang. Kuhner. * He alludes to the wars carried on against the Amazons and Thra- cians. Herodot ix. 27 ; Isocr. Panegyr. c. 19 ; Plutarch, Thes. c. 27 ; Aristid. Panath. p. 201, seqq.; Lysias Epitaph, sect 4, seqq.; Justin ii. 4. Herbst, s Hence the Athenians wished to be thought ai'rojtfovfc and yTjyevtir : all their praises, to which Xenophon here alludes, are briefly given by Isocrates, in his Panegyric. Schneider. s 'A?.?.ot rivtf.] Schneider, from a conjecture of "Weiske or Heinz, reada u^rjTaL rimr for, says he, " inepte civitati Atheniensium U'/.AOI rivrr opponuntur." 'A/J.oi rivif is however the reading of all the old copies, and is followed by Kuhner. CHAP. v. HOW THE ATHENIANS MAY BE IMPROVED. 437 power, so likewise the Athenians, after attaining great pre-em- inence, grew neglectful of themselves, and consequently became degenerate." 14. "By what means, then," said Pericles, "could they now recover their pristine dignity ?" " It appears to me," replied Socrates, " not at all difficult to discover ; for I think that if they learn what were the practices of their ancestors, and observe them not less diligently than they, they will become not at all inferior to them ; but if they do not take that course, yet, if they imitate those 1 who are now at the head of Greece, adhere to their institutions, and attend to the same duties with diligence equal to theirs, they will stand not at all below them, and, if they use greater exertion, even above them." 15. "You intimate," returned Pericles, " that honor and virtue are far away from our city ; for when will the Athenians reverence their elders as the Spartans do, when they begin, even by their own fathers, to show disrespect for older men ? Or when will they exercise themselves like them, when they not only are regardless of bodily vigor, but deride thoso who cultivate it. 16. Or when will they obey the magistrates like them, when they make it their pride to set them at naught ? Or when will they be of one mind like them, when, instead of acting in concert for their mutual in- terests, they inflict injuries on one another, and envy one another more than they envy the rest of mankind ? More than any other people, too, do they dispute in their private and public meetings ; they institute more law-suits against one another, and prefer thus to prey upon one another than to unite for their mutual benefit. They conduct their public affairs as if they were those of a foreign state ; a they contend about the management of them, and rejoice, above all things, in having power to engage in such contests. 1 7. From such, conduct much ignorance and baseness prevail in the republic, and much envy and mutual hatred are engendered in the breasts of the citizens ; on which accounts I am constantly in 1 That the Lacedaemonians are meant is plain from what follows. Schneider. It is justly observed by Herbst, that Xenophon takes every occasion to praise the constitution of Sparta, and to prefer it to that of Athens, referring to iv. 4. 15 ; Cyrop. i. G. 19 ; Symp. viii. 39 ; De Rep. Ath. and De Yectigal. Kiihner. 2 "Cffjrcp uAAorp/otf.] Negligently; as if they had no concern i* them. 438 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK in. the greatest fear lest some evil should happen to the state too great for it to bear." 1 8. " Do not by any means suppose, Pericles," rejoined Socrates, " that the Athenians are thus disordered with an incurable depravity. Do you not see how orderly they are in their naval proceedings, how precisely they obey the presidents in the gymnastic games, and how, in the arrangement of the choruses, they submit to the directions of their teachers in a way inferior to none?" 19. "This is indeed surprising," said Pericles, "that men of that class 1 should obey those who are set over them, and that the in- fantry and cavalry, who are thought to excel the ordinary citizens in worth and valor, should be the least obedient of all the people." 20. " The council of the Areopagus, too," said Socrates, " is it not composed of men of approved char- acter ?" " " Undoubtedly," replied Pericles. " And do you know of any judges who decide causes, and conduct all their business with more exact conformity to the laws, or with more honor and justice ?" " I find no fault with them," said Pericles. " We must not, therefore, despair," said Socrates, " as if we thought that the Athenians are not inclined to be lovers of order." 21. " Yet in military affairs," observed Peri- cles, " in which it is most requisite to act with prudence, and order, and obedience, they pay no regard to such duties." " It may be so," returned Socrates, " for perhaps in military affairs men who are greatly deficient in knowledge have the command of them. Do you not observe that of harp-players, choristers, dancers, wrestlers, or pancratiasts, no one ventures to assume the direction who has not the requisite knowledge for it, but that all Avho take the lead in such matters are able to show from whom they learned the arts in which they are masters ; whereas the most of our generals undertake to com- mand without previous study. 3 22. I do not, however, imagine you to be one of that sort ; for I am sensible that you can tell when you began to learn generalship not less certainly than 1 Torf TOiovTovf.~\ Such men as the sailors, rowers, and I^i6urai, who were either slaves, or of the lower order of the citizens. Kilhner. 2 AedoKtfiaapevuv.] Those who had discharged their duties as magis- trates with integrity and honor, and, on giving in their accounts at the end of their term of office, had been approved by the judgment of the people. Schneider. 3 A similar complaint i3 made .by Marius of tho Roman generals in Sail. Jug. 85. CHAP. v. HOW ATTICA MAT BE DEFENDED. 439 when you began to learn "wrestling. I am sure, too, that you have learned, and keep in mind, many of your father's prin- ciples of warfare, and that you have collected many others from every quarter whence it was possible to acquire any thing that would add to your skill as a commander. 23. I have no doubt that you take great care that you may not un- awares be ignorant of any thing conducive to generalship, and that, if you have ever found yourself deficient in any such matters, you have applied to persons experienced in them, sparing neither presents nor civilities, that you might learn from them what you did not know, and might render them efficient helpers to you." 24. "You make me well aware, Socrates," said Pericles, " that you do not say this from a belief that I have diligently attended to these matters, but from a wish to convince me that he who would be a general must attend to all such studies ; and I indeed agree with you in that opinion." 25. ' Have you considered this also, Pericles," asked So- crates, " that on the frontier of our territories lie great moun- tains, 1 extending down to Boeotia, through which there lead into our country narrow and precipitous defiles ; and that our country is girded by strong mountains, 2 as it lies in the midst of them '?" " Certainly," said he. 26. " Have you heard, too, that the Mysians and Pisidians, who occupy extremely strong positions in the country of the Great King, 3 and who are lightly armed, are able to make descents on the king's territory, and do it great damage, while they themselves pre- serve their liberty ?" " This, too, I have heard," said Pericles. 27. " And do you not think that the Athenians," said Socrates, "if equipped with light arms while they are of an age for activity, and occupying the mountains that fence our country, might do great mischief to our enemies, and form a strong bul- wark for the inhabitants of our country ?" " I think, Socrates," said he, " that all these arrangements would be useful." 28. " If these plans, then," concluded Socrates, " appear satisfactory to you, endeavor, my excellent friend, to act upon them ; for 1 The frontier of Attica was defended by the mountains Cithaeron, Cerastes, and others. Schneider. 2 Parnes, Brilessus, Hymettus, Laurium. Schneider. Also Lycabettus, Pentelicum, Corydalus. HerbsL 3 The king of Persia. See, respecting the Pisidians, Anab. iii. 2. 23 ; i. 1. 11. 440 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK m. whatsoever of them you carry into execution, it will be an honor t6 yourself and an advantage to the state ; and if you fail in the attempt for want of power, you will neither injure the state nor disgrace yourself." CHAPTER VI. Socrates, by his usual process of interrogation, leads Glancon, a young man who was extravagantly desirous of a post in the government" to confess that he was entirely destitute of the knowledge necessary for the office to which he aspired. He then shows that, unless a ruler "has acquired an exact knowledge of state affairs, he can do no good to his country or cred- it to himself. 1. WHEN Glaucon, 1 the son of Ariston, attempted to ha- rangue the people, from a desire, though he was not yet twenty years of age, 5 to have a share 'a the government of the state, no one of his relatives, or other friends, could prevent him from getting himself dragged down from the tribunal, and making himself ridiculous; but Socrates, who had a friendly feeling toward him on account of Cnarmides* the son of Glaucon, as well as en account of Plato, 4 succeeded in prevailing on him, by his sole dissuasion, to relinquish his purpose. 2. Meeting him by chance, he first stopped him by addressing him as follows, that he might be willing to listen to him : " Glaucon," said he, " have you formed aii intention 1 This Glaucon was the brother of Plato the philosopher. See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 66. On the other Glaucon, see iii. 7. 1. Kuhner. 2 Young men at Athens were allowed to assume the right of citizens, and take part in the government, on attaining their twenty-second year. Sauppe. See Schoemann de Comit. Athen. p. 76, 105. 3 He is mentioned iii. 7. 1. < The philosopher, of whom Gellius (xiv. 13) denies that any mention is made in the writings of Xenophon. But Muretus has referred to this passage for a refutation of Gellius, Yar. Lect. v. 14. Schneider. This question about the supposed enmity between Plato and Xenophon is learnedly and acutely considered by Boeckh in his treatise on the sub- ject. Cobet, too, in his Prosopogr. Xen. p. 28, thinks that the belief of their rivalry rests on no good foundation, and ought to bo rejected. Kuhner. CHAP. vi. DISCOURSE WITH GLAUCON. 44 1 to govern tlie state for us ?" " I have, Socrates," replied Glaucon. " By Jupiter," rejoined Socrates, " it is an hon- orable office, if any other among men be so ; for it is certain that, if you attain your object, you will be able yourself to secure whatever you may desire, and will be in a condition to benefit your friends ; you will raise your father's house, and increase the power of your country ; you will be celebrated, first of all in your own city, and afterward throughout Greece, and perhaps also, like Themistocles, among the" Bar- barians and, wherever you may be, you Avill be an object of general admiration." 3. Glaucon, hearing this, was highly elated, and cheerfully staid to listen. Socrates next pro- ceeded to say, " But it is plain, Glaucon, that if you wish to be honored, you must benefit the state." " Certainly," answered Glaucon. " Then, in the name of the gods," said Socrates, " do not hide from us how you intend to act, but inform us with what proceeding you will begin to benefit the state ?" 4. But as Glaucon was silent, as if just considering how he should begin, Socrates said, "As, if you wished to aggran- dize the family of a friend, you would endeavor to make it richer, tell me whether you will in like manner also endeav- or to make the state richer ?" " Assuredly," said he. 5. " Would it then be richer, if its revenues were increased ?" " That is at least probable," said Glaucon. " Tell me then," proceed Socrates, " from what the revenues of the state arise, and what is their amount ; for you have doubtless considered, in order that if any of them fall short, you may make up the deficiency, and that if any of them fail, you may procure fresh supplies." " These matters, by Jupiter," re- plied Glaucon, " I have not considered." C. " Well then," said Socrates, "if you have omitted to consider this point, tell me at least the annual expenditure of the state ; for you undoubtedly mean to retrench whatever is superfluous in it." " Indeed," replied Glaucon, " I have not yet had time to turn my attention to that subject." " We will therefore," said Socrates, " put off making our state richer for the pres- ent ; for how is it possible for him who is ignorant of its expenditure and its income to manage those matters ?" 7. " But, Socrates," observed Glaucon, " it is possible to enrich the state at the expense of our enemies." " Extremely possi- ble indeed," replied Socrates, " if we "be stronger thau they ; 19* 442 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK in. but if we be weaker, we may lose all that we have." ' "What you say is true," said Glaucon. 8. " Accordingly," said Soc- rates, " he who deliberates with whom he shall go to war, ought to know the force both of his own country and of the enemy, so that, if that of his own country be superior to that of the enemy, he may advise it to enter upon the war, but, if inferior, may persuade it to be cautious of doing so." " You say rightly," said Glaucou. 9. "In the first place, then,* proceeded Socrates, " tell us the strength of the country by land and sea, and next that of the enemy." " But, by Jupiter," exclaimed Glaucon, "I should not be able to tell you ou the moment, and at a word." " Well, then, if you have it written down," said Socrates, " bring it, for I should be extremely glad to hear what it is." " But to say the truth," replied Glaucon, " I have not yet written it down." 10. "We will therefore put off considering about war for the present," said Socrates, " for it is very likely that, on account of the magnitude of those subjects, and as you are just commencing your administration, you have not yet examined into them. But to the defense of the country, I am quite sure that you have directed your attention, and that you know how many gar- risons are in advantageous positions, and how many not so, what number of men would be sufficient to maintain them, and what number would be insufficient, and that you will advise your countrymen to make the garrisons in advantageous posi- tions stronger, and to remove the useless ones." 11. "By Jove," replied Glaucon, " I shall recommend them to remove them all, as they keep guard so negligently, that the property is secretly carried off out of the country." " Yet, if we re- move the garrisons," said Socrates, " do you not think that liberty will be given to any body that pleases to pillage ? But," added he, "have you gone personally, and examined as to this fact, or how do you know that the garrisons conduct themselves with such negligence ?" " I form my conjec- tures," said he. "Well then," inquired Socrates, "shall we settle about these matters also, when we no longer rest upon conjecture, but have obtained certain knowledge ?" " Perhaps that," said Glaucon, " will be the better course." 12. "To the silver mines, however," continued Socrates, " I know that you have not gone, so as to have the means of telling us why a smaller revenue is derived from them than came in some time CHAP. vi. GLAUCON CONVICTED OP IGNORANCE. 443 ago." " I have not gone thither," said he. " Indeed the place," said Socrates, " is said to be unhealthy, so that, when it is neces- sary to bring it under consideration, this will be a sufficient excuse for you." " You jest with me," * said Glaucon. 13. "I am sure, however," proceeded Socrates, " that you have not neglected to consider, but have calculated, how long the corn, which is produced in the country, will suffice to maintain the city, and how much it requires for the year, in order that the city may not suffer from scarcity 8 unknown to you, but that, from your own knowledge, you may be able, by giving your advice concerning the necessaries of life, to support the city, and preserve it." " You propose a vast field for me," observed Glaucon, " if it will be necessary for me to attend to such subjects." 14. "Nevertheless," proceeded Socrates, "a man can not order his house properly, unless he ascertains all that it requires, and takes care to supply it with every thing ne- cessary ; but since the city consists of more than ten thousand houses, and since it is difficult to provide for so many at once, how is it that you have not tried to aid one first of all, sup- pose that of your uncle, 3 for it stands in need of help ? If you be able to assist that one, you may proceed to assist more ; but if you be unable to benefit one, how will you be able to benefit many ? Just as it is plain that, if a man can not carry the weight of a talent, he need not attempt to carry a greater weight." 15. "But I would improve my uncle's house," said Glaucon, "if he would but be persuaded by me." "And then," resumed Socrates, " when you can not persuade your uncle, do you expect to make all the Athenians, together with your uncle, yield to your arguments ? 16. Take care, Glaucon, lest, while you are eager to acquire glory, you meet with the reverse of it. Do you not see how dangerous it is for a person to speak of, or undertake, what he does not understand? Contemplate, among other men, such as you know to be char- acters that plainly talk of, and attempt to do, what they do 1 2/cwTrro/zat.] "I am jested with." This is the reading of five manu- ucripts; one gives aKefyoftai, which has been adopted by Ernesti, Schnei- der, and several other editors. 2 "\va fifj TOVTO ye /.u\}y as TTOTE f/ Trohtf evtierjf yevojutvr].] That is /card TOVTO. One manuscript exhibits TW-OV, which has been adopted by most editors. But Zeune refers to Cyrop. ii. 2. 1, and vi. 3. 1, for the examples of similar accusatives with Ivd 3 Charmides. See iii. 1. 1. Kiihner. 444 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK m. not know, and consider whether they appear to you, by such conduct, to obtain more applause or censure, whether they seem to be more admired or despised? 17. Contemplate, again, those who have some understanding of what they say and do, and you will find, I think, in all transactions, that such as are praised and admired are of the number of those who have most knowledge, and that those who incur censure and neglect are among those that have least. 18. If therefore you desire to gain esteem and reputation in your country, endeavor to suc- ceed in gaining a knowledge of what you wish to do ; for if, when you excel others in this qualification, you proceed to manage the affairs of the state, I shall not wonder if you very easily obtain what you desire." CHAPTER VII. Socrates exhorts Charmides, a man of ability, and acquainted with public affairs, to take part in the government, that he may not be charged with indolence, sect. 1-4. As Charmides distrusts his abilities for public speaking, Socrates encourages him by various observations, 5-9. 