HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER ONE. 
 
 LiteH f I 
 
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 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, 
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 LINDSAY SWIFT, Editor. 
 
 WORTHINGTON C. FORD. 
 
 JAMES L. WHITNEY, 
 
 Librarian. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 TRADE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 1742-43. 
 
 Letter from Governor Shirley I 
 
 Letter from Advocate General Bollan 3 
 
 Letter from Judge Auchmuty 8 
 
 Memorial from Judge Auchmuty 12 
 
 Letter from Judge Auchmuty 15 
 
 PAPER CURRENCY IN THE BRITISH PLANTATIONS IN 
 
 AMERICA, 1741 (?) 17 
 
 BOSTON IN 1775. 
 
 Letter from Jesse Lukens 22 
 
 VII 
 
TRADE OF 
 THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY. 
 
 From Governor Shirley. 
 
 Boston N England Febry 26 th 1742/3 
 My Lords 
 
 The Seventh of the Quaeries lately Sent by your Lordsps, to be 
 answered, is this viz 1 . 
 
 What Methods are Used in the Province under your Governm 1 . to 
 prevent Illegal Trade; and are y e same Effectual? 
 
 I have Singled out this Quaere to Answer in the first place, be 
 cause the illicit Trade which appears to have been Carried on in this 
 province and some of the Neighbouring Colonys (within this last year 
 more Especially) is such, as without the Speedy Interposition of the 
 Parliam 1 . to Stop it, Must be highly destructive of the Interests of 
 Great Britain, by lessening the Vent of her Wollen and other Manu 
 factures, & Commodities in her own Plantations, making her cease to 
 be a Staple of the European Commodities for Supplying them, letting 
 Foreigners into the profits of the plantation Trade, and finally weaken 
 ing the Dependance; which the British Northern Colony s ought to 
 have upon their Mother Country. 
 
 That the main Benefits and Advantages arising to Great Britain 
 from her plantations, w ch . I have above enumerated, and which have 
 constantly employed the attention of the British parliam 1 . to Secure 
 to her by keeping particularly the European Trade to and from her 
 plantations to herself (as has been the Usage of other Nations with 
 regard to their plantations,) are in very imminent Danger of being 
 lost, to her by the Frauds and Abuses lately practis d here in that 
 Trade, I think will appear to your Lordships upon your perusal of the 
 inclosed Ace 1 , of them given by the Advocate Gen 1 , pursuant to my 
 Orders, and which he has Chose to Cast into the form of a Letter to 
 your Lordships. 
 
 I am Sensible that the Advocates letter is very long, but I hope 
 its length may be excused by your Lordships on Ace 1 , of the Import- 
 
ance of it s Subject, and the Necessity there is of laying before your 
 Lordships a full and particular Acco 1 . of the Mischiefs represented in it, 
 with their Causes and proper Remedies, as they Appear to persons 
 upon the Spot, who have had the Conduct of prosecutions for Breaches 
 of the Acts of Trade in this & the Neighbouring Colonies for Sev 1 . 
 years, and form their Judgem 1 . upon a long Experience of the Effect 
 of those Acts, as they have been Construed by the provincial Courts of 
 Law and evaded by Illicit Traders. 
 
 I shall only Add to the enclosed Letter, that Untill all Breaches 
 of the Acts of Trade, which Extend to the Plantations, or at least those 
 of the 15 th Cha: 2 d Chap. 7 th are made tryable in the Courts of Vice 
 Admiralty here, (without which it is in vain to hope that the Illicit 
 Trade complained of can be Suppressed) it may be expected that it 
 will be Carried on in New England, and perhaps grow, if not timely 
 prevented, to So Strong an head as that it will be no easy Matter wholly 
 to Subdue it. 
 
 The prosecution of the Importers of the Goods brought in the 
 Brigantine Hannah (mentioned in the Advocates Letter) from Rotter 
 dam into this For* for the Value of the Goods imported in her would 
 doubtless Discourage the Illicit Traders to a very great Degree, and 
 must deterr em exceedingly by Showing em their Insecurity even 
 after they have Safely landed their Goods; and I am of Opinion it 
 can t fail of having a great Tendency to break up the Trade -- But as 
 I think it more proper that the Comm rs . of y e , Customs sho d . be troubled 
 with the Care of procuring this Evidence from Rotterdam for the prose 
 cution of this Affair than your Lordships, I have directed him to 
 recommend it to them to take that trouble upon themselves; and if 
 your Lordships should be of Opinion that this prosecution wo d . be for 
 the Service of the Crown, your Signifying that to the Commiss rs . of the 
 Customs must Effectually procure the desired Evidence, and the Ac 
 tion upon the Rec*. of it, shall be forthwith brought here & prosecuted 
 to Effect. 
 
 I am, &c a 
 
 My Lords &c a 
 
 W: Shirley 
 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Letter from M r . Shirley Gov r . of the Massachusetts Bay to the 
 Board Dated 26 Feb*. 1742/3 being a particular answer to the 7 th . of 
 the Boards Quaeres lately Sent to him relating to the Methods Used 
 in that Province to prevent Illegal Trade and the Effect of them. 
 
From Advocate General Bollan. 
 
 Boston N. England Febry 26 th 1/42. 
 
 My Lords. 
 
 Mr. Shirley the Gov r . & Vice Admiral of this province soon after 
 his being made such, was pleased to Appoint me the Kings Advocate, 
 and according to the practice here, it is the Duty of the person filling 
 that place to prosecute all offenders against the Acts of Trade, The 
 Discharge of which Trust has been lately attended with such Dis 
 coveries, and is at present Accompanied with So may Difficulties, that 
 after Communicating them to his Excellency, he gave me Orders 
 to make them particularly known to your Lordships, and indeed I 
 conceive em to be of such Nature & Consequence that, had I not re 
 ceived his Commands to that End, I sho d . have thought myself Obliged 
 in Faithfulness to the Crown to lay them before your Lordships : after 
 mentioning which I shall make no further Apology for giving your 
 Lordsps this trouble ; but proceed to inform you that there has lately 
 been Carried on here a large Illicit Trade, (Distructive to the Interest 
 of Great Britain in her Trade to her own Plantations, and Contrary to 
 the main intent of all her Laws made to regulate that Trade) by im 
 porting into this province large Quantities of European Goods of 
 Almost all Sorts from diverse parts of Europe, Some of which are by 
 the Laws wholly prohibited to be imported into the Plantations, and 
 ye rest are prohibited to be imported there, Unless bro*. directly from 
 Great Britain : To Shew forth to your Lordships, the Rise, progress & 
 Extent of this Pernicious practice would I fear far exceed the proper 
 Compass of a Letter from me to your Lordships, and therefore I shall 
 Content myself with Saying I st . that a Considerable Number of Ships 
 have Contrary to the 15 th Cha s . 2 d . Chap: 7 th lately come into this 
 Country directly from Holland, laden some wholly, some in part, with 
 Reels of Yarn or Spun Hemp, paper, Gunpowder, Iron and Goods of 
 Various Sorts Used for Men & Womens Cloathing; 2 dl y. that Some 
 Vessells have also come directly from other foreign parts of Europe 
 with like Cargoes, 3 d1 ?. that Some of those Vessells were laden Chiefly 
 & others in part with the Goods of the produce and Manufacture of old 
 Spain prohibited under large penalty es to be imported into Great 
 Britain during the present War: 4 thl y. That to Carry on this Sort of 
 Trade diverse Vessells have been fitted out here laden with provisions, 
 and tho they appear wholly English in the Plantations, Yet by means 
 of their being Commanded and Navigated by French Refugees Natural 
 ized, or such persons as may easily pass for French Men and by the 
 help of French papers and passes procured by French Merch ts . Con 
 cerned in the matter, they have Carried the English Provisions to their 
 open Enemies, and landed them out of those Vessells in the Ports of 
 
 3 
 
Spain : 5 thl y. That a Considerable part of the Illicit Trade from Holland 
 is Carried on by Factors here for the Sake of their Commissions, Dutch 
 Merch ts . having the property in the Goods Imported. 6 th . That one of 
 these Illicit Traders lately departed hence for Holland proposed to one 
 of the greatest Sellers of Broad Cloths here (and to how many others 1 
 can t say) to Supply him with Black Cloths from thence, Saying that 
 this Country might be better and Cheaper Supply d with Broad Cloths 
 of that Colour from Holland than from England; But to prevent or 
 rather increase your Lordship s Surprize on this Head I need only to 
 Acquaint you that I write this Clad in a Superfine French Cloth, which 
 I bought on purpose that I might wear about the Evidence of these 
 Illegal Traders having Already begun to destroy the Vital parts of the 
 British Commerce ; and to Use as a Memento to Myself and the Cus 
 tomhouse Officers to do everything in our power towards Cutting off 
 this Trade So very pernicious to the British Nation. 7 thl > . That the 
 persons concerned in this Trade are many, Some of them of the greates 
 Fortunes in this Country, and who have made great Gains by it, and 
 having all felt the Sweets of it, they begin to Espouse and Justify it, 
 Some openly some Covertly, and having perswaded themselves that 
 their Trade ought not to be bound by the Laws of Great Britain, they 
 labour, and not without Success to poison the Minds of all the Inhabit 
 ants of the Province, and Matters are brought to such a pass that it is 
 Sufficient to recommend any Trade to their general Approbation and 
 Favour that it is Unlawfull ; and as Examples of this kind soon Spread 
 their Influence on the other plantations around, tis too plain almost to 
 need mentioning that if Care be not Soon taken to Cure this growing 
 Mischief, the British Trade to these Plantations and their proper De- 
 pendance on their Mother Country will in a great measure ere long 
 be lost\ I shall now recount to your Lordships the Difficulties which 
 attend the Suppression of this Mischief; The First and one of the Prin 
 cipal whereof is that the Breaches of the Statute of the 15 th Cha: 2 d 
 Chap : 7 th Entitled an Act for the Encouragem*. of Trade & made pur 
 posely to keep the Plantations in a firm Dependance upon England, and 
 to render them Advantagious to it in the Vent of English Woollen and 
 other Commodities, and which provides that all European Goods and 
 Manufactures imported into the Plantations Shall be Shipp d in Eng 
 land, are not Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty, and a prosecution 
 in the Common Law Courts here will be Unavoidably attended with 
 great delay and too many Difficulties and Discouragements to be gen 
 erally overcome, for in the First place by the Course of Judicial pro 
 ceedings Established in this province there will be a Necessity for the 
 prosecutor to pass thro various Tryals, (and frequently in distant 
 Counties) in Courts disinclined to the prosecution, and with Scarce 
 any hopes of Success ; For in the next place the prosecutor cannot 
 
there have process to Compell an Appearance of Unwilling Witnesses, 
 (And all Witnesses for the Crown in Cases of this Nature are generally 
 such) and Finally a Tryal by Jury here is only trying one Illicite 
 Trader by his Fellows, or at least his well wishers ; How it happen d 
 that the Offences Ag* this Statute which is the main Ligament whereby 
 the plantation Trade is fastned and Secured to Great Britain, sho d not 
 be Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty: when the Cognizance of 
 other Acts of Trade of much less Consequence to the Nation are given 
 to that Court from the Common Consideration of the Interest, or desire 
 that the Juries have here to defeat all Seizures & prosecutions for the 
 Crown, I cannot say but y e Inconveniences that at present proceed from 
 the Court of Admiralty s want of Jurisdiction over Offences against 
 that Statute, are certainly very great : another Difficulty that attends 
 the Suppressing this Illegal Trade Arises from the Nature and Situa 
 tion of the Country, which abounds with Out Ports, where Vessells 
 Employed in this Trade unlade their Cargoes into Small Vessells, 
 wherein they afterwards Carry their prohibited Goods with Ease into 
 some proper places of Safety ; and a further Difficulty grows out of the 
 Corruption of those who are Employed to Carry on this Trade, which 
 is become so great that we have had some late Instances of Oaths taken 
 at the Custom-house by Masters of Vessells in direct Contradiction to 
 their certain knowledge of the Truth, and to this crime these Illicite 
 Traders have lately added this Contrivance, Viz*, To Conceal or Spirit 
 away the Seamen who might otherwise be Witnesses and by their 
 Testimony possibly cause a Condemnation of some of the Vessells 
 Employ d this Way ; and thus when Vast Quantities of Goods are Il 
 legally Imported here, after they are Unladen and Secured the Master 
 appears boldly, and is ready to Swear any thing for the Good of the 
 Voyage, and the Sailors are dispersed and gone, and there is nothing to 
 be found , but an Empty Vessell, Ag l which no proof can be obtained 
 Having thus laid before your Lordships the principal Dificulty s that 
 attend the Carrying the Acts of Trade into Execution here it may per 
 haps be Expected that I sho d propose some Remedies which appear to 
 us, who are upon the Spot and there Observe the Working of these 
 things, to be most likely to Effect the Cure of these Mischiefs; Where 
 fore I shall now proceed to mention em for the Consideration of your 
 Lordships. 
 
 The first thing that Seems Necessary to be done and that by Par 
 liament is to Grant to the Court of Admiralty Cognizance of all past 
 and future Offences Ag the above mentioned Statute 15 th Cha. 2 d , or 
 (which would be much better) to provide by Act of Parliam*, that all 
 Offences whatever past and future against the Acts of Trade com 
 mitted in the Plantations & the penalties and Forfeitures arising there 
 from may be prosecuted for and recovered in any Court of Admiralty 
 
in the plantations; there is really a greater Want of a certain and 
 general Jurisdiction in the Courts of Admiralty in the Platations over 
 Breaches of the Acts of Trade there, than at first may be immagined; 
 For among other things the Statute made in the 7 th & 8 th of W m . the 3 d 
 for preventing Frauds and regulating Abuses in the Plantation Trade is So 
 Obscurely penn d in the point of the Admiralty s Jurisdiction, that it 
 has received different Constructions, and that Court has been fre 
 quently prohibited in this Province to take Cognizance of some of the 
 Main Offences against that Statute, and of late I hear that like prohi 
 bitions have been granted in the province of New York, tho the Intent 
 of the Parliam 1 that made that Statute (as I think) doubtless was to 
 give the Admiralty Jurisdiction of all Offences against it: - The 
 granting to the Admiralty a general Jurisdiction over all Breaches of 
 the Laws of Trade will, without question, be of Advantage to the 
 Crown and Kingdom & Save much Trouble to the Officers prosecuting 
 Illicit Traders, and indeed no Reason can be assigned for giving the 
 Admiralty Cognizance of Offences ag 1 some of the Acts of Trade, but 
 what holds equally good for giving the like Jurisdiction over the rest ; 
 But let what will be done with respect to granting the Admiralty Courts 
 in the Plantations Such general Jurisdiction, I think it is very plain 
 that to Suffer the Offences ag 4 . 15 th Cha: 2 d , to remain only punishable 
 in the Courts of Corhon Law, is to leave it in the power of Illicit Traders 
 (notwithstanding that Statute) to Import into these plantations any 
 European Goods directly from any foreign Countries to their great 
 profit and with little peril Another thing I woul d . propose to your 
 Lordships as a Cure of this Mischievous Trade is, that Actions of 
 Detinue be brought against some of the principal Offenders Importing 
 here Goods from foreign parts, in order to recover the Goods Imported 
 or their Value ag fc . the Importer of them ; such actions will be warranted 
 by the Judgment given in Westminster Hall by the Court of Kings 
 Bench 8 th : W m . 3 d . in the Case of Roberts against Wetheral as Reported 
 by Mr. Salkeld and others ; The Effect of a few such actions properly 
 pursued and Recoveries thereupon had, will I think Unquestionably 
 have the greatest possible Tendency to break up this Trade ; for the 
 Security of the persons concerned in it according to their Understand 
 ing of the Matter rests in this, that if they can but prevent the Officers 
 Seizing the Goods Illegally Imported (and therein they generally meet 
 with no great difficulty, as has been already observed) then they are 
 according to their present Judgem ts . Safe in all respects; But when 
 Once the Importers come to find that, they are Chargeable \vith Actions 
 for the Goods Illegally Imported or their Value, after they have Im 
 ported them Safely and Disposed of them, I think they cannot but be 
 deterr d from making such Unlawful Importations ; For then they will 
 see a New Danger, great and of long Duration, & such as upo n the 
 6 
 
whole they will have but little (if any) hopes to Secure themselves from 
 The most favourable Case wherein the first Action of this kind can be 
 commenced & prosecuted in my Opinion will be that of the Brigantine 
 Hannah which arrived here in Dec r . 1741, and came directly from Rot 
 terdam, which place she left in Oct r . preceeding laden with Hemp spun 
 into Yarn, paper, Ozenbrigs, Gunpowder and other Goods, after her 
 Arrival here She was Seized, but she had first unladen and Secured her 
 Cargo, and with great Difficulty we got some of the Crew, and by their 
 Oaths proved such Facts ag her that She was Condemned, & as We 
 have already Secured Considerable Evidence of what Goods were Im 
 ported in her, I think nothing will be wanting to Support an Action 
 to be brought against the Owners of her for the Goods by them Im 
 ported in her, or their Value ; but the proof of the particular Goods, 
 taken in by her at Rotterdam, and if your Lordships will be pleased 
 to give Orders for Obtaining that, I think the Crown will be greatly 
 Served by it ; In such Case it will be Necessary to have such Evidence 
 of this point, as the Lords of the Committee of Council will finally 
 receive and Adjudge Sufficient; For with regard to the Success of such 
 Actions here I think there is but little Reason to expect any Recovery 
 on a Tryal by our Juries, tho the proof of such Action and the Law 
 for the Support of it, be ever So plain; But on an Appeal to his 
 Majesty in Council, Law and Justice will without question be rightly 
 Administred : The Condemnation of this Vessell was Owing in a great 
 Measure to Accident; the Advocate Employed by the Claimers not 
 knowing that upon Application to the Superior Court here he might 
 have had a prohibition to the Court of Admiralty, Had that Method 
 of Defence been Used the Vessell would have been certainly Acquitted 
 in the Common Law Courts ; For the only thing which Work d her 
 Condemnation, was our Catching some of the Crew flying, and holding 
 them by such Compulsory process as we could not have had any where 
 but in the Admiralty Court. This is the only Vessell, which has 
 been Condemned for being Employed in this Illicit Trade, And it is 
 very remarkable that tho she Sold for about four hundred pounds 
 Sterling, and So the Owners of her lost that Sum Yet they have con 
 tinued that Trade ever Since to a very great Degree, tho somewhat 
 more warily ; and other persons have been no wise deterr d by this Loss 
 and the peril which the Owners were in of having their Goods taken : 
 But on the Contrary, more Illicit Trading Ships have come in here from 
 Holland only, this last Summer and fall then from London, So near 
 is Great Britain to being quite Work d out of this part of her Trade: 
 and tho I have said So much to your Lordships touching this Matter 
 Yet I cannot avoid adding that this Illicit Trade is Carried on to So 
 great a Degree and in so many Various Shapes that I make no doubt 
 but if proper preventive Measures be not soon taken, a great part of the 
 
Bounty Money given by Great Britain to the Importers of Naval Stores 
 from the Plantations will in a Short time be laid out in Holland or other 
 parts of Europe in the purchase of Goods there, to be Illegally Imported 
 here, if that has not been already practis d. 
 
 I cannot conclude without observing to your Lordships that Unless 
 effectual Measures are Speedily taken, to Stop this growing Evil ; the 
 Illicit Traders will by their Numbers, Wealth and Wiles have got such 
 power in these parts that Laws and Orders may come too late from 
 Great Britain to have their proper Effect against it. 
 
 Your Lordships Commands to me (If you have any, touching these 
 Matters) Signifyed to his Excellency the Governour or in whatever 
 manner you please Shall be Obey d with the Utmost Care and Dispatch 
 that can be given them by 
 
 My Lords &c a . 
 
 W: Bolum. 1 
 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Copy of a Letter from M r . Bolum, the Advocate Gen 1 , in N. Eng 
 land, to the Board Dated the 26 th of Febry 1742/3, relating to a large 
 Illicit Trade lately Carry d on in that province destructive of the Inter 
 est of Great Britain in her Trade to her own plantations, and contrary 
 to the main Interest of all her Laws made to regulate that Trade, by 
 Importing into that province large Quantity s of European Goods of 
 almost all Sorts ; from diverse parts of Europe. - 
 
 From Judge Robert Auchmuty. 
 
 Lond. y e . 3i st May 1743. 
 
 My Lords. 
 
 In obedience to Your Lordships Comands I humbly lay before you 
 an Abstract of the penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Sev 1 , Breaches 
 of the Acts of Trade Comencing the 12 th . K. Car. 2 d . and Ending the 
 7 th . and 8 th . K. W m . the 3 d . being Sufficient as I Conceive to Discover 
 wherein the Gov r . and M r . Advocate by their Letters to your Lordships 
 desire for the Reasons therein assigned, An Enlargem 1 . of the Jurisdic 
 tion of the Vice Admiralty Courts in the Plantations. They have very 
 truly pointed out in Several Instances, the Illicit Trade now in prac- 
 
 1 William Bollan, an English lawyer, came to Massachusetts in 1740; married 
 a daughter of Governor Shirley. He was made Advocate General, later was twice 
 agent of the Province in England, and favored conciliation with the Colonies. He 
 died in 1776. 
 
 8 
 
tice in New England and to which may be added Another, namely that 
 New England is principally supply d with all their Stationary Ware, 
 India Goods, &c. immediately from Holland. 
 
 My Lords with Submission, I apprehend besides giving Jurisdic 
 tion to the Admiralty Courts to take Cognizance of those Breaches, 
 now only Tryable in the Kings Courts that it is absolutely Necessary 
 in order to Correct these Clandestine practices that the penalty s of 
 100, attending the Sev 1 . Breaches of the 14 th Car; 2 d . Cap: n. sho d . 
 be doubled, and Expressly payable in Sterling money ; and every Master 
 taking a false Oath contrary to the true meaning of that Stat , Sho d . 
 be deemed Guilty of wilfull perjury and punished accordingly. 
 
 I beg leave also to observe to your Lordships that the High Duties 
 imposed on Landing foreign Rum, Sugars, & Mallasses, Amount Virtu 
 ally to a prohibition; and to avoid which the Unfair Traders Strain 
 their Inventions and are now become very Skilfull in the Secret Art 
 of Runing which by Experience Spreads itself into almost every other 
 Branch of Illicit Trade ; Whereas if such Duties were lowered in pro 
 portion as not greatly to exceed the Contingent Charges of Runing 
 these Bulky Comodities : I m Confident the Merch ts . wo d . never find 
 that Acco*. in Exposing themselves to the Hazards they now doe, 
 and tho this may lessen the Importation of them and increase that of 
 our Own Manufacture, Yet I may presume to affirm that from thence 
 would result a Fund Suffic*. to pay Sallaries for Several preventive 
 Officers who now are really wanting Especially in Rhode Island & 
 Connecticut, and y e Salary s of many now in Comission who for want 
 of Duty s to Collect in New England are Virtually, but such officers, 
 and at present a Charge to the Crown, and with no propriety Term d 
 Collectors. 
 
 My Lords in regard to your Lordships further Commands con 
 cerning what instantly may be done towards the Checking this Illicit 
 Trade, I must take Notice to your Lords ps, that I lately had the Hon r . 
 of receiving Sev 1 . Letters from Gov r . Shirley wherein he Especially 
 directs me to Sollicit the Suppressing this Unatural Corherce destruc-- 
 tive to the Mother Country; and accordingly I now lay before y r . 
 Lords ps a Copy of a Memorial intended to have been presented to the 
 Right Honoble the Lords Comm rs . of the Treasury which in my humble 
 Opinion, will instantly Contribute to the Checking this Illicit Trade, 
 and in Order to do it Still more Effectually, I Apprehend, It wo d . be 
 advisable for the Comm rs . of the Customs to give Directions, for the 
 forming two Setts of Interrogatories, Agreeable to the Several Stat 5 ., 
 The one for every Master Entering to make Answer to upon Oath, 
 and the Other upon Clearing, with proper Blanks to Insert such an 
 swers, and Directions Sho d . be transmitted to their Sev 1 . Officers in 
 the Several plantations, to Administer such Oaths openly, in the Cus- 
 
torn House, and in Customhouse hours in the presence of the other 
 officers, and the Master to Subscribe his name thereto, in order to re 
 main on file, the Easier to Convict him of Perjury if the same proves 
 false. A Transaction of this Nature, Attended with such Solemnity 
 will have an imediate Tendency tow d . removing that Levity and Rash 
 ness, w ch . at present Accompanies the Suddain taking those Custom 
 ary Oaths, (as they are termed) arising in a great Measure as well from 
 the Imperfect Substance of the Oath, as frequently Worded by an 
 ignorant officer as from the Careless Circumstances that attend y e . 
 present Administration of it. 
 
 My Lords what greatly favours this Unlawful Comerce in Rho d e 
 Island and Connecticutt (the former of w ch . I presume carries on four 
 times as much as y e . Massachusetts) is not Altogether their more 
 Advantagious Situation; But the want of such officers in both those 
 Governm ts ., as there are in the Massachusetts ; in the first, y e . Collector 
 is but a Deputy, the prinicpal never present, and if the District is 
 Rented Y r . Lords ps may Suppose the Natural Consequences; & in 
 both Comptrollers are wanting, such off rs . I well know, are Indispens 
 ably Necessary, and may be appointed with*, any additional Charge to 
 y c . Crown, all w ch . is most humbly Submitted to y r . Lordships. 
 
 By My Lords 
 
 Y rs . etc a . 
 Rob*. Auchmuty. 
 
 Penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Breaches of the Several 
 Acts of Trade Recoverable only in the Kings Courts. 
 
 12 th Car: 2 d . Cap 18 Sect I st . 
 
 No Goods to be Imported into or Exported out of any English 
 plantations but in English or Irish Vessells or in Vessells of that 
 Country & ^ ths of y e . Mariners to be English under the forfeiture 
 of all the Goods & Vessel!, One 3 d . to his Majesty, One 3 d to the 
 Gov r ., and one 3 d . to the Informer. 
 
 N. B. This Section is Enlarged by the 7 th & 8 th W m . 3 d Cap : 22 d . 
 Sect 2 d : For the like provision is made for Goods, that are Carried 
 from one Port to Another in the Plantations and the Ships must 
 be wholly Owned by the people of this Kingdom & Plantations. 
 
 Sect 2 d . 
 
 No Aliens or persons not born within his Majesty s Plant" 8 : or 
 Naturalized or made Denizens, shall Exercise the Trade of a 
 Merch*. or Factor in any of the said places upon the Loss of all 
 his Goods and to be Divided as afores d. 
 
 10 
 
15 th Car. 2 d . C. 7 Sect. 7. 
 
 No Comodity of the Growth production or Manufacture of Europe 
 shall be Imported into any Plantation &c a . but what shall be bona 
 fide laden and Shipp d in England &c a . under the forfeiture of Ship 
 and Goods. 
 
 Sect 8 th 
 
 No Ship shall Lade or Unlade any Goods untill the Master shall 
 first have made known unto the Gov r . or Naval Officer the Arrival 
 of said Ship Navigated &c a ., and Delivered a perfect Inventory of 
 his Lading &c a ., under the pain of the Loss of the Ship and the 
 Cargo not laden in England &c a . 
 
 7 & 8 W. 3 C. 22 Sect. 2 d . 4 12 
 
 No Goods to be Imported into or Exported out of any the Planta 
 tions in any Ship or Bottom, but of the Built of England Ireland 
 or the Plantations & Navigated as therein directed under the 
 forfeiture of Ship & Goods. 
 
 Sect. 13. 
 
 Plantation Bonds are Seizable only at Common Law. 
 
 Penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Breaches of the Several 
 
 Acts of Trade Recoverable in the Courts of Vice Admiralty in the Plan 
 tations. 
 
 12 th . Car: 2 d . C: 18 Sect. I st . 
 
 Admirals and all other Commanders of any the Ships of War are 
 authorized to Seize & bring in as prize, all Vessells offending Con 
 trary to this Section and in Case of Condemnation to be divided 
 between the Captor & his Majesty. 
 
 14 Car. 2 d . C. ii Sect 2 d . 
 
 True Entry s to be made upon Oath upon forfeiture of 100. 
 
 N. B. This is Carried to the Plantations by y e 7 th & 8 th . W. 3 d . 
 
 C : 22, Sect. 6. 
 
 Sect. 3 d . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 34. 
 
 These Several Sections are in the like manner carried to the Plan 
 tations by the said Stat. Sect. 6. 
 
 22 & 23, C. 2 C 26. Sect, ii 
 
 The Gov r . to take Bond before any Ship is Suffered to Load on 
 Board any of the Enumerated Commodities that the same shall 
 be Carried to some other of his Majesty s Plantations or to Eng 
 land &c a . And that every Ship that shall Lade or take on Board 
 any of the said Commodities before such Bond is given or which 
 Contrary to the Tenor of such Bond, shall Carry the same to any 
 other place than the said places, and there lay the same on Shore, 
 shall be forfeited together with her Laden one Moyety to his 
 
 ii 
 
Majesty the other to him or them that shall Seize or Sue for the 
 same. 
 7 & 8 K. W. 3. Cap. 22. Sect 8 
 
 Notwithstanding the payment of Plantation Duties for Enumera 
 ted Goods none to be Shipp d till Security given under the forfei 
 ture of Ship & Goods. 
 
 N. B. I conceive By this Stat. the Admiralty hath not Jurisdic 
 tion to Try this forfeiture, But the Admiralty may have Jurisdic 
 tion to Try the same by the Stat. 22 d . & 23 d . Car. 2 d . Cap. 26. 
 Sect. ii. 
 
 All which is Submitted by 
 
 Rob 1 . Auchmuty. 
 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Letter from Rob*. Auchmuty Esq r . Judge of the Admiralty in New 
 England to this Board Dated 3i st . of May, 1743, inclosing an Abstract 
 of the penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Sev 1 . Breaches of the 
 acts of Trade comencing the 12 th year of King Cha : y e 2 d . 
 
 Memorial of Judge Auchmuty. 
 
 To The Right Honoble the Lords Commissioners for Execut 
 ing the Office of Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain etc a . 
 
 The Humble Representation of Robert Auchmuty Esq r . Judge of 
 the Admiralty for his Majestys Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay 
 and New Hampshire in New England. 
 
 Sheweth. 
 
 That by the Statute 12, Car 2 d : Cap : 18 Sect n : It is Enacted, that 
 if any person who then was or shall be made Gov r . of any Lands &c a . in 
 Africa Asia, or America by his Majesty his Heirs or Successors shall 
 suffer any foreign Built Ship or Vessells to Load or Unload any Goods 
 or Comodities within the precincts of their Governm ts . until such Cer 
 tificate as therein mentioned be produced before them or such as shall be 
 by them appointed to View the same and Examination Whither the Master 
 and three 4 ths . of the Mariners at least be English That for the First 
 offence such Governor shall be put out of his Governm 1 . Section 19, It 
 is further Enacted that all Ships or Vesells Qualified as aforesaid com 
 ing to any of the Plantations the Gov r . of such English Plantations shall 
 before such Ship or Vessell be permitted to Load on Board any of the 
 
 12 
 
Comodities in said Act Enumerated, take such Bond as therein directed 
 that such Ship or Vessell shall Carry all the afores d . Goods to some 
 other of his Majesty s English Plantations or to Eng 1 . Ireland Wales or 
 the Town of Berwick on Tweed, And that the said Gov r . and every of 
 them shall twice in Every Year return true Copys of such Bonds by 
 him so taken to the Chief Officers of the Customs in England. 
 
 That by the Stat. 14. Car. 2 d . Cap : 1 1 Sect. 15 : It is Enacted that no 
 Ship or Ships Goods Wares or Merchandizes shall be Seized as forfeited 
 for or by reason of Unlawful Importations or Exportations but by the 
 person or persons who are or shall be Appointed by his Majesty to man 
 age his Customs or Officers of his Majesty s Customs for the time 
 being or such other person or persons as shall be deputed or Authorized there 
 unto by Warrant from the Lord Treasurer, or Under Treasur ., or by Special 
 Comicon from his Majesty under the Great or privy Seal. 
 
 That by the Stat. 15 th Car : 2 d . Caput 7. Sect 8. It s Enacted that no 
 Ship or Vessell coming to any Plantacon &c a . Shall Lade or Unlade any 
 Goods whatsoever untill the Ma r . of such Ship or Vessell shall first have 
 made known to the Gov r . of such plantation or to such person or officer as 
 shall be by him thereunto Authorised and Appointed the Arrival of such 
 Ship or Vessells with her name & sirnamc of her Master & Comander 
 and have shewn to him that she is an English built Ship Bona fide be 
 longing to England & Navigated with an English Mas ", and three 4 ths . 
 of the Mariners at least English men & have delivered such Gov r . or 
 other person or officer a true and perfect Inventory or Invoyce of her 
 Lading together with the place or places in which the said Goods were 
 laden and all such Governors shall be before their Entrance upon the 
 Execution of such Trust take a Solemn Oath before such person or 
 ^sons as shall be Authorized by his Majesty &c to Administer the 
 same, to do their Utmost within their respective Governm ts . to cause to 
 be well and truly observed what within said Act is Enacted in relation 
 to the Trade of such Plantations &c a . 
 