1. OBSERVING that Charmides, 1 the son of Glaucon, 1 a man of worth, and of far more ability than those who then ruled the state, hesitated to address the people, or to take part in the government of the city, ho said to him, " Tell me, Char- mides, if any man, who was able to win the crown in the public games, 8 and, by that means, to gain honor for himself, and make his birth-place more celebrated in Greece, should nevertheless refuse to become a combatant, what sort of per- son would you consider him to be-?" " I should certainly 1 On Charmides, the son of Glaucon, a young man of great beauty and modesty, see Stallbaum's Prolegomena to Plato's Dialogue named from him ; and Cobet in Prosop. p. 46. Kuhner. The reader may find more about him in Xenophon's Symposium. " By Plato, in his Theages, t. i. p. 128, D., he is called 6 /caAof. He was one of the ten leaders at the Piraeeus in the war with Thrasybulus against the Thirty Tyrants, in which he was killed. See Perizon. ad ^Elian. V. H. viii. 1." Stun. * Tovf areipavLTas ayuvaf VIKUV.~\ " To conquer in tho crowned games," the games in which a crown was given as a prize. CHAP, vir. ON SPEAKING IN PUBLIC. 445 think him indolent and wanting in spirit," replied Charmides. 2. " And if any one were able," continued Socrates, " by tak- ing part in public affairs, to improve the condition of his country,- and thus to attain honor for himself, but should yet shrink from doing so, might not he be justly regarded as wanting in spirit f" " Perhaps so," said Charmides ; " but why do you ask me that question ?" " Because," replied Soc- rates, " I think that you yourself, though possessed of suffi- cient ability, yet shrink from engaging even in those affairs in which it is your duty as a citizen to take a share." 3. "But in what transaction have you discovered my ability," said Charmides, " that you bring this charge against me ?" "In those conferences," answered Socrates, "in which you meet those who are engaged in the government of the state ; fjr Avhen they consult you on any point, I observe that you give them excellent advice, and that, when they are in any way in the wrong, you offer judicious objections." 4. "But it is not the same thing, Socrates," said he, " to converse with people in private, and to try one's powers at a public assem- bly." " Yet," said Socrates, " he that is able to count, can count with no less exactness before a multitude than alone, and those who can play the harp best in solitude are also the best performers on it in company." 5. " But do you not see," said Charmides, "that bashfulness and timidity are naturally inherent in mankind, and affect us far more before n multitude than in private conversations 1" " But I am prompted to remind you," answered Socrates, " that while you neither feel bashfulness before the most intelligent, nor timid before the most powerful, it is in the presence of the most foolish and weak that you are ashamed to speak. 6. And h it the fullers among them, or the cobblers, or the carpenters, or the copper-smiths, or the ship-merchants, 1 or those who barter in the market, and meditate what they may buy for little and sell for more, that you are ashamed to address? For it is of all such characters that the assembly is composed. 7. How then do you think that your conduct differs from that of a wrestler, who, being superior to well-practiced opponents, should yet fear the unpracticed ? For is not this the case with 1 'FuTropovf.] The efiKopoi were merchants w^o traded by sea, and aro oppos^ to "those who barter in the forum," mentioned immediate'}* afterward. See Schneider ad Cyrop. iv. 5. 42. Kaiiner. 446 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK in. you, that though you converse at your ease with those who have attained eminence in state affairs, and of whom some un- dervalue you, and though you are far superior to many who make it their business to address the people, you yet shrink from uttering your sentiments before men who have never thought of political affairs, and who have shown no disrespect for your talents, from an apprehension that you may be laughed at ?" 8. " And do not the people in the assembly," asked Char- mides, " appear to you often lo laugh at those who speak with great judgment ?" " Yes," said Socrates, " and so do the other sort of people ;' and therefore I wonder at you, that you so easily silence one class of persons when they do so, and yet think that you shall not be able to deal with another ? 9. 13e not ignorant of yourself, 2 my friend, and do not commit the error which the majority of men commit ; for most persons, though they are eager to look into the affairs of others, give no thought to the examination of their own. Do not you, then, neglect this duty, but strive more and more to cultivate your own powers ; and do not be regardless of the affairs of your country, if any department of them can be improved by your means ; for, if they are in a good condition, not only the rest of your countrymen, but your own friends and yourself, will reap the greatest benefit." CHAPTER Vm. Socrates meets the captious question of Aristippus about goodness and beauty in such a manner as to show that nothing is good or bad in itself, but only vrith reference to some object, sect. 1-3 ; and that nothing is beautiful or otherwise in itself, but that the beautiful must be considered with regard to tho useful, t-T. His remarks on buildings, to the same effect, 8-10. 1. WHEN Aristippus attempted to confute Socrates, as lie himself had previously 3 been confuted by him, Socrates, 1 CM iTepoi.'] Meaning those, says Kiihner, with whom ho is mention- ed as discoursing in sect 3. 2 Ernesti refers to a passage in Cicero ad Quintum Fratrem, iii. G. in which he seems to have had Xenophon in his mind : Cessaior esse noli ; et iliud yvufti aeavrov noli putare ad arrogantiam minuendam solu dictum, verum etiam ut bona nostra norimus. 3 Book ii. c. 1. CHAP. Tin. OX THE GOOD AND BEAUTIFUL. 447 wishing to benefit those who were with him, gave his an- swers, not like those who are on their guard lest their words be perverted, 1 but like those who are persuaded that they ought 3 above all things to do what is right. 2. What Aristip- pus had asked him, was, ' whether he knew any thing good,' in order that if he should say any such thing as food, or drink, or money, or health, or strength, or courage, he might prove that it was sometimes an evil. But Socrates, reflecting that if any thing troubles us, we want something to relieve us from it, replied, as it seemed best to do, 3 " Do you ask me whether I know any thing good for a fever ?" 3. " I do not." " Any thing good for soreness of the eyes ?" " No." " For hunger?" "Xo, nor for hunger either." "Well then," con- cluded Socrates, " if you ask me whether I know any thing go^d that is gooJ for nothing, I neither know any thing, nor wish to know." 4. Aristippus again asking him if he knew any thing beau- tiful, he replied, " Many things." " Are they then," inquired Aristippus, " all like each other ?" " Some of them," an- swered Socrates, " are as unlike one another as it is possible for them to be." " How then," said he, " can what is beau- tiful be unlike what is beautiful ?" " Because, assuredly," replied Socrates, " one man, who is beautifully formed for wrestling, is unlike another who is beautifully formed for running ; and a shield, which is beautifully formed for de- fense, is as unlike as possible to a dart, which is beautifully formed for being forcibly and swiftly hurled." 5. " You an- swer me," said Aristippus, "in the same manner as when I asked you whether you knew any thing good." " And do you imagine," said Socrates, " that the good is one thing, and the beautiful another ? Do you not know that with reference to 1 Xot being at all afraid lest he should giro any answer which might, from some ambiguity in it, be wrested to mean, apparently, what he did not intend, or of which his adversary might take advantage to entrap him. See Aristot. Pol. i. 2. 17. Schneider and Kuhner acquiesce in this sense of the word e^a7-/.dr-e a>. 2 With the word irpu~iv in the text the word 6elv seems to bo wanting. 3 'A-e/cpmzro ua-ep Kal Troielv Kpdna-ov.'] It is well known that tho word Ti-otm', like the Latin facere, and the German thun, is often made to do duty for another verb. See Passow'a Gr. Lex. v. ~.] Supplies or incomes for living ; means cf life." 2 Xenophon, in recording this censure on the Athenians, intends tacitly to praise the Lacedaemonians, See iii. 5. 1 5. Weiske. There were at Athens, says Schneider, as in other states of Greece, oTrAty/ujoj, men who trained others in the exercise of arms ; but no such exercise was publicly required by Jaw as at Lacedsemon 3 Mij(5tv VTTOV.]' '' !Nct less." 464 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. CHAPTER XIII. Several brief sayings of Socrates. We should not be offended at rudeness of manner more than at personal defects, sect. 1. Fasting the best remedy for loathing of food, 2. We should not be too nice as to food or drink, 3. He that punishes his slave, should consider whether he himself deserves like punishment, 4. Admonitions to travelers, 5. It is disgraceful to him whohaa been trained in the gymnasium tc be outdone by a slave in endur- ing toil, 6. 1. A PERSON being angry, because, on saluting another, he was not saluted in return, " It is an odd thin?;," said Socrates to him, " that if you had met a man ill-conditioned in body you would not have been angry, but to have met a man rudely disposed in mind provokes you." 2. Another person saying that he ate without pleasure, "Acumenus," 1 said Socrates, "prescribes an excellent remedy for that disease." The other asking, " What sort of remedy ?" " To abstain from eating," said Socrates ; " for he says that, after abstaining, you will live with more pleasure, less expense, and better health." 3. Another saying that the water which he had to drink at his house was warm, " When you wish to bathe in warm water, then," said Socrates, " it will be ready for you." " But it is too cold to bathe in," said the other. "Are your slaves, then," asked Socrates, "inconvenienced by drinking or bathing in it ?" " No, by Jupiter," replied he ; " for I have often wondered how cheerfully they use it for both those purposes." " And is the water in your house," said Socrates, " or that in the temple of ^Esculapius, 1 the warmer for drink- ing ?" " That at the temple of ^Esculapius," replied he. " And which is the colder for bathing in, that at your house, or that in the temple of Amphiaraus ?" * " That in the temple of Amphiaraus," said he. " Consider, then," said Socrates, 1 A physician of the time of Socrates, and one of his friends. Seo Plato, Phaedr. p. 227, A., p. 268, A. B.; Symp. p. 176; Cobet, Proso- pogr. Xen. p. 50. * At Athens, Pausanias, Attic, c. 21, mentions that it was situate in the way from the theater to the Acropolis, and that there was a fount- ain belonging to it; but says nothing of the nature of the water. Schneider. 3 Between Potniae and Thebes CHAP. xra. SAYINGS OP SOCRATES. 465 " that you seem to be harder to please than your slaves or the sick" 4. Another person beating his attendant severely, Socrates asked him why he was so angry at the slave. " Because," said he, " he is very gluttonous and very stupid, very covetous and very idle." " And have you ever reflected," rejoined Socrates, " which of the two deserves the greater number of stripes, you or your slave ?" 5. A person being afraid of the journey to Olympia, " Why," said Socrates to him, " do you fear the journey ? Do you not walk about at home almost all day ? And, if you set out thither, you will walk and dine, walk and sup, and go to rest. Do you not know that if you were to extend in a straight line the walks which you take in five or six days, you would easily go from Athens to Olympia ? But it will be better for you to start a day too soon than a day too late ; for to be obliged to extend your days' journeys beyond a moderate length is disagreeable ; but to spend one day more on the road gives great ease ; and it is better, therefore, to hasten to start than to hurry on the way." 6. Another saying that he was utterly wearied with a long journey, Socrates asked him whether he carried any burden. "No, by Jupiter," said he, "I did not, except my cloak." " And did you travel alone," said Socrates, " or did an attendant accompany you ?" " An attendant was with me." " Was ho empty-handed, or did he carry any thing ?" " He carried, cer- tainly, the bedding 3 and other utensils." " And how did he get over the journey ?' " He appeared to me to come off better than myself?" " If you, then, had been obliged to carry his burden, how do you imagine that you would have fared?" " Very ill, by Jupiter ; or rather, I should not have been ablo to carry it at all." " And how can you think that it becomes a man trained to exercise to be so much less able to bear fatigue than a slave ?" 1 Which slaves used to cany in a bag. See note on Anab. v. 4. 13. 20* 466 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATE&. CHAPTER XIV. Table-talk of Socrates in praise of frugality. In contributions to feasts, one guest should not strive to surpass another in the quality or quantity of what he contributes, sect. 1. He may be called orbo^u-yof, fltsh-wter, who eats flesh alone, or with very little bread, 2-4. He that eats of many dishes at once acts foolishly in various ways, 5, 6. Ho may be truly saiil i, to banquet, who lives on plain and wholesome food, 7. 1. WHEN, among a number of persons who had met together to sup, some brought little meat, and others a great quantity, Socrates desired the attendant either to set the smallest dish on the table for common participation, or to distribute a portion of it to each. They, accordingly, who had brought a great deal, were ashamed not to partake of what was put on table for the company in general, and not, at the same time, to put their own on table in return. They therefore offered their own dishes for the participation of the company; and when they had no greater share than those who brought but little, they ceased to buy meat at great cost. 2. Observing one of those at table with him taking no bread, but eating meat by itself, and a discussion having arisen at the same time about names, for what cause any par- ticular name was given, " Can we tell," said Socrates, " for what cause a man should be called uyioyuyo; ?' For every body eats flesh with his bread when he has it ; but I do not sup- pose that people are called tufjocpuyot. on that account." " I should think not," said one of the company. 3. " But," said Socrates, " if a person should eat meat by itself without bread, not for the purpose of training, 2 but of gratifying his appetite, whether would he seem to be an oy/oqccr/os or not ?" " Scarcely any other would more justly seem so," said he. " And he that eats a great deal of meat with very little bread," said another, of the company, " what should he be called?" "To me," replied Socrates, "it appears that he would justly be called dyoqcttyof, and when other men pray to 1 Fksh-eatcr. From tyov, whatever was eaten with bread, an to eat J '\aK7Joeuf.] A word used to denote the training of the athletes. who ate a great deal of flesh to strengthen them. See L 2. '4 ; iii, 7. 7 Kdhne.r. CHAP. sir. TABLE-TALK. 46 the gods for abundance of corn, he may pray for abundance of flesh." 4. When Socrates said this, the young man, thinking that the Avords were directed at him, did not indeed leave oil' eating meat, but took some bread with it. Socrates, observ- ing him do so, said, " Notice this young man, you that sit near him, whether he takes bread to his meat, or meat to his bread." 5. Seeing another of tho company taste of several dishes with the same piece of bread, " Can any cookery be more ex- travagant," said he, " or more adapted to spoil dishes, than that which he practices who eats of several at the same time, putting all manner of sauces into his mouth at once ? For as he mixes together more ingredients than the cooks, he makes what he eats more expensive ; and as lie mixes what they forbear to mix as being incongruous, he, if they do right, is in the wrong, and renders their art ineffectual. 6. And how can it be otherwise than ridiculous," he added, " for a man to provide himself with cooks of the greatest skill, and then, though he pretends to no knowledge of their art, to undo what has been done by them ? But there is another evil attendant on him who is accustomed to eat of several dishes at once ; for, if he has not several sorts of meat before him, he thinks himself stinted, missing the vari- ety to which he has been used. But he who is accustomed to make one piece of bread, and one piece of meat, go together, will be able to partake contentedly of one dish when several are just at hand." 7. He observed also that ei'wxela&ai, "to fare well," 1 was in the language of the Athenians called ia&leiv, "to eat;" and that the fu, " well," was added to denote that we should eat such food as would disorder neither mind nor body, and such as would not be difficult to be procured ; so that he applied e for/ EI a it at, "to fare well," to those who fared temperately. 1 EVU^EU, quasi eiojt'w, from ev and 037), support, nourishment, from tx7 BOOK IV. CHAPTER I. Socrates liked the society of young men ; how he judged of them ; his de- sire that they should be well educated, sect. 1, 2. The more powerful the mind in youth, the more likely it is, if ill trained, to run into vice, 3, 4. Happiness does not depend on riches, but on knowledge, and on being useful to our fellow-creatures, and gaining their esteem, 5. 1. Sq serviceable was Socrates to others, in every kind of transaction, and by every possible means, that to any one who reflects on his usefulness (even though he possess but moderate discernment), it is manifest that nothing was of greater bene- fit than to associate with Socrates, and to converse with him, on any occasion, or on any subject whatever; since even the remembrance of him, when he is no longer with us, bene- fits in no small degree those who are accustomed to enjoy his society, and heard him with approbation ; for he sought to improve his associates not less in his humorous than in his serious conversation. 2. He would often say that he loved some particular person ; but he was evidently enamored, not of those formed by nature to be beautiful, but of those naturally inclined to virtue. He judged of the goodness of people's abilities from their quickness in learning the things to which they gave their attention, from their re- membrance of what they learned, and from their desire for all those branches of knowledge by means of which it is possi- ble to manage a family or an estate well, and to govern men and their affairs with success; for he thought that such charac- ters, when instructed, would not only be happy themselves, and regulate their own families judiciously, but would be able to render other men, and other communities beside their own, happy. 3. He did not however make advances to all in tho same manner. Those who thought that they had good natural abilities, but despised instruction, he endeavored to con- vince that minds which show most natural power have most need of education, pointing out to them that horses of the best CHAP. i. MORAL OBSERVATIONS. 