 That by the Stat. 22 d . & 23 d . Car 2 di . Cap : 26. Sect. n. It is Enacted 
 that the Word Ireland shall be left out of all Bonds that shall be taken 
 from any Ship that shall Sail from England, Ireland Wales for any Eng 
 lish Plantatation in America &c a . and that the Governor of such Planta 
 tion shall before such Ships be permitted to Load on Board any One of 
 the Commodities therein Enumerated take Bond in manner and to the 
 Value mentioned and directed in the Act 12. Car: 2 d . Cap. 18. and Sect. 
 12. Its thereby further Enacted that the Gov rs . of his Majesty s respec 
 tive planacons do Once a year at least make a return to his Majesty s 
 Officers of his Customs in the Port of London &c a . a List of all such 
 Ships or Vessells as shall Lade any of the said Enumerated Commodi- 
 
ties in such Plantations Respively As also a List of all the Bonds 
 taken by them. 
 
 That by the Statute 7 th & 8 th . K. Wm. 3 d . Cap : 22 d . Sect. 4. It is 
 Enacted that every Gov r . before his Entrance into his Government shall 
 take a Solemn Oath to do their Utmost that all the Clauses Matters and 
 things in the before recited Acts, As also in said Act of 7 th & 8 K. W m . 
 the 3 d . then in force relating to the Plantations be punctually observed 
 according to the true intent and meaning thereof, which Oath shall be 
 taken before such person or persons as shall be Appointed by his 
 Majesty &c a . to Administer the same, and Sect, the 5 th its further En 
 acted that the Naval Officer therein so called shall give Security to the 
 Comm rs . of the Customs in England for the true and faithfull perform 
 ance of his Duty. 
 
 By an Act Entituled an Act for the better Securing and Encourag 
 ing the Trade of his Majesty s Sugar Colony s in America, it is Enacted 
 that in Case any of the Comodities therein mentioned shall be Landed 
 before the Entry be made & the Dutys duly paid &c a . the same shall be 
 forfeited and the same shall or, may be Seized by the Gov r . for y e . time 
 being &c. July 8 th . King Cha s . the 2 d . Grants to the Colony of Rhode 
 Island a Charter Incorporating them and Impowering them by a Major 
 Vote of the Freemen Annually to Elect a Gov r . Lieu*. Gov r . Assistants 
 &c. who immediately thereupon fill the said Offices without any Appro 
 bation from his Maj ty . or any other Ceremony ; such Gov. Appoints a 
 Naval officer for that year without any Security given 
 
 That the Collector of the Port for many Years last past has not re 
 sided there but farms out the Same. 
 
 Such Gov r . therefore being the Creature of the people and his Naval 
 Officer in the same Situation, both liable to be removed at the next 
 Annual Election, in Case by any Unpopular Act they Incur the Dis 
 pleasure of the Freemen, It therefore follows that particular Provision 
 made by the Wisdom of the Legislature for preventing the Breaches of 
 the Several Acts as aforesai d . Answers not the End Intended And in 
 fact that Colony is virtually a free Port, Ships from them Go to Holland 
 and other parts and return without Touching in England, their Smaller 
 Vessells Trade to all the Dutch and French Colony s, run their Cargoes, 
 & Sometimes openly Escaping without Impunity All which is very De- 
 tructive to the Trade & Commerce of the neighbouring Governm ts .who 
 by Nature are not so well Situated to carry on such Illicit Trade and 
 have many Officers who are Checks on each other, and also destructive 
 to the Intercourse of Commerce that ought for ever to Subsist between 
 the English plantacons and their Mother Country, and renders the last 
 mentioned Act useless And by these Clandestine Means the Fair 
 Trader is undersold and Discouraged. 
 
For remedying of which It s humbly proposed first, That a Naval 
 officer should be Appointed by Patent giving Security to the Comm rs . 
 of the Customs, of w ch . there are Instances. 
 
 Secondly that the Several officers of y e . Admiralty (who are all 
 Appointed by the Lords of the Admiralty and not the Creatures of the 
 People) may by a Warrant from Your Lordships be Impower d to make 
 Seizures for the Several Breaches of the Acts of Trade as well as the 
 officers of the Customs, which will be so many Checks on each other, 
 and what your Lordships are by the said Stat. 14 th . Car. 2 d . Enabled to 
 Grant. 
 
 The Colony of Connecticutt All of which &c a . 
 
 is in the like Circumstances. Rob*. Auchmuty 
 
 30 th Dec r . 1742. 
 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Representation of Rob 1 . Auchmuty Esq r . to the Lords of the 
 Treasury Dated the 3O th . of Dec r . 1742, concerning y e . Illegal Trade car 
 ried on in New England & the Methods proper for preventing it. 
 
 Referr d to in his Letter to this Board, Dated 3 I st May 1743. 
 
 From fudge Robert Auchmuty. 
 
 Lon do . the 23 d . Nov r . 1743. 
 My Lords 
 
 The Gov r . of the Masachusetts Bay, the Judge and Advocate of 
 his Majesty s Court of Vice Admiralty there, by their Several Letters 
 to Your Lords ps. have in great Faithfulness humbly demonstrated 
 the Illicit Trade dayly Carried on in those parts Especially in the 
 Colony s of Rhode Island and Connecticutt, Destructive of the Natural 
 Dependance those Plantations for ever ought to have on their Mother 
 Country ; and also Submitted to your Lordships the Methods by them 
 proposed for Redressing the same : Some of them appear to require a 
 Parlimentary Interposition, others, (till that can be obtained) the 
 immediate Attention of your Lordships, and Considering the Impor 
 tance of the Subject, It s humbly hoped your Lordships will properly 
 recommend the Carrying into present Execution such of them as in 
 their Nature are not Attended with Difficulty, lenth of Time or Addi 
 tional Charge to the Crown. (By which I mean the Absolute Necessity 
 of Appointing a Comptroller of his Majesty s Customs in Rhode as 
 at Boston in New England. It s true in the Infancy of that Colony 
 a Collector was Conceived Sufficient, but as the Trade of that place, 
 and Chiefly Contreband has within these few years prodigiously In- 
 
 15 
 
creased, the Duty of a Comptroller there, is of as great Consequence 
 as in any other of his Majesty s Plantations, Especially, Considering 
 that Port at Present is filled by a Deputy Colector who must be pre 
 sumed to Rent the Office from his Principal ; and to Render such an 
 Officer more Circumspect the Appointment of his Salary ought ever 
 to be out of the Seizures made, which with the Customary Fees of 
 office will be a Sufficient Support. I beg leave further to observe to 
 your Lordships, That diverse Vessells Enter into that Port from Sun 
 dry parts in Europe without Touching in England, and also Several from 
 Foreign plant ns . whose Masters decline taking the Usual Oath upon 
 Entering, and Voluntarily pay 100, in Bills of Credit, being the Nomi 
 nal penalty Injoyned by the Stat . tho not in Value a 5 th . part of the 
 Sterling Money, according to the plain Sense and meaning of the Act, 
 And are thereupon Admitted to an Entry; others favourably Escape 
 both, and Some Send a Mate to Enter and Swear, this most Infamous 
 Practice, in a great Measure may be Imputed to the Want of due 
 Solemnity in Administring the Oath being frequently Tendered in 
 a Tavern Coffee House &c a . And the Examination Hurried in So much 
 that many digest it as Mere Ceremony and Form : If therefore a Comp 
 troller was appointed, and the Oath was Solemnly Administred in the 
 Customhouse Office and in Custom House Hours and Subscribed by 
 by the Depon*. in the presnce of the Col 1 , and Comptroller, If the 
 Master was not Admitted to Swear by Proxy, If upon Refusal 
 the penalty of 100, Sterling according to the Words and Sence of the 
 Legislature was Insisted to be paid before Entry made, I humbly 
 conceive these things will give an immediate Cheque to the Illicit 
 Commerce so Justly Complained of and openly Carried on to the Mani 
 fest prejudice of the British Trade and the Fair Trader all which is most 
 humbly Submitted by my Lords 
 
 Y. &c a . 
 
 Rob 1 . Auchmuty. 
 
 Endorsement. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Auchmuty Judge of the Admiralty in New Eng 
 land to the Board Dated 23 d . Nov r . 1743, relating to the Illicit Trade 
 carry d on in Rhode Island & Connecticutt. 
 
 16 
 
PAPER CURRENCY IN THE BRITISH 
 PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA. 
 
 Upon some late Complaints of the Great Damages Sustained by 
 the Traders from Great Britain, and y e confusion in Business Arising 
 from a depreciating fallacious paper Currency in the British Planta 
 tions in America ; The Parliament have taken this Affair into Consid 
 eration : But as the Circumstances of the Several Colonies may be 
 various and different the British Legislature are pleased to take time 
 Maturely to deliberate concerning the most easy and effectual Methods 
 for Sinking and discharging the same in all the British Colonies with 
 the least prejudice to their respective Inhabitants, and Interruption of 
 y e Comerce of Great Britain. 
 
 In the mean while to put a Stop to the further growth of this Evil, 
 the Parliament Addressed his Majesty to give Instructions to his Gov 
 ernors in the Plantations not to Assent to any Act for Emission of Bills 
 of Credit but with this Saving Clause Viz. That the same shall not take 
 Effect, until the said Act shall be Approved by his Majesty. 
 
 To evade this Some lawless Combinations were Entre d into for 
 forcing a Currency by large Emissions of private Bills ; these having 
 the same or a worse Effect, but not being under the restriction of Royal 
 Instructions, and without the reach of any former Act of Parliament, 
 The Legislature of Great Britain found it requisite to Suppress them 
 by a previous Act. 
 
 If the Colony of Rhode Island Acting under a Charter by Setting 
 up Banks, (the name given in their Acts to their Several Emissions of 
 Loan Money) and Settling of Fees for Transferrs of Rights, as they are 
 called, do not fall within the explicit design of the Acts Anno 1720 & 
 1741 ; There Seems to be an Absolute Necessity for another previous 
 act of Parliament to put a stop to their Iniquitous Lawless proceedings 
 in this affair for the following Reasons ; 
 
 I st . In Neglect or Contempt of the late Resolves of the House of 
 Commons, and Subsequent Royal Instructions (having no accountable 
 
 17 
 
Commissioned King s Governour) they proceed more than ever here 
 tofore in Emitting Enormous Unnecessary Quantities of this fallacious 
 fraudulent paper Currency, and by Supplying therewith their Neigh 
 bouring Governments of New England, The Currency s of the four 
 Governments of New England being promiscuous, they frustrate 
 the Royal Instructions in these Governments and render of none 
 Effect a late previous Act of Parliament against private Combinations, 
 Emitting of Notes or bubles for a Currency ; because in the Neighbour 
 ing Colonies, the fraudulent Debtors and others of a Natural Improbity 
 and Depravity of Mind, by Collusion and tacit Combinations Continue 
 to give to the Rhode Island Bank Bills a Currency in the same manner 
 as they did the Notes or Bills of a late Suppressed pernicious Combina 
 tion in Massachusetts Bay ; So that the Honest Creditors & Factors for 
 the Merchants in Great Britain, must either take these depreciating 
 Notes, to their very great Damage, or lay out of their Debts perhaps to 
 their total Loss, Insolvency being at present very frequent; All the 
 Reasons made use of for Suppressing the late Combination, Called the 
 Land Bank, may be Used with greater Strength in this Case ; because 
 an Incorporated Mobb are capable of doing more mischef than a Com 
 mon Mobb or Combination, as pretending the Authority of a Charter 
 to Colour and screen their Iniquities. 
 
 2 d . No Country, Society, or Single person can have an Unlimited 
 or Indefinite Credit ; when this paper Credit, Exceeds certain Limits, 
 the more such Notes are Emitted, the more their Value must depre 
 ciate- But so it is,- Rhode Island a Small Colony with an Imperfect 
 Charter, of about Twenty thousand Inhabitants, Men Women and 
 Children, Whites Indians & Negroes, have now Extant above four 
 hundred thousand pounds in their Bills of Credit ; and are under no re 
 straint from making more. It being their designed Iniquitous Advant 
 age to depreciate their own Bills, as will appear in some Subsequent 
 reasons; By their frequent unnecessary large Emissions, their Bills 
 are become depreciated So that twenty Shillings Sterling, is equal to 
 five pounds and ten Shillings Rhode Island at present, and are in a fur 
 ther depreciating Course to a very Small or no Value : hence so much 
 (which is almost the whole) of their Publick Bills as they can Circulate 
 in the Neighbouring Colonies being of no true Value, is to them Clear 
 Gain, and the Cheat or loss falls in the other provinces, but at length 
 terminates upon y e . Merchants of Great Britain, who for Valuable 
 Goods Sold by their Factors here, are obliged to Accept of a Currrency 
 of Small Value or totally lose the Debt. 
 
 3. Their Ordinary Charges of Governm*. are very Small, not Ex 
 ceeding Six hundred pounds Sterling cjj} Ann, therefore their publick 
 
 18 
 
Bills are not for that End, but are very large, & frequent Emissions- 
 with long periods upon Loan for the private wicked Gains of people in 
 their Administration. 
 
 First the Legislature, & their Electors being generally Debtors, 
 Indigent & Abandoned, find by Experience, that a depreciating paper 
 Currency is an infalible Expedient for fraudulent Debtors to Cheat 
 their Creditors if not restrained ; their Creditors here, & Merchants in 
 Great Britain will thereby Suffer more and more ; - The Risk of losing 
 or forfeiting their Charter priviledges is no restraint upon them ; they 
 are taught by Designing Men Vainly to Imagine that taking away of 
 Charters is Odious to the People in Great Britain & therefore Im 
 practicable. 
 
 Secondly, The Sharers, that is the Legislature, their Electors & 
 Friends sell or transferr these Shares for an Immediate ready Money 
 profit, the Shares in the Loan Anno 1738 were Sold for 35 ^ O. Ad 
 vance ; in the Loan Anno 1740 at 40 <J$ c*. Advance, or they let their 
 Shares to their Neighbours and to the people in the Neighbouring 
 Governme ts at 10 to 15 ^ C*. <$ Ann Interest, They themselves paying 
 into the Treasury only 5 ^ C*. ^ Ann (in the last Emission being more 
 wicked they have reduced it to 4 ^ C*. for 10 years & no Interest for 10 
 years more. 
 
 Thirdly, the Sharers from the known Nature of this Depreciating 
 Money, pay what they borrowed of the publick at a great Discount: 
 for Instance, of the Loan Anno 1715, when Exchange with London was 
 at 65 ejf} O., the last paym*. was Anno 1738, Exchange at 400 tp C*. ; that 
 is for 100 Sterling Value reced they pay only 35 Sterling Value. 
 
 Fourthly, the Sharers upon a Fund of a Small parcell of Land, do 
 continue borrowing of this publick Money in indefinitum, A Man may 
 borrow to half the reputed value of his Land ; for Instance, 500. upon 
 a 1000. pounds Worth of Land : after a few years by Multiplyed 
 Emissions Denominations depreciate, and this same Land becomes 
 Nominally worth 2000, here is a Fund for borrowing of 500. more: 
 In process of more years, the Nominal Value becomes 3000, which is 
 a further Fund for 500. 
 
 Fifthly the present Generation in this Colony (if their Emissions 
 did not fraudulently depreciate) do unnaturally and wickedly by long 
 periods & postponings leave a heavy load of Debt upon posterity, for 
 the Sake of a little present Money to Squander away ; So much paper 
 Money as any Colony does Emit, So much Debt are they Answerable 
 for in themselves & posterity. 
 
 Sixthly There is one Expedient to save themselves & posterity, 
 which when they arrive at their Height of Wickedness (If they hold 
 
their Charter & Continue to Abuse it as at present, if the Parliament do 
 not Interpose) they can & will perpetrate : All parts of their Governm 1 . 
 Legislative & Executive are Annually Elective, the Electors who are 
 the Debtors, Sharers or borrowers of this Money, may Chuse such 
 Gov 1 "., Assistants & Representatives, from Amongst themselves as may 
 some time or other pass a kind of Act of Indemnity, releasing and ac 
 quitting all Debtors to the Governm*. that is themselves : then the pos 
 sessors of these Bills, that is the few Industrious frugal people, of New 
 England, and the Merchants in Great Britain by their Factors here, 
 will Sustain a total loss beyond redress. 
 
 Seventhly, The Interest of these publick Loans goes towards the 
 Charges of Governm*. Therefore as they pretend all their Emissions 
 are Virtually to defray the Incurred and accruing publick Charges, 
 The Iniquity & Falacy of this pretention Appears; I st only some part 
 of this Interest is Applyed to Charges of Governm*. & to Save taxing, 
 the Remainder is made a Dividend of profit to each of their Townships. 
 
 2. They have Emitted at times 50000, & have now out upwards 
 of 40000, whereas the Interest of 50000, is more than Sufficient to 
 Defray all their Ordinary Charges of Governm 1 . 
 
 3. Supposing the Interest of any particular Sum of a Loan was 
 requisite to defray publick Charges, by Lowering publick Interest they 
 may Increase the requisite publick principal loan to any Sum, for 
 Instance, lower the Interest on publick Loans from 5 to i ^ C*. <$ Ann 
 it will require an Emission of 4 times more publick Bills than are now 
 Extant : in fact by the Emission Loan of this year they have lowered 
 from 5 to 4 ^ c*. ^ Ann. 
 
 4. The longer and further that this pernicious paper Currency 
 is allowed to take place in the plantations the greater will be the 
 trouble & difficulty to root it out, and perhaps not without making 
 Riots & other bad Consequences, especially in that Licentious perverse 
 Governm*. of Rhode Island who at y e . same time when they Neglect, 
 Contemn & Insult Resolves of Parliam 1 ., King s Instructions & King s 
 Officers, do in an abandoned false & Hypocritical manner in the 
 Several preambles of their Emission Acts, pretend to the greatest 
 Submission and Loyalty, (Laughing in the face of y e . British Gov- 
 ernm*. while they Endeavour to Cut the Throat of its Authority) a 
 few Instances ; 
 
 I st . In the preamble to the Emission Act Anno 1715. "Always 
 "depending upon our Dread Sovereigns Countenance & toleration 
 "therein, unto whose Royal Commands this Colony as in Duty Bound, 
 "will at all times readily submit." 
 
 2 d . In the Additional Act to the Emission Act of Anno 1740, they 
 
 20 
 
make some Aniendm ts . in s d . Act Viz 1 . That instead of one of these, 
 equal to three of the former, shall be equal to four of the former; 
 because not exactly agreeable to a late Instruction from y e Lords 
 Justices of Great Britain. 
 
 3 d . In the same preamble, they very falsely pretend a Necessity 
 for Emitting publick Bills (when at the same time none of the prin 
 cipal is applicable to these pretended Extraordinary Charges of Gov- 
 ernm 1 . ; but is divided by way of Loan Amongst the Legislature & 
 their Friends.) 
 
 First because they are a Barrier to the other parts of New Eng 
 land N. B. they have no Vessel of any force excepting a Small Sloop, 
 and their port is at a Considerable distance from Massachusetts Bay, 
 where is the Confluence of Trade ; by Land they are Encompassed & 
 protected from the Indians by the other provinces of New England, 
 and do not Contribute, towards our Indian Wars. 
 
 Secondly, a Constant Charge Attends the Inhabitants of this 
 Colony, above other parts of New England. 
 
 NB. The Charges of their Neighbouring Provinces of Massachu 
 setts Bay is at all times at least ten times more than that of Rhode 
 Island, with not half the Quantity of Massachusetts publick Bills 
 extant. 1 
 
 1 Upon submitting this paper to Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, an expert in 
 the subject, he gives it as his opinion that it was a memorial, prepared in 1741, 
 an 1 either written by William Douglass, the author of "A discourse concerning the 
 currencies of the British plantations in America," or was based upon material 
 obtained from him. 
 
 21 
 
BOSTON IN 1775. 
 
 A LETTER 
 From Jesse Lukens to John Shaw, Jr. 
 
 Prospect Hill Sept r . 13 th 1775 
 Dear Shaw 
 
 I had this morning the honor of yours by M r . Lawrence Why 
 you dear dog, was there not time enough from the 2i st . to the 29 th of 
 Augt. to write more than 7 lines? And those 7 to inform me you 
 intended to have sent me 4% lines by Captain Wharton If we were 
 not, as I apprehend, on the eve of some important event, you should 
 receive a Rowland for your ny 2 lines; but as the case now stands & 
 God only knows what a chasm there may be in our Correspondence, 
 will forget your unkind negligence & excuse you on the supposition 
 that the Lovely Widow, had some willing commands for you to exe 
 cute, & you know I allow every thing to give way to her Supremacy. 
 
 I suppose Patton received a confused heap of Lines wrote the Day 
 we took possession of Plow d Hill, while the thundering of Cannon & 
 whizing of 24 Ib. Bullets took up much of the attention of an unfleshed 
 Soldier he must on that score excuse all faults That was on Sun 
 day in the evening the fire of the Artillary ceased and on Monday 
 morning we saw the Red Coats busy in throwing up a Parapet within 
 their former Lines, but so much higher on the Hill that the Cannon 
 mounted there could fire at the same time & over those they had fired 
 with on Sunday this new Parapet had six Embrasures On Monday 
 evening they threw four Bombs from their new Battery & a few Guns 
 from it, the old Battery & the Mud Lark in Mystic River without doing 
 any harm Over against Bunker Hill on the other side of Mystic 
 River is Winnisimit Hill at the foot [of] w ch . stands a large House & 
 Farm called Chelsea, here we have ab*. 200 men as a Guard, but no 
 Works or Cannon. On the side of Bunker Hill next here & in full 
 view, is the Regular Tents, being on the opposite side & out of the way 
 of our Guns on Prospect & Plowed Hills On the Top of this Win- 
 
 22 
 
nisimmit Hill we had a parcel of straw, etc. to set fire to as a signal 
 whenever they saw the Regulars in motion Accordingly on Tues 
 day about 10 o Clock we saw the Fire, our Drums beat to Arms, all 
 our lines were mann d & we Riflers were left at full liberty to range 
 at large & take what ground we pleased Col Thompson therefore 
 posted us in the Seat of honor, that is, between all our Works & 
 Bunker Hill, behind Stone Walls & in the Indian Corn patches, to 
 receive and return^with Interest their first fire & I think it impossible 
 for men to behave better than Our Riflers did 300 of them lay in a 
 meadow, in full View of Bunker hill & with in Point Blank Shot 
 "before their Eyes in opposition sat grim death." altho we lay in this 
 position & the Officers with myself were walking about, viewing and 
 marking the most advantageous ground to act upon they fired but 
 seven large Guns & 30 or 40 Plattoons of Small arms all the Day, 
 some of which knocked the stones about our Ears but hurt none of us 
 except one man a slight wound in the thigh One 24 Pounder flew 
 over our heads & killed a poor fellow walking along the Road half a 
 mile behind us The alarm proving false, we marched home about 
 sunset & our Generals placed a strong Guard of Musket Men in the 
 lines, since which every thing in that Quarter hath been quiet we 
 call 6, 8 & 10 Guns a Day nothing & 3 or 4 Bombs are only sport, just 
 enough to keep us from falling asleep We have had several De 
 serters from Roxbury & from the Mud Lark in Mystic 4 poor fel 
 lows came off at one time & swam to shore unhurt, amidst a thousand 
 Shot, tho they say it was agreed with their companions left on board 
 to fire over their Heads. You must now set down a few false alarms 
 w ch . took us out of our Beds into the trenches at midnight, & some 
 other matters of no great moment, until last Sunday, & I feel myself 
 blush with shame and indignation at what I am forced to relate. 
 
 Our Camp is Separate from all others ab*. 100 yards all our 
 Courts Martial and duty was seperate we were excused from all 
 working parties, Camp Guards, & Camp duty this indulgence to 
 gether with the remissness of discipline & care in our young Officers 
 had rendered the men rather insolent for good Soldiers they had 
 twice before broke open our Guard House & released their Companions 
 who were confined there for small crimes & once when an Offender 
 was brought to the Post to be whipped, it was with the utmost diffi 
 culty they were kept from rescuing him in the presence of all their 
 Officers They openly Damn d them & behaved with great insolence 
 - however the Col was pleased to pardon the man & all remained 
 quiet but on Sunday last the Adjutant having confined a Serjeant 
 for neglect of duty & murmering the men began again, & threatened 
 to take him out the Adjutant being a man of Spirit, seized the 
 principal Mutineer & put him in also & coming to report the matter 
 
 23 
 
to the Col, where we all sitting after dinner, were alarmed with a 
 Huzzaing & upon going out found they had broke open the Guard 
 House & taken the man out The Col & Lieut. Col with several of 
 the Officers & Friends seized the fellow from amongst them & ordered 
 a guard to take him to Cambridge at the Main Guard which was done 
 without any violent opposition, but in ab 1 . 20 minutes 32 of Capt Ross s 
 Company with their loaded Rifles, swore by G-d they would go the 
 Main Guard & release the man or loose their lives & set off as hard 
 as they could run it was in vain to attempt stoping them We 
 stayed in Camp and kept the others quiet Sent word to General 
 Washington, who reinforced the Guard to 500 men with fixed Bay 
 onets & loaded pieces Col Hitchcock s Reg 4 , (being the one next 
 us) was ordered under arms & some part of General Greens Brigade 
 (As the Generals were determined to subdue by force the mutineers 
 & did not know how far it might spread in our Battalion) Generals 
 Washington, Lee, & Green came immediately, & our 32 mutineers who 
 had gone about half a mile towards Cambridge & taken possession of 
 a Hill & Woods, begining to be frighted at their proceedings, w r ere 
 not so hardened but upon the General s ordering them to Ground their 
 arms they did it immediately The General then ordered another 
 of our Company s (Capt Nagles) to surround them with their loaded 
 Guns which was immediately done, and did the Company great honor 
 - however to convince our people (as I suppose, mind) that it did not 
 altogether depend upon themselves, he ordered part of Col Hitchcocks 
 and Col Littles Regiments to surround them with their Bayonets fixed 
 and ordered two of the ring leaders to be bound I was glad to find 
 our men were all true and ready to do their duty except these 32 
 Rascals 26 were conveyed to the Quarter Guard on Prospect Hill 
 and 6 of the principals to the Main Guard. You cannot conceive 
 what disgrace we are all in & how much the General is chagrined that 
 only one Regiment should come from the Southward & that set so 
 infamous an example ; and in order that idleness shall not be a further 
 bane to us, the General Orders on Monday were "that Col Thompsons 
 Regiment shall be upon all parties of Fatague (working parties) & 
 do all other Camp duty equal with any other Regiment" 
 
 The men have since been tried by a General Court Martial and 
 convicted of Mutiny & were only fined 2O/. each for the use of the 
 Hospital too small a punishment for so base a crime & mitigated 
 no doubt on account of their having come so far to serve the Cause & 
 its being the first crime The Men are returned to their Camp, 
 seem exceedingly sorrow for their misbehaveour & promise amend 
 ment. This will I hope awaken the attention of our officers to 
 their duty (for to their remissness I charge our whole disgrace) & the 
 men being employed will yet no doubt do honor to their province 
 
 24 
 
for this much I can say for them that upon every alarm it was impos 
 sible for men to behave with more readiness or attend better to their 
 duty it is in the Camp only that we cut a poor figure tomorrow 
 morning or some time in the Day may perhaps restore our honor, if 
 we behave in the Day of Battle as well as I hope we shall you must 
 know that this is a conjecture of my own & founded on no better ma 
 terials than a poor unexperienced judgment. 
 
 On Monday last Col Arnold having chosen 1000 effective men, 
 Consisting of two Companies of Rifle men (about 140) the remainder 
 Musketeers, set off for Quebec as it is given out (& which I really 
 believe to be their destination), for we have intelligence that the In 
 dians except 30 have deserted from General Carleton & that he hath 
 not more than 700 effective men in Canada all which except one Com 
 pany is at St. John s & Montreal to oppose General Schuyler If 
 this should be the Case & Col Arnold meet with a ready march, Quebec 
 will undoubtedly fall into our Hands for those people who have 
 gone to sound the disposition of the Inhabitants report that they are 
 generally in our Favour, & that no opposition will be given by the 
 country to our measures. I accompanied on foot as far as the Town 
 of Lynn (9 miles) Doctr. Coates who goes as Surgeon, Mr. Matt. 
 Duncan, Mr. Melcher & several other Southern gentlemen as Volun- 
 tiers ^ here I took leave of them with a wet eye the Drums beat 
 & away they go as far as Newberry Port by Land from there they 
 go in Sloops to Kennebeck River, up it in Batteaux & have a carrying 
 place of abt. 40 miles (over which they must carry on their Shoulders 
 their Batteaux & Baggage Scale the Walls and spend the winter in 
 joy and festivity amongst the sweet Nuns. Yesterday the wind 
 being high & the Tide driving in, a Boat with a Serjeant & 5 men 
 drove ashore and were taken by our people the Serjeant seems a 
 very intelligent person for his station he says a Vessel arived at 
 Boston a few days before & brought answers to letters sent out after 
 the Bunker Hill Battle, but knows nothing of what they contain he 
 says that he was Orderly Serjeant a few days ago, and saw in Major 
 Sheriffs Office (Muster Master or Commissary) a return of the killed 
 and wounded at Bunker hill, being 1435 men. It is amazing to me 
 that so many were hurt there for not more than 700 of our Men 
 were in the Battle, but the most of them fired 30 rounds, as they say 
 I must from this conclude that they will hardly attempt our Lines 
 in the Day time, or without a very heavy set of Artillary. 
 
 Saturday i6th Prospect Hill 
 
 Here we are yet & all as peaceable as so many Lambs. I began 
 this letter in the evening & as we were ordered to lie on our Arms 
 
 25 
 
kept on scribling until i o Clock On Thursday at firing the morn 
 ing Gun we were ordered to Plow d Hill, where we lay all that day 
 I took my paper & Ink along as you once desired I would, but found 
 so much to do beside writing, that you had only a few lines manufac 
 tured (in the face of 18 battering Cannon) on a pile of timber intended 
 for a Bomb-proof & just where you see the ^ a Bullet from the Foway 
 disconcerted all my Ideas, altho it did not come near me. I tho t 
 the Banquette a safer place & took my station accordingly just in the 
 Angle of a Traverse & was as safe as a thief in a mill but there was 
 too much noise for writing & the Generals appearing in sight I tho t 
 it not quite so decent a Posture of a SOLDIER, thrust my writing 
 materials under an old Blanket, Shouldered my firelock, and strutted 
 with all the parade of a careful Lad. a deserter is just taken in to 
 General Greens I attend & will inform you what he says a good 
 hearty looking Lad from Limerick it is deserters intelligence there 
 fore place what Credit to it you please he informs that there are 
 3000 men on Bunker hill that all the Grenedier and Light Infantry 
 Companies are made up to their full complement & encamped there 
 all the Light-Horse he says are also on the Hill but that they have 
 no intention of coming out & keep very strong picquets every night 
 to prevent our surprising them that great numbers of deserters 
 would come over, but the Soldiers are made to believe that a compact 
 is agreed on between ours and their Generals to give up all deserters 
 at the end of the Campaign, & that they will hang without mercy all 
 such as desert from them he also says there is a great coolness be 
 tween the Irish & English Soldiers, but I am apt to believe without 
 any foundation he say there are Barracks going to be built on 
 Bunker Hill immediately, by w ch . we conclude they intend wintering 
 there, & that there is talk of 6 Regiments coming over to reinforce 
 them but that the people of Ireland have stoped the Artillary & all 
 their recruits so much for this Lad One came out this morning 
 from Roxbury & brings nearly the same intelligence except that he. 
 say s they are to give us Battle tomorrow, which we are always pre 
 pared for but don t believe a word of they will not catch us asleep 
 come when they please. 
 
 I hate all hasty conclusions, & therefore am pleased with the mod 
 esty of my expressions in regard to the Battle I prophecyed on Thurs 
 day last I had many concuring circumstances in regard to their 
 uncommon movements to suspect something was going on but as 
 nothing has been done, shall only say in future what hath been actu 
 ally done & not what may probably happen. 
 
 I have many things that I could write & which I know would 
 
 give you pleasure, or at least a right idea of this Army of 20,000 men 
 
 - but it would not do that the Letter should fall by accident into the 
 
 26 
 
hands of infidels or the Heathen such Sermons, such Negroes, such 
 Colonels such Boys & such Great Great Grandfathers. 
 
 This I may safely say, that such a cursed set of sharpers cannot 
 be matched every article of convenience or necessaries, are raised 
 to double the former price but I hope a proper enquiry will be made 
 before the accounts are passed and that whatever falsehoods their 
 news-papers may be stuffed with will be disregarded. 
 
 Sunday Evening 
 
 All s well. From my Tent door on this Hill I have a full view 
 of all the Enemies Batteries & Works on Boston neck & also our own ; 
 about 8 o Clock this morning I saw a small Cannonade begun by our 
 people with two large Guns & were immediately answered by two 
 from our Antagonists our people gave them about a dozen more & 
 only received 3 in return. What the matter was, or what occasioned 
 so small a spell of smart firing I have not had curiosity to enquire 
 for I have been so busy in hearing a most excellent Sermon from our 
 Dear Mr. [Samuel] Blair & in viewing some works on Leechmore 
 point (I might as well have said Cul de Sac for anything you will under 
 stand by it) that I had not before an opportunity of examining with 
 attention - - that I am tired & sleepy w ch you have no doubt con 
 cluded before you were informed. 
 
 Monday Morning 
 
 I am just informed by one of our Officers that General Schuyler 
 hath taken St. Johns by assault with only the loss of 300 men & that 
 he hath taken 1700 Prisoners this being post day I set off for Cam 
 bridge & if the news is true will put this in the Post Office contrary 
 to my first intention to send it by Mr. Willing, but as there is no know 
 ing when he will set off, cannot keep such good news from you a mo 
 ment. 
 
 Noarth who informs me he is writing to you is to relate all the 
 little nannygotes with that humour w ch will make them agreeable 
 my department is meer matters of fact. 
 
 Since I wrote the last two lines 20 cannon have been fired at Rox- 
 bury & they are firing now ding dong. 
 
 Gen. Washingtons n o Clk 
 
 The above St. Johns account is all a falsehood from first to last, & 
 now I set my nose to Roxbury & will inform you why the Serpents 
 fire so very briskly at Roxbury 
 
 27 
 
Roxbury i o Clock 
 
 I met on my way hither a Bro r Voluntier Mr. Dan l Dorsey of Mary 
 land who informs me he is going to leave the Camp tomorrow morn 
 ing for your city the firing at this place was not occasioned by any 
 uncommon movement but just by the way of Sport We fired no 
 Guns this morning nor by 100 Guns w ch . they have fired hath one 
 man been killed or hurt, altho the Guard House & other Houses full 
 of men have been shot thro & thro* The wind of a 24 Pounder 
 knocked down a man & horse, struck the Limb of an apple tree & 
 threw it against Dr. Hubley knocked him down & did none of them 
 any kind of harm, except frightening them soundly. 
 
 Peacock, Jamaica Plains 4 o Clk 
 
 The firing at Roxbury hath ceased & all is quiet again. I came here 
 from Roxbury with some of the Rifle Gent n . of that Division to ask 
 Capt Cresap how he does who lies here sick, & for no other reason 
 as Smith can well inform you Mr. Conner is with me & begs his 
 Complements be put in to you & the Club & if I know any thing of the 
 matter, you might with ALL HIS HEART, present them to, [some 
 words struck out] if mortal man can say which that is & now to 
 conclude if all this will not draw a line from you I can only say you 
 are a very Lazy fellow, or that the Widow hath an undue influence 
 on the friend of 
 
 Your Hble Serv* 
 
 JESSE LUKENS 
 
 You need not write as I set off from here 
 before yours can possibly leave Philada. 
 
 To M r . John Shaw J r 
 
 28 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER TWO. 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER TWO. 
 
 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. 
 
The Public Library of the City of Boston: Printing Department, March, 1902. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 BOUNDS BETWEEN BOSTON AND CHARLESTOWN. 
 
 From a MS. in the Writing of Edward Rawson I 
 
 AN ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCIL, 1743. 
 
 Trial of the Reverend Daniel Bliss of Concord, Massachusetts 2 
 
 PHILIP DODDRIDGE. 
 
 To his Wife, July 21, 1747 7 
 
 LORD COLVILLE. 
 
 To the Selectmen of Boston, May 18, 1752 10 
 
 MINISTER S SALARY AT LEBANON, CONNECTICUT, 1758 10 
 
 PETITION ON THE CANADIAN FISHERIES, 1772 n 
 
 "BOSTON MASSACRE," 1770. 
 
 John Adams s Notes on the Trial of the British Soldiers 13 
 Letters to the Committee of Boston : 
 
 From Catharine Macaulay, May 9, 1770 20 
 
 From William Bollan, May n, 1770 21 
 
 From Thomas Pownall, May n, 1770 22 
 
 JAMES COGSWELL. 
 
 To Levi Hart, "Camp in Roxbury," June 15, 1775 24 
 
 EZRA SELDEN. 
 
 To Nathan Hale, "Roxbury Camp," June 25, 1775 25 
 
 GOVERNOR GEORGE Ross. 
 
 To Col. James Burd and the Officers and Privates of his 
 
 Battalion, Reading, Dec. 16, 1776 26 
 
 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 
 
 Continental Board of War to the Governor of Maryland, 
 
 Jan. 17, 1778 27 
 
 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 
 
 To Josiah Bartlett, May 21, 1779 28 
 
 . 
 
 IX 
 
ADDRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENTS TO MAJOR GENERAL 
 
 WILLIAM HEATH, HIGH LANDS, AUGUST, 1779 30 
 
 PHILIP MAZZEI. 
 
 To Thomas Jefferson, April 21, 1780 35 
 
 JOHN JAY. 
 
 To Silas Deane, Nov. I, 1780 37 
 
 To Jeremiah Wadsworth, Jan. 13, 1789 38 
 
 WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. 
 
 To - - Harrison, June 18, 1781 39 
 
 THE MOSQUITO SHORE. 
 
 Four Letters of Lord North to Governor Campbell of 
 
 Jamaica, Sept.-Nov., 1783 40 
 
 JOHN BROWN, THE ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 To Simon Perkins, Nov. 24, 1847 43 
 
 To Same, May I, 1849 44 
 
 To Same, Jan. 26, 1852 46 
 
 To Dr. Jesse Bowen, March 3, 1859 47 
 
 x 
 
BOUNDS BETWEEN BOSTON AND 
 CHARLESTOWN. 
 
 From a MS. in the writing of Edward Rawson, in the Public Library of the 
 
 City of Boston. 
 
 Rawson s MS. 
 
 Att A Generall Court, held at New 
 Towne 6 May 1635 
 
 N 240. The bounds betweene 
 Boston, and Charles Towne arje 
 from the Creeke along in y e 
 Creeke vpwards in the same till 
 wee come to a little neck of land 
 that come from the east side of 
 the same neck; there the first 
 stake stands a litle on y e east 
 side of it, and from thence to a 
 marked tree at the Foote of the 
 marish Agreed vppon of all Sides, 
 and from that tree to another that 
 lyeth right opposite over a hill, 
 and from thence to a high tall 
 Pine, that stands vppon a point 
 of Rock, on the side of the high 
 way. to misticke. other side of 
 Rumney marish; and from out 
 side; to outside by a streight 
 line: 
 
 3$ John Holgrave. 
 
 This is A true copie taken out 
 of the Court Records as Attests 
 Edward Rawson secfety 
 
 As printed by Shurtleff. 
 vol I, p. 150. 
 
 [8 July, 1635.] 
 
 The bounds betweene Boston 
 & Charlestowne are from the 
 creeke along the creeke vpward 
 in the same till wee come to a 
 little neck of land that come from 
 the east side of the same neck: 
 there the first stake stands a little 
 on the east side of it. & from 
 thence to a m r ked tree at the foote 
 of the marsh agreed vpon of all 
 sides, & from that tree to another 
 that lye right opposite over a hill, 
 & from thence to a high, tall pine, 
 that stands vpon a point of rock, 
 on the side of the high way to 
 Mistick < , other side of 
 Rumney Marsh, & from outside 
 to outside by a straight line. | 
 ^ John Holgrave. 
 
 1 The manuscript differs somewhat from the printed "Records of the Gov 
 ernor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," edited by Shurt 
 leff, with which a full comparison -may be made. The difference in the dates 
 assigned to the first entry is curious, but the Rawson copy is probably the more 
 correct. 
 
Rawson s MS. 
 
 Att A Generall Court held at New 
 
 Towne Septemb 2. 1635. 
 The 28 th of the first month 1636. 
 Agreed by vs. whose names are 
 vnder written that the bounds, 
 betweene Boston, and Charles 
 Towne, on the northeast side of 
 Misticke River,, shall Runne from 
 the marked tree uppon the Rocky 
 hill above Rumney marish. neere 
 the written tree north north west ; 
 vppon a streight lyne by a meri 
 dian Compass vp into the coun 
 try: N 259 
 
 Abraham Palmer 
 W m Cheesborough 
 W m . Spencer 
 
 This is a true Copie taken out 
 of the Court booke of Records as 
 Attests 
 
 Edward Rawson secrety 
 
 Shurtleff, vol I, p. 162. 
 
 The 28 th . day of the first moneth, 
 
 1636. 
 
 Agreed by vs, whose names are 
 vnder written, that the bounds be 
 tweene Boston & Charles Towne, 
 on the nor east syde Misticke 
 Ryver, shall run from the fhked 
 tree vpon the rocky hill above 
 Rumney Marshe, neere the writ 
 ten tree nore-nore west vpon a 
 straight lyne by a meridean com- 
 pas vpp into the countrie. | 
 Abraham Palmer 
 Will" 1 Cheesebrough 
 Will m Spencer. 
 
 AN ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCIL, 1743. 
 
 Trial of the Reverend Daniel Bliss of Concord, Massachusetts. 
 
 An ecclesiastical Council consisting of the Elders & other Dele 
 gates of 14 Churches of Christ, viz. y e first Church in Ipswhich, y e 
 first Church in York, y e West Chu h In Sudbury, y e Church in Wes- 
 ton, y e first Church in Middlebury, The third Church in Ipswich, y c 
 Church in Newton, y e first Ch h in Cambridge, y e Second Church in 
 Boston, y e Church in Waltham, The first Church in Bradford, y e 
 Church in Medford, y e Church in Sutton, & y e Church in Grafton Con 
 vened in Concord Sep r 13 th 1743 at y e Request of y e Church of Christ 
 there, on y e ac ount of y e - Unhappy differrences Which had been for 
 Some Considerable Time Subsisting among them occasioned by Sun- 
 dery exceptions made against y e Doctrine, Discipline & Conduct of y e 
 Re d . Pastor of S d Church. After Solem & repeated prayer to God & a 
 full & Impartial hearing of all Parties & Persons Presenting them 
 selves Before us, & After a very mature consideration & debate upon y e 
 Several Articles of Charge offerred against him, with y e Several Evi 
 dences exhibited for y e Support, as also y e vindication made By y 4 
 Re d . M r Bliss & y e Chh in answer thereto. Came into y e following 
 Result. 
 
I. On y e 15 Articles of Charge which had been by y e aggreived Laid 
 before y e Church. 
 
 1. As to y e first it was Voted y* without entring upon a full de 
 termination Concerning y e Conduct of y e Pastor & Chh relating to 
 Ezekeil Miles And his wife, which primarily happened through indis 
 tinct apprehensions on both Sides referring to y e Covenant of Grace 
 & it s Seals & which we are sorry hath had Such unhappy effects, we 
 Wou d now advise y 1 they offer a Relation wherein they Shall more 
 Fully express their faith & repentance & Manifest an humble Spirit 
 for their own Stiffness & misconduct, & y* y e Chh with a Spirit of 
 Candor & Charity receive them into their Communion 
 
 2. As to y e Second Article wherein they Say they think he hath 
 wronged y e Truth, Voted, i. That M r . Bliss expressions about The 
 Church Book is a faulty Evasion of y e Truth, for which He ought to 
 make Christian Satisfaction. Voted 2. That altho It appeared by y e 
 Evidence of M rs . Trowbridge & her son, And from what was further 
 Said upon y e hearing, y t M r Bliss Utterred an untruth, yet we Chari 
 tably hope y* it was done thro precipitancy or mistake. 
 
 3. As to y e 3 d Article, Voted y* it appears to y e Council by the 
 Evidence offered, y l M r . Bliss in his Expressions about y e Covenant 
 of Grace & y e Seals of it delivered himself in an indistinct & Unsafe 
 manner, so y* we have reason to think his Sentiments were also indis 
 tinct & obscure ; but are glad to find in what he has off er d to y e Coun 
 cil y* his thots are now agreeable to y e Scripture. - 
 
 4. As to Article 4 th his saying y i John y e Baptist removed y e par 
 tition wall, Voted y t altho it appeared y* Such an incautious Expres 
 sion was delivered by M r Bliss, yet upon his reading y* part of his 
 Sermon where y e expression was introduc d y e Council were satisfied 
 about y e same. - 
 
 5. As to y e 5 th Article, Voted y 1 tho we Judge y* many who are 
 Converted do know it, & y* it is y e duty of Christians to give all Dili 
 gence to make their Calling & Election Sure, yet y e doctrine That M r 
 Bliss has taught, namely y* every Person That is Converted must 
 know it, is what we apprehend to be unsound. But in what he offerred 
 to y e Council he expressed himself more Cautiously to our Satisfac 
 tion. 
 
 6. As to y e 6 th Article y l y e main reason y* any man Cannot enter 
 in at y e Strait gate is because he is not Elected, which was fully proved 
 we judge M r Bliss expressions very improper tending to make an ill 
 improvement of y e important Scripture Doctrine of Election. - 
 
 7. As to Article y e 7 th y t M r Bliss hath held y* man doth in some 
 degree participate of all y e Divine Attributes M r Bliss as to this hath 
 Corrected himself, & acknowledges y* he Too hastily delivered it and 
 purposes for y e future to speak of y e attributes of God as communi 
 cable & incommunicable. 
 
 8. As to Article y e 8 th in mentioning y 1 text, he y* believes not is 
 condemned already, but I say he is damned already ; Every person y* 
 
 3 
 
hath not true saving Faith is in an Estate of damnation you believe & 
 so doth y e Devil ; but your Faith is a Cursed damn d faith. Voted, y t 
 y e expressions are very unsutable & improper. 
 
 9. As to Article y e 9 th in praying for himself at a Chh meeting 
 He S d . he was a poor vile worm of y e dust, y 1 was allowed as mediator 
 between God & this people, M r Bliss declares he had no ill intention 
 in y i expression, was immediately Sorry for It, for fear of y e bad Con 
 struction which might be put upon it, which y e Council Voted, their 
 Satisfaction with. - 
 
 10. As to Article io th M r Bliss S d . in a Sermon y*. it was as great 
 A sin for a man to get an Estate by honest Labour, if He had not a 
 single aim at y e Glory of God, as to gett it at Gameing at Cards and 
 dice ; This was testified by three witnesses. Voted, y l y e expressions 
 are unwarantable & of dangerous tendency & therefore ought to be 
 Carefully guarded against. But M r Bliss in his vindication declared 
 y* he was not apprehensive of his ever haveing delivered himself as 
 Testified by y e witnesses & y 1 y e same was Contrary to his Sentiments ; 
 with which y e Council were Satisfied. - 
 
 11. As to Article II th we find y 1 M r Bliss thinks y 4 y e words of 
 y 1 Text Matth. n. n. are to be understood of Christ & y 1 in differrent 
 Respects Christ is both y e least & greatest in y e Kingdom of heaven 
 on which we observe y* tho this may be y e sense of Some Expositors 
 Tis not y e generally received opinion. 
 
 12. As to article 12 th in preaching upon y e text he y* came down 
 from heaven is above all he Said a Person might go on in his Sins 
 drunkenness &c, but I must tell you For your comfort if you belong to 
 y e Election of Grace, Christ will bring you home, We Judge these 
 words are a verry ill and unwarrantable use of y e Doctine of Election 
 & of very dangerous tendency. But M r Bliss in his vindication before 
 us declares y t understanding some were offended. He y e next Sabbath 
 day warned his people against any wrong improvement thereof to y e 
 incouragement of sin To which diverse of y e Churche did Testify. 
 
 13. As to 13 th article, it does not appear to us by any Evidence 
 Brought y 1 Mr. Bliss has tried in his private conversation to make 
 persons beleive y 1 Christ was a deceiver, & y e discourse had by him, 
 which is S d to be y e foundation of y i Charge Tho imprudent has been 
 since perverted to vile Slander? 
 
 14. As to 14 th Article we are uneasy with his wandering about 
 From town to town to y e disturbance of Towns & Churches & neglect 
 ing his own Chh at home. Voted y* we haveing reason to fear That 
 M r Bliss hath been too incautious in his complying with Invitations to 
 preach in some other Ministers parishes, Exhort him for y e future 
 Carefully to observe The Testimony & advice of y e late Convention 
 which he hath signed. But we do not find he has neglected his own 
 Charge, but on y e Contrary his faithfullness & diligence was testified 
 by many. 
 
15. As to y e 15 th Article his incouraging lay Exhorters, is not 
 Supported. 
 
 II. As to y e additional articles. 
 
 1. As to y e first article it does not appear to this Council y* M r 
 Bliss has been incorrigible. 
 
 2. As to y e 2 d Article Voted y* it be passed over as not of im 
 portance. 
 
 3. As to y e 3 d Article, the proofs have been already Considered 
 under y e 2 d of y e 15. 
 
 4. As to y e 4 th Article, with regard to his casting reflections on 
 evidences formerly brought against him, we Judge That M r Bliss ex 
 pressing of himself as y e witnesses Testify was imprudent & unwar- 
 antable. 
 
 5. As to y e 5 th Article from y e evidence we think y* M r Bliss was 
 not justifiable in utterly forbiding y e suspended Brethren To speake 
 in y e Chh as also y* his refusal to comply with y e Repeated request of 
 y e aggreived Brethren for a Church meeting was unkind & arbitrary 
 dealing. 
 
 6. As to y e 6 th article respecting his laying Stumbling Blocks 
 Before diverse of his people in his pastoral Visits, we think it is difi- 
 cult for us to come to y e knowledge of y e truth as to this Article But 
 from what has been offerred we fear y 1 M r Bliss In his discourse hath 
 not always expressed himself safely, & That frequently his people 
 have misunderstood his words. - 
 
 7. As to y e 7 th article about false Doctrines. With regard to y e 
 first Instance we think it is true with a proper distinction. As to The 
 2 d & 3 d they were not supported. The 4 th & last was before had under 
 Consideration. 
 
 III. As to y e Suspension of y e 4 Brethren, we judge it would have 
 been more advisable for y e Chh to have deferred y e Suspension of 
 them & had either Considered & accomodated their differences Them 
 selves or had Called a Council for y 1 purpose. And we Advise y e 
 Pastor & Chh to indeavour in y e most prudent manner They can to 
 bring them to a sense of their faults and restore Them in y e Spirit of 
 meekness. 
 
 Upon y e whole we advise y e Rev d . M r Bliss to be humble under a 
 sense of his having given so much ground to many of his Christian 
 Brethren ; to be grieved & offended at him and y i he make a suitable 
 publick acknowledgement of y e Things wherein he is blame worthy, 
 y 1 he give himself diligently to y e Study of y e Scriptures & Orthodox 
 Divines and carefully avoid Delivering any unsound & perplexing 
 Doctrines or expressions That he give himself time for Study in pre 
 paring for his Publick Performances, and y* in all things he shew him 
 self a patern of good works, in Doctrine Shewing uncorruptness, grav 
 ity, Sincerity, sound speech, y t cannot be condemned, y* he y t is of y e 
 Contrary part may be ashamed, having no evill Thing To Say of him. 
 
 5 
 
And now as to y e aggrieved Brethren we advise, y* upon his giving 
 Christian Satisfaction as above, they return to & Sit quietly & peace 
 ably under ye Ministry of their Rev d Pastor esteeming him very highly 
 in love for his works Sake We also think it our Duty from Love & 
 faithfulness to you & to others to Suggest Several thing which we 
 apprehend we have reason to fear from w* appeared to us and we wou d 
 do this by laying y e following things before you & them for your & 
 their Serious Consideration. 
 
 We fear y* Corrupt principles Contrary to y e Doctrine of Grace 
 have been and are espoused by some persons in this place, w ch hath 
 occasioned their Stumbling at some truths y* have been delivered To 
 them, and we fear y* y e uneasiness of some persons at least may be 
 owing to a Spirit of opposition to God s Gracious work. 
 
 And y* some persons have taken up groundless prejudice & heark 
 ened To false accusations against y e Minister, yea y 1 some of y e evi 
 dences which appeared against him before us have in this time of y e 
 Controversie Treated him with odious & bitter expressions, we fear 
 y r has been great want of y* love w ch would have covered many in 
 firmities and y* whilst they have Severely animadverted upon y r Min 
 isters Failings, they have ungratefully overlooked the Zeal, Faithful 
 ness, and love to Souls, with w ch we are perswaded he hath ministered 
 to his people. 
 
 And Furthermore we fear y 1 many have not made just & proper 
 allowances for y* incorrectness w ch has been Complained of in some 
 of his publick performances. Since he has been so taken off from his 
 Studies, by attending The multitudes of Souls y* have flocked to him 
 for his advice And direction. - 
 
 And now permit us to exhort y e whole Church and people of God 
 in this place who have Called us in to Council them to Confess y r 
 faults one to another & to pray one for another and to Shew all due 
 respect & honour to y r Pastor as one whome we have Reason to be- 
 leive, God has made an instru 1 of carrying out his Remarkable Gra 
 cious work in this Town, entreating them also in y e Bowel of our 
 L. J. C. that they Study y e things y 4 make for Peace & whereby they 
 may edify one another, and y* they put away all bitterness & wrath 
 & anger & Clamor, & evil Speaking with all malice and y* they be 
 kind to one another, and tender hearted Forgiving one another, as 
 God for Christ Sake hath forgiven us. 
 
 Finally Brethren we Commend you to God & to y e word of his 
 Grace, rejoycing with you for y c happy Share God has given you in 
 his late glorious work, adding our fervent prayers y* y e Divine Spirit 
 may be Still more plenteously poured forth, Upon both pastor & 
 people, & y 1 pure & undefiled religion may abundantly Florish among 
 you may y e God of Peace be with you all Amen. 
 
 John Cotton Moderator 
 In y e Name of y e Council 
 
 A4 , ( Na l. Rogers. 
 
 Attest <{ Scribes. 
 
 f- [ Joshua Gee 
 
M r . Blisses Confession Sep r y e 2O th 1743. 
 
 As to y e article of Doctrines wherein I have been censured By 
 this Ven bl Councill, I do meekly Submit to your Judge [ment] Having 
 been convinced of my unwariness In them. And shall Always en 
 deavour by divine Assistance to Guard against All offensive and ex 
 ceptionable expressions and to speake y e Things y t . become sound 
 doctrine. 
 
 And Whereas it is Judged by this Councill y* in some instances 
 I am Cheargable with a faulty evasion of y e truth. I desire to be 
 humbled before God for whatever in my discourse & Conversation has 
 been attended with such a faulty aspect as to have given any occasion 
 of Grief & offence in Such regards and By y e help of Divine Grace 
 will for y e future keep a most constant watch over y e door of my Lips. 
 
 And as to those things blamed in my Conduct I acknowledge I 
 deserve blame : And I hope I shall ever by y e same Grace so approve 
 my self for y e future as y l I may give no offence. Desireing y* I may 
 by any Christian means gain y e Love & Candour of all my people. 
 
 And now dearly beloved while I ask you Christian forgiveness 
 & y* you consider me in y e Bod)^ and a man of Like Passions with you 
 So let me beseech you to refresh my Bowels In Christ Jesus by your 
 accepting me in y 1 Spirit of meekness And love which is y e bond of 
 Gospel Unity: that y e God of Peace & truth & holiness may Conde 
 scend to dwell among us. Signed 
 
 Concord. Sep r . 2O th 1/43. Daniel Bliss. 
 
 In Council Voted that this is y e Satisfaction which They Judge 
 proper to be given by y e Rev d M r . Bliss. 
 Joshua Gee 
 Nath 1 . Rogers 
 
 > Scribes, 
 s $ 
 
 PHILIP DODDRIDGE. 
 
 Dr. Philip Doddridge to his Wife. 
 
 Canon Street July 21. 1747 Tuesday Morning 
 My Dearest Friend 
 
 I suppose M r Kennedy s Arrival at Northampton may before this 
 Time have informed you of the Difsappointment he met w th by M r 
 Parish s being out of Town & likewife of M r Roomes being gone to 
 Hackney to live there during the Summer which made it improper for 
 me to go to Fleet Street where alone I could have fecured a Bed for my 
 Young Companion as well as for my felf. I therefore in Conjunction 
 w th good D r Clark in whofe Company & that of his Lady I had all 
 imaginable Satisfaction advised his Return to Northampton whither 
 had I consulted only my own Inclinations I could very gladly have 
 attended him. All my Stay at S* Albans was very agreeable. I shall 
 
inform you of the Curiosities on Shell-work w th which 1 was enter 
 tained at M rs Rays when I have the Satisfaction to fee you. The 
 Lords Day was I blefs God very comfortable to me but my Sudden 
 Summons to leave my very engaging & generous Friends so foon was 
 very disagreeable. I had however a very good Journey w th agreeable 
 & entertaining Company in the Stage Coach & came in hither about 
 6 in y e Evening. I came directly to good M r Jacksons where I am now 
 quartered & very kindly received but alas before I got out of the Coach 
 received a piece of Melancholy News w h was soon confirmed in all y e 
 sad particulars w th which I had heard it. In Short M r Raymond who 
 married the two Mifs Lambes succefsively is broke for 30 or near 40 
 thousand pounds & has taken in fome of the principal Difsenters in 
 Town & among y e rest your Friend M r Smith for 7000 who had y e 
 Brew House made over to him for his Security but deferring to feize 
 till M rs Raymonds Month was up which it just now is has by that 
 Tendernefs loft half his Money for tis generally feared y e Compofition 
 will not be ten Shillings in y e pound. How this Affects good M r Bar 
 ker & his affectionate Lady you may in y e general Guefs even feparate 
 from the personal Lofs of 500 for which M r Barker him felf was 
 drawn in I have not yet seen that worthy & excellent Man but my 
 Heart has been extreamly pained for him ever since I heard this 
 grievous News & I expect quickly to meet him here. It convinces me 
 how happy it was that M r Kennedy went back for to be fure while y e 
 Family at Walthampftow is a Scene of such Affliction it w d have been 
 very improper to have carried him thither. You will pleafe to give my 
 Service to M r Robertson & tell him that I defire him to take him under 
 his particular Inspection. I find good M r Woodward extreamly af 
 flicted w th the Sudden Death of his Son M r Hensman as well as w th 
 the affair of M r Belsham who he thinks has been very rigoroufly used 
 & who I believe will fet up a Boarding School at Bedford. Our worthy 
 Friend M r Jackson looks pure well & I think in his little Velvet Cap 
 fomething like King Henry y e 8 th . but M rs Jackson is but poorly & 
 does not much exceed y e Looks of Queen Catherine whom w th her Dog 
 you remember at Althrop. I think to go to Walthamstow to night & 
 to Epping to morrow if I can tho I plainly fee great Difficulty will 
 attend it for M r Barker has now laid down his Chair. I shall not I 
 fear be able to write to you again till Saturday for if I write from 
 Epping it will come no fooner but I muft not conclude without inform 
 ing you of a Scheme on w h y e Hearts of our very obliging & delightful 
 Friends at S Albans are much fet viz. that you should bring Mercy 
 w th you in y e Chair next Monday Fortnight & fo take me back on 
 Thursday spending y e two intermediate Days there. You may be 
 fure my Dearest this will be very agreeable to me if you can contrive 
 & effect it. You will pleafe in your next to let me know your Thoughts 
 on that Head that I may inform them accordingly I was last night 
 at M rs Waughs she is in a sad Condition her Face being on Account 
 of a Surfiet quite covered with a Sort of Tetter. She complains loudly 
 & justly of the Delay of y e Family Expositor which has occasionrl 
 her a great Lofs of the Intrest of between 2 & 300 for near 2 years 
 
 8 
 
& of some longer. She adds that M r Godwin has not yet prepard one 
 Letter of y e Index. So I have promifd her that I will fee to it the work 
 be ready for publication by November w h is y e beginning of y e pub 
 lishing Time. Farewell my Dearest many Services attend you from 
 hence w th thofe of 
 
 Your moft obliged & affectionate 
 
 P. Doddridge 
 
 P. S. As to publick News I have met with nothing very curious but 
 find the molt intelligent of my Friends are of Opinion that the Dutch 
 in their States are as much attatchd to France as ever & that tho to 
 content y e people & secure their own precious persons just at that 
 Crisis they made y e P. of Orange Stadtholder yet they restrain him 
 from doing any thing important & are realey in a private Treaty w th 
 France w h is to deliver or however engages & promifes to deliver, 
 these Towns on a peace, y e Consequence of w h must be that all y e Men 
 flain in their Sham Defence are in effect murthered. The News of the 
 taking of Bergen op Zoom compleat as its Fortifications are, is ex 
 pected every Hour. I am very credibly informed that the Duke ex 
 postulated very severely w th the Austrian General Bathiani after y e 
 late action, & complained w th very just Resentment that when he fent 
 him immediate Orders to march up his Troops he only fent an Aid de 
 Camp w th a Compliment to know the Pleasure of his Royal Highnefs. 
 And when Bathiani excufed it said his R. Highnefs turnd his Back & 
 said aloud "that if he were not more faithfully supported by his Allies 
 he fhould learn by their example to spare his Fathers brave Troops 
 & not suffer all the Burthen of the War to be thrown on them." Tis 
 added that y e French King told Legonier he perceived y e Allies in 
 tended that England fhould fight as well as pay all w h he thought very 
 unjust & intimated his Wonder that we fhould not hearken to thofe 
 good Terms w h if we w d part w th Cape Breton we ought at any Time 
 fecure. These Advices feem to come from a good Hand & tis said that 
 Legonier brought Terms in all other Respects very advantageous w h 
 considering of how high Importance it w d be to France just in this 
 Juncture to separate us from our Allies I think by no means improb 
 able. As soon as you have read this postscript you will pleafe to send 
 it to the good Ladies at y e Head of Abington Street w th my beft com 
 pliments. They will fee by it how glad I w d be to contribute to y e 
 Entertainment of such very agreeable Friends if it lay in my Power. 
 I beg they would make my belt compliments to y e charming & happy 
 Family at Ecton to the good Lady of which I wiih as happy a Time 
 as M rs Pembroke had who was on Saturday Morning laft delivered of 
 a fine Daughter within half an Hour after fhe was taken ill. She had 
 been taking y c Air in y e Chariot y e Evening before. 
 
 Since I wrote this News is come from Bergen w h encourages us 
 to hope for a more vigorous Defence than was expected. 
 
 D r Clark inquired after his Bill & proposes paying it when I re 
 turn thro S Albans having been difappointed of a large Remittance 
 w h he expected last Week. He had paid me 2 Guineas Entrance which 
 
he set down but I forgot. M r Hanchett made me a Pres 1 of a Guinea. 
 PS. I dined w th good M rs Raymond who has opened her wife & good 
 Heart to me for such indeed it is w th a Freedom w h perhaps no other 
 Circumftance could have given & w h has afforded me great Delight. 
 It was her exprefs Desire to fee me & M r Barker fent me over in his 
 Chariot. Pray for them. 
 To M rs Doddridge 
 in Northampton. 
 
 LORD COLVILLE. 
 
 Lord Colville to the Selectmen of Boston. 
 
 Gentlemen 
 
 I am extreamly sensible of the Honour done me by the Metropolis 
 of America ; and had I known six Months agoe, how well the Free 
 holders and other inhabitants of this great Town were affected towards 
 me, I would have applied to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, 
 to be continued on this Station; But as tis now too late, I can only 
 say ; That whenever the American Stations are to be relieved, I shall 
 think myself happy if I can return to a Country which has already 
 given me such Marks of Esteem and Regard 
 
 Boston May 18: 1752. Colville 1 
 
 MINISTERS SALARY AT LEBANON, 
 CONNECTICUT, 1758. 
 
 At a Meeting of the firft Society in Leb n Legally warned Sep tr 
 26. 1758 
 
 Whereas in the year 1722 when this Society call d y e Rev d M r 
 Solomon Williams to Settle in y e work of y e Gofpel Miniftry amongft 
 them it was voted to give him an 120 -0-0 yearly for 10 years, & then 
 
 lf rhe endorsement reads: "Lord Colville Answer to Selectmen when the 
 Thanks of the Town were given him. May 18: 1752." 
 