469 breed, which are high-spirited and obstinate, become, if they are broken in when young, most useful and valuable, but if they are left unbroken, remain quite unmanageable and worthless ; and that hounds of the best blood, able to endure toil, and eager to attack beasts, prove, if they are well trained, moat serviceable for the chase, and every way excellent, but, if untrained, are useless, rabid, and disobedient. 4. In like manner, he showed that men of the best natural endowments, possessed of the greatest strength of mind, and most energetic in executing what they undertake, became, if well disciplined and instructed in what they ought to do, most estimable char- acters, and most beneficent to society (as they then per- formed most numerous and important services), but that, if uninstructed, and left in ignorance, they proved utterly worth- less and mischievous ; for that, not knowing what line of conduct they ought to pursue, they often entered upon evil courses, and, being haughty and impetuous, were difficult to bo restrained or turned from their purpose, and thus occasioned very many and great evils. 5. But those Avho prided themselves on their wealth, and thought that they required no education, but imagined that their riches would suffice to effect whatever they desired, and to gain them honor from mankind, he tried to reduce to reason by saying that the man was a fool who thought that he could distinguish the good and the evil in life without in- struction ; and that he also was a fool who, though he could not distinguish them, thought that he would procure whatever he wished, and effect whatever was for his interest, by means of his wealth. He also said that the man was void of sense who, not being qualified to pursue what was for his good, fancied that he would be prosperous in the world, and that every thing necessary for his comfort was fully, or at least sufficiently, provided for him ; and that he was equally void of sense who, though he knew nothing, thought that he would seem good for something because of his riches, and, though evidently despicable, would gain esteem through their in- fluence 170 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. CHAPTER II. No dependence to bit placed on natural abilities without education. Socrates proceeds to show Euthydemus, a self-conceited young man, that in every art it is proper to have recourse to instructors, sect. 1, 2. He shows the folly of a man who should pretend to have learned every thing of himself, 3-5. The necessity of instruction in the art of government, 6, 7. By :i long series of interrogations Socrates reduces Euthydemus to acknowledge his ignorance and incompetence, 8-23. The value of self-knowledge, 24-30. Further instructions given to Euthydemus, 30-40. 1. l I will now show how Socrates addressed himself to such as thought that they had attained the highest degree of knowledge, and prided themselves on their ability. Hearing that Euthydemus," surnamed the Handsome, had collected i lany writings 3 of the most celebrated poets and sophists, and i.nagined that by that means he was outstripping his co- temporaries in accomplishments, and had great hopes that he would excel them all in talent for speaking and acting, and finding, by his first inquiries about him, that he had not yet engaged in public afi'airs on account of his youth,* but that, when he wished to do any business, 5 he usually sat in a bridle- maker's shop near the Forum, he went himself to it, accom- panied by some of his hearers ; 2. and as somebody asked, first of all whether it was from his intercourse with some of the wise men, or from his own natural talents, that The- mistocles attained such a pre-eminence above his fellow- citizens, that the republic looked to him whenever it wanted the service of a man of ability," Socrates, wishing to excite the attention of Euthydemus, said that "it was absurd to believe that men could not become skilled in the lowest 1 Schneider observes that this second chapter is but a continuation of the first, and ought not to be separated from it. 2 The same that is mentioned i. 2. 29. 3 Tpufj.fj.aTa.] They seem to be the same as avyypafj.p.aTa, or avyye- ypapfieva, moral precepts, reflections, and examples, extracted from dif- ferent writers. See Bekker, Anecd. i. p. 31 ; and Bornemann ad Cyrop. viii. 4. 16. Kuhner. * Being under twenty years of age. See iii. 6. 1. 5 Ti dia.7rpu!;a(rdai.~] He seems to have appointed the bridle-maker's shop as a place for meeting his friends, and for waiting for them, if they went away to do any business for him. CHAP. ii. EUTHYDEMTTS. 471 mechanical arts without competent instructors, and to imagine that ability to govern a state, the most important of all arts, might spring up in men by the unassisted efforts of nature." 3. On another occasion, when Euthydemus was one of the company, and Socrates saw him leaving it, from apprehension lest he should seem to admire him for his wisdom, he observed, " It is evident, my friends, from the studies that he pursues, that Euthydemus here, when he comes of age, and the govern- ment give liberty of discussion 1 on any point, will not refrain from offering his counsel ; and I imagine that he has already framed an exordium for his public oration, taking precau- tion that he may not be thought to have learned any thing from any body ; and it is pretty certain, therefore, that when he begins to speak, he will make his opening thus : 4. ' I, O men of Athens, have never learned any thing from any per- son, nor, thouo-h I heard of some that were skilled in speaking and acting, have I sought to converse with them ; nor have I been anxious that any one of the learned should become my mas- ter ; but I have done the exact contrary ; for I have constantly avoided not only learning any thing from any one, but even the appearance of learning any thing ; nevertheless I will offer you such advice as may occur to me without premeditation.' 5. So it might be proper for a person to commence a speech who desired to obtain a medical appointment 2 from the gov- ernment : ' I, men of Athens, have never learned the medical art from any one, nor have been desirous that any physician should be my instructor ; for I have constantly been on my guard, not only against learning any thing of the art from any one, but even against appearing to have learned any thing ; nevertheless confer on me this medical appointment ; for I will endeavor to learn by making experiments 3 upon 1 "WTien the public crier called the people to an assembly, he gave notice that liberty would be granted to those who wished to speak on the subject of discussion : as in Demosth. de Cor. c. 53 : rif uyopeveiv j-ior/.erai ; and Aristoph. Acharn. 45. Schneider. Schoemann de Comitiis, ii. p. 104. 2 'larptKov t/r/or.] "Weiske supposes that there were two classes or medical men ; some freemen, and others slaves ; and that the better port were appointed by the people at their assemblies, receiving a salary from the public treasury. s To learn by making experiments on their patients medical men do not profess, yet it is what they secretly practice. Discvnt periculi* 472 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. you.' " At this mode of opening a speech all Avho were pres- ent burst out into laughter. G. As Euthydemus had now evidently begun to attend to what Socrates was saying, but was cautious of speaking him- self, as thinking by his silence to clothe himself with reputa- tion for modesty, Socrates, wishing to cure him of that fancy, said, " It is indeed strange that those who desire to play on the lyre, or on the flute, or to ride, or to become expert iu any such accomplishment, should eadeavor to practice, as constantly as possible, that in which they desire to excel, and cot by themselves merely, but with the aid of such as are considered eminent in those attainments, attempting and undergoing every thing, so as to do nothing without their sanction, as supposing that they can by no other means attain reputation ; but that of those who wish to become able to speak and act in affairs of government, some think that they will be suddenly qualified to achieve their object without preparation or study, and by their own unassisted efforts. 7. Yet these pursuits are mani- festly more difficult of attainment than those, inasmuch as of the very many who attempt them a much smaller number succeed in them ; and it is evident, therefore, that those who pursue the one are required to submit to longer and more dili- gent study than those who pursue the other." 8. Socrates used at first to make such remarks, while Eu- thydemus merely listened; but when he observed that he staid, while he conversed, with more willingness, and hearkened to him with more attention, he at last came to the bridle-maker's shop unattended. As Euthydemus sat down beside him, he said, "Tell me, Euthydemus, have you really, as I hear, collected many of the writings 1 of men who are said to have been wise." "I have indeed, Socrates," replied he, ' : and I am still collecting, intending to persevere till I get as many as I possibly can." 9. " By Juno," rejoined Socrates, " I feel admiration for you, because you have not preferred ac- quiring treasures of silver and gold rather than of wisdom ; for it is plain you consider that silver and gold are unable to make men better, but that the thoughts of wise men enrich their possessors with virtue." Euthydemus was delighted to hear nostris, et experimenta per mortes agunt, as Pliny savs, H. N. xiii. 1. Schneider. 1 Touup.ara.~\ See note oa sect. 1, CHAP. ir. CONVERSATION WITH EUTHTDEMUS. 473 this commendation, believing that he was thought by Socrates to have sought wisdom iu the right course. 10. Socrates, ob- serving that he was gratified with the praise, said, " And in what particular art do you wish to become skillful, that you collect these writings?" As Euthydemus continued silent, considering what reply he should make, Socrates again asked, "Do you wish to become a physician? for there are many writings of physicians." " Not I, by Jupiter," replied Eu- thydemus. " Do you wish to become an architect, then ? for a man of knowledge is needed for that art also." * " No, in- deed," answered he. " Do you wish to become a good geome- trician, like Theodorus ?" 2 " Nor a geometrician either," said he. "Do you wish then to become an astronomer?" said Socrates. As Euthydemus said, " No," to this, " Do you wish then," added Socrates " to become a rhapsodist, 3 for they say that you are in possession of all the poems of Homer ?" " No, indeed," said he, " for I know that the rhapsodists, though eminently knowing in the poems of Homer, are, as men, extremely foolish." 11. " You are perhaps desirous, then," proceeded Socrates, " of attaining that talent by which men become skilled in governing states, in managing households, able to command, and qualified to benefit other men as well as themselves." " I indeed greatly desire," said he, " Socra- tes, to acquire that talent." "By Jupiter," returned Socrates, " you aspire to a most honorable accomplishment, and a most exalted art, for it is the art of kings, and is called the royal art. But," added he, " have you ever considered whether it is possible for a man who is not just to be eminent in that 1 TVU/LIOVIKOV yap uvdpbf KOI TOVTO 6eL] " There is need of a man of knowledge also for this art." TOVTO for KOTO. TOVTO, for it can not, as Kuhner observes, be a nominative. 2 Theodorus of Gyrene, the preceptor of Socrates in geometry, men' tioned in the Theaetetus of Plato. Comp. iv. 7. 3. Schneider, See Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 32. 3 The rhapsodists, fiaipudoi, were men who publicly recited epic verses, especially those of Homer. " The judgment here passed on the rhapso- dists has reference to the period of Socrates only, not to preceding times, in which they were held in great honor. See Bornemann ad Symp. iii. 6. There is an elegant discussion on the rhapsodists by G. II. Bodius, in a work of much learning, entitled Gesch. der Hellen. Dicht- kunst. vol. i. p. 351, seqq. See Stallbaum ad Plato, Ion, p. 285, F. A ; "Wolf, Prolegom. in Horn. p. 99, seqq. ; and Gr. Guil. Nitzsch in Qusest Horn. P. iv. p. 13." Kuhner 474 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK iv. art ?" " I have certainly," replied he : " and it is not possible for a man to be even a good citizen without justice." 12. " Have you yourself, then, made yourself master of thai virtue?" "I think," said he, "Socrates, that I shall be found not less just than any other man." " Are there then works of just men, as there are works of artisans?" "There are, doubtless," replied he. " Then," said Socrates, " as arti- sans are able to show their works, would not just men be able also to tell their works ?" " And why should not I," asked Euthydemus, " be able to tell the works of justice ; as also indeed those of injustice ; for we may see and hear of no small number of them every day ?" 13. " Are you willing then," said Socrates, "that we should make a delta on this side, and an alpha 1 on that, and then that we should put whatever seems to us to be a work of justice under the delta, and whatever seems to be a work of injustice under the alpha?' 1 "If you think that we need those letters," said Euthydemus, "make them." 14. Socrates, having made the letters as he proposed, asked, " Does false- hood then exist among mankind I" " It does, assuredly," replied he. " Under which head shall we place it ?" "Under injustice, certainly." " Does deceit also exist ?" " Unques- tionably." " Under which head shall we place that ?" " Evi- dently under injustice." " Does rnischievousness exist ?" ' : Undoubtedly." " And the enslaving of men ?" " That, too, prevails." " And shall neither of these things be placed by us, under justice, Euthydemus f ' " It would be strange if they should be," said he. 15. "But," said Socrates, " if a man, being chosen to lead an army, should reduce to slavery an unjust and hostile people, should we say that he committed injustice?" ".No, certainly," replied he. "Should we not rather say that he acted justly ?" " Indisputably." " And if, in the course of the war with them, he should practice de- ceit?" "That also would be just," said he. "And if he should steal and cany off their property, would he not do what was just?" "Certainly," said Euthydemus; "but I thought at first that you asked these questions only with reference to our friends." " Then," said Socrates, " all that we have placed under the head of injustice, we must also place J Delta for Jkouor, "just:" alpha for UOIKOC, "unjust" CHAP. ii. ON JUSTICE AND INJUSTICE. 475 under that of justice ?" " It seems so," replied Euthydemus. 16. "Do you agree, then," continued Socrates, "that, having BO placed them, we should make a new distinction, that it is just to do such things with regard to enemies, but unjust to do them with regard to friends, and that toward his friends our general should be as guileless as possible ?" "By all means," replied Euthydemus. 17. "Well, then," said Socrates, "if a general, seeing his army dispirited, should tell them, invent- ing a falsehood, that auxiliaries were coming, and should, by that invention, check the despondency of his troops, under which head should we place such an act of deceit ?" " It ap- pears to me," said Euthydemus, " that we must place it under justice." " And if a father, when his son requires medicine, and refuses to take it, should deceive him, and give him the medicine as ordinary food, and, by adopting such deception, should restore him to health, under which head must we place such an act of deceit ?" " It appears to me that we must put it under the same head." " And if a person, when his friend was in despondency, should, through fear that he might kill himself, steal or take away his sword, or any other weapon, under which head must we place that act ?" " That, as- suredly, we must place under justice." 18. "You say, then," said Socrates, " that not even toward our friends must we act on all occasions without deceit ?" " We must not indeed," said he, "for I retract what I said before, if I may be per- mitted to do so." " It is indeed much better that you should be permitted," said Socrates, " than that you should not place actions on the right side." 19. But of those who deceive their friends in order to injure them (that we may not leave even, this point unconsidered), which of the two is the more unjust, he who does so intentionally or he who does so involuntarily ?" " Indeed, Socrates," said Euthydemus, " I no longer put con- fidence in the answers which I give; for all that I said be- fore appears to me now to be quite different from what I then thought ; however, let me venture to say 1 that he who de- ceives intentionally is more unjust than lie who deceives in- voluntarily ?" 20. " Does it appear to you, then, that there is a way cf earning and knowing what is just, as there is of learning and ij ftoi.~] " Let it havo been said by me," or " Let me say." 4*76 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK ir knowing how to read and \vrite ?" " I think there is." " And which should you consider the better scholar, him who should purposely write or read incorrectly, or him who should do so unawares ?" " Him who should do so purposely, for, when- ever he pleased, he would be able to do both correctly." " He, therefore, that purposely writes incorrectly may be a good scholar, but he who does so involuntarily is destitute of scholarship ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " And whether does he who lies and deceives intentionally know what is just, or he who does so unawares ?" " Doubtless he who does so intentionally." "You therefore say that he who knows how to write and read is a better scholar than he who does not know ?" " Yes." u And that he who knows what is just is more just than he who does not know ?" " I seem to say so ; but I appear to myself to say this I know not how." 21. "But what would you think of the man, who, wishing to tell the truth, should never give the same account of the same thing, but, in speaking of the same road, should say at one time that it led toward the east, and at another toward the west, and, in stating the result of the same calculation, should sometimes assert it to be greater and sometimes less, what, I say, would you think of such a man ?" " It would be quite clear that he knew nothing of what he thought he knew." * 22. " Do you know any persons called slave-like V 3 " I do." " Whether for their knowledge or their ignorance ?" " For their ignorance, certainly." " Is it then for their ignorance of working in brass that they receive this appellation ?" " Not at all." " Is it for their igfforance of the art of building f " Nor for that." " Or for their ignorance of shoemaking ?'' " Not on any one of these accounts ; for the contrary is the case, as most of those who know such trades are servile." " Is this, then, an appellation of those who are ignorant of what is honorable, and good, and just ?" '* It appears so to me." 23. " It therefore becomes us to exert ourselves in every way to avoid being like slaves." " But, by the gods, 1 This is the conclusion to which Socrates wished to bring Eutbyde- mus with regard to his own knowledge of justice ; and to exhort him, at the same time, to gain a knowledge of it, " as he who knows what is just is more just than he who does not know,'' sect. 20. * 'Av6pa7ro6uSeif.