 10 
 
to give him an 100 a year in Publick bills of Credit or in Provision 
 Pay at Country Price according to the then Prefent value of the bills 
 of Credit fo long as He Continues in the work of the Miniftry among 
 us, & the Com tee gave the s d Rev d M r Williams Sufficient Reafon to 
 Expect the Society would find him his Fire Wood, & that the 20-0-0 
 a year would be always Continued as part of his Sallary Seeing he 
 had no other Allowance or Confideration for a Settlement, of which 
 the Society have been Satiffied, & voted the 20-0-0 as part of his 
 Sallary to be made up in the Same proportion of the value of the bills 
 as the 100 was & alfo Since the year 1741 have voted from year 
 to year what they Suppofed a Sufficiency for his fire wood. & in 
 Setling with M r Williams the Com tee have always Agreed that he 
 ought to have fo much in Paper bills as would procure fo much of the 
 Necefsaries of Life as the 120 o o would procure at the time of his 
 Settlement. & fince our Money is now Setled by Law & Made Lawful 
 Money there have been fome doubts & debates what is the Sum that 
 ought to be allowed according to the honeft Meaning of our Contract, 
 which the laft year the Society declard they judged to be 100 o o 
 lawful Money, therefore to prevent any Difputes for the Future & the 
 Trouble of the Com tee Setling from year to year it is agreed & voted 
 that the Society will give the Rev d M r Solo. Williams 100 o o 
 Lawful Money a year for his Support & finding his fire wood so long 
 as he fhall Continue in the work qf the Gofpel Miniftry among us. 
 
 At the Meeting above mentioned the foregoing vote voted in the 
 Affirmative. 
 
 With the above vote of the Society I am Satiffied & Contented. 
 
 Solomon Williams. 
 Foregoing is a true Copy of Record. 
 Exam d . ^. W m Williams Society Clerk. 
 
 26 Sept 
 1772. 
 
 PETITION ON THE CANADIAN 
 FISHERIES, 1772. 
 
 To the Earl of Hillsborough one of his Majesty s principal Secre 
 taries of State &c. &c. &c. 
 
 The Memorial and Petition of the Merchants Traders & Settlers con 
 cerned in the Fisheries of the bays of Chaleur and Gaspey, in the 
 Gulph of S* Laurence in Canada. 
 
 Humbly Sheweth 
 
 That your Memorialists since the acquisition of Canada to this 
 Kingdom have carried on considerable Cod fisheries in the Bays of 
 
 ii 
 
Chaleur and Gaspey in the Province of Quebec but that the heavy and 
 opprefsive circumstances under which they have laboured of late years 
 without redrefs compel them again to represent their complaints to 
 Your Lordship earnestly sollicking that speedy relief which the exi 
 gency of their case repuires. 
 
 They humbly beg leave to repeat to Your Lordship that since the 
 addition of this Colony to his Majesty s Crown great numbers of 
 deckd vefsels from the Coasts of New England come upon the shore 
 fishing grounds and Banks in the bays of Chaleur and Gaspey where 
 contrary to an express act of Parliament of the 15 th of Charles the 
 second, they fish with seines ; and unsatisfyed with this infringement 
 they throw the entrails of the fish on these very grounds to the utter 
 ruin of the fisheries and pursue other destructive practices totally con 
 trary to the established laws and Customs of Newfoundland; having 
 by similar practices already destroyed the fisheries on their own Coast. 
 
 Your Memorialists now beg leave further to represent to Your 
 Lordship that from some unaccountable neglect of this valuable tho 
 infant settlement; the lives and properties of his Majesty s subjects 
 are in the greatest danger, a gang of Indians or savages having already 
 committed several murders in those parts and threatening others; 
 allured by the desire of plunder and secure in the feeble opposition 
 that can be made to them, a circumstance with which they are well 
 acquainted and which has increased their number as yet too incon 
 siderable not to be apprehended or dispersed if timely opposed. And 
 Your Memorialists beg leave also to inform your Lordship that they 
 labour under the heaviest oppressions from the want of a court of 
 judicature at Bonnaventure the chief seat of the fishery, for the ad 
 ministration of justice of which they are deprived, the Colony being 
 become a receptacle to outlaws; no proper authority being supported 
 to enforce obedience to Government. 
 
 And Your Memorialists feeling sensibly the dismal effects of 
 these mischiefs which threaten the total destruction of the settlement 
 beg leave once more to lay their case before Your Lordship and to 
 point out some easy means to support the laws and procure them 
 relief. 
 
 They humbly apprehend that an armed vessel or tender stationed 
 in Chaleur bay with strict orders to the commander to see the laws 
 respecting the fishery putt into execution. 
 
 The immediate appointment of a Subaltern s command of soldiers 
 to Bonnaventure or parts adjacent to protect the lives and properties 
 of the inhabitants. 
 
 And the erecting of a Court of judicature and a judge to admin 
 ister justice and support his Majesty s subjects in the recovery of their 
 debts and effects 
 
 would effectually remove the several causes of their complaints. 
 
 And they humbly hope these measures will meet with Your Lord 
 ship s approbation and that the necessary orders will be issued in con- 
 
 12 
 
sequence, or such others as Your Lordship in your great wisdom shall 
 deem more condusive to their relief. 
 
 And Your Memorialists as in duty bound will 
 ever pray &c. &c. 
 
 Fred k Dutens 
 John Le Breton 
 
 Alexander Sutherland (for himself) 
 For Duncan Anderson 
 William Smith 
 Henry Mounier 
 & Felix O Hara 
 London February 1772. 
 
 "BOSTON MASSACRE", 1770. 
 
 John Adams s Notes on the Trial of the British Soldiers. 
 
 The manuscript of John Adams s notes was at one time in the possession of 
 Mr. Frederic Kidder, who printed it in his "History of the Boston Massacre," pub 
 lished in Albany, in 1870. Some errors were found to have been made in transcribing 
 the fine writing of the paper, and these errors were of sufficient importance to 
 justify a new and more complete issue. Rough as are the notes, and imperfect as 
 is the manuscript itself, they contain matter not to be found in any other place. 
 What phrases and statements are new prove that Adams took down the notes 
 during the course of the trial. The want of arrangement gives every evidence of 
 haste, and the absence of certain pages show the little value Adams placed upon his 
 notes. Further, the first rough notes of certain evidence have been elaborated on a 
 later page, but still, apparently, from memory, not from the record of the trial which 
 was published in 1770. 
 
 The Court began its sittings on Tuesday, November 27, 1770, and continued 
 from day to day until the verdict was rendered. 
 
 Evidence of Commotions that Evening. 
 
 James Crawford 1 went home to Bulls Wharf at dark ab* 6 
 
 Clock met Numbers of People going down towards y e Town 
 House with Sticks a[t] Calf s [Calefs] Corner Saw above a dozen 
 with Sticks, in Quaker Lane and Green s Lane met many going 
 towards K[ing] Sftreet] very Great Sticks, pretty large Cudgells, 
 not com Walking Canes. 
 
 1 P. 182 The footnotes refer to pages of Frederic Kidder s "History of the Boston 
 Massacre." 
 
Archibald Gould 2 going to Crawfords at Bulls Wharf at 8, at 
 Swing Bridge, y e People were walking from all Quarters with Sticks, y 1 
 I was afraid to go Home, went thro Greens Lane, and met many Peo 
 ple, the Streets in such Commotion, as I hardly ever Saw in my Life, 
 uncomon Sticks, such as a Man w d . pull out of an Hedge at Hancock s 
 Wharf w n y e Bells began to ring. Mem. It must have been later. 
 
 u~u 1*7:1 --- ur:n: --- TLT ~~ 
 
 A __ t-:U-,1J "D _______ 
 
 " 
 
 John Gillispie, at 7 went up to y e Sfouth] End to M r . Silvesters, 
 met 40 or 50 with white Sticks, in small Parties of 4 or 5 in a Party. 
 this was thro y e main Street. 
 
 Thos. Knight. at his own Door, 8 or 10 passed with Sticks 
 or Clubbs, and one of em said d n their Bloods let us go and attack 
 y e main Guard first, the Bell ringing one of em made a Pause, and 
 said, let us go and get our Guns or I le go and get my Gun. went in 
 and told his wife lie believed there would be blood shed. This also 
 was in the main Street. 
 
 Nat. Russell 4 vid : 
 
 Mem. if these witnesses are believed People were in Motion both 
 in the main Street early from the Town H[ouse] towards y e Sfouth] 
 End, and in Quaker Lane, and Greens Lane. 
 
 Archibald Wilson, 5 [William] Hunter, 6 [Davis] Mitchelson, 7 
 [James] Selkrig, 8 [Archibald] Bowman, 9 [William] Dixon 10 6 of em 
 were all at one House at Mr. [William] Hunters in Dock Square and 
 all agree in their general Account, tho [the]y dont all remember y e 
 Same Circumstances. their general account is y* many People came 
 from y e N[orth] End and assembled in D[ock] Square, made Several 
 attempts in Small Parties at Murrays Barracks but came running 
 hastily back, and as if driven back by the Soldiers. many had staves, 
 tho many had none, after Some time y r appeared among em a Gent". 
 with a red Cloak and a white Wigg He made a Speech to em of 4 
 or 5 minutes, then they proposed to go to Kfing] Street and attack y e 
 main Guard and the Effect immediately followed, one Party under 
 one Leader went round and up Cornhill, another Party up r found] 
 exchange Lane, & a 3 d . up Silsbys Alley. -- and Several proposed 
 to cry fire. Fire was cryed, Several times, and the Bells Soon after 
 rung. 
 
 in Confirmation of the Testimonies of these 6 Scotch Gent n . we 
 have the Testimonies of Shubael Hewes and Bfenjamin] Davis. 
 
 M r . Hewes, 11 says he was in Dfock] Square Saw by y e Markett 
 a N. coming from y e N. E. a N. of Lads, came along, and tryed 
 to pull out, and break y e Leggs of the Stalls, 6 or 7 of em, cant say 
 exactly the Number. 
 
 Mr. Davis 12 Says. a N. came 3 or 4 and cryed where are any 
 2 p. 182. "This paragraph was stricken out. 4 p. 198. G p. 182. "p. 183. 7 p. 183. 
 8 p. 187. "p. 188. 10 p. 1 88. u p. 186. 
 14 
 
Clubbs, or Cordwood Sticks, cry d Fire, Fire, Fire. 
 
 This Assembly of People in D[ock] Square was undoubtedly a 
 Riot in those I mean, to Set off for K[ing] S[treet] to attack y e main 
 Guard this was an unlawful Design, and End. 
 
 Dr. [Richard] Hyrons very particular vid. page 26. 13 
 
 Capt n . [John] Goldfinch -- page 28. 14 
 
 Patrick Keeton page 30 15 
 
 W m . Davis, page 31 1G 
 
 Benj a . Lee page 34. 17 
 
 John Frost 34 18 
 
 John Ruddock Esq r . 19 
 
 Greg. Townsend Esqr. 37. 20 
 
 James Thompson 29.** 
 
 [William] McCauley Jon a . W. Austin. 22 
 
 [James] Hartegan -- J[ohn] Danbrook. 23 J[osiah] Simpson. 24 
 
 [John] Carrol J fames] Bailey. 25 Danbrook. 23 
 
 [William] Wemms, - - E. Bridgman, 26 J. Simpson. 24 
 
 [Matthew] Kilroy Efdward] G. Langford. 27 F[rancis] Archi 
 bald. 28 Jfames] Brewer, 29 [Nicholas] Ferriter 30 [Samuel] Hemen- 
 way 31 
 
 [Hugh] White S[amuel] Clark. 32 E. G. Langford. 27 J. Bai 
 ley. 25 J. Simpson. 24 
 
 [Hugh] Montgomery. J. Bailey. 25 R[ichard] Palmes. 33 J. Dan- 
 brook. 23 J[edidiah] Bass. 34 Thos. Wilkinson. 35 
 
 [William] Warren. - - E. Bridgman, 26 J Dodge. J. Simpson. 24 
 Ferriter 30 
 
 Attack, Assault and Insult. Crown Witnesses. 
 
 E. Bridgman. 36 - - A Number of Things, Ice or Snow thrown, 
 Sticks struck the Guns ab*. 12 with Sticks surrounded y e Party and 
 Struck their Guns with their Sticks Several Blows, when the Soldiers 
 were loading. y e People went up quite to them within y e length of 
 their Guns before y e firing. N. were coming down by y e Town 
 House. call d em cowardly Rascalls. dared em to fire. all y e 
 Bells rung y e ratling of a Blow before y e firing very violent. 
 
 J[ames] Dodge. 37 abt. 50 People very near y e Soldiers Ice & 
 Snow Balls thrown, Sticks rattled upon their Guns. y e Balls seemed 
 to come from close before em, . 
 
 J[ames] Bailey. 38 - - The Boys hove Pieces of Ice at Sentry as big 
 as your fist, hard and large enough to hurt a Man. Montgomery was 
 knocked down, and his Musquet fell out of his Hand, by a Clubb or 
 Stick of Wood by one of the Inhabitants, and as soon as he got up he 
 fired. y e Clubb was not thrown but I saw him struck with it. He 
 fell down and the Gun fell out of his Hand, y e Blow was very violent. 
 
 R[ichard] Palmes. 39 Saw a Piece of Ice or Snow or Something 
 
 12 p. 185. "p. 191. "p. 194- "P. 197- 1G P- 197- "P. 200. 18 p. 201. 19 p. 202. 
 
 20 p. 203. 21 p. 195. 22 p. 128. " 3 p. 142. - 4 p. 146. 25 pp. 137, 141. 2(i p. 129. 7 p.i32. 
 
 - 8 p. 134. "p. 135. 3 p. 151. 31 p. 149. C2 p. 132. 33 p 140. 34 p 143. p. 144. 
 30 p. 131. 37 P. 131. 38 P- 137- "P. 140. 
 
white Strike Montgomerys Gun it Struck y e Grenadier & made a 
 Noise. He fell back & fired. 
 
 J[ohn] Danbrook 40 -- Saw a little Stick fly over their Heads, 
 a Piece of a rattan or Some such Thing. 
 
 J[edidiah] Bass. 41 Saw a Stick knocked to knock up Montgom 
 erys Gun it knocked it up 5 or 6 Inches. 
 
 J[osiah] Simpson. 42 Saw one Man going to throw a Clubb but 
 he did not. Saw one Clubb thrown in to the Soldiers it hit one of 
 the Soldiers Guns, I heard it Strike y e Person y* threw it Stood 10 
 yards from y e Soldiers y e Stick was thrown i or 2 Seconds before 
 y e I st . Gun, a white birch Cordwood Stick, an inch thick. 
 
 Bfenjamin] Burdick. 43 had an highland broad Sword in my 
 Hand I Struck at the Soldier who pushed at me, and had I Struck 
 2 or 3 Inches farther, I should have left a Mark y t I cd have Sworn 
 to. I Struck y e Cock of his Gun, Saw a short Stick thrown about 
 2 or 3 foot long heard a Ratling. 
 
 R[obert] Williams. 44 Saw y e People Some huzzaing, Some whist 
 ling. Somebody said dont press upon the Guard - - the People 
 seemed to be pressing. Saw Some Snow Balls thrown. 
 
 [Nicholas] Ferriter 45 testifies y l He was at y e Ropewalks, and 
 yt Gray was there too, and both active in the Affray there. - - These 
 Circumstances must remove all doubt of the fact and of y e Species of 
 Crime. 
 
 [Francis] Archibald [and] J[ames] Brewer. 46 Saw no Abuse, 
 more y n was common, met D r . Young with a Sword. D r . Said 
 every Man to his own Home perhaps some use may be made of this 
 Circumstance. There was a general Alarm every Body had a Right, 
 & it was very prudent, to arm themselves for their defence. 
 
 [James] Bailey. 47 -- thinks Montgomery] kill d Attucks. -- y t 
 Montgomery fired is clear from this wit. 
 
 Mr. [Richard] Palmes. 48 Saw Montgomery. Stand back, did 
 not fall Montgomery Slippd in pushing 2 d time at him and fell - 
 in probability he kill d Attucks, & continued y e Same mischevous Spirit 
 in [pushing?]. 
 
 [John] Danbrook. 49 Saw a Piece of Rattan Saw M[ontgom- 
 ery] fire. two Persons fell. Attucks at y e left Hand of this Witness 
 and leaning on his Stick. 
 
 J[edidiah] Bass. -- Thos. Wilkinson. 50 -- y e People in y e Win 
 dows cautioning those in the Street, not to go there. Soldiers chal 
 lenging the People. -- not apprehensive of danger -- well placed to 
 observe. He must be believed if any Witness is Striking of the 
 Clock 7 went off, one flash d. saw no pressing, nothing thrown. 
 2 or 3 cheers, before, none after y e Party came down. 
 
 J[osiah] Simpson. 51 caisons [or curious?], handle, Ease, Support 
 
 40 p. 142. 41 p. 143. ""p. 146. 43 p. 152. 44 p. 153- 45 P- 151- 4 PP- 134, 135- 47 P-i37- 
 48 p. 140. 49 p. 142. B0 pp. 143, 144. B1 p. 146. 
 
 16 
 
&c Arms there is Something like these in y e Command C. P. [Capt. 
 Preston] behind the Soldiers 8 Guns. 
 
 N[athaniel] Fosdick. 52 - - pressing behind him with Bayonetts, in 
 his back, Thrusts & pushes in y e Breast and Arm. - 
 
 S[amuel] Hemenway 53 Kilroy not in anger nor in Liquor 
 
 [Joseph] Hiller. 54 People in D[ock] S[quare] afraid to go up. 
 20 sec. bet. I & 2 d Gun, a little Boy, running & crying fire, y e last Gun 
 was pointed at him and fired. 
 
 [Nicholas] Ferriter. 55 3 attacks at the Ropewalks. Kilroy 
 and Warren in the last battle at the Ropewalks 
 
 [Benjamin] Burdick 56 Spoke to the bald Man, he thinks Yes by 
 y e E[ternal] God. Intention to fire . Mem. vid Test. 
 
 R[obert] Williams. 07 The Guns followed y e People as they ran. 
 
 Quincy. no doubt with me, y i th. did it Sedato Animo, y e Person 
 he killed was in Peace. 58 no Insult offered to K[illroy]. 
 
 [Thomas] Marshall. 59 y e Street entirely Still. fewer People 
 there y n usual. He had been warned not to go out that Evening. 
 Moon, to the North. Saw a Party come out of y e main Guard door. 
 d n em w r are [the]y? by Jesus let em come boisterous lan 
 guage. y e Party came from Quaker Lane, & cry d fire. very prob 
 able y e Word fire was a Watch Word any one next y e Meeting 
 House, Steps in, at a Cry of fire and Sets y e Bell a ringing. 
 
 Mr. [Nathaniel] Thayer 60 heard a Cry of Fire. & supposed it a 
 Watch Word. 
 
 Bartholomew] Kneeland. 61 one pointed his Bayonet at his 
 Breast. 
 
 Mr. [Nathaniel] Appleton. and little Master [John Appleton]. 62 
 
 his Story & y e Manner of his telling of it, must have Struck deep 
 
 into your Mind. Struck by a Soldier tenderly ask d him "Soldier, 
 
 Spare my Life." no damn you, we l kill you all. Brother Adams s 
 
 Social Creature. Here is food enough for y e Social Appetite 63 
 
 immaterial who gives the mortal Blow, where there are a N. of 
 Persons together, all present aiding, abetting are guilty, no Man shall 
 be an avenger of his own Cause unless from absolute Necessity. 
 
 Jfustice Edmund] Trowbridge. you ought to produce all your 
 Evidence now. 
 
 Jos h Quincy. 64 3 main Divisions, under the last there will be 
 many Subdivisions I st Whether any kill d. 2 d Who killed em! 
 wherever a Doubt y e Bias is in favour of the Prisoner. 3 d last & main 
 Division, is w 1 are y e facts [thejy alledge to justify, excuse, or alle 
 viate. under this many minute divisions. need not remind you of 
 the importance to y e Pris rs . nor to the Community, important y* y e 
 Dignity of Justice, and to y e Country & y* same Rules sh d . prevail, a 
 
 52 p. 148. 53 p. 149- 54 P- 149- 55 P. 151- E 5 P- 152. OT p. 153- B8 P. 168. 59 p. 156. 
 60 p. 155. 61 p. 154. C2 pp. 155, 156. 03 p. 170. 64 These notes are on the open 
 ing address of Josiah Quincy, Jun., of counsel for the prisoners. See Kidder, 
 p. 172. 
 
Prejudice prevails y t y e Life of a Soldier is less valuable than y of a 
 Subject 
 
 y e Criminal Law extends itself to every Individual of the Com 
 munity, --it views Men possessed of Appetites and Passions. - - y e 
 Law attends to Man kind as we find em surrounded with all their In 
 firmities and all their Passions w [hat] ever will justify an Inhabitant 
 in firing upon an Inhabitant, will justify a Soldier, and a Soldier 
 need not have a civil Magistrate any more than an Inhabitant a 
 general Opinion, almost universal, thro this Continent, y l their Rights 
 and Liberties were invaded believed that the Soldiers came here to 
 inforce those Acts. Mankind Act from Feelings more than Reason 
 ing The Object of Resentment was out of Reach, and it fell upon 
 the Instrument. The People thought the Soldiers the Instruments 
 of fastening the Shackles y* had been forged. The Soldier felt him 
 self touched in the Point of Honour, and in the Pride of Virtue, when 
 he Saw and felt these Marks of Disrespect. 
 
 You are not sitting here as Statesmen or Politicians, you have 
 nothing to do with the Injuries your Country has Sustained. The 
 Town is not concerned. 
 
 This Cause has awakened the Attention of this whole Continent 
 if not all Europe. you ought to be careful to give a Verdict, which 
 will bear the Examination of Times, when the Pulse which now beat 
 shall beat no more do nothing w h shall hereafter bite like a Serpent 
 and Sting like an Adder, all the Colours of the Canvas, y e Pictures 
 the Publications. -- every Thing y 1 could possibly Stimulate and in 
 flame. 
 
 our high Water Slack, y e Passions, so high that the[y] can go 
 no higher 
 
 The Fact of Killing has not been proved with Regard to Some 
 of em and others are left in doubt. 
 
 a Person producing a Witness is never to discredit him. a Per 
 son Swearing a Positive is to be believed caeteris paribus rather than 
 one Swearing a Negative. Persons upon Guard have a Particular 
 Habit. [therefore] probably, C. Marshall, mistaken in y 1 Temper 
 of Minds y 1 frame of Dispositions, which prevailed thro the whole 
 Continent these Persons were upon their Duty, and their Lives in 
 Danger if they moved from their Stations 
 
 [B. Burdick] 65 who pushed at me, and had I Struck 2 or 3 Inches 
 further, I shd have left a Marck / / c d have Sworn to. this was before the 
 firing. I struck the Cock of the Gun the Man I struck was y e 4th Man 
 from the Corner, ab* the Middle / Saw but one Thing thrown that was a 
 Short Stick, ab* 2 or 3 foot long. I heard a rattling, I took it [the]y 
 knocked their Guns together [the]y were continually pushing at Peo 
 ple, and it was pretty Slippery. -- I went afterwards to take up the 
 dead and they began to present & cock their Guns y e officer 
 came before & knocked up the Guns -- and Said dont fire any more. 
 65 A page of the MS. beginning thus abruptly, Kidder, p. 152. 
 
 18 
 
cant ascertain the Number of Guns believe 5 or 6 I Saw no Blows 
 Struck by others, for I had not time, to see before I drew my own 
 Sword. 
 
 Robert Williams. 66 in Dock Square it was Said there had been 
 an affray Some went to y e north, some one way, some another 
 I went to K[ing] Street People there Some huzzaing, whistling, Some 
 leaning over their Sticks. Somebody Said dont press upon the Guard, I re 
 peated the Words. y c People Seemed to be pressing as I zvas to get among 
 the thickest of them - I heard a flash of a Gun. It made a noise like a 
 Pistol, a Small Report another Gun went off, at the right a Man fell. 
 y e 3 d Gun was fired I Saw y e flash and heard y e Report on my Knees. 
 The People ivere running away and the Guns Seemed to move after the 
 People. / Saw People jumping upon the Backs of others trying to get in 
 as I had been. Saw Some Snow Balls no Sticks I caution d them 
 not press, upon the Soldiers least [the]y sh d press y e People upon the Points 
 of the Bayonetts [the]y were within two foot I was not there above 
 a Minute. Saw no Blows. 
 
 Bartholomew Kneeland. 67 I lived at M rs Toreys by the Town 
 Pump ad 1 a 1/4 after 9. y e Bells ringing, I went to the Door and Saw 
 a Number of Soldiers one came up to me, d n you w* do you do there 
 He put his Bayonet at my Breast and put it there Sometime. 
 
 Mr. [Nathaniel] Thayer 68 a terrible Swearing Cutlasses & 
 Clubbs were going, y e Soldiers came from y e Town House without any 
 Coats on like wild Creatures. damn them where are they cutt them to Pieces, 
 a little after 9. 1 cant Say who they were. y e People below cryed 
 fire. Soon before I took it for a signal for the Soldiers to come to 
 help the others. y e Cry of Fire was by Justice Quincys. 
 
 M r Nath 1 . Appleton, 69 a little after 9. -- it was said at my Door 
 the Soldiers and Inhabitants were fighting, a Party of Soldiers came 
 down from y e Southzvard, 10 or 12, Short Cloths on white arms I 
 Stood I Saw y e Course of the Soldiers began to bend towards Us, 
 and w n [thejy got about half a rod off they lifted up their Weapons 
 I retreated They rushed on with uplifted Weapons and I thought my self, 
 in danger, if I did not retreat. 
 
 John Appleton. 70 abt 9 o clock, I was sent of an Errand, in [King] 
 Street, I was going home. at Jenkins ally about 20 Soldiers, one came 
 to me with his Cutlass, I cry d Soldier Spare my Life, no damn you we 1 1 
 kill you all and Struck me upon the Shoulder, I dodged or he iv d have 
 Struck me on the Head. 
 
 [Lieut.] Coll Tho s . Marshall. 71 -- no Body at Dock Square, no 
 Body in Kings Street at 9. K[ing] Street never clearer. I Some 
 time after heard a distant Cry of Murder, a Party from the Main 
 Guard came out, & damn em where are they? by Jesus let em come. I went 
 
 in and came out again, and another Party came out of Quaker Lane 
 
 I Saw their arms glitter. - - and heard much such Expressions as 
 before. 
 
 68 P- 153- 97 p. 154- 68 P- 155- %. 155. 70 P- 156. 71 p. 156. 
 
Jos. Crosbey. 72 Kilroys Bay one tt appeared to be covered with Blood 
 6 or 5 Inches, next day. 
 
 James Carter. 73 The next Morning I observed Kilroys Bayonett to be 
 bloody. I am satisfyed it was blood. I was near to it as to M r . Paine. 
 
 Jon a Gary. 74 4 of my Sons, Maverick & another Lad were at Supper 
 in my Kitchen, when the Bells rung & I told em there was fire; [the]y 
 said y d eat a few mouth fulls more and go. 
 
 Jn Hill Esq r . 75 was Struck at at y e Ropewalks. 
 
 M rs . Gardiner. 76 
 
 Mr. S. Quincy. 77 It is my Province to apply the Evidence, it 
 is complex and in some Places perhaps difficult. 2 Things I must 
 prove y e Indentity and the Fact goes over all the Names & men 
 tions the Witnesses who Swore to each of them. c d . wish y i y e fa 
 tigues of yesterday & y e Circumstances of my family w d have allow d 
 me to have arranged the Evidence more particular, to have extracted 
 the most material Parts of it. 
 
 considers J. W. Austins Testimony. then Eb. Bridgham s y e last 
 Man aim d at a running Lad. did not apprehend any Danger. 
 
 Dodge. Clark. Langford. as particular as any Wit. on y e 
 Part of y e Crown. Boys were damning y e Sentry, told him y e Boys 
 w d . not hurt him. Gray came up wt s here? I dont know but Some 
 thing will come of it by & by. Gray with his Hands folded. He 
 leaning on his Stick. He spoke to Kilroy. d n you you are nt 
 a going to fire K. presents at Gray, & Shoots him dead upon y e 
 Spot and then pushed at Langford with his Bayonet. Here is 
 Evidence of an Heart desperately wicked bent deliberately bent 
 upon Mischief - - compared with the Testimony of Hemenway, 
 This is Malice, a Distinction bet. Malice & Hatred Keyling 126. 
 3. Inst 62. Mawgridges Case. Envy, Hatred and Malice - - He y* 
 doth a cruel Act voluntarily doth it of Malice prepensed tho upon 
 a Sudden Occasion. 
 
 Assault upon the Sentry. 
 
 Letters to the Committee of Boston: 
 
 From Catharine Macaulay. 1 
 
 London May 9 th 1770 
 Gentlemen 
 
 I think my self much honored by the Town of Boston for the 
 compliment of transmiting the Narrative relative to the massacre per 
 petrated by the military on the fifth of March 
 
 "For Joseph Crosswell, Kidder, p. 157. 73 p. 158. T4 p. 158. 75 p. 158. 7G Probably 
 Mary Gardner, of Akinson Street, whose deposition is printed in Kidder, p. 
 101. " Notes on the closing by Samuel Quincy, of counsel for the Crown, 
 Kidder, p. 158. 
 
 1 Though no address is with this letter, it was probably written to the same 
 Committee as is mentioned in the letters of Pownall and Bollan. 
 
 20 
 
In condoling with you on that melancholy event your friends find 
 a considerable alleviation in the opportunity it has given you of ex 
 hibiting a rare and admirable instance of patriotic resentment tempered 
 with forbearance and the warmth of Courage with the coolness of 
 Discretion 
 
 Believe me Gentlemen there is not a Bostonian the spectator of the 
 bloody scene who feels more sensibly than my self the horrid tran 
 saction 
 
 Every service which is in my power to perform the Town of Boston 
 may command and may depend upon a faithful and ardent exec[u]tion 
 I am Gentlemen 
 Your very obed 
 
 And very Humble Servt 
 Catharine Macaulay 
 
 From William Bollan (then Colony Agent). 
 
 Fludyer street, Westm r . May II th . 1770 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 Your letter relating to the late military massacre at Boston, 
 which I had the honour to receive by express, was accompanied with 
 such ample proofs, considered in point of number, matter, candour, 
 propriety & fairness of caption, that I flatter myself they will in time 
 prevail, and establish the truth in the minds of all honest men, maugre 
 all the attempts made with art & sollicitude to represent the inhabitants 
 as the aggressors. I had some hopes of geting the authentic copies 
 laid before the house of corhons for consideration in this session, with 
 the other papers laid before them ; but they are vanish d, and the par 
 liament will rise in a short time. 
 
 From what was openly said not long since, I understood the troops 
 wou d be removed ; but the times abound with uncertainty as well as 
 difficulty. 
 
 I have the honour to be with great respect, and the sincerest 
 wishes for the welfare of the town, 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 P. S. Your most obedient 
 
 Capt n . Gard ner staid here, by my humble servant 
 
 direction, til this day, in order to W. Bollan 
 
 promote the public service by his examination in the house of com 
 mons, or otherwise, as occasion shou d require 
 
 W Bollan 
 Ja s . Bowdoin Esq r . & others a Com ttee . of the town of Boston 
 
 21 
 
From Thomas Pownall. 
 
 London 
 
 Albemarle Street 
 
 May n, 1770. 
 Gentlemen 
 
 I duely rec d by Cap 4 Gardiner y r letter dated March 23 :d 1770, 
 written & address d to me in Consequence of an Appointment of y e . 
 Town of Boston. 
 
 I did not want the bloody proofs w :ch y e Narrative you have com 
 municated to me gives, of the danger & destructive consequences that 
 must necessarily arise from a Military establishment posted within the 
 heart of a Civil Jurisdiction, under such Arrangements of Command 
 as were attempted to be fix d in time of Peace within y e Colonies. 
 
 I had only wonder d that some thing of this Sort had not happen d 
 sooner, & am now only happy that y e mischief has not gone further 
 I hope it is not only at an end but that Like some of those Momentary 
 Shocks of Nature w :ch endanger y e very being of the Region where 
 they happen, while in the Convulsion it may purge away this Mis 
 chief that was y e Component Cause of that Danger. 
 
 It is a Common thing with Bodies of Men as well as Individuals 
 standing towards each other in a State of Irreconcilable variance to 
 Apprehend from each other mischiefs w :ch neither are Capable of 
 Effecting to Impute to each other Evil designs w :ch neither ever har- 
 bour d This state of Mind leads them by way of Prejudgment, 
 Exculpation & Recrimination into representations w :ch take their 
 Colour rather from imagin d than existing Facts But as on Occa 
 sion of the late shocking events at Boston, there has been I hope, less 
 of this than on former occasions, so I do not find People here so much 
 dispos d to enquire who were the Aggressors, What were the Occa 
 sions, what the Mutual provocations in the late Affray, What y e state 
 of this particular Eruptions, as attentive to learn what is y e State & 
 Cause of y e Fever in general w :ch they see brought to this height of 
 Malignancy & what may be the Remedy. 
 