~\ Slave-like, ignorant, low-minded, not possessed of any qualities to raise them above the level of slaves. Compare i. 1- 16; and sect. 39 of this chapter. CHAP. IL ON SELF-KNOWLEDGE. 477 Socrates," rejoined Euthydemus, "I firmly believed that I was pursuing that course of study, by which I should, as I expected, be made fully acquainted with all that was proper to be known by a man striving after honor and virtue } but now, how dispirited must you think I feel, when I see that, with all my previous labor, I am not even able to answer a question about what I ought most of all to know, and am acquainted with no other course which I may pursue to become better !" 24. Socrates then said, " Tell me, Euthydemus, have you ever gone to Delphi ?" " Yes, twice," replied he. " And did you observe what is written somewhere on the temple wall, KNOW THYSELF?" "I did." "And did you take no thought of that inscription, or did you attend to it, and try to examine yourself, to ascertain what sort of character you are?" "I did not indeed try, for I thought that I knew very well already, since I should hardly know any thing else if I did not know myself." 25. " But whether does he seem to you to know himself, who knows his own name merely, or he who (like people buying horses, who do not think that they know the horse that they want to know, until they have ascertained whether he is tractable or unruly, whether he is strong or weak, swift or slow, and how he is as to other points which are serviceable or disadvantageous in the use of a horse, so he,) having ascertained with regard to himself how he is adapted for the service of mankind, knows his own abilities ?" " It appears to me, I must confess, that he who does not know his own abilities, does not know himself." 26. " But is it not evident," said Socrates, " that men enjoy a great number of blessings in consequence of knowing themselves, and incur a great number of evils, through being deceived in them- selves ? For they who know themselves know what is suitable for them, and distinguish between what they can do and what they can not; and, by doing what they know how to do, pro- cure for themselves what they need, and are prosperous, and by abstaining from what they do not know, live blamelessly,- and avoid being unfortunate. By this knowledge of them- selves, too, they can form an opinion of other men, and, by their experience of the rest of mankind, 1 obtain for them- 1 Atti rise -CJv U/./.W xpFia.~\ Xpeia is here " dealing with," " inter- course," by which knowledge and experience may be obtained. Com- pare oJf xP^ VTai i Q the following section. 478 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES BOOK iv. selves what is good, and guard against what is evil. 27. But they who do not know themselves, but are deceived in their own powers, are in similar case with regard to other men,' and other human affairs, and neither understand what they require, nor what they are doing, nor the characters of those Avith whom they connect themselves, but, being in error as to all these particulars, they fail to obtain what is good, and fall into evil. 28. They, on the other hand, who understand what they take in hand, succeed in what they attempt, and become esteemed and honored ; those who resemble them in character willingly form connections with them ; those who are unsuccessful in life desire to be assisted Avith. their ad- vice, 2 and to prefer them to themselves ; they place in thorn their hopes of good, and love them, en all these accounts, be- yond all other men. 29. But those, again, who do not know Avhat they are doing, who make an unhappy choice in life, and are unsuccessful in what they attempt, not oniy incur losses and sufferings in their own affairs, but become, in con- sequence, disreputable and ridiculous, and drag out their lives in contempt and dishonor. Among states, too, you see that such as, from ignorance of their own strength, go to Avar with others that are more powerful, are, some of them, utterly overthrown, and others reduced from freedom to slavery." 30. " Be assured, therefore," replied Euthydemus, " that I feel convinced AVC must consider self-knowledge of the highest value ; but as to the Avay in which AVC must be^in 3 to seek self-knowledge, I look to you for information, if you will kindly impart it to me." .31. "Well, then," said Socrates, " you doubtless fully understand what sort of things are good, and what sort are evil." " Yes, by Jupiter," replied Euthy- demus, " for if I did not understand such things, I should be in a worse condition than slaves are." " Come then," said Socrates, "tell me what they are." "That is not difficult," said he, " for, in the first place, health I consider to be a good. and sickness an evil, and, in the next, looking to the causes oi 1 As they have no right knowledge of themselves, they have no right knowledge of other men, or of human affairs. 2 "E-idv/iovai Tot'roi'c v~ip avruv fiov/.eveadcu.'] " Desire thai these persons should deliberate (or consider about matters) fo7 them." 3 'O7roi?v XP% up&adai.] " Whence (from what point) we musf CHAP. IL ON GOOD AND EVIL. 479 each of them, as drink, food, and employments, I esteem such as conduce to health to be good, and such as lead to sick- ness to be evil." 32. " Consequently," said Socrates, " health and sickness themselves, when they are the causes of any good, will be good, and when they are the causes of any evil, will be evil." "But when," exclaimed Euthydemus, ' can health be the cause of evil, and sickness of good ?" " When, for example," said Socrates, " some portion of a com- munity, from being in good health, take part in a disgraceful expedition by land, or a ruinous voyage by sea, or in any other such matters, which are sufficiently common, and lose their lives, while others, who are left behind from ill-health, are saved." " What you say is true," said Euthydemus, " but you see that some men share in successful enterprises from being in health, while others from being in sickness, are left out of them." " Whether then," said Socrates, " are those things which are sometimes beneficial, and sometimes injuri- ous, goods, rather, or evils?" "Nothing, by Jupiter, is to bo settled with regard to them l by considering thus. 33. But as to wisdom, Socrates, it is indisputably a good thing ; for what- business will not one who is Avise conduct better than one who is untaught ?" " Have you not heard, then, of Daedalus," said Socrates, " how he was made prisoner by Minos and compelled to serve him as a slave ; how he was cut off, at once, from his country and from liberty, and how, when he endeavored to escape with his son, he lost the child, and was unable to save himself, but was carried away among barbarians, and made a second time a slave ?" " Such a story is told, in- deed," said Euthydemus. " Have you not heard, too, of the sufferings of Palamedes ? for every body says that it Avas for his wisdom he was envied and put to death by Ulysses." " That, too, is said," replied Euthydemus. " And how many other men do you think have been carried off to the king 2 on account of their wisdom, and made slaves there ?" 34. "But as to happiness, Socrates," said Euthydemus, " that at least appears to be an indisputable good." " Yes, Euthydemus," replied Socrates, "if we make it consist in 1 OvSiv if>aivTai.'] "Nothing appears" or is shown; nothing can be settled with regard to them ; they can not be called positively good things, or positive evils, as they seem sometimes one and some- times the other : but as to wisdom, that is indisputably a good, etc, 2 The king of Persia; iiL 5. 26. 480 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. things that are themselves indisputably good." 1 "But what," said he, "among things constituting happiness can be a doubtful good ?" " Nothing,'' answered Socrates, " unless wo join with it beauty, or strength, or wealth, or glorv, or any other such thing." 35. " But we must assuredly join them with it," said Euthydemus ; " for how can a person be happy without them?" "We shall then join with it, by Jupiter," said Socrates, "things from which many grievous calamities happen to mankind ; for many, on account of their beauty, are ruined by those who are maddened with passion 2 for their youthful attractions ; many, through confidence in their strength, have entered upon undertakings too great for it, and involved themselves in no small disasters ; many, in consequence of their wealth, have become enervated, been plotted against, and destroyed ; and many, from the glory and power that they have acquired in their country, have suffered the greatest calamities." 36. " Well, then," said Euthydemus, " if I do not say what is right when I praise happiness, I confess that I do not know what we ought to pray for to the gods." "These points, however," proceeded Socrates, "you have perhaps not sufficiently considered, from too confident a belief that you were already well acquainted with them ; but since you intend to be at the head of a democratic government, you doubtless know what a democracy is." " Assuredly," said he. 37. " Do you think it possible for a person to know what a democracy is, without knowing what the Demos is ?" " No, indeed." "And what do you conceive the Demos to be?" " I conceive it to be the poorer class of citizens." " Do you know, then, which are the poor ?" " How can I help know- ing ?" " You know then which are the rich P " Just as well as I know which are the poor." " Which sort of persons then do you call poor, and Avhich sort rich ?" " Those who have not sufficient means to pay for the necessaries of life, 3 1 regard as poor ; those who have more than sufficient, I con- 1 EZ }'e fit} rtf avTo^l^ ufj.iA('r/uv c2ya$cjv crvvT'tdeir}.'] " If one does not make it up of things doubtfully (or disputable) good." 2 \\.apa.K.EK.ivriK.oTuv.'] Hapamveiv put intransitively signifies mente excuti, to be disturbed in mind, to be distracted or mad. See Plato Rep. vii. p 517, D., Phaedr. p. 249, and Stallbaum's note. Kuhner. 3 M;} iK.avd e^ovraf cif a del reAeif.] I take refalv in the sense of paying, as in ii. 9. 1 , ii. 10. 6 , and elf d J is ad vita necessitatibus sat- isfatiendum. Kuhner. CHAP. ii. DOCILITY OF EUTHYDEMUS. 481 sider rich." "Have you ever observed, then, that to some who have very small means, those means are not only suffi- cient, but that they even save from them, while, to many, very large fortunes are not sufficient ?" " I have indeed," said Euthydemus, " (for you very properly put me in mind of it), since I have known some princes, who, from poverty, have been driven to commit injustice like the very poorest people." 39. " Then," said Socrates, " if such be the case, we must rank such princes among the Demos, and those that have but little, we must rank, if they be good managers, among the rich ?" " My own want of knowledge, 1 indeed," said Euthydemus, " obliges me to admit even this ; and I am considering whether it would not be best for me to be silent ; for I seem to know absolutely nothing." He went away, accordingly, in great dejection, holding him- self in contempt, and thinking that he was in reality no better than a slave. 40. Of those who were thus addressed by Socrates, many came to him no more ; and these he regarded as too dull to be improved. But Euthydemus, on the contrary, conceived that he could by no other means become an estimable charac- ter than by associating with Socrates as much as possible ; and he in consequence never quitted him, unless some neces- sary business obliged him to do so. He also imitated many of his habits. When Socrates saw that he was thus disposed, he no longer puzzled him with questions, but explained to him, in the sim- plest and clearest manner, what he thought that he ought to know, and what it would be best for him to study. Inscitia. Stura. 21 482 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. CHAPTER HI. Tpo necessity of temperance or self-control, and of right notions concerning the gods, sect. 1, 2. The gods have a providential care for mankind, 3-9. Other animals are formed by the gods for the use of man, 10. In addition to the senses common to man with the inferior animals, the gods have given him reason and speech, 11, 12. Though we do not see tho gods, we are convinced of their existence from their works, 13, 14. "We ought, therefore, to pay them honor according to our means, 15-13. 1. SOCRATES was never in haste that his followers should become skillful in speaking, in action, or in invention, 1 but, previous to such accomplishments, he thought it proper that a love of self-control should be instilled into them ; for he con- sidered that those who had acquired those qualifications were, if devoid of self-control, only better fitted to commit injustice and to do mischief. 2. In the first place, therefore, he endeav- ored to impress his associates with right feelings toward the gods. Some, who were present with him when he con- versed with others on this subject, have given an account of his discourses ; but I myself was with him when he held a conversation with Euthydemus to the following effect. 3. " Tell me," said he, " Euthydemus, has it ever occurred to you to consider how carefully the gods have provided for men every thing that they require ?" " It has indeed never occurred to me," replied he. " You know at least," proceeded Socrates, " that we stand in need, first of all, of light, with which the gods supply us." " Yes, by Jupiter," answered Eu- thydemus, ' for if we had no light, we should be, as to the use of our eyes, like the blind." " But, as we require rest, they afford us night, the most suitable season for repose." " That is assuredly," said Euthydemus, " a subject for thankfulness." 4. " Then because the sun, being luminous, shows us the hours of the day, and every thing else, while the night, being dark, prevents us from making such distinctions in it, a have they 1 AEKTIKOVC KOI xpaK-iKovf KOI /ujxavtKoirf.] How Socrates rendered his hearers Ae*cnjcot)f, is shown in c. 5 ; how duJLactmif, in c. 6 ; how fiTj^avmoii^, in c. 7. MJ^ OVIKOL may be Englished " fertile in ex- pedients." * ' AaaQfGTEpa mV.] Schneider interprets, " nihil patitur oculia dis- tinguere." Kuhner observes that the adjective will not bear this active CHAP. in. BENEVOLENCE OF THE GODS. 483 not caused the stars to shine in the night, which show us the night-watches, and under the direction of which we perform many things that we require ?" " So it is," said he. " The moon, too, makes plain to us not only the divisions of the night, but also of the month." " Assuredly," said he. 5. " But that, since we require food, they should raise it for us from the earth, and appoint suitable seasons for the purpose, which prepare for us, in abundance and every variety, not only things which we need, but also things from Avhich we derive pleasure, what do you think of such gifts ?" " They certainly indicate love for man." 6. " And that they should supply us with water, an element of such value to us, that it causes to spring up, and unites with the earth and the seasons in bringing to maturity, every thing useful for us, and assists also to nourish ourselves, and, being mixed with all our food, renders it easier of digestion, more serviceable, and more pleas- ant; and that, as we require water in great quantities, they should supply us with it in such profusion, what do you think of such a gift ?" " That also," said he, " shows thought for us." 7. " That they should also give us fire, a protection against cold and darkness, an auxiliary in every art and in every thing that men prepare for their use (for, in a word, men produce nothing, among the various things neces- sary to life, without the aid of fire), what do you think of such a gift ?" " That likewise," said he, " gives eminent proof of regard for man." 8. 1 [" That they should diffuse the air also around us every where in such abundance, as not only to preserve and support life, but to enable us to cross the seas by means of it, and to get provisions by sailing hither and thither among foreign lands, is not this a boon inexpressi- bly valuable ?" " It is indeed inexpressibly so," replied he.] " That the sun, too, when it turns toward us in the winter, should approach to mature some things, and to dry up others " whose season for ripening has passed away ; and that, having effected these objects, he should not come nearer to us, but sense, and interprets, " Nox propter tenebras obscurior est, quaru ut cjua siugulae partes discern! possint." 1 The passage in brackets is found only in one manuscript. TTeisko and Schneider admitted it into their texts. . Kiihner condemns it as spurious, justly observing that the language of it " glossatoria manum aperte prodit." 2 As hay, and standing corn. 4t ,4 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. turn back, r.s if taking cars lest he should hurt us by giving us more heat than is necessary ; and that when again, in his de- parture, he arrives at the point at which it becomes evident that, if he were to go beyond it, we should be fiozeu by the cold, he should again turn toward us, and approach us, and revolve in that precise part of the heaven in which lie may be of most advantage to us, what do you think of thincs so regu- lated F " By Jupiter," replied Euthydemus, " they appear to be appointed solely for the sake of man." 9. " Again, that ihe sun, because it is certain that we could not endure such heat or cold if it should come upon us suddenly, should ap- proach us so gradually, and retire from us so gradually, that Ave are brought imperceptibly to the greatest extremes of both, what do you think of that appointment ?" " I am reflecting, indeed," said Euthydemus, " whether the gods can have any other business than to take care of man ; only this thought embarasses me, that other animals partake in these benefits." 10. "But is not this also evident," said Socrates, "that these animals are produced and nourished for the sake or man I" For what other animal derives so many benefits from goats, sheep, horses, oxen, asses, and other such creatures, as man ? To me it appears that he gains more advantages from them than from the fruits of the earth ; at least he is fed and enriched not less from the one than from the other; and a great portion of mankind do not use the productions of the earth for food, but live by herds of cattle, supported by their milk, and cheese, and flesh ; and all men tame and train the useful sort of animals, and use their services for war and other purposes." " I agree with what you say on that point," said Euthydemus, ''for I see some animals, much stronger than we, rendered so subservient to men that they use them for whatever they please." 11. " But that, since there are num- berless beautiful and useful objects in the world, greatly dif- fering from one another, the gods should have bestowed on men senses adapted to each of them, by means of which we enjoy every advantage from them ; that they should have im- planted understanding in us, by means of which we reason about what we perceive by the senses, and, assisted by the memory, learn how far every thing is beneficial, and contrive many plans by which we enjoy good and avoid evil ; 12. and that they should have given us the faculty of speech, by means CHAP. in. CARE OF THE GODS FOR MAN T . 