 I had long ago given notice, without being much attended to, that 
 I wou d lay before Parliament what I thought to be y e unconstitutional 
 state of y e Military establishment in America. I took advantage from 
 y e impressions made on Mens Minds by y e late Events to bring forward 
 y e Consideration at this Time, by Moving that an Humble Address 
 be presented to his Majesty, stating the Necessity of some Remedy in 
 this Case, & praying that he wou d be pleas d to give directions w :h 
 the Advice of his privy Council, that these Matters might be revis d 
 & examin d into, to the End that they may be explain d, corrected & 
 Amended, where they interfer d or Clash d w :h each other, or contained 
 any Matters contrary to Law & the Constitution. 
 
 22 
 
The Ministry mov d the Question of Adjournment upon my Mo 
 tion, but Allowing that the Ground w :ch I had taken of Doubts in point 
 of Law & the Constitution, of Confusion in the Execution & of Danger 
 in the Consequences not only to the Political Liberty of the Com 
 munity, but to the Franchises of the People was good & sufficient, & 
 did call for some remedy in the Case, & having declar d that His Majesty 
 had given Directions to have the Question of Law laid before the 
 Crown Lawyers, & the Matter to be revis d & Amended upon that 
 Foundation that shou d appear to be right & legal ; & that in General 
 every thing that the Address did or cou d desire wou d be done in 
 Consequence thereof. Upon this our friends, tho they did not think 
 fit to withdraw the Motion for the Address, yet did not think proper 
 to divide, as considering it best to hold the Ministers pledg d by their 
 Declaration & our Acquiescence under it. & I own I think, as do 
 many of your Friends here, w :h whom I have communicated upon 
 this Occasion, that it wou d be wise in you in Point of Policy to give 
 Credit to this Declaration, & to suspend all Opposition on this Point 
 as Considering the Ministry having pledg d themselves to rectifye it 
 according to Law & the Constitution ; especially as you are now free 
 from all Danger of any evil Consequence arising from it, as the Minis 
 try have declared that as the Troops are now withdrawn, so they 
 shall never be sent back untill the Civil Magistrate, shall call for & 
 employ their Aid in Support of the Civil Government w :ch I shou d 
 guess is never likely to happen. As I have said before that there was 
 no Disposition Amongst people here to enquire into the particular 
 Actions & transaction in the late Catastrophe at Boston So you will 
 find that no Notice has been taken either by Ministry or Opposition 
 of any of the Events w :ch have arisen on this Occasion, otherwise 
 than to look to the Cause in General & the remedy Yet one Obser 
 vation I think it just to make to you, that One Sentiment has unani 
 mously arisen in the Minds of all express d in a wish & Hope from all 
 Quarters that no Prejudice, Resentment, or party Consideration what 
 soever may Operate in the unhappy Case of Cap :t Preston & the Sol 
 diers, but on the Contrary it wou d do more Honor to the Spirit & 
 Temper of your People to shew Mercy than to exact Severe Justice. 
 
 I beg you to mark my respects to y e Town & to assure them of my 
 readiness in all cases & upon all occasions to engage in their service 
 
 I beg you Gentlemen to accept my particular respects 
 I am Gentlemen 
 
 Y r most Obed 
 & most humbly 
 
 T Pownall 
 To the Hon le James Bowdoin Esq r 
 
 To Sam 1 Pemberton 
 
 Joseph Warren Esq rs 
 Committee of y e Town of Boston. 
 
JAMES COGSWELL. 
 
 James Cogswell to Levi Hart, "Bishop of a church in Preston," Conn. 
 
 Camp in Roxbury 15 th June 1775. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 In much confusion & noise I set down to answer your very wel 
 come favour which I received this morning. The news of M rs . Wood- 
 bridges death was very affecting; but the pain much alleviated by the 
 thoughts of her mingling the holy society above, leaving this dreadfulf 
 world, this guilty land, dressed in all the horrors of war full of all kinds 
 of impurity, for the pure peaceable fruition of the liberty of the sons 
 of God. 
 
 I will proceed to answer your queries as well as I am able, tho I 
 must be but brief. 
 
 As to the moral state of the Camp it is bad; I see no kind of 
 seriousness; but on the contrary my ears are filled with the most 
 shocking oaths, & implications; & the tremendous name of the great 
 God is taken on the most trifling occations. The principle part of the 
 Troops that are here belong to this & Rhode Island Government; 
 ours are not so bad as theirs but we are far from having anything to 
 boast of. 
 
 As to the preaching I am not able to judge, I heard M r . Gordon 
 last Sabbath & have not attended to our Chaplain ; but from what I 
 can guess, from his conversation &c I shall be disappointed if it is of 
 the best kind. M r . Spring & M r . Fish of Upton are here ; indeed the 1 
 Camp abound with Clergymen, many of whom are very boon com 
 panions; I have not consulted the general yet about the expediency 
 of your coming; his mind is full of more important matters, (if I may 
 be allowed to say so) he is wholly taken up with his business as a 
 Soldier. We expect every day a visit from our Neighbours and we 
 are not in circumstances to give them that reception which we wish. 
 We are going to open intrenchments to day in some places out of the 
 view of the enemies camp & to night upon Dorchester neck, I sup 
 pose that will provoke the enimies fire. As to the numbers killed 
 on Noodles Island I can get no satisfactory accounts, it has got to 
 be an old story here & little is said about it, I do not think there was 
 more killed than 40 or 50. M r . Pitkin from Farmington came into 
 Town last evening. I hope to see you here this Summer, tho I be 
 lieve it not best for you to come at present. D r . Elliot came out of 
 Boston the day before Yesterday, he went over Charlestown Ferry, 
 so I am not able to say what intelligence he brings. There was an 
 exchange of Prisoners last week. The soldiers that returned to Bos 
 ton told their comrades of the kind treatment they met with from us, 
 
 24 
 
it made some disturbance in the camp but they were hushed by the 
 officers, -- General Gage has published a manifesto offering pardon 
 to all the Rebels except Hancock & Adams, I have not been able to 
 procure one to send to you ; it will likely be in the public papers. 
 
 General Spencer sends his regards to you. I am dear S r . by a 
 thousand obligations 
 
 Yours 
 
 James Cogswell. 
 Mr. Hart. 
 
 EZRA SELDEN. 
 
 Ezra Scldcn to Nathan Hale. 
 
 Roxbury Camp June 25 th 1775 
 Sir 
 
 I just have remembrance of my engagement to you as well as to 
 Numbers of others which I cannot fulfill We came into Roxbury 
 on Sunday about Five o Clock they have been firing upon Roxbury 
 a great Part of Saturday killed one Man June 24 have been firing 
 upon Roxbury Saturday afternoon and killed two Men with small 
 arms which through presumtion attempted to set on fire their guard 
 house supposing that they had quited their house but they ran in 
 great numbers from behind the house fired upon them both of which 
 were taken one of them was run throng with Bayonets and carried 
 of in that manner none others hurt they made sume shingles fly 
 and some dust & a small matter of Dust with their Bums though our 
 people fear d . them but tryfling one inarched up and pulled out the 
 fuse carried the Bum to head Quarters the chief of the Ball would 
 be taken up before they had done roling The Inhabitance have done 
 comeing out of Boston almost The number of those Slain in the 
 Battle between Putnam and the Gagites is uncertain By Letters 
 from Gentlemen in Boston Gage has his Army Sixteen hundred worse 
 than before the Engagement Putnam by the Doctars Account has 
 and will lose 150 Men some number of those Provintials that were 
 taken Prisoners have sent out letters by way of the Guards both ways 
 The Contents if any I cannot Procure further than that they are very 
 well treated Sunday night June 25 th A number of Rode Hand Men 
 under took to set on fire their Guard house upon Boston neck but 
 were prevented some fires were exchanged on both sides but I dont 
 learn as any were hurt on either side 
 
 The Soldier live in houses as many as can & more also But are not 
 so healthy as those in Tents of Which number we are I dont learn 
 any thing worth mentioning our fort upon the hill near the meeting 
 
 25 
 
house contains about i & Y$ acre of Land we have another Batery 
 where the rodes part that comes out of Boston have also two more 
 upon the neck one of them against the Burying Yard 
 
 Ezra Selden 
 N. B. Cap* Ely s & Clefs Companies came in on Sunday 
 
 To 
 
 M r . Nathan Hale 
 New London in Connecticut 
 
 GEORGE ROSS. 
 
 Circular Letter from Governor Ross. 
 
 Friends & Fellow Countrymen. 
 
 My Knowledge of your Zeal and Affection for your Country, & 
 your animated Resolution to defend every thing dear & valuable 
 among Men, induces me at this Period, when all is lost, without vigor 
 ous Exertions of the Power & Strength of this State, to call on you 
 without Delay to step forth into the Field, under Confidence in God 
 of the uprightness of your Cause, which will insure Victory over 
 Enemies glorying in every Act of Outrage & Impiety, & debauching 
 your Wives & Daughters in the Face of the Sun, as if they were 
 cursed of the Lord. The ravish d Maiden, the insulted Parent, the 
 buffeted hoary Head whose feeble Arm cannot resent the Injury; nay, 
 their God & your God call on you to drive from this once happy Land, 
 those bold & impious Invaders of your Place. 
 
 Our worthy Countryman General Mifflen, at the Request of Con 
 gress goes to Lancaster on Saturday, to assist you in forming such 
 Measures, as to enable you to exert your whole Strength at this Time, 
 therfore let as many of the Officers & privates of every Battalion as 
 conveniently can go & be useful, report there on that Day, & in the 
 mean Time inform the whole Battalions of the Business, that they 
 may be enabled immediately to execute, whatever may be determined 
 on in that meeting. 
 
 I am with much Esteem 
 
 Y r Friend & Ser 1 . 
 
 Geo. Ross. 
 To 
 
 Col. James Burd 
 & the Officers & privates 
 of his Battalion. 
 Reading i6th Decem r I776. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.34] . 
 
 26 
 
FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 
 
 Continental Board of War to the Governor of Maryland. 
 
 War Office Jany i; th 1778 
 Sir 
 
 I have been duly honoured with your Favour of the II th instant. 
 The Committee to whom I communicated it feel themselves happy in 
 the Anticipation of the Supply they shall acquire from your Exertions 
 the Necessity whereof still continues & Things yet bear the same un 
 favourable Aspect. Pork can be procured here at 4. .10^ hundred 
 but Salt is not to be had for curing any large Quantity. The Com 
 mittee will not prescribe Price or any other Matter to you as they are 
 so perfectly satisfied of your better Judgment in the Business arising 
 within your State. The Seisures & Certificates in Consequence of them 
 were intended to be levelled against & given to Engrossers & Specu 
 lators great Numbers of whom abound in the State of Maryland equal 
 at least to Persons of that pernicious Cast in any other State. They 
 extend their Purchases & Influence into this State wherein the Board 
 of War have had repeated Information they have purchased up great 
 Quantities of Provisions & every Article wanted for the Army. These 
 avaritious & dangerous People had raised the Expectations of the 
 People so high that no reasonable Price would command their Como- 
 dities. This consideration induced the idea of Seisures & Certificates 
 & the Comittee cannot but think that the severest Steps would be 
 justifiable with People whose sole Motive was Gain. Any Loss they 
 may sustain will be but a proper Punishment. As to the Persons who 
 grow or raise Provisions on their Farms the Case is to be sure dif 
 ferent. The Comittee are Sensible of the Justice of your Excellency s 
 Observations as to the Bay Navigation. They shew too the Necessity 
 of forwarding everything we can during the Winter when the Men of 
 War do not venture so high up the Bay. Your Sentiments as to the 
 Necessity of building Boats of a proper Construction have been laid 
 before the Marine Comittee who have had some such Measure in 
 Contemplation & will no Doubt immediately take Steps for having 
 them built. Mean time if your Excellency can have Tobacco Flatts 
 Shallops or other Craft fitted for temporary Purpose all Expences in 
 hiring buying or repairing them will be borne. The Treasury Board 
 will take Care to furnish the necessary Supply of Cash & either trans- 
 mitt it to you or pay your Drafts as you shall deem most proper. I 
 enclose the Information herewith sent for your Excellency s Consider 
 ation & Enquiry & 
 
 have the Honour to be 
 
 Your very obed Serv* 
 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee. 
 His Excellency T Johnson Esq Gov r of Maryland. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.is]. 
 
 27 
 
WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 
 
 William Whipple to Josiah Bartlett. 
 
 Philadelphia y e 21 st May 1779. 
 My Dear Sir 
 
 My last I think was y e II th inst since which I have not been 
 favored with any of Yours, I have been some time in expectation of a 
 Colleague to supply the place of M r : Frost, who I suppose must have 
 been at home some weeks. My Task is really arduous, but my anxiety 
 to see a determination of some important matters now under con 
 sideration prevents my pressing a speedy relief. The State of the 
 currency is truely deplorable, but not so alarming in my judgment as 
 the failure of public Virtue, the former may possibly be assisted by 
 human means, but we must depend on him who alone can control the 
 hearts of men to establish the latter; We are now about trying 
 once more what can be done to save the sinking credit of the money, 
 the prevailing Opinion is that nothing will do but (I was going to say) 
 excessive Taxes, but I will soften the epithet, & adopt the words very 
 high if a sufficiency can be raised by Taxes to support the war, farther 
 emissions will be unnecessary, this is part of the plan now under con 
 sideration , a consequent Resolution past this day to raise 45,000,000. 
 to be paid in by the I st of Jan^. I must suspend giving you my Opinion 
 of this measure for the present, let it suffice to say there was a great 
 Majority in favour of the question, & but a small Majority against the 
 Question for 60,000,000. this is a bold political stroke, and I hope will 
 be carried into effect, as to all appearance nothing else can save us 
 from destruction, the People in this part of the Country are every 
 where clamerous for heavy Taxes, the greatest difficulty appears to 
 me is, the levying it on the proper persons, if the whole sum could be 
 drawn from those speculating miscreants, who have been sucking the 
 Blood of their country, it would be a most happy circumstance and I 
 hope the assessors will be particularly attentive to those people, He 
 who increases in wealth in such times as the present, must be an enemy 
 to his Country, be his pretentions what they may. If the Connecticut 
 mode of collecting Taxes, was adopted the business would be much 
 facilitated ; In that state five or six Taxes are collected in a Year by 
 that means they collect very large sums without produceing the least 
 uneasiness among the people If the people are duely impress d with 
 the advantages they will derive from paying in their money while it is 
 at the present low state they certainly will do it with chearfulness. 
 Spirited measures with the Property of the fugitives, as well as with 
 the persons of the resident enemies, to the Revolution, would in my 
 Humble Opinion have an exceeding good effect, at this particular 
 crisis. 
 
 The Enemy seemed determined to carry on a predatory war agree 
 able to the threats held up in the British Commissioners Proclamation 
 
 28 
 
last Summer, their conduct in Virginia is an evidence of this, for the 
 particulars I must beg leave to refer you to the new papers Time 
 only can inform us of the events of the present Campaign, but this we 
 may be assured of, that nothing is so likely to give us success as 
 vigorous & decisive measures both in council & in the Field a M r 
 Hamilton Gov of Detroit is taken prisoner (by Major Clark of Vir 
 ginia) with his Garrison at a post he held on the Ohio, this vipers nest 
 has been exceedingly troublesome to our frontiers, Whether our 
 troubles in that quarter will be soon ended, depends on the success of 
 the expedition into that Country under the command of Gen 1 Sulli 
 van. Whether we shall have any naval assistance from our ally 
 (depends in my judgment) on the Chapter of accidents but this is not 
 the Opinion of many others ; but Mum ! 
 
 I want every State in the Union to feel the importance of Sov 
 ereignty, & I wish the United States were fully sensible of their 
 Importance among the powers of the Earth; we should then under 
 Heaven depend on our own strength, & banish from among us every 
 Idea of servility, which now like the Tares among the wheat, prevents 
 the growth of that virtuous republican pride so essential to the happi 
 ness of America. 
 
 You have several times mention d to me the Flagg that was de- 
 tain d by order of Congress & as I know the importunity of the people 
 must be very troublesome I heartily wish Congress could be prevailed 
 on to decide on that matter but from various causes nothing has yet 
 been done tho several reports have been made & recommitted, on the 
 whole I think it will be best for the executive authority of the State to 
 act their own judgment in that matter 
 
 M r : Emerson of Durham who was a Commissioner of acc ts : died 
 here last week of the small pox after three or four days illness. I shall 
 get what information I can of his affairs here, for the satisfaction of 
 
 his Family, with whom I most heartily sympathise. 
 
 I am very sincerely 
 Your friend & Hum e . Sv*. 
 
 W m : Whipple 
 Honble Col. Bartlett. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.46]. 
 
ADDRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 REGIMENTS TO MAJOR GENERAL 
 
 WILLIAM HEATH. 
 
 S r 
 
 From your well known Attachment to the Interest of your 
 Country, and you being the senior General in the State to which we 
 have the happiness to belong, we are induced to address you on a 
 subject not only of the most serious Importance and lasting con 
 sequence to the Army; but as we conceive, of great weight to the 
 Country at large - Indeed the Idea of being under the necessity 
 of recapitulating Grievances is truly painfull and distressing. But the 
 necessity is real and indispensible. While we view the rapid progress 
 of those Measures which tend not only to the Destruction of the 
 Army, as a Body : but the utter ruin of the Individuals who compose 
 it, we should be lost to every Sense of Virtue, Honor, Justice, Hu 
 manity & Patriotism to be silent 
 
 You cannot be insensible, Sir, of the Terms upon which the Troops 
 of our State engaged in the present Army, Terms the most distant 
 from any Degree of Parsimony and replete with the most generous 
 Emoluments 
 
 The Resolves of Court of the I st November 1776 are perhaps the 
 most generous and liberal to be produced on the Continent ; Having 
 the public faith thus plighted to us, well might we suppose ourselves 
 and Families secure from the Evils attendant on even a vastly de 
 preciated Currency: But unhappy for us, we speak it with Pain and 
 reluctance, the salutary effects of their Bounty have never reached 
 us the liberal diffusive streams of State Generosity with which we 
 have been amused have never been opened to us, or at best have 
 flowed in so scanty and feeble a Manner as hardly to be perceptible : 
 and at those Moments when the most adequate supplies have been 
 expected, our hopes have been defeated, and we have found ourselves 
 immersed in Disappointment and want. 
 
 Had public promises been fulfilled to a tittle, the Depreciation of 
 the Money alone would have afforded ample foundation This must 
 have been a Burden of itself almost insupportable, but both Evils who 
 could bear? What could more readily and effectually awake our 
 Resentment than to hear from our dearest connections at home, that 
 
 30 
 
the Necessaries of Life were monopolized and withheld, their Currency 
 refused and despised, their distressed Situation ridiculed, and they 
 suffering every Evil incident to the meanest Slaves, and most abject 
 Dependents What can Men engaged in the service of their Country 
 promise themselvs for a Virtuous perseverance in its Difence when 
 Instances of Neglect and Ingratitude are daily exhibited towards 
 them Can it possibly be right in the Eyes of that God, to whom 
 America has appealled for the Rectitude of her Intentions and the 
 Justice of her Cause, to reward those who have stepped forth for the 
 Defence of the Rights of Mankind, with abuse, poverty and Raggs 
 or is it possible any Man ever attached to the Interest of his Country 
 should be thus dead to every sentiment of Justice and Propriety 
 forbid it Virtue, Honor and" every virtuous principle of the human 
 heart. 
 
 We find, Sir, in answer to the present Complaints of the Army 
 that frequent mention is made of the Resolve of the Court of the 4 th 
 of February last, by which the Money is to be made good at the close 
 of the present War, and certain Sums granted for the present Relief 
 of the Army. However good this Resolve might have been in itself it 
 must be very apparent to every one that the benevolent purposes of 
 it have been Defeated in one Instance by the rapid Depreciation of the 
 Currency from the Date of the Resolve to the Time the Sums granted 
 became payable. This disagreable Circumstance prevented us from 
 experiencing that Relief from the Act we at that Time expected 
 
 With regard to the Money being made good at the close of the 
 present War we would observe, Sir, that Period indeterminate un 
 certain and perhaps at a distance that if we could even subsist .without 
 it, we conceive we should be wanting to ourselves to risque it upon 
 so precarious a footing: But this is not the Case, we cannot subsist 
 without a part of it, not to mention many obvious Reasons the possi 
 bility of Artfull desining Men gaining ground and wresting the mean 
 ing of Laws to answer the purposes of Interest and Ambition ought 
 to put us upon our Guard and make us insist upon the Matter being 
 precisely fixed and indisputably sure. Our Pay, Sir. is our property 
 and the Moment it becomes due we can demand it as a matter of 
 Right - 
 
 If this be true it must be unjust to deprive of it against our Con 
 sent. We would ask what Men there are in the State who have trusted 
 the public upon similiar Terms with the Army Upon examination 
 we believe there will be found none Sureties have been ever given 
 where Money was concerned 
 
 You must be sensible, Sir, those who ingaged in the present War, 
 did it under every disadvantage, they put every thing to the Hazzard. 
 Had the Country fallen they of all Men must have been the most 
 miserable, the fury of a relentless Conqueror would have been wreaked 
 with double Vengeance upon them however the Consideration has 
 not been sufficient to deter them from the Glorious pursuit, despising 
 
and resolutely incountering Difficulties they have been so happy as 
 to prove themselves superior to both 
 
 The Idea of raising ourselves above our fellow Citizens at Home, 
 has been of all others the most distant from our Minds as we have 
 embarked on the same Bottom with them our only wish has been 
 to rise or fall with them, and as on the one hand we never entertained 
 the Idea of exalting ourselves above our Brethren so on the other 
 Hand it has been and still is our unalterable Determination never to 
 be depressed below them 
 
 Common Honesty dictates that Men who leaving their private 
 concerns devoting their time to the service of their Country like all 
 other Servants should be supported The Question then is, Sir, what 
 that Support should be we think it clear, it ought to be such as to 
 preserve ourselves and Families from Distress and Want, and render 
 each officer in proportion to his Rank capable of discharging his Duty 
 with Reputation to himself and advantage to his Country - 
 
 We very readily acknowledge the Adequacy of our Pay with the 
 other promised Emoluments at the Time of our Contract with the 
 public for the purposes of our support: But our Emoluments have 
 been so small and the real Value of the Sums we receive for our Pay 
 so perfectly trifling, we think it a direct affront upon the common 
 Understanding of any Man, should we attempt to prove their utter 
 insufficiency even for the sole purpose of our personal subsistence in 
 the Field ; Was this a necessary Consequence of an Inability in the 
 Country we might bear it patiently in Silence ; but when we see our 
 Country-men almost universally basking themselves in the Sunshine 
 of Affluence Wealth and Plenty not even denying themselves the 
 Luxuries of Life, we must certainly be divested of the Sentiments of 
 Men of Spirit and the feelling, of Human Nature not to murmur - 
 the more as we conceive this to be one of the great Sourses from which 
 our present Evils have Originated If we may Judge, Sir, from the 
 General Conduct of Men we shall be justified in the Suspicion that 
 a Neglect and Inattention will soon take place in our fellow Citizens 
 in General towards their Brethren in the Field 
 
 But does the public good require that we should be marked out 
 for special Ruin - - Is this the Price for which the Liberties and 
 Independence of America are to be purchased We please ourselves 
 it is not. We conceive that Life Health Property and Reputation too, 
 perhaps are too great Sacrifices to be made by any one Class of Men 
 whatever does Reason Justice or Patriotism require it does it 
 accord with that Patriotick and disinterested spirit That mutual 
 regard and warm Attachment to each others Interest which so richly 
 distinguished America from the rest of the World at the Commence 
 ment of her late Revolution 
 
 Invain, Sir, do we look for that Sympathy for the distressed, that 
 regard to Justice and enthusiastic Love of Liberty which at the begin 
 ning of this War possessed and fired every feeling Breath and with as 
 little effect do we seek that determined Spirit of Resolution which 
 
 32 
 
gave Energy Force and permanence to every public Measure Not 
 withstanding what may be said of Individuals, the People at large and 
 the present disagreable Aspect, we can assure you of our full Con 
 fidence in the Wisdom Justice and public Spirit of the supreme Legis 
 lature of the State and we doubt not that upon an impartial view of 
 our suffering Situation suitable Means will be adopted for our Relief, 
 at least we presage this from what has already been done and their 
 Native regard to Justice and Equity And here, Sir, we beg leave to 
 question the possibility of supplying the wants of the Army till a more 
 liberal Taxation takes place than has hitherto been adopted - - We 
 conceive that the Value of the Money will be inhanced nearly in 
 proportion to the Quantity taken out of Circulation and at the same 
 Time that it increases the Finances of the State it renders the Situa 
 tion of the Army more easy, however we are sensible this must be a 
 work of Time. Wherefore to remedy the Evil we now feel, And 
 relieve us from the present Anxiety, can it be though [t] unreasonable 
 to suggest that such Sums might be immediately granted as shall be 
 necessary to relieve the present Exigences of each Officer according 
 to his Rank, and that such Sums may be continued from time to Time 
 so long as the state of the Currency shall render it necessary ; and the 
 Sums so granted to be charged to the Account of each Officer re 
 spectively. 
 
 Unless something of this kind takes place we must confess, Sir, 
 it appears not at all difficult to determine the Consequence, the many 
 and daily Resignations of Officers most clearly point it out 
 
 In Justice to noncommissioned Officers and Soldiers who are un 
 married we must think them entitled to something annually or oftener, 
 than barely the nominal sum to which their Pay amounts, and cannot 
 but wish as they are the Flower of the Army that some consideration 
 may be made them for their faithful services, and further incourage- 
 ment in the service of their Country 
 
 Next to the immediate Relief of the Army we would propose, Sir, 
 that at least by the first day of January next an adjustment be made 
 of the Accounts of each Officer and Soldier and that security be given 
 by the State for such Sums as shall be found due on such Adjust 
 ment. And that in future an Annual settlement be made by a Com 
 mittee from the Honorable Court, which shall confer with a Committee 
 from the several Regiments and the adjustments of those Committees 
 shall be laid before the House for Approbation, and when approved 
 by them securities given for such sums as shall be found due 
 
 In order to prevent the Officers from being under the Necessity 
 of Leaving Camp for the purpose of procuring for themselves 
 Clothing, and the Soldiers from the dangerous necessity of being 
 without shoes, Hose and Shirts, a considerabe part of the Year (which 
 has ever been the case) we think it highly reasonable, and necessary 
 that the former be furnished with a suit of Cloaths compleat ; and the 
 latter two shirts, two pair of Hose and four pair of Shoes annually 
 and be charged to their respective Accounts and settled at the Annual 
 Adjustment 
 
 33 
 
With Regard to the Sums to be advanced we conceive, Sir, that 
 this in a great Measure depends on the Resolve of Court of November 
 I st 1776 in which Ample Supplies of certain necessaries were ing-aged 
 to us, and on which we ingaged being impartially and liberally com 
 plied with 
 
 We would remark here for the comfort convenience and Health 
 of the Army the absolute Necessity of a liberal Supply of the Articles 
 innumerated in the Resolve as without them we are confined to the 
 use of Animal Food at all times, the ill consequences of which have 
 been no oftener lamented than felt in the production of putrid, Billious, 
 and other dangerous and mortal Disorders 
 
 We would observe also that Tea by Experience is found to be 
 much cheaper than Coffee as this Point is of great Moment to the 
 State we flatter ourselves it will gain the particular attention of the 
 Honorable Assembly 
 
 As we think it our Duty to point out whatever appears to us 
 calculated to promote the Reputation and good of the State and as 
 Recruits are now inlisting; we take the Liberty to ask what possible 
 Objections can be given against these Men who are now engaged for 
 three years only (and whose times will expire with the present Year) 
 having the same Bounties and encouragement given them for inlisting 
 for the War after the Expiration of their present Term as those who 
 are now out of the Service. We consider the Arguments in favor of 
 this to be powerfull and the probability of Success in recruiting 
 promissing, and doubt not should the Encouragement be extended to 
 them, the greater part, if not the whole of this Class of Men would 
 immediately engage 
 
 We apprehend, Sir, should this take place it would be highly 
 necessary that some suitable Person be appointed as Commisary of 
 Musters either for the whole, or one for each Brigade, who should 
 muster the recruited Men, and whose Certificate of their having passed 
 muster together with that of the Col. or commanding Officer of the 
 Regiment into which they shall inlist shall be sufficient to draw a 
 Warrent from Council for their Bounty, in the same way we propose 
 all new Recruits from the Country be Mustered We would beg leave 
 further to observe, Sir, that we think it would greatly tend to the well 
 being of the Regiments and Satisfaction of the Court to have some 
 Persons appointed by that Honorable Body to correspond with the 
 Officers of the Army as they shall think proper; by which the Cir 
 cumstances Wants &c of the Army may be fully known to the Court, 
 and the Prospect of Supplies &c. known to the Army. We are led to 
 believe this would have a happy Tendency to prevent many Com 
 plaints Uneasinesses and Jealousies which may take place both in the 
 Army and Court 
 
 Painfull as the task may be of complaining of the Expense Vexa 
 tion loss of time and Delays which have attended our frequent appli 
 cation for supplies granted by Courts yet we are compelled to the 
 Measure as the whole of the Articles in some Instances would scarcely 
 
 34 
 
defray the necessary Expences arising from such Attendance of In 
 dividuals, we complain not without a Cause, the Facts are well known 
 to every one, all we wish is a Remedy - 
 
 We are constrained also to mention the Neglect of some Agents 
 in not forwarding the state Donations so early as was the Intention of 
 Court, by which Means (and the State Commissaries not having 
 Shirts, Shoes and Hose to sell them) the Soldiers have often been 
 disheartened and rendered unfit for Duty 
 
 High Lands August th . 1779 
 
 The Hon le . Major Gen 1 . Heath 
 
 Jn. Bayley Col. 
 Jon. Gr[e]aton Col. 
 Rufus Putnam Col. 
 Mich 1 . Jackson Col. 
 Thomas Marshal Col 
 
 Committee 
 
 PHILIP MAZZEI. 
 
 Philip Massei to Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 Paris, April 21 st 1780. 
 Sir, 
 
 The first time I Spoke, according to my Instructions, to D r frank 
 lin on the purport of my mission, he observed that so many people had 
 come to Europe from every State on that kind of business, that they 
 had ruined our credit, & made the money-men Shy of us. I said that 
 Virginia should not partake of the blame on my account, as I would 
 not let them know my business, unless I was pretty well Sure of Suc 
 cess. Having Since taken the opportunity of mentioning the Subject 
 several times to him, he never failed giving Some marks of disappro 
 bation & displeasure. About 3. weeks past (that is to say about a 
 month Since I had first mentioned the matter to him) his reflections 
 induced me to observe, that while Congress called on the Several 
 States to Supply their men in the Continental Army with things, 
 which must be got from Europe, it became a necessity for them to 
 Seek for credit & money ; that the person Sent by the States on that 
 errand may perhaps have not proceeded with all the discretion re 
 quired in Such cases ; but as to the dishonour & discredit, which you 
 think, Says I, that they have brought upon us by Spreading Such an 
 idea of American poverty, I must beg leave to differ from you, Sir, 
 Since all Europe knows, that we want a great many things from 
 home : that we have no Species : & that we cannot, during the War, 
 remit enough of our produce to pay the debts. The only 2. points to 
 gain are, I continued, the persuading them of the Solidity & resources 
 of the States, & that we are firmly determined to keep our Independ 
 ence ; & then mentioned the reasons I have to expect that I Shall be 
 
 35 
 
believed particularly in Florence & Genoa. We have tried in Genoa, 
 he said, without effect. As I had informed him of my views there 
 from the beginning, his defering So long to acquaint me with that un 
 lucky trial made a Sudden & disagreable impression on my Spirits 
 for a double reason. But that was nothing in comparison to what I 
 have felt to day. He has at last Signified to me that 6 P. cent was 
 offered. But, Sir, Says I at the very first conversation on the Subject 
 I informed you that I was impowered to give only 5; had I known 
 this at that time I could have given notice of it by Marquis la fayettc, 
 & the Assembly could have been informed of it in the Spring Session. 
 "I din t think of it," said he with a true philosophical indifference, "it 
 never came into my head." I have lost no time, Sir, to come & write 
 you the intelligence, with which I have been most disagreably Sur 
 prised this day, knowing that there is at Nantes a Vessel ready to 
 Sail, & I heartly wish that you may receive one of the 4 copies before 
 the Assembly rises. You will, I hope, excuse my blundering more 
 than usual, as I am really disconcerted. In coming from the Doctor, 
 who lives 3. miles out of the Town, I was a thinking what to do. I 
 have resolved to proceed on my journey as Soon as I can raise money, 
 & to go & lay a foundation for executing the orders I may receive 
 hereafter. It is requisite to observe, that however great my Success 
 may be in infusing notions of our Solidity & resources, & a desire of 
 entering into our views, I cannot with any degree of prudence men 
 tion the terms expressed in my instructions, as D r Franklin s offer is 
 certainly known every where, the Experiment have been tried by the 
 medium of public Bankers. The offering less than it has already 
 been offered, would be ridiculous, & perhaps injurious to the credit 
 of Congress. If the State should not like the terms, I might act for 
 Congress, & probably succeed, although others have failed. I intend 
 to mention it to the Doctor, & if I Should meet with more philosophy 
 than Zeal, I have a mind to explain the whole matter to M r . John 
 Adams (if he affords me an opening to do it) & avail myself of his 
 advice & assistance. The established character of his great abilities 
 & patriotism all over the Continent would, I hope, Sufficiently war 
 rant my Step, besides what I know of him from the late Governor, & 
 still more from yourself. I hope soon to entertain you with some 
 favourable accounts of European affairs, & I have the honour to be 
 most respectfully, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your Excellency s most Obedient 
 & most Humble Servant. 
 Philip Mazzei a 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.ao]. 
 