485 of which we convey information to one another, and mutually impart whatever is good, and participate in it, enact laws, and enjoy constitutional government, what think you of such blessings ?" " The god.3 certainly .appear, Socrates, to exer- cise the greatest care ib: 1 man in every way." " And that, since we are unable to foresee what is for our advantage with regard to the future, they should assist us in that respect, communicating what will happen to those who inquire of them by divination, and instructing them how their actions may be most for their benefit, what thoughts does that produce in you ?" " The gods seem to show you, Socrates," rejoined he, u more favor than other men, since they indicate to you, without being asked, what you ought to do, and what not to do." 13. " And that I speak the truth, 1 you yourself also well know, if you do not expect to see the bodily forms of the gods, but will be content, as you behold their works, to wor- ship an 1 honor them. Reflect, too, that the gods themselves give us this intimation; 2 for the other deities 3 that give us blessings, do not bestow any of them by coming manifestly before our sight ; and he that orders and holds together the whole universe, in which are all things beautiful and good, and who preserves it always unimpaired, undisordered, and. undecaying, obeying his will swifter than thought and with- out, irregularity, is himself manifested only in the perform- ance of his mighty works, but is invisible to us while he regulates them. 14. Consider also that the sun, which ap- pears manifest to all, does not allow men to contemplate him too curiously, but, if any one tries to gaze on him steadfastly, deprives him of his sight. The instruments of the deities you will likewise find imperceptible ; for the thunder-bolt, for in- etance, though it is plain that it is sent from above, and works 1 la saying that the gods assist and admonish us. 2 That we must not expect, when we consult the gods, to see their shapes. Kiihner. 3 Socrates, and those who followed him, Plato, the Stoics, and Cicero, were advocates of the opinion that, besides the one supreme God, there were others, far inferior to him, but immortal, and of great po*ver and endowments, whom the supreme God employed, as his ministers, in the government of the world ; a subject which I have discussed at somo length in a treatise de 3 T. Ciceronis in philosophiam merili- this effect with others on several occasions, and I kuow that he once had a dialogue of the following kind, concerning justice, with Hippias of Elis ;' for Hippias, on his return to Athens after an absence of somj time, happened to come in the way of Socrates as he was ob- serving to some people how surprising it was that, if a man wished to have another taught to be a shoemaker, or a car- penter, or a worker in brass, or a rider, he was at no loss whither he should send him to effect his object ; s [nav, that every place, as some say, was full of persons who would* make a horse or an ox observant of right for any one that desired ;] while as to justice, if any one wished either to learn it him- self, or to have his son or his slave taught it, he did not know whither he should go to obtain his desire. 6. Hippias, hear- ing this remark, said, as if jesting with him, " AVhat ! are you still saying the same things, Socrates, that I heard from you so long ago ?'' " Yes," said Socrates, " and what is more wonderful, I am not only still saying the same things, but, am saying them on the same subjects ; but you, perhaps, from being possessed of such variety of knowledge, never s.iy tho same things on the same subjects." " Certainly," replied Hippias, "I do always try to say something new." 7. "About matters of which you have certain knowledge, then," said Socrates, " as, for instance, about the letters of the alphabet, if any ono were to ask you how many and what letters are in the word ' Socrates,' would you try to say sometimes one thing, and sometimes another ? or to people who might ask you about numbers, as whether twice five are ten, would you not 1 A famous sophist of that time, well known from the Dialogues of Plato; see Cobet, Prosopogr. Xen. p. 36; Quintil. xii. 11. 21; Borne- mann ad Sympos. iv. 62. Of the vanity and arrogance of tho man, soo Stallbaum ad Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 148. 4 The works in brackets are condemned by Ruhnken and Talckenacr as spurious. Bornemann and Kiihner attempt to defend them. They certainly disturb the course of the argument so much and are so useless, that I can not think them Xenophon's. " Observant of right," in tho translation answers to diKaiovf, "just," a word on which the writer plays. CHAP. IT. CONVERSATION WITH HIPPIAS. 489 give the same answer at one time as at another ?" " About such matters^ Socrates," replied Hippias, " I, like you, always say the same thing ; but concerning justice I think that I have certainly something to say now Avhich neither you nor any other person can refute." 8. " By Juno," returned Soc- rates, " it is a great good that you say you have discovered, since the judges will now cease from giving contradictory sen- tences, the citizens will cease from disputing about what is just, from going to law, and from quarreling, and communi- ties will cease from contending about their rights and going to war ; and I know not how I can part with you till I have learned so important a benefit from its discoverer." 9. " You shall not hear it, by Jupiter," rejoined Hippias, " until you yourself declare what you think justice to be ; for it is enough that you laugh at others, 1 questioning and confuting every body, while you yourself are unwilling to give a reason to any body, or to declare your opinion on any subject." 10. " What then, Hippias," said Socrates, " have you not per- ceived that I never cease declaring my opinion as to what I conceive to be just ?" " And what is this opinion of yours ?" said Hippias. " If I make it known to you, not by words merely, but by actions, do not deeds seem to you to be a stronger evidence than words ?" " Much stronger, by Jupi- ter," said Hippias, " for many who say what is just do what is unjust, but a man who does what is just can not be himself unjust." 11. ''Have you ever then found me bearing false witness, or giving malicious information, or plunging my friends or the state into quarrels, or doing any thing else that is unjust ?" " I have not." " And do you not think it just- ice to refrain from injustice ?" " You are plainly, now," said Hippias, " endeavoring to avoid expressing an opinion as to what you think just ; for what you say is, not what the just do, but what they do not do." 12. "But I thought." rejoined Socrates, "that to be unwilling to do injustice was a sufficient proof of justice. If this, however, does not satisfy you, consider whether what I next say will please you better ; for I assert that what is in conformity with the laws is just." " Do you say, Socrates, that to be conformable to the laws, and to be just, is the same thing?" "I do, indeed." 13. "I 1 * Satis cst quod ceteros omnes rides; ma vero noa ridebis." "Ziihner. 21* 490 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. am puzzled ; for I do not understand what you call conforma- ble to law, or what you call just." " Do you know the laws of the state ?" said Socrates. " I do," said the other. " And what do you consider them to be ?" " What the citizens in concert have enacted as to what we ought to do, and what we ought to avoid doing." " Would not he, therefore," asked Socrates, " be an observer of the laws who should conduct himself in the community agreeably to those enactments, and he be a violater of the laws who transgresses them ?" " Undoubtedly," said Hippias. " Would not he, then, do what is just who obeys the laws, and he do what is unjust who disobeys them ?" " Cer- tainly." "Is not he, then, just who does what is just, and he unjust who does what is unjust ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" "He, therefore, that conforms to the laws is just," added Soc- rates, " and he who violates the laws, unjust." 14. " But," objected Hippias, " how can any one imagine the laws, or obedience to them, to be a matter of absolute im- portance, when the very persons who make them often reject and alter them?" "That objection is of no consequence," said Socrates, " for states, which have commenced war, often make peace again." "Undoubtedly they do," said Hippias. " What difference will there be in your conduct, then, think you, 1 if you throw contempt on those who obey the laws, be- cause the laws may be changed, and if you blame those who act properly in war, because peace may be made ? Do you condemn those who vigorously support their country in war '?" "I do not, indeed," replied Hippias. 15. "Have you ever heard it said of Lycurgus the Lacedemonian, then," said Soc- rates, " that he would not have made Sparta at all different from other states, if he had not established in it, beyond others, a spirit of obedience to the laws ? Do you not know, too, that of magistrates in states, those are thought the best who are most efficient in producing obedience to the laws, and that that state in which the citizens pay most respect to the laws, is in the best condition in peace, and invincible in war I 16. The greatest blessing to states, moreover, is concord; and the senates and principal men in them often exhort the citizens to unanimity ; and every where throughout Greece it is a law that the citizens shall take an oath to observe concord, an oath ovv rt olet Troteiv /] "Do you think, therefore, that rou do any thing different than ." 4HAP. IV. THE JUST MAN IS ESTEEMED. 491 which they every where do take ; but I conceive that this is done, not that the citizens may approve of the same choruses, or that they may praise the same flute-players, or that they may prefer the same poets, 1 or that they mav take delight in the same spectacles, but that they may obey the laws ; for while the citizens adhere to these, states will be eminently pow- erful and happy ; but without such unanimity, no state can be well governed, nor any family well regulated. IT. As an indi- vidual citizen, too, how could any person render himself less liable to penalties from the government, or more likely to have honors bestowed upon him, than by being obedient to the laws ? How else would he incur fewer defeats in the courts of justice, or how more certainly obtain sentence in his favor? To whom would any one believe that he could more safely confide his money, or his sons or daughters ? Whom would the whole community deem more trustworthy than him who respects the laws ? From whom would parents, or relatives, or domestics, or friends, or citizens, or strangers, more certainly obtain their lights ? To whom would the enemy sooner trust in cessations of arms, or in making a truce, or articles of peace ? To whom would people more willingly become allies than to the observer of the laws, and to whom would the allies more willingly trust the leadership, or command of a fortress, or of a city 1 From whom would any one expect to meet with gratitude, on doing him a kindness, sooner than from the observer of the laws ? Or whom would any one rather serve than him from whom lie expects to receive a return ? To whom would any one more desire to be a friend, or less desire to be an enemy, than such a man ? With whom would any one be less inclined to go to war, than with him to whom he would most wish to be a friend, and least of all an enemy, and to whom the great- est part of mankind would wish to be friends and allies, and but a small number to be antagonists and enemies? 18. I, therefore, Hippias, pronounce that to obey the laws and to be just is the same; if you hold an opinion to the contrary, tell me." " Indeed, Socrates," rejoined Hippias, " I do not know that I entertain any sentiments opposed to what you have saitf of justice." 19. "But are you aware, Hippias," continued Socrates, " that there are unwritten laws ?" " You mean tbose," said 1 The same scenic poets. 492 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK IT. Hippia?, " that are in force about the same points, every where." " Can you affirm, then, that men made those laws j" "How could they," said Hippias, "when they could not all meet together, and do not all speak the same language?" " Whom, then, do you suppose to have made these laws T' '' I believe," said he, " that it was the gods who made these laws for men, for among all men the first law is to venerate the gods." 20. " Is it not also a law every where to honor parents 1" " It is so ?" " Is it not a law, too, that parents shall not intermarry with their children, nor children with their parents ?" " This does not, as yet, Socrates, appear to me to be a law of the gods ?" " Why ?" " Because I find that some nations transgress it." 21. " Many others, too, they transgress," said Socrates ; " but those who violate the laws made by the gods incur punishment which it is by no means possible for man to escape, as many transgressors of the laws made by men escape punishment, some by concealment, others by open violence." 22. " And what sort of punishment, Socrates," said he, " can not parents escape who intermarry with their children, and children who intermarry with their parents ?" " The greatest of all punishments, by Jupiter," replied Socrates, " for what greater penalty can those who beget children incur, than to have bad children ?" 23. " How then," said Hippias, " do they necessarily have bad children when nothing hinders but that they may be good themselves, and have children by good partners ?" " Because," returned Socrates, " it is not only necessary that those who have chil- dren by each other should be good, but that they should be in full bodily vigor. 1 Or do you suppose that the seed of those who are at the height of maturity is similar to that of those who have not yet reached maturity, or to that of those who are far past it ?" " By Jupiter," replied Hippias, " it is not at all likely that it should be similar;' " Which of the two 1 Mirari libet Socratia commentum, qui in conjugiis talibus nihil cul- pandum invenit praeter aetatis disparitatem. Illud potius disquircndum, annoa in hominibus nulla prava educationo corruptis sit in ipsis afl'ecti- bus insita fuga qusedam commixtionis cum parentibua ct ex so natis, quippo cum ab ea etiam quaedam animantia naturaliter abhorreant. Hugo Grotius do J. B. et P. ii. 5, 12. 4 5, et 2, 3, cum annott. Puften- dorf. et Osiand. Herbst. Parentum et liberorum otficia mutua plus ait "\Veiskius valero ad reprobanda connubia talia quam annorum inuequaii- tat,>m- Kiihner. CHAP. IT. YICE ITS OWX PUNISHMENT. 493 then is the better ?" " Doubtless that of those at full maturity." " That of those who are not at full maturity, then, is not suffi- ciently energetic." " Probably not." " Accordingly they ought not to have children ?" " No." " Do not those, therefore, who have children under such circumstances, have them as they ought not 2" " So it appears to me." '' What other persons, therefore, will kivc bad children, if not these?" " Well," said Hippias, " I agree with you on this point also." 24. " Is it not every where a law, also," said Socrates, " that men should do good to those who do good to them T' " It is a law," answered Hippias, ' but it is transgressed." " Do not those therefore who transgress it incur punishment," continued Socrates, by being deprived of good friends, and being com- pelled to have recourse to those who hate them ? Are i.ot such as do service to those who seek it of them good friends to themselves, and are not those who make no return to such as serve them hated by them for their ingratitude ; and yet, be- cause it is for their advantage to have their support, do they not pay the greatest court to them ?" " Indeed, Socrates," replied Hippias, " all these things seem to suit the character of the gods ; for that the laws themselves should carry with them punishments for those who transgress them, appears to me to be the appointment of a lawgiver superior to man." 25. " Whether, therefore, Hippias," added Socrates, " do you consider that the gods appoint as laws, what is agreeable to justice, or what is at variance with justice ?" " Not what is at variance with justice, certainly," said Hippias, " for scarcely would any other make laws in conformity with justice, if a god were not to do so." " It is the pleasure of the gods, therefore, Hippias," concluded Socrates, " that what is in conformity with justice should also be in conformity with the laws." ' By uttering such sentiments, and acting in agreement with them, he rendered those who conversed with him more ob- servant of justice. 1 Lange has given a judicious summary of these arguments. The gods give just laws; what is in conformity with these laws, is vofiifiov : therefore every thing v6fj.ifj.rn> in the divine laws is just. Thus the godg in this definition (TO vop.ifj.ov Sinaim dvat, sect. 12), agree with men, or with me, says Socrates. A sound argument, if human laws be what they ought to be, that is, in conformity with the divine laws, or the laws of nature. 494 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. CHAPTER V. Socrates rendered his followers better qualified for public life. The neces- sity of temperance, sect. 1, 2 ; the evils of intemperance, 3-7 ; the benefits arising from temperance, 8-10; the conduct of the temperance man, 11, 12. 1. I WILL now relate how he rendered his followers better qualified for the management of public 'business. Thinking it expedient that temperance should be observed by him who would succeed in any thing honorable, he first made it evi- dent to those who conversed with him, that he practiced this virtue beyond all other men, and then, by his discourse, he exhorted his followers, above every thing, to the observance of temperance. He continued always, therefore, to make allu- sions to whatever was conducive to virtue ; and I know that he once held a conversation on temperance with Euthydemus to the following effect : 2. " Tell me," said he, " Euthydemus, do you regard liberty as an excellent and honorable posses- sion for an individual or a community ?" " The most excel- lent and honorable that can be," replied he. 3. "Do you consider him, then, who is held under control by the pleasures of the body, and is rendered unable, by their influence, to do what is best for him, to be free ?" " By no means," replied Euthydemus. " Perhaps, then, to have the power ot doing what is best seems to you to be freedom, but to be under in- fluences which will hinder you from doing it, you consider to be want of freedom?" "Assuredly," said he. 4. "Do not the intemperate appear to you, then, to be absolutely without freedom ?" " Yes, by Jupiter, and naturally so." " And whether do the intemperate appear to you to be merely pre- vented from doing what is best, or to be forced, also, to do what is most dishonorable ?" " They appear to me," replied Eu- thydemus, " to be not less forced to do the one than they are hindered from doing the other." 