JOHN JAY. 
 
 John Jay to Silas Dcanc. 
 
 Madrid I Nov r 1780 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I have just rec d . your letter of the 16 Oct r . T How happens it 
 that you do not yet know me? Time and opportunity have not been 
 wanting I suspect you sometimes seen double 
 
 If my Regard for my friends be measured by the Length of the 
 Letters I write them, I confess they have often Reason to complain, 
 especially as a constant attention to matters of public Concern, leaves 
 me little Leisure for that pleasing method of employing ones vacant 
 Hours. Not many Days have passed since I wrote you a Letter of 
 more than moderate Length, & if I could indulge my Inclinations, you 
 would read much of my writing. There are many Subjects both in 
 teresting and otherwise, on which I should be glad to converse with 
 you either on Paper or in person, but the former is seldom in my power, 
 for the Reason I have mentioned My Question about D r . 5[ancroft] 
 and M r . Cfarmichael] was not with his knowing or by his request nor 
 shall I make the least mention of your Remark on that Head It is 
 a matter about which I have little Curiosity, and could, if explained, 
 be no further useful to me, than as the Circumstances which gave 
 Rise to it, might explain Characters. Could I transport myself for a 
 few Hours to Passy, we should find ourselves in a Situation similar 
 to those we were often in at M rs . House s in 1775 Letters cannot 
 effect this - - a multiplicity of Circumstances must necessarily be 
 stated and combined besides I perceive that you neither know my 
 Situation respecting certain People nor I yours. I am convinced that 
 we have the same regard for each other as before. You will be of the 
 same opinion if Providence should again give us an Occasion of meet 
 ing. These are no Times to bid adieu to Politics while you can 
 be useful in them, dont restrain your Pen from those Subjects. If 
 ever you and I should talk over these matters, yon will think my Let 
 ters less reprehensible In my last I told you that Spain wanted 
 Mississippi A Sheet could not convey more to a Person so well 
 acquainted with the Subject as you are. I could tell you that Spain 
 delays, does little &c &c but these would be only useless Comments on 
 the Text. The Capt. of a Vessel lately arrived at Cadiz from N. 
 Carolina says our Paper was appreciating there. The King of Spain 
 has offered us his Responsibility to facilitate a Loan, and I am in a 
 fair way of having some Cloathing for our army. These Circum 
 stances will give you pleasure I am sure. 
 
 If I am not much mistaken the Enemy will attempt to incline 
 Hfenry] Lfaurens] to their views. The Resolution you mention or 
 
 1 Printed in "The Dean Papers," iv., p. 244, Collections of the New York 
 Historical Society. Words in italics are translated from Jay s cipher. 
 
 37 
 
rather intimate would have great Consequences. Instances of the like 
 have happened. This matter deserves much thought. As to the Edi 
 tions &c. of A. Lee no very great Effects will follow them in my opin 
 ion, but tho Facts cannot be altered, they may be misrepresented, and 
 sometimes sunk, unless Care be taken to do them Justice. The State 
 of America I admit to be a serious matter, but I still think it will termi 
 nate well, tho it may be scorched by the ordeal thro which it is to pass. 
 Of this you know more than I do, and therefore can better Judge. 
 F. 1 had better be cautious. I believe firmly the old adage, nil utile 
 nisi quod honestum, and therefore before Politicians or others deviate 
 from Integrity, they should well consider the Consequences. I see 
 very clearly that in the Instance alluded to, Repentance would soon 
 follow, and not only prove ineffectual but severe In a word my 
 friend, as to all these matters I believe that a wise & good Being 
 governs this world, that he has ordered us to travel thro it to a better, 
 and that we have Nothing but our Duty to do on the Journey, which 
 will not be a long one. Let us therefore travel on with Spirits & 
 Chearfulness, without grumbling much at the bad Roads, bad Inns or 
 bad Company we may be obliged to put up with on the way let us 
 enjoy Prospwrity when we have it, and in adversity endeavour to be 
 patient and resigned without being lazy or insensible. 
 I cannot approve of your refusing to reflect on certain Subjects. The 
 more you reflect on them the better in my opinion, upon the same 
 Principle that it is better to meet and reduce one s Enemies, than sub 
 mit to their Bondage, or remain exposed to repeated Injuries. 
 
 M rs . Jay & the Col. [Livingston] desire me to make their Com 
 pliments to you 
 
 I am D r Sir very truly 
 Your Friend & Serv* 
 John Jay 
 The Honble Silas Deane Esq r 2 
 
 John Jay to Jeremiah Wadsivorlh. 
 
 New York 13 Jan y 1789 
 Dear Sir 
 
 M rs . Jay having been informed by a Gentleman who lately passed 
 thro one of your Towns, (I think Wallingford) that good Silks were 
 manufactured there, desires me to request the favor of you, if there 
 be any for sale, to procure a Pattern of a Gown and Petticoat, of some 
 grave quaker Color, and send it to her. I am persuaded that the same 
 motive which induces her to wish to have it, will also induce you to 
 excuse the Trouble she takes the Liberty of giving you about it. 
 
 I find the Cloths are arrived. Tomorrow I purpose to see them, 
 and take a suit. If it should become fashionable to prefer our own 
 
 Franklin? 
 
 3 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.6.66]. 
 
 38 
 
manufactures, their Progress will be greatly advanced by it; espe 
 cially if we come to consider whatever is american as our own; which 
 notwithstanding State Prejudices, I hope will daily be more and more 
 the Case 
 
 with great Esteem & Regard 
 I am Dear Sir 
 
 Your most ob*. Serv 1 
 
 John Jay 
 Col. Wadsworth. 1 
 
 WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. 
 
 William Carmichael to Harrison. 
 
 Aranjuez i8 th June 1781 
 
 Dear Harrison 
 
 I acknowledge that I am become your Debtor for a Letter from S*. 
 Lucar & I am become still more so by troubling you with the Inclosed 
 which you will forward by Captn Robertson under Cover to the 
 President of Congress, to whom it [is] well to write the actual State of 
 the present armament My Time has passed exceedingly disagreeably 
 here & I have envied you your S 1 Lucar friends I have some ap 
 prehension of an Embargo at your Port that may retard Robertson 
 Push him off therefore, if He should not be gone I have sent a Copy 
 of these Letters via France But am anxious that they should get 
 out from your Port I should send you the List of officers to Com 
 mand the present Expedition, but it is so public that you have un 
 doubtedly have seen it 
 
 Address your letters for me to Madrid as I leave this on Satur 
 day If this Expedition should go to Charles Town, what would 
 you think of Spain then? I would worship the King & He should be 
 my S*. Carlos I have no news for you & am as Dull as an English 
 man in December, If I continue long in this way I shall beleive my 
 self in Love of which I have some Symptoms Adieu give me all 
 the minute particulars in your power of this Armament 
 
 Yours. 
 
 W m . C. 
 
 Compliments to Robertson who I beleive knows me, & Desire him to 
 mention me to all Friends, Particularly to Mr Morris & family to 
 whom I have written frequently without a line in Return There is 
 no hopes of obtaining 1 permission to send Vessels in Droiture to the 
 Havannah 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.G.yo]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.6.72]. 
 
 39 
 
THE MOSQUITO SHORE. 
 
 Lord NortJi to the Governor of Jamaica. 
 
 Whitehall 3<D th . Sept r . 1783. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 It having been stipulated by the 6 th . Article of the Definitive 
 Treaty of Peace, between His Majesty and the Catholic King, signed 
 at Versailles on the 3 d . Ins 1 , and exchanged by the Plenipotentiaries 
 of the Two Crowns on the 19 th . That a certain District comprized 
 between the Rivers Wallis or Bellise, and the River Hondo, particu 
 larly described in the said Article, shall be allotted to the Subjects of 
 Great Britain, for cutting, loading and transporting of Logwood, and 
 that Commissioners shall be appointed to determine upon suitable 
 Spots within that Territory, for the erecting such Houses and Stores 
 as shall be requisite for themselves, their Families and Effects, re 
 serving, nevertheless, to His Catholic Majesty the Right of Sover 
 eignty; and it being further stipulated, that the Subjects of His 
 Britannic Majesty, wherever dispersed, whether upon the Spanish Con 
 tinent, or upon the Islands dependent on the aforesaid Spanish Continent, 
 shall collect themselves within the Canton above limited, within the 
 Space of 18 Months after the exchange of the Ratifications of the said 
 Treaty, and that if there shall be any Fortifications within the said 
 District, His Britannic Majesty shall order the same to be demolished, 
 and prohibit His Subjects from erecting others. 
 
 I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a printed Copy of 
 the said Treaty, together with Duplicates of Orders given by the 
 King of Spain to the several Governors of the Provinces of Yucatan, 
 Guatamala, the Island of Cuba, and the Havannah, for the purpose 
 of the several Evacuations and Restitutions, and for marking out the 
 Limits of the District allotted to the Logwood Cutters, and Labour 
 ers by the said Treaty, and I am commanded to signify to you the 
 King s Pleasure, that you do, as soon as may be, in concert with the 
 Spanish Governors to whom His Catholic Majesty hath addressed 
 His Instructions, appoint proper Persons to be Commissioners for 
 the purpose of marking out the Limits of the said District, and for 
 fixing upon suitable Spots for the erecting of Habitations and Store 
 houses for His Majesty s Subjects who may intend to remain upon 
 that Coast; giving them Orders at the same time to collect them 
 selves within the District before mentioned, and affording them 
 every possible assistance in your power to facilitate their removal 
 thither. 
 
 You will, also, give directions, That the Fortifications which 
 may have been erected by His Majesty s Subjects, within the Dis 
 trict allotted to them by the present Treaty, be forthwith demolished, 
 
 40 
 
and that none be in future erected by them, and that they shall exer 
 cise their Fishery upon the Coast, agreeably to the Stipulations of 
 the said Treaty. 
 
 You will receive herewith Two Passports from the Court of 
 Spain to prevent from interruption, or molestation, any Ships, or 
 Vessels, which you may think proper to employ, in consequence of 
 the Instructions and Orders which are necessary to be given by you 
 upon this Occasion, a like number having been transmitted from 
 hence to the Court of Spain. 
 
 I am, with great Truth and Regard, 
 
 Sir, 
 Your most obedient 
 
 humble Servant 
 
 North. 
 Governor Campbell. 
 
 Private. 
 
 Whitehall 3 d October 1783. 
 Sir, 
 
 In addition to my Official dispatch of the 3O h of September, I 
 think it right to inform you that I have received a Memorial from 
 the Agent of the persons concerned in the Logwood Trade, desiring 
 me to recommend to You M r . James M c Cauley, M r . James Bartlett 
 and M r . Richard Hoare, in conjunction with Lieutenant Colonel Des- 
 pard, to be appointed Commissaries on the part of His Majesty for 
 marking out the District allotted to the Logwood Cutters and Labour 
 ers by the late Treaty of Peace, and for fixing upon proper spots for 
 erecting Habitations and Storehouses. 
 
 If you see no reason to object to the abovementioned Gentlemen, 
 You will, probably, think it right to gratify the wishes of the Memo 
 rialists; But, the whole of this nomination is left to your judgment 
 and discretion. 
 
 With respect to another part of my Letter, which relates to the 
 withdrawing such of His Majesty s Subjects as shall be settled on 
 the Spanish Continent, or the Islands dependent thereon. It is neces 
 sary that I shou d inform you, that by the words Spanish Continent, 
 His Majesty s Servants understand that part of the Coast of Hon 
 duras v/hich is not included in the described limits, and such other 
 parts of the Continent of North America, as have been, and are 
 acknowledged by us, to belong to the Crown of Spain. 
 
 I have the honor to be, 
 
 Sir 
 Your most obedient 
 
 humble Servant 
 Governor Campbell, Jamaica. North. 
 
 41 
 
Most Secret and Confidential. 
 
 Whitehall 3 d October 1783. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have thought it right to send you, in addition to my official 
 dispatch and private Letter, this most secret and confidential note, 
 that you may be clearly and explicitly made acquainted with our 
 sentiments respecting the expression Spanish Continent, in the De 
 finitive Treaty. 
 
 His Majesty, in His Negotiations wit the Court of Spain, most 
 certainly never meant to affect the rights of any third person, and, 
 consequently, did not include the Mosquito Shore, (which has never 
 belonged to the Crown of Spain,) under the name of the Spanish 
 Continent. If, therefore, there are any British subjects settled on 
 the Mosquito Shore, You will not understand, that you are required 
 by your Instructions, to withdraw such Settlers from the places 
 where they are established. 
 
 I have written this Letter to you for your own direction, and 
 justification, and have sent it under separate cover, that you may, 
 if you find it necessary, shew the other Letter, without disclosing 
 the contents of this. 
 
 If, for example, any person on the part of His Catholic Majesty, 
 shou d require of you to recall the Settlers from the Mosquito Shore, 
 as being a part of the Spanish Continent, you may, in that case, shew 
 him my Letter, mark d private, maintain the contrary interpretation 
 of the Words, refuse to withdraw the Settlers, and refer him, if he 
 still persists, to Europe, for the decision of the point in dispute. 
 
 I have the honor to be with great regard, 
 Sir 
 
 Your most obedient 
 
 humble Servant, 
 
 North. 
 
 P: S: You will perceive that my reason for not mentioning the 
 Mosquito Shore in my other Letter, and for wishing that this may 
 be kept secret, and considered only as intended for Your direction is, 
 That, whatever interpretation the Court of Spain may affect to give 
 to the Treaty, We wou d not have it appear that we think it possible 
 that the Mosquito Shore, can, in the opinion of any person what 
 soever, be comprehended under the name of the Spanish Continent. 
 
 N. 
 Governor Campbell, Jamaica. 
 
 Secret & Confidential. 
 
 Whitehall. Nov r : 7. 1783. 
 Sir. 
 
 By my letter of the 3O th . of September last You received his Majes 
 ty s directions for the conduct you were to hold in consequence of 
 
 42 
 
the Definitive Treaty with the Crown of Spain and by my two 
 letters of the 3 d . of Oct r . You will have learnt in what sense his 
 Majesty s Ministers understand the words, Spanish Continent, &, that, 
 in their opinion, The British settlers are not to be withdrawn from 
 the Mosquito Shore. 
 
 I now inclose to you a Copy of a memorial from the settlers on 
 that Shore, in which they apply for protection, & I am directed by 
 his Majesty s servants to convey to you their opinion, that they 
 ought to be supported. The manner of supporting them, & the force 
 to be employ d in that service, They leave to your discretion in 
 which they put intire confidence. This Support, however, should 
 be afforded them in the most inoffensive manner, & with the least 
 parade possible : It would be disadvantageous to enter into a fresh 
 quarrell with Spain upon this point, in the moment of the return of 
 peace when the Nation, from their aversion to war, may be inclined 
 to yield too much for the sake of preserving the public tranquillity. 
 It is to be hoped that Spain is in the same sentiments, & that when 
 she sees our settlers in a condition to resist, She will not use force 
 at the hazard of producing a fresh rupture between the two Crowns. 
 
 I inclose likewise a Memorial from the Logwood cutters, which 
 I submit to your consideration, & wish to have your opinion upon 
 the proposals contain d in it, before I take any step in consequence 
 of their application. I have the honour to be, with the greatest 
 respect, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your most faithful 
 
 humble Servant, 
 
 North. 
 
 JOHN BROWN. 
 
 John Brown to Simon Perkins. 
 
 Springfield Mass 24 th Nov 1847 
 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I write to give you an idea as well as I can of the 
 
 state of matters here First I will give you an account of our outstand 
 ing paper as near as I can from memory ; being at a neighbouring office 
 while it rains very hard. At the Agawam Bank we have $18,500, at 
 Springfield Bank $7700, Patterson & Ewings Draft accepted for $2300, 
 & we are entitled to receive during the balance of the month from 
 Burlington $27500, & from the house of Perham Sewall & Co some 
 $5000, or $6000, more. I do not believe I shall get the whole in by the 
 time it has been promised us ; but I think I can manage with our paper 
 
 43 
 
notwithstanding the money matters are tighter (all through this coun 
 try) than Kids Chest. The effect of the English news has produced an 
 alarm amongst wool holders, & we are getting consignments from 
 Philadelphia, New York, Vermont, & are expecting a lot from Hart 
 ford soon ; besides some large lots from different parts of the country. 
 If we could in any way so manage while the pinch continues to keep 
 up making moderate advances I think we could double or treble the 
 nett proceeds of the seasons business, as all we can now get, will be 
 clear gain. I do not wish any upstream measure taken to supply funds 
 for further advances; but if it could be fixed conveniently it would 
 work fine ; as our sales have drawn the attention of the whole country, 
 & other commission houses, & even manufacturers are disposed to 
 avail themselves of our help to effect sales of fine wools. We have 
 graded, & sent off nearly half the amount of the contract with Burling 
 ton, & have delivered no faster than they have paid us as yet. 
 
 Before I seal this will try to give the exact amount of all our in 
 debtedness. Want to hear from all on the hill verry much. John is 
 quite sick with a fever but think he is better a little today. Have not 
 heard whether you got the $3000 Certificate sent you, nor how the trip 
 to the River with Bucks went off. True amount of Debts to pay from 
 now to 7 th Feby is $29,300. Most of our customers have got the greater 
 part of the money for their wool. 
 
 Yours truly 
 
 John Brown 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 Akron 
 
 Summit Co 
 Ohio 
 
 Springfield Mass I st May 1849. 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your ever welcome favours of the 6 th & 24 th April 
 
 are both received. I have not been as punctual for a while past as I 
 intended, in writing you, but you will (I trust) be able to excuse me ; 
 as in addition to a constant press of business we have been again visited 
 with a good deal of very poor health in the family, & the death of our 
 youngest child ; x which has been unwell all the winter, & Spring. My 
 wife has also been very poorly for a long time ; & is yet so. She has 
 become quite thin & poor, but I am in hopes she is mending a little. 
 
 The money pressure has been quite severe again ; so much so, that 
 some prettey large cash contracts with us, have not been met by taking 
 the wool as agreed. I have been able to meet the disappointment to 
 the amount of between $30000. & $40000, but have not been able to 
 
 1 Ellen, born at Springfield, Mass., in May, 1848. 
 
 44 
 
get your State Stock clear yet; as I had expected to do. Money is 
 now becoming easier again, & I hope to be able to do it soon. We 
 made a small cash sale of No I long wool to go to France as sample 
 Bales ; they intimating that they wanted all our long fibred fine wool 
 if the Bales sent suited their work as well as they believed they would. 
 The men who bought it are Thirion Maillard, & Co. New York for 
 their own establishment in France. They do not profess who are here ; 
 to be first rate judges but were willing to take at our prices (less the 
 transportation to New York from here) all that we would put up as 
 being fully equal to sample fleeces upon honor; not to exceed some 
 13000 Ibs. We let them have on those conditions something over 
 1,000 Ibs. they finding Sacks. Price here $0,54-1/2 per Ib. (a little 
 over) I did not think best to make a heavy business of it; they de 
 pending solely upon my judgment & honor; I am very [certain] that 
 if once we can get our best wools fairly introduced to the acquaintance 
 of the best foreign manufacturers that the great difficulty in regard 
 to fine wool, & fine sheep in this country will be cured : & that nothing 
 short of that will ever give stability in any good measure to the busi 
 ness. I shall despair of our superior flock unless; European manu 
 facturers come to our relief. The fine wool manufacturers here lately 
 got up a subscription in order to send to Europe for fine wool which 
 cannot cost less than 75 pr cent above our prices on purpose to break 
 down at all events the price of fine wool here. The information is from 
 Mr. Hammond of Vernon Ct; & others who were urged to go into the 
 measure. I enclose you a sample of German cloth worth at the worst 
 time $6. per Yard in the hands of the importer. They send cloths 
 worth $8. per Yard with the importer, during the worst time past; 
 but I could not find a piece on hand with the importers last week, 
 while in New York. We have wool that would make as good cloth as 
 ever was imported. I am thinking hard of taking the fine wools of 
 such as are willing to send it at their own risk, & going over with it ; 
 closing up the sale of the balance as well. & as fast as it can be done 
 right. I have done all & everything I could consistently do to get off 
 the fine wools, but when I see manufacturers go elsewhere, & pay from 
 25 to 75 pr cent more than we ask rather than buy of us in order to get 
 back the full controll of the market it looks dark. What would you think 
 of my doing so? I really think it probable that no other means short 
 of an Auction sale ; will enable us to sell the fine wool out so as to close 
 up ; & that would be an unconditional surrender; not only of the wool 
 on hand, & the business, but of the fine flocks of the whole country. 
 What I think of is to begin packing in earnest for shipment, selling 
 in the meantime whenever I can, & continuing to do so as long as I 
 can. I have kept still about quitting the business as long as it would 
 do ; on account of the buildings we occupy, or untill within Two or 
 Three days past. What effect the news of our quitting will have can 
 not say. I am hinting that I intend going to Europe to make permanent 
 arrangements in regard to the wool trade; which is strictly true if I 
 
 45 
 
go [at] all. Our friends must hold off a few days at all events before 
 we can help them to money on their wool as we cannot create money. 
 (Hope to keep Midling cool). Your friend 
 
 John Brown 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 Akron 
 Summit Co. 
 Ohio 
 
 Troy N Y 26 th Jan? 1852 
 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I improve with pleasure another opportunity 
 
 of reporting our progress here a little further. We adjourned on Sat 
 urday the 25 th to Tuesday morning the 27 th inst. Warrens witness 
 B Buck (the one to whom I referred in my last) swore very stiff in 
 his direct testimony. We have progressed a little in cross examining 
 him, but are not done. We have proved by him some important facts 
 such as identifying a letter written by Warrens Doctor to him giving 
 him in Warrens name instructions about the disposal of the wool after 
 the date when Warren swears it was sold to us. This letter Buck had 
 placed in our hands at the time, & it perfectly conflicts with his own, 
 & Warrens statements. Buck spoke of getting such a letter of his own 
 accord, & pretended to give its contents to some extent before it was 
 shown him. When he had read it the Starch was taken out of him 
 nicely. We have proved by him his own full authority to act for War 
 ren, also his own letters he not being allowed time to read them ; also 
 that Flint one of Warrens witness fes] (by the way) acted dishonestly 
 in grading, & that I corrected the wrong ; also that I was a disinter 
 ested man in grading & selling, but another interesting circumstance 
 is that A J Richardson has been here Logrolling for Warren like a 
 hero. It so happens that he cannot serve the Devil in Two different 
 directions at the same time ; & he has already sworn in direct contra 
 diction of his affidavits at Boston. As he is sensible of the difficult 
 task he has on his hands ; & does not quite thoroughly understand all 
 the bearings in Warrens case ; we have already draged out of him 
 some first best testimony in both cases; & have no doubt of having a 
 rich time if we can get him on again. He was allowed to return to 
 Boston by the Court uppon his own, the Counsels, & Warrens assurance 
 that he would return. He is so slipery a fellow that I fear we shall not 
 get him again ; but I was obliged to submit. We have learned by his 
 statements what he, and his Co. are going to rely uppon in their suit ; 
 one thing of which is that he now in this case denies the Contract he ad 
 mits he wrote himself. He says it is only part of the contract which 
 
 46 
 
was a verbal one, & was previously made. This is in keeping with his 
 swearing there had been no settlement made with us; & that he paid 
 the last money to us under Protest. I should be exceedingly glad of 
 your presence here; would your engagements allow of it; but as every 
 thing about getting through is so very uncertain, I dare not advise it. 
 I will only say further at this time, that I know of nothing unfavourable 
 but that the business goes on slow; but we have made better progress 
 last week than before. Would like to hear from you ; & all at home. 
 Please say to my folks to write. Will write as often as I have any 
 thing. 
 
 Your friend 
 
 John Brown 
 Simon Perkins Esqr 
 
 Akron 
 Summit Co. 
 Ohio 
 
 John Brown to Dr. Jesse Bowen. 
 
 Springclale, Cedar Co, Iowa, 3d March 1859. 
 Dr Jesse Bowen 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I was lately at Tabor in this State where there 
 
 is lying in the care of Jonas Jones Esqr. one brass field piece fully 
 mounted; & carriage good. Also a quantity of grape & round shot: 
 together with part of another gun carriage of some value. Also some 
 twenty or over U. S. rifles with flint locks. The rifles are good and 
 in good order, I have held a claim on these articles since Jan 2 1857 
 that is both morally & legally good against any & all other parties: 
 but I informed Mr. Jones that I would most cheerfully; and even 
 gladly waive it entirely in your favour: knowing the treatment you 
 have received. I should think these articles might be so disposed of 
 as to save you from ultimate loss : but I need not say to you how im 
 portant is perfect and secure possession in such cases: & you are 
 doubtless informed of the disordered condition of the National Kansas 
 Committees matters. I left with you a little cannon & carriage. Could 
 you, or any one induce the inhabitants of your city to make me up 
 something for it; & buy it either to keep as an old relic; or for the 
 sake of helping me a little? I am certainly quite needy; & have more 
 over quite a family to look after. There are those who would sooner 
 see me supplied with a good halter than anything else for my services. 
 Will you please write me frankly to John H Painter Esqr or by bearer 
 whether you think anything can be done for me with the gun ; or other 
 wise? My best wishes for yourself & family. 
 
 Respectfully your friend 
 John Brown. 
 
 47 
 

 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER THREE. 
 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER THREE. 
 
 : 
 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. 
 
The Public Library of the City of Boston: Printing Department, April, 1902. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 JOURNAL OF A SURVEY IN 1791, FOR A CANAL ACROSS CAPE COD. 
 
 BY JAMES WINTHROP 53 
 
 MARTHA WASHINGTON. 
 
 To , Jan. 29, 1790 71 
 
 To Mrs. Richard Montgomery, April 5, 1800 72 
 
 JAMES MADISON. 
 
 Draft of a Message to Congress submitted to President 
 
 Washington, on the First United States Bank, Feb. 
 
 21, 1791 73 
 
 To General Horatio Gates, March 24, 1794 74 
 
 To James L. Cathcart, April 18, 1802 75 
 
 WILLIAM COCKE. 
 
 To Governor Sevier, June 25, 1796 78 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 To William Plumer, Oct. 6, 1810 78 
 
 JOHN ADAMS. 
 
 To William Plumer, Dec. 16, 1812 82 
 
 To Same, Dec. 4, 1814 82 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 To William Plumer, Jr., June 24, 1827 84 
 
 To , Sept. 9, 1831 84 
 
 ROBERT SMITH. 
 
 To Thomas Jefferson, August 28, 1803 85 
 
 WILLIAM EUSTIS. 
 
 To Nicholas Gilman, Jan. 12, 1808 86 
 
 To Henry Dearborn, April 10, 1808 88 
 
 in 
 
PAGE 
 
 WILLIAM PLUMER. 
 
 To Nicholas Oilman, March 28, 1808 88 
 
 To Salma Hale, Dec. 28, 1818 90 
 
 JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN. 
 
 To Charles Harris, June 13, 1810 91 
 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
 
 To Joel Barlow, Jan. 14, 1812 92 
 
 SAMUEL LATHAM MITCHELL. 
 
 To Henry W. Dearborn, Feb. 14, 1812 93 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 To General Meigs, Sept. 20, 1812 94 
 
 To Langdon Cheeves, Nov. i, 1819 95 
 
 JAMES A. BAYARD. 
 
 To , Jan. 24, 1813 95 
 
 HENRY DEARBORN. 
 
 To H. A. S. Dearborn, March 21, 1812 96 
 
 To Same, April 10, 1823 97 
 
 To Same, Oct. 25, 1823 98 
 
 To Same, Nov. 4, 1823 99 
 Address of his Officers to Major General Henry Dearborn 102 
 
 THE COUNTERFEITING OF COLONIAL PAPER MONEY, 1735-1739 104 
 
 IV 
 
JOURNAL OF A SURVEY 
 
 IN 1791, 
 
 FOR A CANAL ACROSS CAPE COD. 
 
 BY JAMES WINTHROP. 
 
 Thursday 12 May 1791, at I P M. set out from Cambridge to survey 
 Sandwich neck accompanied by M r . Henry Parker as assistant. Miss 
 H. a lovely girl of eighteen, was polite eno to take this opp. to visit 
 her Barnstable friends, & rode in the chaise with me. My apparatus 
 consisted of a Theodolite, 2 barometers with a vernier to each, a spare 
 tube, a chain, a Gunter scale, a pocket case of instruments, a penta- 
 graph, a small achromatic telescope, pens, ink, paper, pencils, & Hol 
 lands small Map as printed for Thomas s Magazine. 
 
 Oated at Bracket s in Braintree for io d . 13 miles from home, 
 lodged at Cushing s in Hingham 23 miles from home. Well accomo- 
 dated for horse keeping & victuals, but bugs in the bed. 
 Friday 13, after Breakfast, reckoning io/. for the company, set out 
 for Plimouth; soon begun to rain, but got to Kingston to dine, 41 
 miles from home, put up at Beal s, accomodations good but people 
 slow. Rained very hard. I walked over to see Judge Sever in the 
 afternoon & spent an hour with him. He was very polite & invited 
 me to keep at his house, but I returned to my company. He did not 
 seem to favor the canal much. Rained heavily all night. 
 Saturday 14 th . Rain. After breakfast, the storm intermitted. Company 
 reckoning 17/8. Rode into Plimouth by 9 o clock, introduced Miss H. 
 to Gen. Warren & Lady, & put up at their house proposing a friendly 
 but early dinner with them. Storm renewed & held till toward night. 
 Sabbath 15. Attended meeting, drank tea at M rs . Winslow s. Two 
 agreeable & pretty daughters both amiable. In the evening Major 
 Thomas & Lady, the Miss Winslows, Miss Gorham, & Miss Burr 
 came to see Miss H. all the young ladies about her time of life. We 
 had an agreeable evening. 
 
 Monday i6 th . After Breakfast rode to Ellis s in Plimouth Woods 
 where we dined in company with the Supreme Court as they were 
 returning from Barnstable. Reckoning for company 5/2. Afternoon 
 rode to Sandwich, put up at Fessenden s, deposited Miss H. at Rev. 
 M r . Burr s. He has a very handsome & agreeable wife. Spent the 
 
 53 
 
evening at General Freeman s. Capt Allen & Major Williams & 
 Rev. M r . Burr spent an hour with us at Fessenden s. 
 Tuesday 17 th . M r . Parker carried Miss H. to Barnstable & left her & 
 the chaise at M r . Bourn s the federal Representative for this election 
 district. M r P. returned in the afternoon. I spent the day in riding 
 with Gen. Freeman, his son, & Major Williams over to Buzzard s bay 
 to view the ground. I breakfasted with the General, dined on Cohogs, 
 a very coarse shell fish at Perry s near the Buz. Bay, & drank tea at 
 M r . Burr s. 
 
 Wednesday i8 th . Wrote to my brother by a coaster, enlarged Hol 
 lands map of the isthmus, making one draft 8 & another 16 times as 
 large as the printed copy. 
 
 19 May 1791. Begun the survey at Agawam point in a line from the 
 point to the N E corner of Sam. Bourne s house at the shore of Buz 
 zards, angle between that line & Little p*. at high water mark 138. 55 
 distance of the station from S. shore of river at Agawam point I2 ch . 4O L 
 course S. 44^ E 
 
 From this Station toward N E corner of Sam. Bourne s house, 
 same course, dist. 29 ch . o 1 . on the bank of Back harbor. New Course 
 to Back river S. 723/3 E. distance to 3 d . station in the way to bank 
 of Back river 7 Ch . o 1 . From 3 d . station to bank of river in same course 
 5. chains at high water. 
 