5. " And what sort of mas- ters do you consider those to be, who hinder men from doing what is best, and force them to do what is worst f " The very w r orst possible, by Jupiter," replied he. "And what sort of slavery do you consider to be the worst ?" " That,' ' said he, " under the worst masters ?" ' : Do not then the in- CHAP. v. ADVANTAGES OF TEMPERANCE. 495 temperate," said Socrates, " endure the very worst of slavery ?" "It appears so to me," answered Euthydemus. 6. "And does not intemperance seem to you, by banishing from men prudence, the greatest good, to drive them into the very oppo- site evil ? Does it not appear to you to hinder them from attending to useful things, and learning them, by drawing them away to pleasure, and frequently, by captivating those who have a perception of good and evil, to make them choose the worse instead of the better ?" " Such is the case," said he. 7. " And whom can we suppose, Euthydemus, to have less participation in self-control than the intemperate man ? for assuredly the acts of self-control and of intemperance are the very opposite to each other." " I assent to this also," said he. " And do you think that any thing is a greater hinderance to attention to what is becoming, than intemperance ?" " I do not." " And do you imagine that there is any greater evil to man, than that which makes him prefer the noxious to the beneficial, which prompts him to pursue the one and to neg- lect the other, and which forces him to pursue a contrary course of conduct to that of the wise?" "There is none," said Euthydemns. 8. " Is it not natural, then," said Socrates, " that temperance should be the cause of producing in men effects contrary to those which intemperance produces?" "Undoubtedly," said Euthydemus. " Is it not natural, therefore, also, that what produces those contrary effects should be best for man ?" " It is natural," said he. "Is it not consequently natural, then, Euthydemus, that temperance should be best for man ?" " It is so, Socrates," said he. 9. " And have you ever reflected upon this, Euthydemus "?" "What?" "That even to those pleasures, to which alone intemperance seems to lead men, it can not lead them, but that temperance produces greater pleas- ure than any thing else ?" " How ?" said he. " Because intemperance, by not allowing men to withstand hunger, thirst, or the desire of sensual gratification, or want of sleep (through which privations alone is it possible for them to eat, and driuk, and gratify other natural appetites, and go to rest and sleep with pleasure, waiting and restraining themselves until the inclinations may be most happily indulged), hinders them from having any due enjoyment in acts most necessary and most habitual ; but temperance, which alone enables men to 496 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. endure the privations which I have mentioned, alone enables them to find delight in the gratifications to which I have alluded." " What you say," observed Euthydemus, " is indis- putably true." 10. " From learning what is honorable rnd good, moreover, and from the study of those accemplistmeuls by which a man may ably govern himself, judiciousiv regulate his household, become useful to his friends and the state, and gain the mastery over his enemies (from which studies aiisc not only the greatest advantages, but also the greatest pler.s- ures), the temperate have enjoyment while they practice them, but the intemperate have no share in any of them ; for to Avhom can we say that it less belongs to participate in such advantages, than to him who has the least power to pursue them, being wholly occupied in attention to present pleasures r' 31. "You seem tome, Socrates," said Etithydemus, "to say t'^at the man who is under the influence of bodily pleasures, 1 as no participation in any one virtue." " For what differ- ence is there, Euthydemus," said he, " between an intemperate man and the most ignorant brute 1 How will he, who has no regard to what is best, but seeks only to enjoy what is most seductive by any means in his power, differ from the most senseless cattle \ To the temperate alone it belongs to con- sider what is best in human pursuits, to distinguish those pur- suits, according to experience and reason, into their several classes, and then to choose the good and refrain from the evil." 12. Thus it was, he said, that men became most virtuous and happy, and most skillful in reasoning ; and he observed that the expression diaUyiaitut, " to reason," had its origin in people's practice of meeting together to reason on matters, and distinguishing them, 9uA4fona?, according to their several lands. It was the duty of every one, therefore, he thought, to make himself ready in this art, and to study it with the greatest diligence ; for that men, by the aid of it, became most accomplished, most able to guide others, and most acute in discussion. DEFINITIONS GIVEN BY SOCRATES. 497 CHAPTER VL The value of skill in argument and definition, sect. 1. Definition of PIETT, 2-4 ; of JUSTICE, 5, 6 ; of WISDOM, 7 ; of GOODNESS and BEAUTY, 8, 9 ; of COURAGE, 10, 11. Some other definitions, 12. Remarks on the Socratic method of argument, 13-15. 1. I WILL now endeavor to show that Socrates rendered lus? who associated with him more skillful in argument. For l.e thought that those who knew the nature of things sever- ally, would be able to explain them to others ; but as to those who did not know, lie said that it was not surprising 111 at they fell into error themselves, and led others into it. He therefore never ceased to reason with his associates about the nature of things. 1 To go through all the terms that he defined, and to show how he definited them, would be a long task ; but I will give as many instances as I think will suffice to show the nature of his reasoning. 2. la t'-ie first place, then, he reasoned of PIETY, in some such way as this. "Tell me," said he, " Euthydernus, what sort of feeling do you consider piety to bo ?" " The most noble of all feelings," replied he. " Can you tell me, then, who is a pious man f" " The man, I think, who honors the gods." "Is it allowable to pay honor to the gods in any way that one pleases f ' " No ; there are certain laws in con- formity with which we must pay our honors to them." 3. "He, then, who knows these laws, will know how he must honor the gods ?" ' I think so." " He therefore who knows how to pay honor to the gods, will not think that he ought to pay it otherwise than as he knows ?" " Doubtless not." ' But does any one pay honors to the gods otherwise than as ho thinks that he ought to pay them ?" " I think not" 4. " He therefore who knows what is agreeable to the laws with re- gard to the gods, will honor the gods in agreement with the laws r' ? " Certainly." " Does not he, then, who honors the gods agreeably to the laws honor them as he ought ?" " How can he do otherwise ?" " And he who honors them as lie ought, is pious ?" " Certainly." " He therefore who knows .vhat is agreeable to the laws with regard to the gods, mav 1 Ti tuanrov tin TCJI> OVTUV.] Quid res qaalitel esset; "what each thing was ;" what was the nature of each thing. 498 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES. BOOK ir. te justly defined by us as a pious man?" "So it appears to me," said Euthydennis. 5. " But is it allowable for a person to conduct himself toward other men in whatever way he pleases ?" " No ; but with respect to men also, he who knows what is in conformity with the laws, and how men ought, according to them, to conduct themselves toward each other, will be an observer of the laws." "Do not those, then, who conduct themselves toward each other according to what is in conformity with the laws, conduct themselves toward each other as they ought ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " Do not those, there- fore, who conduct themselves toward each other as they ought, conduct themselves well ?" " Certainly." " Do not those, then, that conduct themselves well tow r ard each other, act prop- erly in transactions between man and man ?" " Surely." " Do not those, then, who obey the laws, do what is just ?" " Un- doubtedly." 6. " And do you know what sort of actions are called just?" "Those which the laws sanction." "Those, therefore, who do what the laws sanction, do what is just, and what they ought ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " Those who do just things, therefore, are just ?" " I think so." " Do you think that any persons yield obedience to the laws who do not know what the laws sanction ?" " I do not." " And do you think that any who know what they ought to do, think that they ought not to do it ?" " I do not think so." "And do you know any persons that do other things than those Avhich they think they ought to do ?" " I do not." " Those, therefore, who know what is agreeable to the laws in regard to men, do what is just ?" " Certainly." " And are not those who do what is just, just men?" "Who else can be so?" "Shall we not define lightly, therefore," concluded Socrates, " if we define those to be just who know what is agreeable to the laws in regard to men ?" " It appears so to me," said Euthydemus. 7. ''And what shall we say that WISDOM is? Tell me, whether do men seem to you to be wise, in things which they know, or in things which they do not know ?" " In what they know, certainly ; for how can a man be wise in things of which he knows nothing ?" " Those, then, who are wise, are wise by their knowledge?" "By what else can a man be wise, if not by his knowledge ?" " Do you think wisdom, then, to be any thing else than that by which men are wise ?" SHAP.TI. GOODNESS: BEAUTY: COURAGE. 499 u I do not." " Is knowledge, then, wisdom ?" " It ap- pears so to me." " Does it appear to you, however, that it is possible for a man to know all things that are ?" " No, by Jupiter ; not even as I think, a comparatively small portion of them." " It is not therefore possible for a man to be wise in all things ?" " No, indeed." " Every man is wise, therefore, in that only of which he has a knowledge ?" " So it seems to me." 8. " Shall we thus, too, Euthydemus," said he, " inquire what is GOOD ?" " How ?" said Euthydemus. " Does the same thing appear to you to be beneficial to every body ?" " No." " And does not that which is beneficial to one person appear to you to be sometimes hurtful to another ?" " Assuredly." " Would you say, then, that any thing is good that is not bene- ficial ?" "I Avould not." "What is beneficial, therefore, is good, to whomsoever it is beneficial ?" " It appears so to me," said Euthydemus. 9. "And can we define the BEAUTIFUL in any other way than if you term whatever is beautiful, whether a person, or a vase, or any thing else whatsoever, beautiful for whatever purpose you know that it is beautiful?" 1 " No, indeed," said Euthydemus. " For whatever purpose, then, any thing may be useful, for that purpose it is beautiful to use it ?" " Cer- tainly." "And is any thing beautiful for any other purpose than that for which it is beautiful to use it ?" " For no other purpose," replied he. " What is useful is beautiful, therefore, For that purpose for which it is beautiful ?" " So I think," said he. 10. "As to COURAGE, Euthydemus," said Socrates, "do you think it is to be numbered among excellent things ?" "I think it one of the most excellent," replied Euthydemus. " But you do not think courage a thing of use for small occa- sions." " No, by Jupiter, but for the very greatest." " Does it appear to you to be useful, with regard to formidable and dangerous things, to be ignorant of their character ?" " By 1 I have translated this apparently corrupt passage according to the interpretation of it proposed by Lange, a friend of Kiihner's : Num pos- Eumus pulchrum aliter [intellige ac bonum, iii. 8, ubi demonstratum est Katev, ayadbv, et xP 7 l al P ov idem esse,] definire, an pulchrum vocas, si quid pulchrum est [et tanv] vel corpus, vel vas, vel aliud quid, quod ad quamcunque rem (^pur TTUVTO) pulchrum est \ 500 MEMORABILIA OP SOCRATES BOOK IT. no means." "They, therefore, who do not fear such things, because they do not know what they are, are not courage- ous ?" " Certainly not ; for, in that case, many madmen and even cowards would be courageous." ' And what do you say of those who fear things that arc not formidable ?" " Still less, by Jupiter, should they be called courageous." " Those, then, that are good, with reference to formidable and danger- ous things, you consider to be courageous, and those that are bad, cowardly ?" " Certainly." 11. ''But do you think that any other persons are good, with reference to terrible and dangerous circumstances, except those who are able to conduct themselves well under them ?" " No, those only," said he. " And you think those bad with regard to them, who are of such a character to conduct themselves badly under them ~F " Whom else can I think so ?" " Do not each, then, conduct themselves under them as thev think they ought ?" " How can it be otherwise ?" " Do those, therefore, -who do not conduct themselves properly under them, know how they ought to conduct themselves under them ?" " Doubtless not." "Those then who know how they ought to conduct them- selves under them, can do so?" "And they alone." "Do those, therefore, who do not fail under such circumstances, conduct themselves badly under them ?" " I think not." " Those then who do conduct themselves badly under them, do fail?" "It seems so." "Those, therefore, who know how to conduct themselves well in terrible and dangerous circum- stances are courageous, and those who fail to do so are cow- ards ?" " They at least appear so to me," said Euthydemus. 12. Monarchy and tyranny he considered to be both forms of government, but conceived that they differed greatly from one another ; for a government over men with their own con- sent, and in conformity with the laws of free states, he regarded as a monarchy ; but a government over men against their will, and not according to the law of free states, but just as the ruler pleased, a tyranny ; and wherever magistrates were appointed from among those who complied with the injunctions of the laws, he considered the government to be an aristocracy ; wherever they were appointed according to their wealth, a plutocracy , and wherever they were appointed from among the whole people, a democracy. 13. Whenever any person contradicted him on any point, CHAP. vii. JUST REASONING OF SOCRATES, 501 who had nothing definite to say, and who perhaps asserted, without proof, that some person, whom lie mentioned, was wiser, or better skilled in political affairs, or possessed of greater courage, or worthier in some such respect, [than some other whom Socrates had mentioned], he would recall the whole argument, in some such way as the following, to the pri- mary proposition : 14. " Do you say that he whom you com- mend, is a better citizen than he whom I commend?" "I do say so." " Why should we then not consider, in the first place, what is the duty of a good citizen ?" " Let us do so." " Would not he then be superior in the management of the public money who should make the state richer ?" " Undoubtedly." " And he in war who should make it victorious over its enemies ?" " Assuredly." " And in an embassy he who should make friends of foes ?" " Doubtless." " And he in addressing the people who should check dissension and inspire them with unanimity F "I think so." When the discussion was thus brought back t > fundamental principles, the truth was made evident to thosj who had opposad him. 15. When he himself went through any subject in argu- ment, he proceeded upon propositions of which the truth was generally acknowledged, thinking that a sure foundation was thus formed for his reasoning. Accordingly, whenever he spoke, he, of all men that I have known, most readily prevailed on his hearers to assent to his arguments ; and he used to say that Ilorner 1 had attributed to Ulysses the character of a sure orator, as being able to form his reasoning on points acknowledged by all mankind. CHAPTER VII. How Socrates rendered bis followers pixa.viK.ovs, ingenious and adapted for business ; his frankness and sincerity, 1. How far he thought that Geom- etry should be studied, 2, 3. How far he recommended that Astronomy phould be pursued, 4-7. Vain investigations to be avoided, 8. Regard to be paid to health, 9. Counsel to be asked of the gods, 10. 1. THAT Socrates expressed his sentiments with sincerity to those who conversed with him, is, I think, manifest from what I have said. I will now proceed to show how much it was his 1 Odysa. viii. 171: 'O d uvQateus uyopevsi: a passage noticed by Dionys. Hal. do Arto Rhet. xi. 8. 502 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES. BOOK iv. care that his followers should be competently qualified for em- ployments suited to their powers. Of all men that I have known, he was the most anxious to discover in what occupa- tion each of those who attended him was likely to prove skill- ful ; and of all that it becomes a man of honor and virtue to know, he taught them himself, whatever he knew, with the utmost cheerfulness ; and what he had not sufficient knowledge to teach, he took them to those who knew, to learn. 2. He taught them also how far it was proper that a well- educated man should be versed in any department of knowl- edge. 1 Geometry, for instance, he said that a man should study until he should be capable, if occasion required, to take or give land correctly by meausurement ; or to divide it or por- tion it out for cultivation ;" and this, he observed, it was so easy to learn, that he who gave any attention at all to mensuration, might find hoAV large the whole earth was, and perfectly under- stand how it was measured. 3. But of pursuing the study of geometry to diagrams hard to understand, he disapproved ; for he said that he could not see of what profit they were, 3 though he himself was by no means unskilled in them ; but he re- marked that they were enough to consume a man's whole life, and hinder him from attaining many other valuable branches of knowledge. 4. He recommended his followers to learn astronomy also, but only so far as to be able to know the hour of the night, the month, and the season of the year, with a view to travel- ing by land or sea, or distinguishing the night-watches ; and 1 Ilpayuarof.] " Negotii ex doctrina et scientia pendentis." Schneider. 3 'Epyov u~odei^ac^ai^\ " Ad opus faciendum agri portionem assig- nare." ErnestL 3 Socrates did not altogether condemn the study of geometry and astronomy, but disapproved of the general practice of the philosophers of his own age, who devoted themselves wholly to difficult questions concerning the figure of the earth, etc., to the entire neglect of moral philosophy. Plato, Phasd. c. 46, agrees with Xenophon ; and, indeed, an immoderate pursuit of such studies was altogether alien from the affairs of common life and morality, to which alone Socrates gave his serious attention. Zeune. In the infancy of the mechanic arts, and amid the foolish practices of the philosophers, who endeavored to apply geometry and astronomy to subjects too high for the human intellect, we can not wonder at the determination of Socrates, who preferred im- proving the morals of men. Those who are ignorant of those sciences in the present day repeat the objections of Socrates aa to their inutility. Schneider. CHAP. vn. CONCERNING STUDIES. 