 3 d . Station distant from shore of harbor i ch . iS 1 . Course N 41. E toward 
 a stump, distance from 3 d . station to off set in way to stump I2 ch . o 1 , 
 offset to river i ch . 90*. Easterly. At 8 ch . more from 3 d . station new offset 
 E 5 ch river ab l . 10 or 12 rods wide, shoal & rocky at 28 ch. from 3 d . 
 station course lay on W beach of river 2 rods below high water mark. 
 Whole dist. from 3 d station to stump 32 ch . 2I 1 . Stump makes 4 th . station, 
 course to a pine tree between back siver & fresh marsh swamp. N 72^ 
 E, 2 chains to beach of a small cove in W side of river. 4 th . station on 
 upland ^2 rod from bank. This course all marsh to 5 th . station, river 
 makes a sweep to S. we crossed the neck of the peninsula at 6 ch . 
 from station 4 th offset W to upland 3 ch . 93 1 . (abt middle of neck which 
 runs S from from offset Whole distance from 4 th to 5 th . station 
 I 4 ch - 33 1 - This last station about a rod from the river Pine tree 5 th . 
 station. Course from thence to a rock on the north side of a clump of 
 pines E 2 l / 2 S. distance to the rock 7^2 chains, the same course 4^ 
 more to a small knoll which is the 6th station. Whole distance from 
 5 th . is 12 chains all but I st . on marsh which is not any where more than 
 a dozen rods wide till we come to 6 th . station range from 6 th . station thro 
 fresh marsh swamp to Zaccheus Hatch s house N 41 ^2 E, station distant 
 from N bank of river 5 ch . o 1 . from Station Northerly toward Hatch s 
 house in same course 6 chains to edge of swamp, 4 chains more on 
 skirt upland W side of swamp 2 chains more over a point into marsh 
 + i ch . to upland, swamp 30 rods wide to east of our course. + 3 chains 
 over marsh to where the marsh is three chains wide, course abt middle 
 of swamp near the river. 4 chains more to E side swamp in our 
 present course. This completes 2 tallies from 6 th . station & 2 l /z from 
 
 54 
 
river. + 6 ch . swamp 54 mile wide & we abt 50 rods from W side, + 4 ch . 
 same width & abt 5/3 of it E of us. + 8 ch . to p*. upland W side swamp + 
 5 ch . to ditch in clear meadow & low Upland + 4 ch to meadow again 
 over low upland + ich - to upland, + i ch . to top upland, & pretty sharp 
 ascent, + ich - to heap of stones on the high upland near landlord 
 Perry s in Monimet village. This makes 5 tallies from 6 th . station & 
 5^2 from the river. A small branch of the river flows thro the swamp, 
 & on the east side of our course to two tallies from station. Then we 
 crossed & had it on our left, it was then not more than 6 feet wide & 
 6 inches deep 
 
 At four o clock adjourned after 6 hours march after dinner filled 
 a new barometer & hung it with other in Perry s chamber with the old 
 one. The new 29.50 inch ; old 29.72. returned to Fessenden s at dusk. 
 M r . Davies of Plimouth arrived, one of the Committee 
 20 May, foggy & wet. Could not proceed. At 3 P M. set out to shew 
 M r . Davis the country under survey & also our progress. Observed 
 Barometers at Perry s. New one at 29.24; old 29.45. returned to 
 town. 
 
 21 st . fine morning, rode to Perry s to renew survey. Barom. new, 29.25 ; 
 old 29.46. At 6 th . station left a stake & stones, & steered toward SE 
 corner of blacksmith s shop, toward bridge on Monimet river course 
 N. 27^ E 6ch to road before Perry s, 6o ! . to corner of shop, abt NE 
 of Perry s house & abt 8 rods dist from it. 
 
 23 d . May, ioj^ AM. Old Baro. 29.74, new 29.52^2 Renewed survey, 
 course from 8 th . station up the river 
 
 From 8 th . Station offset to road opp. to John Blackwell distance 
 n ch . < with course up river 89. 20 . hill beyond road. 
 
 From 8 th . Station up river course N 72^ E (4^4 ch . ranges with 
 bridge. Major Bournes appears above bridge.) I st . tally ends on level 
 upland near i l / 2 ch. from river & nearly opp. SW corner Th. Bourn s 
 barn, at 9 ch . river turns toward Tho. B - The tongue of land on this 
 side is marsh & on the other side the marsh runs y 2 way to Maj B. & 
 ends ag*. Edw d . B. 
 
 2 d . tally ranges with middle river where it runs tow. T B. barn- 4 ch . 
 ranges with Step. Swift to right & T Bourne to left. < between line to 
 Bourne s house & our course 87. 30 dist. from < toward B. 5^ ch . to 
 edge upland & 6 ch more to river 
 
 I5 ch . 25 1 . to Steph. Swifts at road. Course resumd. 
 3 d . tally ends at bank of small creek running from swamp into river at 
 edge of brush land 
 
 4 th . tally ends on brush land at bank of river, land generally level & 
 bank a dozen feet high at least 3 chains end at edge marsh opp. Ray 
 monds Marsh narrow not more than i chaine wide, hills half mile 
 from river on this side, swamp between us & road 
 5 th . tally ends in a soft marsh abt I chain from river, close to upland 
 which runs between swamp & us about 8 feet high, 4 th . chain across p*. 
 of island in swamp just by edge marsh. 6 th . ch across a bog part of sw 
 
 55 
 
& marsh. 7 th . across another island, offset i ch . to bank river 36 links 
 more to new station on S. bank of pigsfield creek 
 From io th . station course 9. 15 more northerly, by west N. 59. E. I 
 chain across creek. 2 ch . more to top upl d . of pigsfield point in way to 
 the road, nearest part of road abt y* mile to right of creek s mouth. 
 8 ch . to bank river 9 or 10 feet high ground, swamp on our right I tally 
 ends behind Elisha Bourn s S W corner, 2 ch . to behind E B s house by 
 road, 3 times as far to right as river to left, narrow swamp on right of 
 us. offset to river 4 ch . So 1 , from end 6 th . chain of course 3 ch more to 
 end swamp. 
 
 2 tally ends in high level field or interval y$ of way from river to road 
 & as far from river as at offset. 9 ch . end at a watering place 2 /$ way 
 from river to road 
 
 3 d . tally ends at end watering place 
 
 4 tally ends one chain from road & 5 C . 9I 1 from river hills come 
 down to road. 
 
 5 th tally ends near road i. e i ch from it, foot of hills reaches to 
 river 4 ch. from river. 
 Whole range from 10 to n stat. 51 ch left stake & stones at n station 
 
 Old Barom. 29.75. New, 29.51^. very fair w E. 
 
 24 th . May. Old Barom 29.90. New 29.68 fair but dim w. S W. 9^2*. AM. 
 From II th . station io th . bears S 65 W. Course from II th . station N 47^/2 
 E. Co-angle with last course 17. 15 toward river 
 
 I st . tally ends in brush land abt i ch . from road & foot of hill at edge 
 swamp, at end of 7 ch . more, offset + to river, 9 ch . o 1 . offset to right 3 
 chains to road, hills sweep away from road *4 mile, brush upland 
 
 2 d . tally from i I th . station ends in flat brushy upland + 7 ch - So 1 , to 
 middle of road which is 12 th . station whole range from II th . 27 ch . So 1 hills 
 runs l /4 mile from road, land flat. New course 27. 30 E. co < new & 
 last course 26. toward river, 4 th . chain goes out righthand of road. 5 th . 
 leaves road. 
 
 i tally ends in flat brushy upland E of road & mid way from hills on 
 E & W side river *4 m ile from each, abt- at 5 ch . more ground begins 
 to rise, road about 3 chains to our left & perhaps river 6. 
 2 d . tally ground still rises. 2 ch . more to brow of hill as road approaches 
 us. At 7 ch . of tally offset + to river dist. from stake to road, 3 ch . & from 
 stake to river 8 cb . desc. to road quick, afterw d gentle; bank of river 
 high mark left by road ; 
 
 3 d . tally ends on side hill pretty steep ascent, 2 ch . come to road, over 
 foot hill, descent sharp, 3 d . ch. in mid-road, turn sharp where road 
 mounts hill @ 2 d . chain. 
 
 4 th . tally ends abt i rod W from road & abt 5 ch . E from river hills slope 
 to river, 3^ ch more to bank river whole of this range 43 chains to 13 th 
 station bank about a dozen feet high to < 22. 25 tow d . road, course N 
 41. E to 2 small oaks, marked stone on right hand side road. Whole 
 range to middle road 5 C . 4O l The 14 th . station in middle road before 
 white oak mark d . New course N 3iE. Co < toward river with last 
 course 11. 30 course along middle road, 7 ch . carry us to W side road 
 
 56 
 
in line for chimney of Ross, D r . Bourne s tenant in the intervals road 
 high, turns to right 
 
 I st . tally end in field to left of road & here fixed 15 th . station in same 
 range to Ross s house & took three observations with Theodolite, 
 < J s round 15 th . station from Ross to D r . Bourne s to left 28. 12 
 from Ross to Foster on Herring Brook to left 24. 28 . Fosters barn 
 ranges with D r . B s house from Ross to Philip Ellis to left, across the 
 meadow, Ellis lives on Wareham road 7. 40 
 
 The base is toward Ross s chimney in the course from 14 th . to 15 th . 
 station continued 7 ch . o 1 at end line & makes i6 th . station 
 < from Ross to Ellis to left io.5o 
 
 d. Foster s house 33-3 
 
 d barn 35.50 
 
 d. Dr. Bournes house 53-2O 
 
 1 6 th . station 2 chains to corner of Ross s house 
 
 From Foster s for Herring pond N 3. 30 W. J l /2 ch to top hill co- 
 angle to left for new course 14. 30 new course N 17. 30 W. distance 
 8c h . to a knoll 
 
 New course N 4. W thr. thick brush to another hill keeping S side 
 river, I st . talley ends between very steep hill & river, country broken & 
 rough 
 2 d . tally ends at side swamp as rising steep to open field 
 
 i Chain more ends range near Indian house 
 
 New range N 19 W. to 2 apple trees 
 I st . talley ends on side hill broken land 
 2 d . tally ends descending an hill near mouth of pond 
 
 3 chains end on side hill about I chain W from it, the pond is 2 l / 2 
 miles long & half mile wide & said to be 5 or 6 fathom deep in places 
 mouth about a rod wide & about 6 inches deep high hills round pond. 
 26 May. < at D r Bourne s, Base to Philip Ellis. 3 d pt. a rock in road 
 on the hill E of road, overhang* a swamp that begins at Ross s 
 68. 37 - 
 
 At Ellis s < from Bourne s to rock 37. 10 Station 50 links from 
 Ellis s chimney, measured from Ellis 2 ch . & 6o l for 17 th station, course 
 along N side of swamp for Wareham road makes an < of 52. 25 to 
 the right with a line from D r . Bournes to Ph. Ellis course E 5 ch . 
 into Wareham road then along road at foot of hills 
 
 I st . tally ends in a small plowed field just within fence at right of 
 road, swamp between us & Back river road, hills close to us, whole 
 vale not more than y mile wide + ich - brings into W. road 
 
 2 d . talley ends in W. road, hills close on our left brush on right & 
 then swamp 
 
 3 d . tally ends in W road all the way level in the road right brushy 
 descending to swamp, left hills, offset to right + to Back R. road dist. 
 to edge swamp 6 ch . to road 5 C . (So 1 , more whole offset to pine tree marked 
 n c . 6o ! then along Back R. road toward Scussett. land flat dist to 
 meeting of road, at 4 ch . road turns 15. to left at 5 ch more as much to 
 right, 5 ch . more meets W road 5 ch . return in W road bring us to NW 
 
 57 
 
side turn abt 20 to left 4 ch . more to middle road, then sweeping round 
 to end offset to left 5 ch . finishes circuit course resumed 5 ch . in 4 th . tally 
 leave road on our right, hills spread from left 
 
 4 tally ends in brush flat land about 3 ch . from foot of hills on left, 
 road lies on the right. 
 
 5 th . tally ends in a cleared field near Tho. Burgess house hills on 
 left y* as far as road on right, offset to road at i ch . of 6 th . tally 9 
 chains & 34 1 to road land begins to rise on right of road offset 
 to foot hills on left 6 ch . Whole line I5 ch . 34 1 from foot hills to road, 
 Reuben Gibbs barn on Plimouth road visible from both ends of it. We 
 are now distant from head of Scussett river 4 chains 
 
 < at foot hills with station in road & R. Gibbs barn 83. 35 . at same 
 place with T Burgess & road 48 45 . 
 
 < with corn house near Back river road 51. 20 . with station in road 
 Angles at one chain short of S end of offset laid off to right of base 
 which is I4 ch . 34 1 . long. Gibbs 83. 35 . 
 
 to Burgess from base to right 58. 20 
 
 < to right of base with road at end of offset in road for top hill called 
 Cut hill 84. 20 by needle E 3^ S - 
 
 i tally ends abt 2 rods S of road in clear field ground rising fast, 3 ch. 
 
 more into road. 
 
 at 7 C . 60 1 . of 2 d . tally on top hill. R. Gibbs barn bears N 78^ E, angle 
 
 to left with our course 17. 25 . 
 
 2 d . tally ends at wall on left side road near Ben. Ellis s offset 4 ch . to road 
 
 on right, 3 d tally ends a little beyond line from B. Ellis to Covel s house 
 
 on hill at N 
 
 At road between B Ellis s house & barn Course along road to Mor- 
 
 decai Blackwell s E 22. S. < with S end offset to right 112. 15 
 
 is*, tally ends left of road in clear land, swamp on our left 4 ch to 
 road by Sam Blackwell 
 
 2 d tally ends in middle road pretty high but gradual 8 ch in third 
 ranges Elisha Burgess house on left with R. Gibbs s barn. 
 
 3 d . tally ends in middle road. 2 d . ch. at cross Road 
 
 4 th . tally ends at meeting Plirn . & Back river roads at house for 
 merly Sam. now Reuben Gibbs j r . 
 
 What was called Reuben G. s barn is Reuben Gibbs sen. 
 27 May 1791, From Reuben Gibbs j r at fork of Roads, Elisha Burgess 
 bears N 36^ W. < to right of last course 28. Course to Mor. Black 1 . 
 E 28^ S. from fork road. 
 
 Station for Theodolite in rail fence in the range for Mordecai 
 Blackwell s 7 ch . o . to left of road distance from fork of roads to station 
 4 ch . oo 1 . 
 
 < to right of course retrospective bearing 
 old Reuben Gibbs house & barn in range 49-3O N. io .| W 
 
 16} 
 
 2 d . Jabez Gibbs barn 6o.3o N. 2. W 
 
 3 d . Solo. Gibbs house 112.50 N. 49. E 
 
 4 top round hill PL Neck 1 15.55 N. 57^ E 
 
 58 
 
5 rock at low Plimouth neck 128.40 N 64^ E 
 
 6. mouth Scussett river I 4343 N 79^ E 
 
 7, very large apple tree 150.0 N 85^ E 
 Mem . 6 first articles W of river grounds slopes gradually I chain 
 from fork road to fence on right, 4 ch . with in fence 6 th . ends in road, 9 th . 
 end at N side cross road & i ch . from corner 4. 92 1 . to S side Back river 
 road, course resumed 
 
 I st . tally ends in Plirn . road W. Gibbs left of road, I ch. more to E. 
 Burg garden on left of road, 6 ch . of 2 d . tally and in y d . between E. Bur 
 gess well & house offset to road on right 4 ch . o 1 . 
 
 New Station in Burgess s yard, Co-angles with last course laid 
 off to our right bearing 
 
 R. Gibbs Sen r . barn 42. 50 N 10. E 
 
 d. house 48.0 N. 15^. E 
 
 Jab. Gibbs barn 66.20 N 33^/2 E 
 
 Sol. Gibbs house 109.15 N 76^2 E 
 
 Rock noted from I st . station J O9-37 N 76^ E 
 
 Jos. Bodfish s house in Tupper s lane bay 
 
 Town neck 14145 E 70^ S 
 
 (Mem . Plirn . round hill hid by Gibbs s high range N of Scussett river 
 
 4 ch . from this last station to E side PI. road 3 ch . 6O 1 before coming 
 to Scusset river, Co < last course & middle bridge 40. 40 . along road 
 3 ch . ob 1 to middle bridge river 30*. wide & 6 inch, deep 4 th . chain 
 goes to N side bridge Co-angle with course to left for R. G. Sen rs . barn 
 22. 30 , station N end bridge in the road N 5 W 
 6 ch . to upland N of river & W from road 
 
 I st . tally ends in rye field behind R. G. sen. house & 2 rods from it. 2 ch . 
 9O 1 . more bring us to R. G. sen. barn whole of this range I2 ch . 90*. < 
 of last course & Jab. G. barn laid off to left & retrospect. 58. 10 . course 
 E 30 S ground pretty high distance to Jabez s barn 8 ch . offset to 
 side Meadow on right 4 ch . Angles & bearings at Jabez Gibbs s barn, 
 R. Gibbs sen r . barn W. 13 N. The following from I st . station this 
 morn* laid off to left 
 
 bearing 
 
 Sol. Gibbs 74 45 S 77^ E 
 
 Rock at PI. neck invis 
 
 Jos. Bodfish 59. 20 S 58^ E 
 
 I st . station bears S. 3 E 
 
 Tides commonly rise at Spring tides to lower end swamp never unless 
 in a storm to the bridge ; perhaps once in half a dozen years to head 
 swamp 
 
 I st . tally toward Sol . Gibbs ends on upland steep abt 6 ch . from 
 meadow 8 ch . to offsett which is 8 ch . to swamp & 3. 40*. to river, tide 
 flows at full & change abt. 4 ch . above offset. Course resumed. 
 
 2 d . tally ends on sidehill abt same dist from rivers hills on S side 
 bearing away 
 
 3 d . tally ends at S W corner Sol. Gibbs house slope gentle we are 
 now near foot hill rises sharp behind house 
 
 59 
 
Angles at Sol . Gibbs j ch from house in range for first station 
 Angle of house & rock 28. laid off to right N 77 E 
 
 d. & mouth Scussett 40. 40 . to right bears E 
 
 i. N 
 
 I st . tally ends near foot hill abt 4 ch . from marsh opp. island in 
 marsh S. side of river 5 ch . more to edge marsh which runs up be 
 hind Plim. neck. 
 
 2 d . tally ends near creek, island appears to be part of Plim. neck, 
 3 ch . to creek, I over & 2 to upland 
 
 3 d . tally ends on side hill in way to the rock 19^2 chains to rock 
 Angles at the rock base the last range from S G top of round 
 hill on Plim neck to right retrosp. 69 N 26 W Mouth of river ad 
 vancing co. < to right 20. 10 E 8^2 S Joseph Bodfish s house Co < 
 65.2o to right S 31. E tally 
 4 th tally ends j chain forward 
 8 chains to edge marsh 
 
 5 tally ends in marsh 3 ch more to river which is abt 3 chains broad. 
 
 6 runs abt middle marsh sea bank 
 
 The river runs between Sol. Gibbs & us, round N end neck, then 
 round E side neck within sea bank & so to beach southward of the 
 neck The neck about J^ mile long from N to S. & abt % mile marsh 
 toN. 
 
 Sea bank about % mile wide & abt 30 feet high 
 28 May 1791 Morning drew plan afternoon went to Monimet 
 Harbor bears from Cut Hill E 2, N by N end needle E by southend 
 28 May at 35^ h . PM. Perry s in Monimet 
 New Baro. 29.45. old 29.70 wind whi S & fair 
 At 2 d . Station S E p t . Mashnee S 43^ W, whole island subtends 
 2i.2o S E & first course 87. to left retro 
 
 < Wenormuck p*. & I st . course 91. 40 S. 37^ W. 
 
 < Rocky pt. & I st . course 97. 45 S. 30 W 
 W p . Tobey s island 108.20 . S. 20 W 
 E p*. d. i30.25 . S. 13 W. 
 
 Back river E p*. I4O.2O / , old Barom. at S. Bourne s house hight of 2 d . 
 Station 29, 69, at high water mark 29, 70. 
 
 Retrospective angles with this course round Station 3 d . laid off to 
 left 
 
 S E p*. Mashnee 61.50 
 Rocky p . 63. 45 
 
 Wenormuck neck 68.40 
 W Tobeys Island 81.25 
 
 On hill 
 Barom. 29.68^ 
 
 E d. 103.25 
 
 Back R. E p . 90 
 
 At Station 7 on Perry s hill 29.68. Top hill at left of canal 29.67^ 
 29 May 8*/2 A M, at M rs . Fessenden s in the chamber 29.70. 
 S. very fair & calm, at the ground 29.71^, diff. o, 01^=12 feet 
 From the parting of the Plimouth & Back river roads the way is 
 generally level & sandy, going between the swamps & the hills, the 
 
 60 
 
intervals gradually slope to the Herring river & the vale from Thomas 
 Bournes to the Gibbses is seldom more than a quarter of a mile wide. 
 Where the land has been plowed the sand is turned up, tho the ground 
 is generally covered with green. The swamps have a bottom of black 
 loom & generally so soft as to require very careful walking where 
 the brush is cut off ; but the brush is generally so thick that we were 
 obliged to have a man precede with an ax to cut the boughs for us to 
 see the length of a chain. & the same process was continually repeated 
 for near a mile together in two places. Tho the hills on the southern 
 side of the river are generally like the level grounds that have not yet 
 been cleared, covered with pine, & no large beds of rock appear, yet 
 there are many loose rocks especially on the southern side of the road. 
 The quantity of stone wall toward the river will in part account for 
 the apparent difference between the surface on the different sides of 
 the road. 
 
 This was the side of the river, which was subjected to the present 
 survey, as it was the only part in which a canal appears to be prac 
 ticable. On the other side the hills rise suddenly from the river to a 
 great hight & tho the banks are more generally cleared yet they are 
 very narrow. At the fork of Plimouth & Back river roads we turn 
 & to the left crossed the Scusset river, which here inclines to the 
 southward. & the land on the northern side is drier & more fit for 
 digging- The river rises in a swamp near a mile above the bridge, & 
 it is said that in very violent storms the tide has been felt quite to 
 the head of the stream, but the rising was not by a direct current for 
 that it is said always sets downward at the bridge, & for about a furlong 
 below it. This account is corroborated by the appearance of the 
 ground which on both sides of the river proper salt marsh till within 
 a furlong of the bridge, & above that the banks are covered with 
 brush, & the bottom of the same kind as the other swamps for fifteen 
 or twenty rods from the river. On the northern side, the range of 
 upland continues in our course for about five furlongs to the Marsh, 
 which there turns to the northward The soil generally clay & the 
 hills rising gradually but pretty steep. Till this turn the edge of the 
 marsh is generally between twenty & thirty rods from the course of 
 our survey. We crossed the marsh & Scusset river after the turn 
 northerly, & the whole distance to the upland was forty four rods, four 
 of which may be considered as the general width of the river in this 
 turn. The marsh is in many places of so soft a texture as to render 
 it dangerous walking. It quakes like thin ice to a several feet distance 
 at every step; but this is more especially observable near the skirts 
 of the upland. The rising ground or rather hill at which we came 
 next in course is called Plimouth neck by the neighbors to distinguish 
 it from another hill nearer to the town of Sandwich which is com 
 monly called the Neck, or town neck. Plimouth Neck notwithstand 
 ing its name lies wholly in Sandwich & is an high hill upwards of 
 half a mile in length from north to south & nearly three furlongs wide 
 
 61 
 
where we crossed it. This part may easily be distinguished by a 
 large solitary rock, the land of this neck being clay & commonly so 
 free from stones, that the fences are almost wholly of wood. The 
 northern part of the neck is easily known by a very handsome, round, 
 high hill. This ridge is joined to the rest of the upland by a low neck 
 over which in very severe northeast storms the tide rises, but not at 
 the common spring tides. 
 Went to meeting. 
 
 30 May; Old Barom. at Fessenden s @ 7 AM. 29.75% New one at 
 Perry s 9 h . 29.50. A fine day. At 5 h % PM. at Perry s New B. 29.42% 
 
 Being disappointed of a boat I was obliged to defer the soundings 
 till the morrow, & rode to Poocasset, the south parish in Sandwich, to 
 Scraggy neck, which is a parsonage land of the first parish & contains 
 about 400 acres. I was to have met the rest of the company there, & 
 gone by water myself from Back-river the distance from Perry s being 
 across the bay five miles & an half & by land about seven miles. As 
 it was I had the happiness to ride with M rs . Burr the whole way 
 Reckoning 6/. Returned to tea at Sandwich, spent part of the even 
 ing at home with Rev. M r . Hawley. 
 
 31 May Wind S W fair, old Barom. 29.70% at 6% h & 8% h & 29.77%. 
 At i h . PM. at the ground 29.84. The two first obs. in chamber - 
 begun to rain as we had our horses at the door to go & take the sound 
 ings at Backriver, which delayed us. Raining steady now we are 
 going to Scusset river to measure tides & bank & take elevations. 
 
 old Barom. 
 
 Scusset seabank at the foot next marsh 29.84% 84 
 
 Top of Bank 29.81 80. 
 
 Top of Bank 81. 
 
 Springtide high water mark 29.83 82 
 
 d. low water (not down by an hour 29.85% 
 
 Reuben Gibbs j r at fork of roads 29.82% 
 
 Round hill opp. 29.79 
 
 Scusset Bridge 29.84% 
 
 Jabez Gibbs @ road 29.83% 
 
 d. barn 29.83% 
 
 M rs . Fessenden s door returning 29.83% 
 
 d. chamber 29.82 
 showery all afternoon 
 
 M rs . F. chamber io h . eve, thick & showery 29.85 
 
 i June 7 AM. same place, cloudy 29.88 
 
 8% h . d clearing away 29.88% 
 
 at the ground 29.90 
 
 9% h . R. Gibbs j r . fair wind Em 29.89% 
 
 Ben. Ellis road 29.89% 
 
 d. Well 29.90+ 
 
 82. 
 83. 
 
 62 
 
Cut hill at road 29.80 
 
 d. bot m . at bottom swamp 29.90^ 
 
 d. Top hill 29.84^ 
 
 Offset at Tho. Burgess in road 2 9-9 J 
 
 Hill near D r . Bournes in road from his 
 house to Sandwich meeting house 29.88 
 
 Road at D r . Bourne s 29.90 
 
 Bourne s bridge, Herring river 29.91*4 
 
 d. house 29.90%- 
 
 % mile from Elisha Bourne tow d . Back river 29.89 
 
 Middle field 29.89% 
 
 Edge swamp at same place, wet 29.90 
 
 Capt. Elisha Perry s house at ground 29.88% 
 
 At station 7 th . in field 29.88% 
 
 At top hill 29.86% 
 
 At head swamp 29.90 
 
 In Perry s chamber 29.89% 
 
 At fence behind Sam. Bournes j 29.91% 
 
 2 d . obs. of same ( 29.90% 
 
 At bank Back river 29.90 
 
 highwater mark 29.91% 
 
 low w d 29.92- 
 
 Slope gradual from Station 3 d . to back river- 
 
 At I2% h went aboard to take the soundings & left a pole standing at 
 low water. 
 
 General depth in the bason at low water 7 to 8 feet, off back river E 
 p*. tow d . Rocky p f . 9 feet a little to east of the line 2 fathom, just off 
 Rocky p*. 11% feet, without the point, ranging with S B. house 13 
 feet, on bar between Rocky p*. & Mashnee abt half way between 7 & 
 8 feet runs across channel -- soon deepens to 16 feet, bar lies from 
 Hog island toward N p*. of Tobey s island, in line from W. Tobey 
 to N Mashnee 14 feet. Mid-channel from S. Tobey I. to S. Mashnee 
 18 feet S. Mashnew to head Wenormuck 13 feet. Shoals to 12 ft, to 
 n, to 12, 13, E Mashnee & for Wenormuck, head Wenorm. & Ware- 
 ham great hill 12%, 12, shoal or Middle ground from W. great hill, 
 course for Wenorm. 11%, n, 10, 9%, 9, 8%, 8, 7% range from Mash 
 nee to Wenormuck Rocky p 1 . open, deepens to 8, 8%, 9, 7%, channel 
 lies between us & the neck, 9, 12, at % m il e from shore, 24, channel 
 lies nearest the SE side Wenorm. lies abt SW from Back river, 
 Rocky pt to be kept in sight to avoid middle ground. In returning 
 from Wenormuck a vessel should keep Rocky point between Mashnee 
 & Tobey s Islands, when they come against Mashnee may keep Rocky 
 point just clear of TolTey s island & after that steer directly for the 
 point. In that course there is about 10 feet at least At 4% h . landed 
 on our return. This completes our survey. Dined at Capt Perry s 
 New Barom. in Morn. 29.73. Now 29.70, window open all day 
 Sprinkling in the evening. Settled the plan of a ride to Falmouth 
 with M rs . Burr & M r . H. tomorrow. M r . Burr to come down on 
 
Friday. The Scussett Beach & Bank sandy. The latter is between 
 a furlong & half a mile in width at the base & ends in a sharp ridge 
 of unusual hight. It is all a loose sand but the side toward the marsh 
 has a little straggling beach grass not enough to bind the surface. 
 The beach pea is also found mixed with this grass & is an esculent 
 vegetable both stem & seed. The grass is like the other plants of 
 that kind much esteemed for cattle. Tho it is heavy traveller on that 
 side of the bank toward the marsh yet the beach is infinitely worse. 
 An horse will sink to his fetlock, & upon taking up his hoof the sand 
 flows in so as nearly to fill the track. The sand runs nearly as easy 
 as ashes. It is said on good authority, tho I did not see them myself, 
 that the hills on both sides of the vale near D r . Bourne s have large 
 beds of rock. I saw only detached ones. The wood is chiefly pine 
 & no heavy timber within sight of the road. Where the pine has been 
 cut off it is mostly replaced by a young growth of oak, but no walnut. 
 In some places the pine shrubs fill the place of the former growth. 
 The price of pine is said to be one shilling & four pence a cord 
 standing. 
 
 2 June. Rode to Falmouth in the chaise with M rs . Burr, & left the 
 sulkey for M r . Burr to come to morrow. M r . Parker & Miss H. rode 
 in my chaise. After three miles pretty uneven & woody way came 
 to a very level, handsome, but narrow road thro the woods, which 
 reaches 15 miles to Falrn . At eight miles from Sandwich, Mashpee 
 pond lies on our left. It is a fine pond. The eastern side only is called 
 Mashpee where M r . Hawley s mission lies. Falmouth lies ten miles 
 further, in a flat country, & is a pleasant town but as it is out of repair 
 cannot vie with Sandwich tho M rs . Burr was with me. Got to M r . 
 Parker s dine. He lives nobly at Woods s hole which is the name 
 for this end of the cape. His house is large & handsome within a 
 few rods of the water of little harbor. Nobska point separates the 
 little from great harbor. There are only ten dwelling houses round 
 the former but with the shops & outbuildings, & the irregularity of 
 the ground, it appears like a considerable settlement. There are more 
 houses round Great harbor, but the ground between is so high that we 
 do not see both setlements at once. In the afternoon we went across 
 to Nannimisset the nearest of the Elizabeth islands. It is about a 
 mile across & as much from the cape. The channel is rocky & of 
 difficult navigation, & the tide is rapid. The current in the Vineyard 
 sound is at half tide estimated at four miles, between the Elizabeth 
 islands at six or seven & at the head of Buzzards bay only one mile 
 in an hour. From Rhode island up the middle of the bay, it is said 
 there is no difficulty of navigation. The bay is from the W side of the 
 cape five leagues across to New Bedford & about six up to Monimet. 
 From Nannimisset we could see the land all round & easily distin 
 guished Wareham Great hill. In severe winters the whole bay freezes. 
 The last season no water was to be seen on that side. In 1780 & 1786, 
 the winters beginning in those years were so severe that loaded sleds 
 passed over between Woods s hole & New Bedford on the ice. But 
 
in moderate, open winters the whole Bay remains clear, as in those 
 that begun in 1788 & 1789. Nashon the second & largest of the 
 Elizabeth islands as well as Nannimisset belong to the estate of James 
 Bowdoin Esq. of Dorchester, son of the late Governor. They are 
 estimated at about 10,000 value, but the rent not in proportion. 
 
 Martha s Vineyard lies about 5 or 6 miles from & parallel to the 
 cape. The houses & trees are seen distinctly across the sound, which 
 is of easy navigation. 
 
 3 June. The Spring tide rises in Woods s hole between three & four 
 feet. The course for Holmes s hole in the Vineyard is Southeasterly. 
 One mile clears us of Little Harbor, six to the West chop of H. hole 
 which is one mile wide & two inland to the landing. About a mile 
 from the shore in the sound is a middle ground about 3 or 4 miles long, 
 & about as many feet below the surface at low water & two feet 
 deeper at high water. At H. hole the tide rises about 4 feet. The 
 country round the bay is generally cleared, & rises gently. About 
 forty houses, some in clusters & others scattering, give it a pretty 
 appearance. The fare for a man & horse is 7/. We drank tea at Dog- 
 get s & having borrowed a saddle of M r . Abraham Chase, who was 
 exceedingly civil & obliging to us strangers, we set out for Edgar 
 town, at the east end of the island. Just at dark we reached the Rev. 
 M r . Thaxter s where we were cheerfully received & hospitably treated. 
 The road was tolerably level, & mostly cleared, but some large groves 
 of oak. The soil light but green, & the houses small & neat. The 
 passage across was very rough. 
 