503 to be competent, by knowing the divisions of the above-men- tioned times, to profit by the signs for whatever other things are done at a certain period of the night, or month, or year. These particulars, he said, were easily learned from men who hunted by night, from pilots, and from many others whose business it was to know them. 5. But to continue the study of astronomy so far as to distinguish the bodies which do not move in the same circle with the heavens 1 the planets, and the irreg- ular stars," and to weary ourselves in inquiring into their distances from the earth, the periods of their revolutions, and the causes of all these things, was what he greatly discount- enanced ; for he saw, he said, no profit in these studies either, 3 though he had himself given attention to them ; since they also, he remarked, were enough to wear out the life of a man, and prevent him from attending to many profitable pursuits. 6. Concerning celestial matters in general, he dissuaded every man from becoming a speculator how the divine power contrives to manage them ; for he did not think that such points were discoverable by man, nor did he believe that those acted dutifully toward the gods who inquired into things j which they did not wish to make known. He observed, too, ' t that a man who was anxious about such investigations, was in danger of losing his senses, not less than Anaxagoras, who prided himself highly on explaining the plans of the gods, lost his. 7. For Anaxagoras, when he said that fire and the sun were of the same nature, did not reflect that people can easily look upoa fire, but can not turn their gaze to the sun, and that men, if exposed to the rays of the sun, have complexions of a darker shade, but not if exposed to fire ; he omitted to con- sider, too, that of the productions of the earth, none can come fairly to maturity without the rays of the sun, while, if wanned by the heat of fire, they all perish ; and when he said that the sun was a heated stone, he forgot that a stone placed in the 1 T fir) h r?) aii-ry nepKpopd ovra.} Edwards refers to Diog. Laert. vii. 144, where it is said that some of the heavenly bodies are carried round with the heaven, without changing their place, while others have motions peculiar to themselves. 2 'AdTafyw/rovf uorrpaf.] Schneider, Bornemann, and Kiihner, agree in understanding comets. 3 Any more than in difficult geometrical investigations. 504 MEMORABILIA OF SOCRATES BOOK iv. fire clocfe net shine, or last long, but that the sun continue? perpetually the most luminous of all bodies. 8. lie advised his followers also to learn computations, 1 but in these, as in other things, he exhorted them to avoid useless labor ; as far as it was of any profit, he investigated every thing himself, and went through it with his associates. 9. He earnestly recommended those who conversed with him to take care of their health, both by learning whatever they could respecting it from men of experience, and by at- tending to it, each for himself, throughout his whole life, studying what food or drink, or what exercise, was most suitable for him, and how he might act in regard to them so as to enjoy the best health ; for he said it would be difficult for a person who thus attended to himself to find a physician that would tell better than himself what was conducive to his health. 10. But if any one desired to attain to what was beyond hu- man wisdom, he advised him to study divination ; for he said that he who knew by what signs the gods give indications to men respecting human affairs, would never fail of obtaining counsel from the gods. CHAPTER VIII. Socrates, thongh condemned to death, was nob convicted of falsehood vitL regard to his DAEMON. His resolution to die. His innocence inspires him with courage. He thinks it good to die, and escape the evils of old age. Summary of the arguments of the Memorabilia* 1. BUT if any one thinks that he was convicted of falsehood with regard to his DAEMON, because sentence of death was pronounced on him by the judges although he said that the daemon admonished him what he ought and what he ought not to do, let him consider, in the first place, that he was already so advanced in years, 2 that he must have ended his life, if not then, at least not long after ; and, in the next, Computations or calculations. " Artem calculatoriam." Schneider. How ZoyicTiKrj differed from upid^rjTLK?/ is shown by Plato, Gorg. c. 13. 2 He was seventy years old, according to Diog. Laert. ii. 4 6ia6e6iuKvai.'] " In liac ro (defensione mei) meditandl totam vitam transegisse," Kuhne/*. vou i. 22 50tf ilKMDRAlilLIA OF SOCRAfES. BOOK iv. had gone through life doing nothing but considering what was just and what unjust, doing what was just and abstaining from what was unjust, which he conceived to be the best meditation for his defense." 5. Hermogencs said again, " Do you not see, Socrates, that the judges at Athens have already put to death many innocent persons, from being offended at their language, and have allowed many that were guilty to escape ?" " But, by Jupiter, Hennogenes," replied he, " when I was proceeding, a while ago, to study my address to the judges, the daemon testified disapprobation." "You say what is strange," rejoined Hermogenes. ' And do you tnink it strange," inquired Socrates, " that it should seem bet- ter to the divinity that I should now close my lite ? Do you not know, that, down to the present time, I would not admit to any man that he has lived either better or with more pleasure than myself? for I consider that those live best who study best to become as good as possible ; and that those live with most pleasure who feel the most assurance that they are daily growing better and better. 7. This assurance I have felt, to the present day, to be the case with respect to myself; and associating with other men, and comparing myself with others, I have always* retained this opinion respecting myself; and, not only I, but my friends also, maintain a similar feeling with regard to me, not because they love me (for those who love others may b thus affected toward the objects of their love), but because they think that while they associated with me they became greatly advanced in virtue. 8. If I shall live a longer period, perhaps I shall be destined to sustain the evils of old age, to find my sight and hearing weakened, to feel my intellect impaired, to become less apt to learn, and more forgetful, and, in fine, to grow inferior to others in all those qualities in which I was once superior to them. If I should be insensible to this deterioration, life would not be worth retaining; and, if I should feel it, how could I live otherwise than with less profit, and with less comfort ? 9. If I am to die unjustly, my death will be a disgrace to those who unjustly kill me ; for if injustice is a disgrace, must it not be a disgrace to do any thing unjustly ? But what disgrace will it be to me, that others could not decide or act justly with re- gard to me? 10. Of the men who have lived before me, I ee that the estimation left among posterity with regard to CHAP. vni. 30NCLUSIOX. 507 such as have done wrong, and such as have suffered wrong, is by no means similar ; and I know that I also, if I now die, shall obtain from mankind far different consideration from that which they will pay to those who take my life ; for I know that they will always bear witness to me that I have never wronged any man, or rendered any man less virtuous, but that I have always endeavored to make those better who conversed with i me." Such discourse he held with Hermogenes, and with I others. 11. Of those who knew what sort of man Socrates was, such cs were lovers of virtue, continue to regret him above all other men, even to the present day, as having contributed in the highest degree to their advancement in goodness. To me, being snch as I have described him, so pious that he did nothing without the sanction of the gods ; so just, that ho wronged no man even in the most trifling affair, but was of service, in the most important matters, to those who enjoyed his society ; so temperate, that he never preferred pleasure to virtue ; so wise, that he never erred in distinguishing better from worse, needing no council from others, but being sufficient in himself to discriminate between them ; so able to explain and settle such questions by argument ; and so capable of dis- cerning the character of others, of confuting those who were in error, and of exhorting them to virtue and honor, he seemed to be such as the best and happiest of men would be. But if any one disapproves of my opinion, let him compare tho conduct of others with that of Socrates, arid determine ac- cordingly. INDEX TO THE ANABASIS AND MEMORABILIA. The figures to which no letter is prefixed refer to tho Anabasis; those to whlcfc M. Is preftxed, to the Memorabilia. t^~ Tho names inserted in the " Geographical Index" to the Anabasis, are hero omitted. Abrocomas, an enemy of Cyrus on tho Euphrates, i. 3. 20; some Greek mercenaries revolt from him to Cyrus, i. 4. 3 ; makes no defense, i. 4. 5 ; burns ships, to prevent Cyrus crossing the Eu- phrates, i. 4. 18 ; arrives at Cu- naxa after the battle, i. 7. 12. Abrozelmes, a Thracian, vii. 6. 43. Achaeans, numerous in tho army, vi. 2. 10. Acumenus, a physician, M. iii. 13. 2. ^Dctes, his grandson, v. G. 37. ^Egypt, M. i. 4. 17. ^Egyptians, enemies to tho Per- sians, ii. 5. 13. tineas of Stymphalus killed, iv. 7. 13. uEnianes among the troops of Me- non, L 2. 6. Their dancing, vi. 1. 7. ^Eolia, v. 6. 24. yEschines, an Arcarnanian, iv. 3. 22 ; 8. 18. ^Esculapius, templo of, warm spring in M. iii. 13. 3. Agasias, one of the captains, iv. 1. 27 ; iii. 1. 31 ; his bravery, iv. 7. 11 ; v. 2. 15 ; ridicules the eager- ness of the Lacedaemonians for power, vi. 1. 30 ; goes as em- bassador to Heraclea, vi. 2. 7 ; disapproves of a division of tho army, vi. 4. 10 ; rescues a sol- dier from Dexippus, vi. 6. 7, 17 ; is wounded, vii. 8. 19. Agesilaus returns from Asia to op- pose the Boeotians, v. 3. 6. Agias, an Arcadiau, one of tho generals made prisoner by Tis- saphernes, ii. 5. 31 ; is put to death, ii. G. 1 ; is praised, ii. G. 30. Alcibiades, his conduct, II. i. 2. 12 ; why ho sought instruction from Socrates, 1 6 how corrupt- ed, 24 ; his discussion with Po- ricles on laws, 40, seqq. Amazonian hatchet, iv. 4. 1G. Amphicrates, an Athenian, iv. 2. 13. 17. Anaxagoras, his erroneous opin- ions, M. iv. 7. 6. Anaxibius, admiral of the Lacedae- monian fleet at Byzantium, is bribed by Pharnabazus to allure the Greeks out of Asia to By- zantium, v. 1. 4 ; vi. 1.16; vii. 1.3; breaks faith with him, and sends the Greeks from Byzan- tium, vii. 1. 11 ; flees in terror to the citadel, vii. 1. 20 ; leaves Byzantium, vii. 2. 5 ; sends Xen- ophon to the army, vii. 2. 8. Antileon, v. 1. 2. 509 Antipho. the sophist, M. i. 6. 1. Antisthenes, his discussion with Socrates on friendship, M. iii. 5. 1 ; his fondness for Socrates, M. iii. 11. 17. Apollo flays Marsyas, i. 2. 8 ; tho tenth of the spoil dedicated to him, v. 3. 4 ; Xenophon sacrifices to him, vii. 8. 3. His response on the worship of the gods, M. iv. 3. 16. Apollodorus, follower of Socrates, M. iii. 11. 17. Apollonides expelled from the army, iii. 1. 26, 31. Arbaces, an officer under Arta- xerxes, i. 7. 12 ; satrap of Media, viiL 8. 25, Arcadians, numerous in tho Greek army, vi. 2. 10 ; their dancing, vi. 1. 11; separate with the Achaeaus, from the rest of the Greeks, vi. 2. 12 ; suffer for their folly, vi. 3. 1-9 ; an Arcadian accuses Xenophon, vii. G. 8. Archagoras, iv. 2. 13, 17. Archedemus, his services to Crito, M. ii. 9. 3. Areopagus, praise of the, M. iii. 5. 20. Arexio, an augur, vi. 4. 13 ; o. 2. 8. Argo, vi. 2. 1. Ariseus, the friend of Cyrus, com- mands his left wing, i. 8. 5 ; 9. 31 , flees when Cyrus is killed, i. 9. 31 ; declines the command, ii. 2. 1 ; proposes a route to the Greeks, ii. 2. 11 ; is pardoned by the king, and neglects the Greeks, ii. 4. 2. Aristarchus, the Spartan harmost at Byzantium, sells four hun- dred of the Greeks as slaves, vii. 2. 5, 6; bribed by Pharna- bazus to prevent the Greeks from crossing into Asia, vii. 2. 12 ; 6. 13, 24; plots against Xenophon, vii. 2. 14. Aristarchus assisted by tho advice of Socrates, M. ii. 7. Aristeas of Chios, iv. 1. 28 ; 6. 20. Aristippus the Thessalian receives money and troops from Cyrus, i. 1. 10; he appoints Menon over his troops, ii. 6. 28. Aristippus the philosopher, his dis- cussions with Socrates, II. ii. 1 ; iii. 8. Aristo deputed to Sinope, v. G. 14. Aristodemus admonished by Soc- rates, M. i. 4. Aristonymus, a captain of tho heavy-armed, iv. 1. 27 ; 6. 20 ; his activity, iv. 7. 9 ; his name occurs in some copies instead of that of Cheirisophus, iv. 6. 21. Artacamas, satrap of Phrvgia, vii. 8. 25. Artagerses, a captain in the army of Artaxerxes, i. 7. 11; is killed by Cyrus, i. 8. 24. Artaozus, a friend of Cyrus, ii. 4 16; v. 35. Arta pates, a eunuch, i. 6. 11 ; dies on the body of Cyrus, i. 8. 28. Artaxerxes, the elder brother of Cyrus, i. 1. 1 ; succeeds his father Darius, i. 1. 3 ; spares Cyrus, ib. ; his illegitimate brother, ii. 4. 25; wounded in tho battle by Cyrus, i. 8. 26 ; plunders the camp of Cyrus, i. 10. 1 ; fears the Greeks, i. 10. 6; ii. 2. 18 ; B.I; de- mands their arms, ii. 1. 18 ; makes a truce with them, ii. 3. 25 ; puts to death the Grecian generals, ii. 6. 1. Artimas, satrap of Lydia, vii. 8. 25. Artuchas, his mercenaries, iv. 3. 4. Arystas, his voracity, vii. 3. 23. Asidates, attacked by Xenophon unsuccessfully, vii. 8. 9, 15: is made prisoner, viL 8. 22. Aspasia, a Phoca3an woman, mis- tress of Cyrus, i. 10. 2. Aspasia, tho mistress of Pericles, M. ii. 6. 36. Aspendians, i. 2. 12. Assyrians, vii. 8. 15. Athenians embezzle public money, iv. 6. 16; humbled by the La- 1510 INDEX. cedfemonians, vii. i. 1. 27 ; their honor commended by Seuthes, who calls them his kinsmouj vii. 2. 31- Athenians, praised and blamed, M. iii. 5 ; defeated by the Bcetians, M. iii. 5. 4 ; never changed their abode, 12; pay too little respect to old age, and to the magistrates, 15. Attica, defended by mountains, M. iii. 5. 25. Basias killed by the Carduchians. iv. 1. 18. Basias, an augur of Eiis, viiL 8. 10. Belesys, satrap of Syria and As- syria, i. 4. JO; vii. 8. 25. Bito brings money to the army, vii. 8. 6. Boeotia ravaged by the Athenians. if. iii. 5. 4. Boeotians compared -with the Athe- nians, M. iii. 5. 2, 4. Boiscus, v. 8. 23. Callimachus, an Arcadian, captain of the heavy-armed, iv. 1. 27 ; 7. 8 ; his bravery, 7. 10 ; deputed to Sinope, v. 6. 14 ; to Heraclea, vi. 2. 7 ; claims authority over the Arcadians and Achceans, vi. 2. 9, 10. Carthaginians, masters of Africa, M. ii. 1. 10. Cebes, M. ill 11. 17 ; i. 2. 43. Cecrops settles a dispute between the gods, M. iii. 5. 10. Cephisodorus, an officer, iv. 2. 13 ; killed, 17. Ceramon, M. ii. 7. 3. Cerberus, vi. 2. 22. f disciples of Socra- Chaerecrates, I tea, M. i. 2. 48 ; Chaerephon, 1 their disagreement, [ M. ii. 3. 1. Chariclos, M. i. 2. 31. j Charmides- M. ii'., 6- 1 ; 'ii. 7. 1. i Cheinsophua 'the Lacedaemonian, joins Cyrus with seven hundred men, i. 4. 3 ; is sent to Ariseus, ii. 1. 5 ; praises Xenophon, iii. 1. 45 ; exhorts the Greek generals, iii. 2. 2; disagreement, on one occasion, between him and Xen- ophon, iv. 6. 3 ; satirical on the Athenians, 16; goes from Trebi- sond to get vessels, v. 1. 4 ; un- successful, vi. 1. 2G; has the com- mand of the whole army, vL 1. 32; is deprived of it, vi. 2. 12 ; dies of a medicine that he takes, vi. 4. 11. Circe transforms the companions of Ulysses, M. i. 3. 7. Cleasnetiis, v. 1. 17. Cleagoras, vii. 8. 1. Cleander, harmost at Byzantium, vi. 4. 18 ; comes to Calpe, vi. 6. 5 ; forms a friendship with Xen- ophon, vi. 6. 35 ; vii. 1. 8 ; de- clines the command of the Greeks, and why. vi. 6. 36. Cleanor, the Arcadian, the oldest general next to Clearchus, ii. 1. 10; appointed in the place of Agias, iii. 1. 47 ; request made to him by Xenophon, vi. 4. 22. Cleanor, the Orchomenian, in- veighs against Ariaeus, ii. 5. 39 ; exhorts the generals to take ven- geance on the Persians for their perfidy, iii. 2. 4 ; commands tho Arcadians, iv. 8. 18. Cleanor, without any epithet, wishes to serve under Seuthes, vii. 2. 2; has a good opinion of Xenophon, vii. 5. 10. Clearchus, an exile from Sparta, supplied with money to raise Iroops by Cyrus, i. 1. 9; 3.3; ii. 6. 4 ; joins Cyrus with a largo force, i. 2. 9 ; commands the left whig, i. 2. 15 ; his temporary unpopularity, i. 3, 1, seqq.; as- sailed by the troops of Menon, i. 5. 12 ; commands the right wing in the battle, i. 8. 4 ; his reply to INDEX. 511 Cyrus, i. 8. 13; Cyrus had great esteem for him, L 1. 9 ; 6. 5 ; and told him of his intention to go against the king, iii. 1. 10 ; is praised, ii. 3. 11; 6. 8; his con- ference with Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 3-15 ; is treacherously made prisoner, ii. 5. 31 ; is killed, ii. 6. 1 ; his character, ib. Cleareatus, v. 7. 14-1 G. Cleonymus, iv. 1. IS. Clinias, brother of Alcibiades, M. 1. 3. 8. Clito, a statuary, discourse of So- crates with, M. iii. 10. 6. Coeratades, a vain boaster, vii. 1. 33. Cory las, a satrap of Paphlagonia, vii. 8. 25 ; v. 5. 12, 22 ; 6. 11 ; makes a treaty with the Greeks, vi. 1. 2. Cretan bows, iii. 3. 7, 15 ; of great service, iv. 2. 29. Critias, his conduct, M. i. 2. 12 ; why he sought instruction from Socrates, 16; corrupted, 24; a lover of Euthydemus, 29; hid law, 31. Crito, a follower of Socrates, M. i. 2. 48 ; i. 3. 8 ; secured against informers, ii. 9. 1. Critobulus, M. i. 3. 8 ; his discourse with Socrates on friendship, ii. ii. 6. Ctesias, the physician, attends Ar- taxerxes when he was wounded, i. 8. 26, 27. Cyniscus, vii. 1. 13. Cyrebus, M. ii. 7. 6. Cyrus the younger, brother of Ar- taxerxes, made a satrap by his father Darius, i. 1. 2; thrown into prison on the accusation of Tissaphernes, i. 1. 3 ; how liber- ated, ib. ; secretly prepares war against his brother, i. 1. 6 ; his clemency to Xenias and Pasion, i. 4. 8 ; his liberality to Silanus, i. 7. 18 ; comes to battle with his brother, i. 8. 6 ; kills Artag- erses, 24 ; wounds Artaxerxes, 26 ; is killed, 27 ; his eulogy, i. 9. Cyrus the elder, i. 9. 1. Daedalus enslaved by Minos, M. iv. 2. 33. Damaratus the Laccdajmonian, ii. 1. 3; vii. 8. 17. Daplmagoras, vii. 8. 9. Darius, i. 1. 1. Delian festival, if. iv. 8. 2. Delium, M. iii. 5. 4. Delos, M. iii. 3. 12 ; iv. 8. 2. Delphi, treasury of the Athenians at, v. 3. 5 ; inscription at, M. iv. 2. 24 Demeas, M. ii. 7. G. Democrates, his trustworthiness, iv. 4. 15. Dercyllidas, opposed in the field to Pharnabazus, v. 6. 24. Dernes, satrap of Phoenicia and Arabia, vii. 8. 25. Dexippus deserts with a ship from Trebisond, v. 1. 15; vi. G. 5; gives a false character of Xeno- phon to Anaxibius, vL 1. 32 ; his false representations to Cleander, vi. G. 9 ; he is accused by Aga- sias, 22; killed by Nicauder, v. 1. 15. Diana, tenth of the spoil consecrat- ed to her, v. 3, 4; temple built to her by Xenophon, v. 3. 9. Diodorus persuaded to relieve Iler- mogenes, M. ii. 10. 1. Dionysodorus, M. iii. 1. 1. Dracontius directs the games, iv. 8. 25 ; deputed to Cleander, vi. G. 30. Epicharmus cited, M. ii. 1. 20. Epigenes, if. iii. 12. 1. Episthenes of Amphipolis com- mands the peltasts, i. 10. 7 ; a boy given in charge to him by Xenophon, iv. 6. 1, 3. . Episthenes of Elynthus, vi. 4. 7. Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, i. 2. 12- Erasinides, an Athenian com- 512 INDEX. mander, put to death, M. i. 1. 18. Erectheus, king of Athens, II. ill. 5.10. Eteonicus, vii. 1. 12; 20. Euclides, an augur, sou of Clea- goras, viL 8 1. , another, vii. 8. G. Eurylochus protects Xenophon with his shield, iv. 2. 21; his valour, iv. 14, 12 ; deputed to Anaxibius, viL 1. 32; agrees with Xenophon as to getting pay from Seuthes, vii. 6. 40. Eurymachus, a Dardanian, v. 6. 21. Eutherus, M. ii. 8. 1. Euthydemus, improved by Socrates, M. iv. 2. 1-40; exhorted to worship the gods, iv. 3. 2, seqq. ; Socrates discourses with him on intemperance, iv. 5. 2 ; beloved by Critias, i. 2. 29. Gaulites, i. 1. 5. Glaucon, too eager to engage in political affairs, M. iiu 6 1. Glaucon, father of Charmides, ib. Glus, the son of Tamus, ii. 1. 3 ; promises rewards to the Greeks from Cyrus, i. 4. 16 ; extricates tlie wagons at the direction of Cyrus, i. 5. 7 : reports the death of Cyrus to the Greeks, ii. 1. 3 ; watches the Greeks, ii. 4. 21. Gnesippus, his humorous request to Seuthes, vii. 23. Gobryas, a general of Artaxerxes, i. 7. 12. Gongylus of Eretria, vii. 8. 8, 17. Gorgias the Leontine, ii. G. 16. Gorgio, brother of Gongylus, vii. 8. 8. Greeks that went up with Cyrus, their number, i. 2. 9 ; 7. 10 ; are unwilling to go against Arta- xerxes, i. 3. 1; 4. 12; victorious at Cunaxa, i. 8. 21 10. 1 1 ; return to their camp, L 10. 17 ; concern- ed at the death of Cyrus, ii. 1.4; return to Ariseus, i!. 2. 8 ; will not encamp with Ariaius, ii. 4. 1 ; arrive at the Zabatus, where their leaders are treacherously seized by Tissaphernes, and put to death, ii. 5. 31; are encouraged by Xenophon, iii. 1. 15; pursue their march fighting, iii. 3.7; repulse tho Persians, iii. 4. 15, 25, 44 ; their troublesome march through the mountains of tho Carduchians, iv. 3, 2 ; proceed through Armenia, iv. 4. 1 ; ha- rassed with snow and frost, iv. 5. 3 ; overcome the Chalybes, Taochians, and Phasians, iv. 6. 24 ; advance through the Scythi- ni, iv. 7. 18 ; make a treaty with the Macrones, iv. 8. 7 ; overcome tho Colchians, iv. 8. 19 ; arrive at Trebisond, iv. 8. 22 ; attack tho Drilae, v. 2. 1; attack the Mossynosci, v. 4.26; sail from Cotyora to Sinope, vL 1. 14; thence to Heraclea, vi. 2. 2 ; division of their army, vi. 2. 16 ; re-union, vi. 4. 1 ; defeat tho Bithynians, vi. 5. 31 ; arrive at Chrysopolis, vi. 6. 38 ; cross over to Byzantium, vii. 1. 7 ; servo with Seuthes, and defeat tho Thracians, vii. 3. 14; join tho army of Thibron, vii. 8. 24. II Hecatonvmus, deputy from Sinope, vi. 5. 7, 24; 6.3. Hegesander, vi. 3. 5. Hellas, wife of Gongylus, viL 8. 8. Ileracleida; assisted by the Atheni- ans, M. iii. 5. 10. Heraclides recommends the guests of Seuthes to make him presents, viL 3. 15; is sent to sell spoil, viL 4. 2 ; 5.5; speaks ill of Xeu- ophon, vii. 5. G ; G. 5. Hercules, sacrifices to, iv. 8. 24; A'i. 2. 15; where he went down to fetch up Cerberus, vi. 2. 2. The choice of, M. ii. 1. 21. INDEX. Ilermocrates, a follower of Socra- tes, M. i. 2. 48. Hermogenes, M. ii. 10. 3 ; iv. 8. 4. Hesiod, cited, M. i. 2. 56 ; i. 3. 3 ; ii. 1. 20. Ilieronymus of Elis, a captain un- der Proxenus. iii. 1. 34; vi. 4. 10 ; deputed to Auaxibius, vii. 1. 32. llieronymus, another, wounded, vii. 4. 18. Ilippias disputes with Socrates on justice, M. iv. 4. 5. Hippocrates defeated at Dclium, M. iii. 5. 4. Homer, the greatest of epic poets, M. i. 4. 3 ; cited, M. i. 2. 58 ; ii. 6. 11. Ionia, cities of, revolt from Tissa- phernes to Cyrus, i. 1. G. Itabelius assists Asidates, vii. 8. 15. Jupiter Hospitalis, iii. 2. 2-i; the Preserver, iii. 2. 9; iv. 8. 44; Xenophon sacrifices to him, vi. 1. 22 ; Milichius, vii. 8. 4. Lacedasmonians taught to steal, iv. 6. 15 ; contend with the Atheni- ans, vL 1. 27 ; are successful, vi. G. 12; places subject to them, vii. 1. 28. Their respect for old age, and for their magistrates, M. iii. 5. 15 ; their exercises, ib. ; their concord, M. iii. 5. 16 ; their arms, M. iii. 9. 2. See also M. iv. 4. 15. Lamprocles, son of Socrates, ad- monished, M. ii. 2. 1. Lebadea, M. iii. 5. 4. Libyans subject to Carthage, if. ii. 1. 10. Lichas of Sparta, M. i. 2. Gl. Lycasan games, i. 2. 10. 22* Lycius, an Athenian, captain of cavalry, iii. 3. 20 ; iv. 3. 22, 25 ; 7. 24. Lycius, a Syracusan, i. 10. 14. Lycon, an Achasan, opposes Xeno- phon, v. 6. 27 ; brings an answer from Heraclea, vi. 2. 4; deputed to Heraclea, 7 ; is the author of a disturbance, 9. Lycurgus inculcated obedience to the laws, M. iv. 4. 15. Lydians subject to the Persians, M. ii. 1. 10. M Martians subject to the Scythians, M. ii. 1. 10. Majsades, father of Seuthes, vii. 2. 32; 5. 1. Magnesians, their dance, vi. 1. 7. Mantineans, their dance, vi. 1. 11. Medea, wife of the king of the Medes, iii. 4. 11. Medocus, king of the Odrysas, vil 2. 32; 3. 16; 7. 3, 11. Mcdosades sent by Seuthes to Xen- ophon, vii. 1. 5; 2. 10, 24; 7. 1. 11. Megabyzus, v. 3. G. Megaphernes, a Persian nobleman, put to death by Cyrus, i. 2. 20. If egarians, their manufacturers, M. ii. 7. 6. Melanippides, dithyrambic poet, M . i. 4. 3. Meletus, accuser of Socrates, it. iv. 4. 4 ; 8. 4. Menon, the forces with which ho joins Cyrus, i. 2. 6; dispatched by Cyrus into Cilicia, 20; first to cross the Euphrates, i. 4. 13 ; quarrel between his men and those of Clearchus, i. 5. 11 ; com- mands on the left wing of the Greeks, i. 7. 1; 8.4; friend of Ariseus, ii. 1. 5 ; with whom ho remains, ii. 2. 1 ; suspected of treachery, ii. 5. 28; made pris- oner by Tissaphernes, 31 ; hia miserable end, ii. 6. 29 ; his ill- 514 INDEX. character, ii. G. 21. A maker of cloaks, M. ii. 7. G. Midas takes the Satyr, i. 2. 13. Milesian woman, mistress of Cyrus, flees to the Greeks, i. 10. 3. Miltocythes, a Thracian, deserts to Artaxerxes, ii. 2. 7. Minerva, vow of the Athenians to her, before the battle of Mara- thon, iii. 2. 12. Mithridates, a friend of Cyrus, ii. 5. 35 ; iii. 3. 2, 4 ; attacks the Greeks as they are marching homeward, iii. 3. 6 ; 4. 2 ; called satrap of Lycaonia and Cappa- docia, vii. 8. 25. Mysian dance, vi. 1. 9 ; another, v. N Nausicydes, M. ii. 7. 6. Neon of Asina. takes the place of Cheirisophus in his absence, v. 6. 36 ; speaks ill of Xenophon, v. 7. 1 ; gives him bad advice, vi. 2. 13 ; succeeds Cheirisophus at his death, vi. 4. 11; his rashness in going out to plunder, vi. 4. 23 ; aspires to the command of the whole army, vii. 2. 2; dissents from the other leaders, vii. 2. 17, 29 ; 3. 2, 7. Nicander kills Dexippus, v. 1. 15. Nicarchus wounded, ii. 5. 33 ; deserts to the Persians, iii. 3. 5. Nicias, son of Niceratus, what price he paid for a slave, M. ii. 5. 2. Nicomachides, M. iii. 4. 1. Nicomachus, a captain of the pel- tasts, iv. G. 20. Olympia, M. iii. 13. 5. Orontes, a Parisian nobleman, plots against Cyrus, i. 6. 1 ; condemn- ed to death, 10. Orontes, son-in-law to the king, ii. 4. 8; iii. 4. 13; attends the Greeks when returning, ii. 4. 9 ; v. 40 ; satrap of Armenia, iii. 5. 17 ; iv. 3. 4. . I Palamedes, his death caused by Ulysses, M. iv. 2. 33. Parrhasius the painter, discourse of Socrates with, M. iii. 10. 1. Parthenius, v. G. 9. ; vi. 2. 1. Parysatis, wife of Darius, mother of Artaxerxes and Cyrus, L 1. 1 ; her preference for Cyrus, i. 1. 4 ; her lands in Syria, i. 4. 9 ; in Media, ii. 4. .27. Passion of Megara commands seven hundred men, i. 2. 3 ; is deserted by his troops, and flees, i. 4. 7. Pategyas, a friend of Cyrus, i. 8. 1. Peloponnesians, their war with the Athenians, M. iii. 5. 4, 10, 11. Pericles, M. i. 2. 40 ; ii. 6. 13 ; iii. 5. 1. -, the younger, his con- versation with Socrates, M. iii. 5. 1. Persians, their power, M. ii. 1. 10 ; iii. 5. 11. Phgedondes, M. i. 2. 43. . Phalinus, a friend of Tissapherncs, ii. 1. 7; professes military tactics, ib. ; says that the Greeks would be unable to return without the consent of the king, ii. 1. 18. Pharnabazus, satrap of Bithynia, vii. 8. 25 ; of Phrygia, vi. 4. 24 ; his cavalry attack the Grecian stragglers, ib. ; bribes Anaxi- bius to draw the Greeks out of Asia, vii. 1. 2 ; also Aristarchus, vii. 2. 7. Phasiani, iv. G. 5; v. G. 36; under the satrapy of Tiribazus, vii. 8. 25. Philesius, an Achsean, succeeds Menon, iii. 1. 47 ; he and So- phsenetus the eldest of the gen- erals, v. 3. 1 ; opposes Xeno- phon, v. 6. 27 ; is condemned for extortion, v. 8. 1 ; deputed to Anaxibius, vii. 1. 3'2. See Phry- niscus. Philoxenus, v. 2. 15. INDEX. 515 Phocsean mistress of Cyrus. See Aspasia. Phrasias, vi. 5. 11. Phrygians subject to Persia, M. ii. 1. 10. Phryniscus, an Achaean, one of the Greek generals, vii. 2. 1, 29 ; 5. 4 (where some copies read Phile- sius) ; says that he will not serve without Xenophon, vii. 5. 10. Pigres, interpreter of Cyrus, i. 2. 17; 5. 7; 8. 12. Pistias, a maker of coats of mail, M. iii. 10. 9. Plato beloved by Socrates, M. iii. 6. 1. Polus succeeds Anaxibius as ad- miral, vii. 2. 5. Polybotes, an Athenian, iv. 5. 24. Polycletus the statuary, M. i. 4. 3. Polycrates, an Athenian, takes a village, iv. 5. 24 ; is sent to get ships, v. 1. 16; goes to Seuthes with Xenophon, vii. 2 17, 29; is induced by Xenophon to oppose Heraclides, vii. 6. 41. Polynicus, lieutenant-general to Thibron, vii. 6. 1, 39, 43 ; viL 7. 13, 56. Procles, governor of Teuthrania, ii. 1. 3 ; 2. 1 ; vii. 8. 17. Procrustes, M. ii. 1. 14. Prodicus, his Choice of Hercules, M. ii. 1. 21. Proxenus, a Theban, raises troops for Cyrus, i. 1. 11 ; joins him with his force, i. 2. 3 ; tries to reconcile Clearchus and Menon, i. 5. 14 ; invites Zenophon to join him, and recommends him to Cyrus, iii. 1. 4, 8 ; gives an answer to the deputies from the king, ii. 1. 10 ; made prisoner by Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 31 ; is put to death, ii. 6. 1 ; his character, ii. G. 16; v. 3. 5. Pyrrhias, vi. 5. 11. Pythagoras, a Lacedaemonian, com- mands the vessels sent to aid Cyrus, i. 4. 2. Pythian priestess, M. i. 3. 1. Rhathines sent against the Greeks by Pharnabazus, vi. 5. 7. Rhodians, good slingers, iii. 3. 16; 4. 15; a Rhodian offers to make a bridge, iiL 5. 8. Rhoparas, satrap of Babylonia, vii. 8. 25. Samolas deputed to the Sinopians about ships, v. 6. 14 ; his force, vi. 5. 11. Satyr taken by Midas, i. 2. 13. Sciro, robber, M. ii. 1. 14. Scylla, M. ii. 6. 31. Scythians excel in the use of the bow, M. iii. 9. 2. Seuthes of Thrace, invites the Greeks to take service under him, vii. 1. 5; 2. 10; relates the fortunes of his father, vii. 2, 32 ; calls the Athenians his kins- men, 31 ; invites the Greeks to a banquet, vii. 3. 15; burns tho villages of his enemies, viL 4. 1 ; kills his prisoners, 6 ; makes pres- ents to the Greek generals, vii. 5. 2. 9 ; alienated from Xeno- phon, viL 5. 7, 16; treats with deputies from the Lacedaemoni- ans about sending back tho Greeks, vii. 6. 3 ; can accuse Xenophon of nothing but ex- treme care for the soldiers, vii. 6. 4, 39 ; induced by Xenophon to pay the Greeks, vii. 7. 55 ; does not perform his promises to Xenophon, vii. 5. 8 ; 6. 18 ; 7. 39 ; endeavors to retain Xeno- phon, vii. 6. 43 ; 7. 50. Silanus, an augur, receives ten talents from Cyrus, i. 7. 18 ; v. 6. 18; reveals a secret of Xeno- phon, v. 6. 17, 29 ; the soldiers forbid him, with threats, to go home alone, 34 ; but he escapes from them at Heraclca, vi. 4. 13. 516 INDEX. Silanus gives a signal, vii. 4. 16. Sinnis, robber, M. ii. 1. 14. Sirens, M. ii. 6. 11, 31. Sitalces, vi. 1. 6. Smicres, vi. 3. 4, 5. Socrates, an Achaean, raises troops for Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins Cyrus with his force, i. 2. 3 ; made pris- oner by Tissaphernes, ii. 5. 31 ; is put to death, ii. 5. 1; com- mended, iL 6. 30. Socrates, the Athenian philosopher, consulted by Xenophon about his wish to join Cyrus, iii. 1. 5; "Was a senator, M. i. 1. 18 ; some of his followers named, M. i. 2. 48 ; his conversation before his death, M. iv. 8; his other dis- courses, M. passim. Sophaenetus, an Arcadian, joins Cyrus, i. 2. 9. of Stymphalus, a friend of Cyrus, i. 1. 11; joins Cyrus with a thousand foot, i. 2. 3 ; goes to Ariseus, ii. 5. 37 ; left to defend the camp, iv.4. 19 ; oldest of the generals, v. 3. 1 ; vi. 5. 13 ; found guilty of having ne- glected his duty, v. 8. 1. Sosis of Syracuse joins Cyrus with troops, I. 2. 9. Soterides, his foolish behavior to Xenophon, iii. 4. 47. Spithridates, sent by Pharnabazus to attack the Greeks, vi. 5. 7. Stratocles commands the Cretan archers, iv. 2. 29. Syennesis, king of Cilicia, L 2. 12 ; he guards the entrance into his country, i. 4. 4; 2. 21; submits to Cyrus at the solicitation of his wife, i. 2. 26 ; assists Cyrus with money, i. 2. 27. Tamos, admiral of the Lacedaemo- nian fleet, L 2. 21 ; besieges Mi- letus with the aid of Cvrus's fleet, i. 4. 2. Teres, son of Odryses, an ancestor of Seuthes, vii. 2. 22 ; 5. 1. Tharypas, ii. 6. 28. Thebans, unjust to the other Boeo- tians, M. iii. 5. 2. Themistocles, his merits, M. ii. 6. 13 ; iv. 2. 2 ; celebrated among the barbarians, M. iv. 2. 2. Theodorus, geometrician, M. iv. 2. 10. Theodota, conversation of Socrates with, M. iii. 11. 1. Theogenes, vii. 4. 18. Theognis, cited, M. i. 2. 20. Theopompus, ii. 1. 12. Thibron, engages the Greeks to assist him against Tissaphernes, vii. 6. 1, 7 ; viii. 8. 24. Thorax, speaks against Xenophon, v. 6. 19, 21, 25. Tliracians, their arms, M. iii. 9. 2. Thrasyllus, Athenian general, put to death, M. L 1. 18. Timasio, a Dardanian, succeeds Clearchus, iii. 1. 47; v. 1. 32; an exile from Troas, v. 6. 23; had served with Clearchus and Dercyllidas in Asia, 24 ; he and Xenophon are the youngest of thegenerals, iii. 2. 37 ; is adverse to Xenophon's notion of found- ing a city in Pontus. v. 6. 19 ; has the command of the cavalry, vi. 3. 12; 5. 28; vii. 3. 46; his vases and Persian carpets, ii. 3. 18 ; says that he will not serve apart from Xenophon, vii. 5. 10. Timesitheus, v. 4. 2, 4. Tiribazus, satrap of western Ar menia, iv. 4. 4; of the Phasians and Hesperita?, vii. 8. 25 ; liked by Artaxerxes, iv. 4. 4; makes a truce with the Greeks, ib. ; wishes to attack them. iv. 4. 18 ; his tent taken, iv. 4. 21. Tissaphernes. goes up" with Cyrus to Darius, i. 1.2; speaks ill of Cyrus to his brother, 3 ; puts to death some of the Milesians, and banishes others, 7 ; gives notice EXDEX. 517 to the king of the intentions of Cyrus, i. 2. 4 ; ii. 3. 19 ; one of the four generals of Artaxerxes, i. 7. 12 ; the cities revolt from him to Cyrus, L 9. 9 ; an impious and crafty character, ii. 5. 39 ; boasts of his good-will to the Greeks, ii. 3. 18 ; makes a treaty with them, ii. 3. 26; desires to free himself from the suspicion of treachery, ii. 5. 16 ; makes prisoners of the Greek generals, ii. 5. 32 ; attacks the Greeks, iii. 4. 13 ; the Lace- demonians declare war against him, vii. 6. 1, 7 ; 8. 24. Colmidas, an Athenian general, de- faated at Lebadea, M. iii. 5. 4. Tolmides, of Elis, a crier, ii. 2. 20. U Ulysses returns to his country asleep, v. 1. 2. Proof against the charms of Circe, M. i. 3. 7 ; his merits as an. orator, II. iv. 6. 15. Xanthicles, an Achaean, elected in the room of Socrates, iii. 1. 47 ; found guilty of dishonesty, v. 8. 1. Xenias the Parrhasian, went up with Cyrus to his father, i. 1. 2 ; joins Cyrus with four thousand men, i. 2. 3 ; celebrates games, 10 ; is deserted by his men, and secretly returns home, i. 4. 7. Xenophon, the Athenian, invited by Proxenus to join Cyrus ; is di- rected by Socrates to consult Apollo, iii. 1. 4 ; meets Cyrus at Sardes, 8 ; makes a reply to Ariaeus, ii. 5. 21 ; has a dream, iiL 1. 11 ; assembles the officers, 15 ; is made general iu place of Proxenus, 26, 47 ; causes the expulsion of Apollonides, 30; ad- vises the generals how to act, iii. 1. 35 ; exhorts the soldiers, iii. 2. 7 ; proposes a line of march, 34 ; commands the rear, 3 7 ; pursues the enemy unsuccessfully, iiL 3. 8 ; forms a body of slingere, and another of cavalry, 20; takes pos- session of a mountain, iiL 4. 44; merciful to an offending soldier, 47 ; deceives the enemy by a stratagem, iv. 2. 2 ; conducts the army through the Carduchian hills, iv. 2. 9, seq. ; is deserted by his armor-bearer, 21 ; is en- couraged by another dream, iv. 3. 8; his stratagem, iv. 3. 20; passes the night in the open air, \vithout food or fire, iv. 5. 21 ; treats the chief of an Armenian village with kindness, 28 ; his only dissension with Cheiriso- phus, iv. 6. 3 ; his plan for at- tacking the enemy, 70; and for attacking a fort of the Taochians, iv. 7. 4 ;" his judicious change ia the order of the army, iv. 8. 10 ; his plan for employing the army at Trebisoud, v. 1. 5; attacks. a fort of the Drilae, v. 2. 8 ; ro- turns from Asia with Agesilaus, v. 3. 6 ; lives in exile at Scillus, 7 ; builds a temple to Diana there, 9; is inclined to found a city in Pontus, v. 6. 15 ; de- fends himself against a charge of misconduct, v. 7. 5 ; purifies tho army, 35 ; his defense when ac- cused of cruelty, v. 8. 2 ; re- fases the sole command, vi. 1. 19; consults Hercules, vi. 2. 15; aids the Arcadians, vi. 3. 19 ; ex- horts the soldiers, vi. 5. 14 ; quells a tumult, vi. 6. 8 ; exhorts tho soldiers to please Cleander, 12 ; soothes the rage of the soldiers against the Byzantines, vii. 1. 22; bids farewell to the army, and goes off with Cleander, 40 ; returns at the solicitation of Anaxibius, vii. 2. 8 ; Aristarchus seeks to make him prisoner, 14, 16 ; goes to Seuthes, 17 ; from whom ho brings proposals to tho army, viL 3. 3; offers himself 518 [XDEX. and his followers as a gift to Seu- thes at a banquet, 30 ; shows that he is not to blame because Seuthes withheld the soldiers' pay, vii. 6. 11 ; his bold reply to Medosades, vii. 7. 4 ; prevails on Seuthes to pay the soldiers, 2 1 ; sells his horse to get money for his journey, vii. 8. 2; captures Asidates, and eurichei himself, 23. An obser- vation of Socrates to him, M. i 3. 11. Xerxes defeated by the Greeks, iii. 2. 13: afterward built the cita- del and palace of Celaense, i. 2. 9. Zelarchus, a commissary, v. t. 24. Zeuxis the painter, M. L 4, 2. NOTANDA, ON the sense of the phrase IvcnrTvocetv TO Kepaf, Anab. i. 10. 9, I might have expressed myself in the note with more decision. The meaning of the words is evidently similar to that of uvanTvaaovraf rijv (puZayya, and dvanruxdeiai]? TI/C yMayyof, Cyrop, vii. 5. 3 and 5, whero those expressions are fully explained by the context. A portion of the men were withdrawn from one or both wings of the QuAa-y!;, or mam body, and sent to the rear, making the line at once shorter and deeper. Thus the Greeks acted with regard to their wing; they either drew back the wing altogether, and formed it behind the main body, or drew back a portion of the men from the extremity of the wing, and formed them behind the front ranks of the wing, in order to make the wing it- celf deener and more compact. I think the latter supposition, which confines' tiva-Tvaasiv to TO epaf, the more probable. The Greeks "put the river in their rear" by wheeling round. Of Professor Maiden's translation of napii rnv