 4 June, A fine rain all the morning prevented us from riding. Dined 
 with M rs . Thaxter. After dinner We went to see the harbor which 
 is easy of access & secure, between Choppaquiddic & the Vineyard. 
 About 70 dwelling houses were in sight in our walk, & two windmills. 
 The town is pleasantly situated, & the country round rises into mod 
 erate hills, the soil light, but well covered with green. The land is 
 rather sheep pasture than fit for hay, or feeding large cattle. 
 
 5 June Rode to Chilmark in the morning. A fine day. The road is 
 generally very level for the first nine miles to Tisbury. This part of 
 the town is pleasantly situated in a valley with a considerable brook 
 running thro it into the sea on the south side of the island. Two 
 grist mills stand upon it. The situation of the houses is such as to 
 give the appearance of a town. The land in the valley is fertile, & the 
 regularity of the fences as great as it is near the Capital. The plain 
 that we rode over to get here is covered with oak brush, & small bay 
 berry bushes, & in some places the brush crosses the road. But from 
 Tisbury to Chilmark the ground is more unequal, & at the latter place 
 rises into large hills. The distance between these two towns is about 
 3 miles. We put up at Rev M r . Smith s & attended meeting. Near 
 the Meeting house, which stands on an high hill, the red ochre appears 
 at the surface of the ground. The land in this town is said to be as 
 fertile as any in the State, but the inhabitants are exceedingly negli 
 
gent of manuring it. The whole town contains 82 houses, exclusive 
 of the indian settlement, as Edgartown does 130 in the whole extent 
 of it. 
 
 6 June. A clear morning. Rev. M r . Smith [] Bassett Esq. & D r . Matthew 
 Mahew, & M r . Allen politely accompanied us to Gay Head, which is 
 the West end of the island, & receives its name from the variety & 
 vivacity of its colors. In our course we crossed Nimsha creek, an inlet 
 from the sound, by fording it. It was there about a furlong wide, per 
 haps a little more, & up to the horses bellies, the tide being down. The 
 spring tides rise about three feet, & are three hours later than on the 
 south side of the island. The creek nearly cuts the island in two. A 
 sea bank like that of Scusset both for hight & texture. Gay head is an 
 indian settlement, not incorporated, & known to the islanders by the 
 appellation of the Constablerick of Gay head. In several places the 
 soil is discolored. It is a clay soil, & the ochres that appear in many 
 places when wet resemble colored clay, when dry & pulverized feel 
 unctuous to the finger. The colors at the head are red, white, brown, 
 orange, flesh color, & black. The red & white are ochre, as the flesh 
 color is a mixture of the two. The brown is the tobacco pipe clay 
 which burns, & is found here & at Chilmark, but has not yet been 
 found in any other part of the state. It burns white. The orange 
 color is a coarse gravel, & the black pulverized coals. Among the speci 
 mens which I brought away is a piece of wood taken out of the cliff, 
 one side of it burnt to a coal, & on the other the fibres of the wood 
 remain. But a large quantity of the coals is pulverized, & shoots crys 
 tals of the allum taste, which detonate in burning. We found them in 
 various states, some complete, & others apparently forming from the 
 coal. The same place yields a strong smell of sulphur, & the stones 
 appear some of them to have been in a state of fusion. Specimens of 
 the spunge we also brought away. The cliff is very steep & about 
 70 or 80 feet high on a rough estimate. From the top of it we could 
 trace the shore to Rhode island & round Buzzards bay & the Eliza 
 beth islands. This head land is what is known in Gosnold s journal 
 as a land of many colors, which he passed after leaving Martha s Vine 
 yard, it being agreed that what is now called Noman s land or Nor 
 man s land in the maps, originally bore the name of Martha s Vineyard. 
 After passing Gayhead he describes the sound, & his fixing his colony 
 on an island with a pond & an islet in it. It is said that some remains 
 of his fort are still to be seen & fix the description to Cuttahunk, the 
 outermost of the Elizabeth islands. 
 
 In Gay head is an indentment, much in this form [] where the 
 black line represents the steep cliff, open on the side toward the sea. 
 It is known among the Indians as Mawshup s oven, where he baked 
 the whales to feast his children. This Mawshup was the indian God. 
 The english inhabitants call the place the Devils den. The indian 
 tradition & the form of the place will fix this for the crater if ever there 
 was a volcano here. We returned by the beach on the south side. 
 The sea washes up the black sand used for writing. & on the part be- 
 
 66 
 
tvveen Nimsha Creek & the sea the wind has raised an hill as much as 
 20 feet high of loose sand free from stones or herbage. About a mile 
 from Chilmark meeting house is a long flat rock balanced on another 
 so accurately that a man may easily vibrate it. At Gayhead we visited 
 a wigwam, & it corresponds very well with the drawing that have 
 been published & was pleasantly situated in a valley near a small 
 stream of fresh water. The Indians have now generally framed their 
 houses in our fashion. We dined again with M r . Smith, whose polite 
 ness induced him to accompany us six miles on our way to Holmes s 
 hole, where we parted. We drank tea once more at Dogget s, & a 
 passage of an hour & twenty minutes carried to the landing in little 
 harbor. M r . Burr & Lady had gone about three hours before to 
 Sandwich. We had once more a polite reception at M r . Parker s. 
 
 7 June, A fine day, Rode to Mashpee & dined with Rev. M r . Hawley, & 
 then to Sandwich. At M r . Hawley s went to see the Trout an 
 indian antiquity. It is an artificial mound 55 feet long & 27 wide, 
 gradually rounded over the top & tapered at the ends in some resem 
 blance to a fish. The story is that the fishes chose a Trout for their 
 king, to open a passage to a pond about two miles from the sea. He 
 effected it, & upon his return died & was buried here, & hither the 
 indians resorted annually to honor his memory, & repair & augment his 
 tomb. Three or four trees of about 10 inches diameter are growing up 
 on it. A flounder twisting his mouth in contempt of his king, it be 
 came fixed in that form & stamped on all the species. 
 
 The Trout brook, tho it abounds much more in Herrings, is at 
 this place about five feet wide & shoal. The banks are pretty high & 
 the trees meet over the stream, & form a romantic situation. 
 
 At Sandwich I met M r . Davis of the Committee, who brought the 
 additional resolve of the General Court for further surveys ; but as no 
 order had passed the Committee, we agreed to view the proposed 
 ground at Barnstable tomorrow, & report the expediency or inexpe 
 diency of a survey. Drank tea at M r . Burr s. After tea walked with 
 the Ladies to General Freemans & Col. Williams s. 
 
 8 June, Rode to Barnstable with M r . Davis to view the ground between 
 B. Harbor & Hyannus; having fitted out M r . Parker & Miss H. for 
 Boston. Our road was much more sandy & heavy than any between 
 Boston & Sandwich, but the fields on each side were covered with 
 grass, while the road was so loose that the wheels in many places sunk 
 two inches, & some times over the rim. At about 4^4 miles on our 
 way, Scorton neck is an high ground at the left with a body of marsh 
 between that & the road. Tho the hills where plowed did not give by 
 any means an advantageous idea of the soil, the houses & barns ap 
 peared to be in good order, probably owing to the certain resource 
 which the inhabitants find in their extensive marshes. A mile & half 
 more brings us to Scorton hill on the road to Barnstable & chiefly in 
 that town. The elevation of its summit enables us to trace the cape 
 to Province town excepting a low part between that settlement & 
 Truro. Long point, near the pitch of the Cape appears high & wooded, 
 
& the sandy beach is discernible without a glass. But toward Truro I 
 was unable to distinguish it with one. We stopped at Barnstable at 
 Brigadier Otis s who politely went down to the other parish & dined 
 with us, as did Rev. M r . Mellen, & after dinner both of them accom 
 panied us to the south side of the cape. From the meeting house hill 
 is an extensive view of the harbor the country & the sea. This town 
 contains a considerable number of houses along the road, & is the shire 
 town. In crossing the cape the first mile is high, the summit being 
 estimated by M r . Mellen at eighty feet high. This great elevation 
 extends about a quarter of a mile, & there is no avoiding it the hill 
 being part of a ridge which runs the whole length of the cape. A mile 
 & a quarter from the Harbor brought us to tolerably level land, where 
 a series of ponds begins. The first is Hatheway s pond & is of small 
 extent & tho in some places the owner estimates it at upwards of 
 twenty feet deep, he supposed that this & some of the other ponds are 
 chiefly from four to eight feet in depth. Southward from hence & at 
 intervals of a very few rods only lye two or three other small ponds 
 between Hatheways & West s. This last is long & winding & has much 
 the air of a river. A few rods only separate it from Great pond, which 
 is of irregular shape & in some places esteemed at a league across. The 
 general circumference is said to be three leagues. The country round 
 these ponds is in general wooded but in some places we have good 
 views of the farms across them. 
 
 Various accounts are given us but none of them such as to afford 
 a tolerable estimate of their depth. Great pond was set at 8, 18, & 36 
 feet, & these probably are only in small parts of it. Near the shores, 
 lillies & rushes growing to a considerable distance indicate shoal water, 
 & the islands which lie further off are low, & do not rise sharp. One 
 man told us of his wading from one island to another. About fifty 
 years ago a canal was made from it to Long pond & from that to a 
 creek which empties into Lewis s bay near to Oyster island. It was 
 made for the Herrings to pass up. But the country not being springy 
 the ponds sunk to the level of the canal & disappointed the pro 
 prietors. At present it remains a monument of useless labor. The 
 greatest depth of the canal from the top of the banks raised by the 
 gravel thrown out of it, does not appear to exceed fifteen feet, & that 
 only for a short distance. The length of both cuts exclusive of the 
 breadth of Long pond appears to exceed half a mile. This range of 
 ponds is above three miles long & if deep enough would be of great 
 service toward a canal. The inconvenience of this range is that it ter 
 minates on an open coast where vessels cannot be sheltered from 
 storms. The distance from Great pond or Long pond to Hyannus road 
 is estimated at somewhat more than two miles. This distance added to 
 a mile & a quarter from Barnstable harbor to Hatheway s pond, & the 
 small necks between the ponds will make the land to be dug at 
 least three miles & an half, & the whole distance across from harbor 
 to harbor is estimated at five miles by the inhabitants. Hyannus road, 
 so called from John Wyanno an indian sachem, is open to the south & 
 
 68 
 
southwest winds, & is in a semicircular form. The distance across 
 the mouth of the bay is about a league, & from the eastern point to the 
 head of the bay where the harbor properly opens is about two miles. 
 The harbor is called Lewis s bay & must be distinguished from another 
 bay of the same name near oyster island, which has been already men 
 tioned. This, which for that reason we shall call Hyannus harbor, is 
 said to have n or 12 feet water near the shore & may be easily entred 
 at any time by vessels of 8 feet draft ; & we were also told that pilots 
 may at high water conduct vessels in, that draw 13 or 14 feet. We 
 returned by the direct road to Barnstable. The country after one mile s 
 travel from Hyannus is covered with pine wood chiefly, but inter 
 spersed with oak, & is very flat. The slope is gradual till we come to 
 the ridge which on that side is not remarkably steep. From the top 
 of Kidd s hill we had a view of both seas. The tide is from 3 to 4 feet 
 at Hyannus & four times as much in Barnstable Harbor. This remark 
 holds along from Sandwich downward & the outside of the cape is 
 three hours sooner in the tide than the inside & in Buzzards bay three 
 hours & an half earlier than the other side. It is reckoned that in 
 long strips they have on the south side of Barnstable 1000 acres of 
 marsh, & three times as much on the north side, yielding annually a 
 tun of hay to an acre. The upland is generally light & the sward thin. 
 Where there is a clay bottom, it is coarse & mixed with gravel. Lodged 
 at Sturgis s. A good house. 
 
 9 June. Breakfasted with Brigadier Otis, & dined with Brigadier Free 
 man at Sandwich. Rev. M r . Burr & lady & other company present. 
 After dinner M r . Davis set out for Plimouth & Boston, & carried my 
 letter to the Secretary in answer to his which inclosed the resolve of 
 the Gen. Court. I got my sulkey fixed for transporting the instru 
 ments, packed up my things, & spent part of the evening with the 
 Ladies, & took leave of Gen. Freeman & family. 
 
 10 June. Rev. M r . Burr, Col. Williams, & Capt. Allen called at Fessen- 
 den s to take leave. Saw M rs . Burr at home. Three weeks residence 
 here has attached me to the place & I should not do justice, if I omitted 
 to remark the friendship & politeness of the families that I have men 
 tioned. This is the pleasantest town on the cape. The houses near 
 the meeting house have been repaired & painted. The goodness of the 
 soil, the moderate inequalities of the ground generally, & some pretty 
 steep hills at a distance from the road, with a pretty large pond form 
 an elegant variety of prospects. The town is said to contain in its 
 whole extent above 3000 souls & to be a little above Plimouth in popu 
 lation. My acquaintance urge my coming down with the Committee, 
 but I must for the present leave them & journey to Plimouth. 
 
 Seven miles from Sandwich is Ellis s tavern. After passing 
 Scusset river the country rises into high hills over which we ride thro 
 woods, at 4^2 miles on our way from Sandwich we see Herring pond, 
 at the left & about half a mile from the road. We evidently look 
 down upon it. At Ellis s is an artificial harbor made by opening a 
 pond. The roots of trees found there prove it to be artificial. They 
 
 69 
 
give me this account. For about twenty years the passage was be 
 tween two hummocks which at high water are islands. They were 
 then obliged to clear the inlet 8 or 10 times in a year by digging. At 
 last a violent storm choked the mouth of the harbor & made a new inlet 
 about a quarter of a mile from it toward the south west. The in 
 habitants endeavored to keep this passage open by wharfing the sides 
 of it, & as the sands accumulated they continued their wharves for 
 about twenty rods on each side, & dug a canal from it to the little creek 
 that winds thro the marsh in the harbor. After about six years from 
 the opening of this inlet by the sea, the wharves were so broken by 
 storms, that a great tempest filled the mouth of it, & opened a third 
 channel near the upland on the northeast side of the harbor. This 
 was made commodious for boats, but now after five years use is so 
 choked that the salt water stagnates upon the marsh. The last year 
 the whole of it was mowed. To morrow is fixed for clearing it. The 
 low water of spring tides is about ancle deep & at Neap tides not higher 
 than a man s knee. At high water in spring tides it is about four feet 
 deep at the entrance, but the low water mark without the harbor is 
 12 or 13 feet below the highwater mark. This shews the elevation of 
 the bason. The beach or sea bank is of the same kind as those of 
 Scusset & Barnstable. The harbor extends near half a mile from the 
 shore to the Plimouth road, & as much along the coast. 
 
 At one o clock set out for Plimouth. The first six miles thro 
 woods where there only three houses & two of them new ones made 
 of logs. The road is generally level & sandy. The remainder of the 
 way is cleared. Two miles along Eel river bring us to the bridge & 
 three more to the town of Plimouth. The country is uneven & affords 
 a good view of the sea. The houses thicken fast for a mile & half from 
 the courthouse, & the town is large. Tho by much the greater part 
 of it is wood land, owing to the poverty of the soil, The whole town 
 contains near 3000 souls & that part near the harbor is populous & 
 shews several hundred houses, mostly in good repair. Lodged at 
 General Warren s. M r . Davis made me a visit & engaged me to break 
 fast. 
 
 ii June. Breakfasted with M r . Davis. Set out for home. My horse 
 so tired that he can only walk. In two hours got to Kingstons only 
 four miles. At half past two reached Loring s in Pembroke only 9^ 
 miles from Plim. He let me have a poor horse to relieve mine as I 
 had been obliged to walk four miles. This relief costs 4 dollars in the 
 whole including the return of the horse. Travelled to Cushing s in 
 Hingham after dinner, & put up there for the night. 
 
MARTHA WASHINGTON. 
 
 Martha Washington to 
 To 
 
 Philadelphia January the 2Q th 1790 
 
 Dear Madam 
 
 I must trust to your goodness to receive the apology I shall offer 
 for this late acknowledgement of your letter of the 26 th of October, 
 I received it but a few days before I left Mount Vernon, and you will 
 readily conceive that my time and mind were so fully occupied with 
 and about my friends there as to afford me little opportunity for 
 writing; and since my arrived in this place the business of settling 
 in a new habitation returning visits have left me no time for my selt 
 while in health ; and for some weeks past a very severe cold has ren 
 dered me incapable of doing any thing I am thank God now recov 
 ering. 
 
 Having offered the reason for this delay in answering your letter 
 permit me madam to congratulate you upon your safe arrival in your 
 native country and to the arms of your friends, none but those that 
 have been as long absent as you have, and at so great a distance from 
 their friends can conceive of the sensations which are experienced 
 upon meeting them again ; I dare say your feelings on that occasion 
 were not to be described and that you returned from Europe with 
 all your prejudices in favor of America I have no doubt; for I think 
 our country affords every thing that can give pleasure or satisfaction 
 to a rational mind, and I never apprehended that your good sense 
 would be so far overcome by the splendour and hurry [luxury?] which 
 you might see abroad as to make a return to your native country un 
 pleasant. 
 
 I beg you will be assured that I have a greatfull sence of the 
 affectionate terms in which you express your regret at not finding 
 us in New York I have been so long accustomed to conform to 
 events which are governed by the public voice that I hardly dare 
 indulge any personal wishes which cannot yield to that But wher 
 ever I may be my friends may always rely upon a greateful and affec 
 tionate remembrance ; and and altho I will not give up the expectation 
 of seeing you again ; yet in any event you will be remembered with 
 friend ship and will have my best wishes. 
 
I beg you will present my kind regards to your mother and sis 
 ters The President unites with me in congratulation on your return 
 and presents his complements to you 
 
 with very great regard 
 I have the honor to be 
 Dr Madam your 
 
 most obd t & Hb e 
 M Washington 1 
 
 Martha Washington to Mrs. Richard Montgomery. 
 
 Mount Vernon April 5 th 1800 
 
 My Dear Madam 
 
 I have received with deep sensability your sympathizing letter 
 of the io th of March - To those only who have experienced losses 
 like ours can our distresses be known words are inadequate to con 
 vey an idea of them and the silent sympathy of Friends who have 
 felt the like dispensation speak a language better known to the heart 
 than the most expressive eloquence can communicate your afflic 
 tion I have often marked and as often have I keenly felt for you but 
 my own experience has taught me that griefs like these cannot be 
 removed by the condolence of friends however sincear If the ming 
 ling tears of numerous friends if the sympathy of a nation and every 
 testimony of respect and veneration paid to the memory of the part 
 ners of our hearts could afford consolation you and myself would ex 
 perience it in the highest degree but we know that there is but one 
 source from whence comfort can be derived under afflictions like 
 ours - To this we must look with pious resignation and with that 
 pure confidence which our holy religion inspires. 
 
 I pray you to offer my best wishes to your good mother and as 
 sure her of my affectionate remembrance That we shall not meet 
 again in this world is almost certain but as you justly observe it is 
 certainly a consolation and flattering to poor mortality to believe that 
 we shall meet here after in a better place. 
 
 With sincear thanks for your good wishes and prayers for your 
 happyness I remain 
 
 My Dear Madam yours 
 sincearly 
 
 Martha Washington. 
 
 1 From the Barton Collection. 
 
JAMES MADISON. 
 
 The First United States Bank. 
 Draft of a Message to Congress, submitted to President Washington. 
 
 Feb y 21. 1791. Copy of a paper made out & sent to the President 
 at his request to be ready in case his judgment should finally decide 
 ag st the Bill for incorporating a National Bank, the Bill being then 
 before him. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate 
 
 Having carefully examined and maturely considered the Bill en 
 titled "An Act 
 
 I am compelled by the conviction of my judgment and the duty of my 
 Station to return the Bill to the House in which it originated with the 
 following objections : 
 
 (if to the Constitutionality) 
 
 I object to the Bill because it is an essential principle of the Gov 
 ernment that powers not delegated by the Constitution cannot be 
 rightfully exercised; because the power proposed by the Bill to 
 be exercised is not expressly delegated ; and because I cannot 
 satisfy myself that it results from any express power by fair and 
 safe rules of implication. 
 
 (if to the merits alone or in addition) 
 
 I object to the Bill because it appears to be unequal between the 
 public and the Institution in favor of the institution ; imposing 
 no conditions on the latter equivalent to the stipulations assumed 
 by the former, [quer. if this lie within the intimation of the 
 President] 
 
 I object to the Bill because it is in all cases the duty of the Gov 
 ernment to dispense its benefits to individuals with as impartial 
 a hand as the public interest will permit ; and the Bill is in this 
 respect unequal to individuals holding different denominations of 
 public Stock and willing to become subscribers. This objection 
 lies with particular force against the early day appointed for open 
 ing subscriptions, which if these should be filled as quickly as 
 may happen, amounts to an exclusion of those remote from the 
 Government, in favor of those near enough to take advantage of 
 the opportunity. 1 
 
 [James Madison] 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.37]. 
 
 73 
 
James Madison to General Horatio Gates. 
 
 Philad a . Mar. 24. 1794 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your favor of the 13 th has lain by me unanswered till I could give 
 you the result of a proposition for an Embargo discussed for several 
 days with shut doors. The decision did not take place till friday after 
 noon. The measure was then negatived by 48 ag st . 46 votes. Those 
 who took the lead in opposing it are now for transferring the power 
 to the Executive even during the Session of Congress. 
 
 You will find in the newspapers the havoc made on our trade in 
 the W. Indies. Every day adds new proofs of the ill will and con 
 tempt of G. B. towards us. Still I do not concur with those who see 
 in these proceedings a design to make war in form. If she can destroy 
 the branches of our commerce which are beneficial to her enemies, 
 and continue to enjoy those which are beneficial to herself, things are 
 in the best possible arrangement for her. War would turn the arrange 
 ment ag st . her by breaking up the trade with her, and forcing that with 
 her enemies. I conclude therefore that she will push her aggressions 
 just so far and no farther, than she imagines we will tolerate. I con 
 clude also that the readiest expedient for stopping her career of depre 
 dation on those parts of our trade which thwart her plans, will be to 
 make her feel for those which she cannot do without. 
 
 I have nothing to add to the newspaper details with respect to 
 events in Europe. The campaign seems to have closed as trium 
 phantly for the French Republic as the fears of its enemies could have 
 foreboded. If that in the W. Indies should not exhibit a reverse of 
 fortune, the public attention may possibly be called off from the 
 French to "the British Revolution," you may then renew your pro 
 phetic wishes which have created a millenium under the auspices of 
 the three great Republics. 
 
 I have forwarded your letter to M r . Jefferson. Present my best 
 respects to your very amiable lady, and accept the affectionate esteem 
 with which I remain D r Sir 
 
 Y r obed . friend & serv 1 . 
 
 Js. Madison Jr 
 
 P. S. The enclosed letter to M r William Morris son of the General 
 is on business somewhat interesting to me. It was to have been 
 handed to him yesterday, but he set out for N. York sooner than was 
 expected. Will you oblige me so far as to have him enquired for, & 
 the letter delivered to him? * 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.27]. 
 
 74 
 
James Madison to James L. Cathcart. 
 
 Department of State, 
 
 April i8 th 1802 
 Sir, 
 
 In a letter with which Cap*. Sterrett was lately charged for you 
 and of which a duplicate has been since forwarded, it was intimated 
 that your services might be called for, and that it would be advisable 
 for you to be prepared to embark at a short notice. I hope that this 
 letter will have reached you, and have had its effect. The disposition 
 to peace expressed by the Bashaw of Tripoli, on the appearance of 
 Commodore Dale before that place, with the impression which it is 
 hoped has been made on him by the course and circumstances of the 
 War, have led the President to conclude that the time is come when 
 negotiations may advantageously take place. In order to make them 
 more efficacious it is intended that the whole of our naval force des 
 tined for the mediterranean under the command of Cap 1 . Morris, 
 should rendezvous before Tripoli; and the Adams frigate being the 
 last that is to sail for that purpose, Cap 1 . Campbell will be the bearer 
 of this dispatch. 
 
 The President confiding in your capacity, experience and faithful 
 regard to the interests of the United States, has thought proper that 
 you should accompany this expedition, and be charged with the nego 
 tiation, which is to be combined with it. You are accordingly in 
 structed to embark and attend under such arrangements as Cap 1 . 
 Morris shall provide, and to proceed, as circumstances may invite, to 
 the execution of the trust. As it is evidently desirable that the first 
 overtures should come from the Bashaw, you will wait a reasonable 
 time for the effect of his disposition on this subject, or of the awe 
 inspired by a display of our forces before his eyes and his capital. 
 Should no advances be made on his part, you may open a communi 
 cation by referring to the wish heretofore expressed by the Bashaw, 
 than an accomodation of differences might be brought about ; and by 
 observing that the President on being informed of it, had instructed 
 you to let him know that notwithstanding the causeless and provok 
 ing declaration of war; and the force which is prepared and preparing 
 by the United States to carry it on with full effect; yet from a love 
 of peace in the United States, they are willing to receive him into 
 friendship on the proper terms, which he may be told will include 
 some indemnification for the expense which he has occasioned to the 
 United States. This is a condition, however, which if not likely to be 
 yielded, need not be pressed farther than will shew the high ground 
 taken in the negotiation, and than will consist with a dignified release 
 of the demand. But you are in the most peremtory manner to stifle 
 
 75 
 
every pretension or expectation that the United States will on their 
 side make the smallest contribution to him as the price of peace. To 
 buy peace of Tripoli, is to bid for war with Tunis ; which having now 
 received all the tributes due to her, would immediately look to war, as 
 the expedient for renewing them. 
 
 In case a satisfactory disposition for peace should be manifested, 
 you may proceed to arrange a Treaty, subject to the approbation of 
 the President, and to the constitutional sanction. The Treaty of the 
 4 th Nov r . 1796 of which a copy is herewith sent, and may also be found 
 in the laws of the U. States Vol. 4 p 44, may be taken for the basis 
 and the body of it. You will omit however so much of the first article 
 as makes Algiers the guaranty, and of the last as makes the Dey the 
 Arbiter and expositor of the Treaty ; it being understood that a stipu 
 lation of this sort gives to that Regency an embarrassing connection 
 with our affairs at Tripoli, and by wounding the pride of the Bashaw 
 of the latter, adds the force of another passion to that of cupidity, in 
 slighting his engagements. At the same time umbrage to Algiers 
 ought to be avoided, by letting this change in the Treaty with Tripoli, 
 be the act of the Bashaw, rather than of the United States, and be 
 made so to appear to the Dey. No other part of the Treaty seems to 
 be objectionable. But if there be any other which has been found 
 inconvenient you are at liberty to omit it. As your residence and 
 experience may have suggested also regulations which did not occur 
 when the late Treaty was formed, but which may be useful in pre 
 venting impositions or disputes, the defects may be supplied. It seems 
 particularly proper that the forceable use of american vessels by the 
 Bashaw or his subjects, and the liability of the United States for the 
 property of Tripoli, taken out of American vessels by the enemies of 
 Tripoli shall be guarded against. 
 
 The good disposition which Sweden has shewn to unite her 
 measures with those of the U. States, for controuling the predatory 
 habits of the Barbary powers, and particularly for bringing Tripoli to 
 proper terms of peace, requires that in the negotiations for the latter 
 purpose, there should be some understanding with her officers and 
 Agents, if they are so disposed ; and that the negotiations should even 
 go on hand in hand, if their objects and arrangements be favourable 
 to the plan; keeping however the Treaties which may result, as ab 
 solutely unconnected and independent both in the view of the Bashaw 
 and of Sweden, as if formed without the least understanding between 
 the U. S. & Sweden. A joint appeal to the fears and interests of the 
 Bashaw, by extinguishing the hope of dividing his enemies, will drive 
 him to better terms with both. In any course of things it is desirable 
 that you should avoid the appearance of turning the War of Sweden 
 to any unfair advantage of the United States in making peace for 
 themselves ; a policy of such evil tendency in every respect, that noth 
 ing could advise it, but a discovery that Sweden was playing such a 
 game against us. 
 
It is expected by the President that you will cultivate the best 
 understanding with Cap*. Morris the commander of the Squadron; 
 and that you will communicate with him with confidence and frank 
 ness in the conduct of your negotiations. 
 
 Should peace be established you will make with the Bashaw the 
 arrangements for his receiving an American Consul as soon as one 
 shall be provided. But you will have it understood that as the Con 
 sulate was interrupted so unjustifiably by himself, the reestablishment 
 of it will give no title, even in point of usage, to presents of any sort. 
 Should it be deemed expedient to send any little gratification along 
 with a Consul, it will in that case have the advantage of being unex 
 pected by the Bashaw, and the merit of proceeding from generosity 
 and good will. Until a Consul shall be provided, you cannot do better 
 than engage a continuance of the good offices of M r . Nissen, if he 
 retains the confidence hitherto put in him. The President is sensible 
 of his past services to this Country, and wishing him to have some 
 recompence for them, will be glad of any explanations you can give 
 as to the form and amount of a proper one. It will be best that no 
 particular expectation on this head should be raised in M r Nissen ; but 
 you may let him know generally, that his friendly care of the affairs 
 of the U. States has attracted the favourable attention of the President. 
 
 The Commission herewith transmitted will inform you that the 
 future destination given you, is to the Consulate at Algiers, which 
 will be opened for you by the resignation of M r O Brian, and the per 
 mission given him to retire on your arrival. The President having 
 thought proper to discontinue the superintendance of that Consulate 
 over others, your duties will be reduced accordingly, and therewith 
 the salary to the standard of $2000. per annum. It being the Wish 
 of the President to discourage on all occasions the venal and expensive 
 customs with which Barbary now taxes the intercourse with civilized 
 nations, it will be an agreeable circumstance if you can make your 
 self the Successor of M r O Brian, without the presents exacted from 
 new Consuls. The attempt however must not risk the good under 
 standing with that Regency. And if you deem the chance of success 
 so slender as to require that you should go prepared to meet the de 
 mand, it may be most convenient for you to return from Tripoli to 
 Leghorn, in order to provide the articles to be presented. For this 
 purpose it is meant to lodge a fund there in due time. Were the Dey 
 willing to accept in cash the value of the customary presents, the 
 change would coincide with the general wish to simplify all our en 
 gagements in Barbary into a pecuniary form. 
 
 I am with consideration 
 Sir, 
 
 your most Ob* Ser. 
 James Madison. 
 James L. Cathcart Esq. 1 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.sg]. 
 
 77 
 
WILLIAM COCKE. 
 
 William Cocke to Governor Sevier. 
 
 Mulbery Grove 25 June 1796 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I Wrote you from Colo Kings Iron works & inclosed you a letter 
 from my Coleague Mr Blount, but Supposing that it is possable you 
 may be at Knoxville I have Sent you inclosed the proceedings relative 
 to the State of Tennessee & Mr Roulstone has the report of the Secre 
 tary of War for publication respecting your Campaign I have no 
 doubt but we shall be able to have that expedition paid you must see 
 that it is absolutely nessessary to Call the Assembly Immediate to 
 Alter the Law for appointing two representatives & to have Our 
 Senators reelected & Our electors again appointed to elect a president 
 I think we are able to give alone to the politicks of the Union for I 
 take it that Our Votes in Senate will be able to deside in favour of the 
 eastern or Southern politicks I thank you most Sincearly for the 
 repeated and use full information you gave me while I was in Phila 
 delphia & beleave me to be your real friend 
 
 W m Cocke 1 
 
 JOHN ADAMS 
 AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 John Quincy Adams to William Plumer. 
 
 Hon ble . William Plumer. President of the 
 Senate of New Hampshire Epping 
 
 S*. Petersburg 6. October 1810. 
 
 My dear Sir. 
 
 I received with the greatest pleasure a few days since your favor 
 of the i8 th of May which is one of the latest that I have received from 
 America Although a great number of vessels have arrived in the 
 Russian Ports from the United States this Summer, my friends in 
 America appear not to have been aware of the frequent opportunities 
 which occurred, of writing by them We have been tolerably well 
 supplied with newspapers; but excepting your obliging letter, one or 
 two from D r . Mitchell of New York, and as many from M r . Jos : Hall 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. C. 8. 19]. 
 
 78 
 
of Boston, I have scarcely received a line from private sources, out of 
 my own family since I left home I ask therefore with earnestness 
 the continuance of your favours, which will be transmitted by the 
 Secretary of State, or by M r . Gray if you will enclose them to him. 
 
 The issue of the late New England Elections had been indicated 
 to us early in the Spring by the example of New Hampshire taking the 
 lead of recovery from a delusion which for the two preceding years 
 had given me great anxiety and apprehension The infatuation of 
 that political party in our Country, with whom you and I had hereto 
 fore generally been accustomed to act and think their degeneracy 
 from the just and honourable principles, which alone could ever have 
 attached us to them -- the glaring absurdity and hypocrisy of their 
 professed veneration for the policy of Washington, while they were 
 aiming a fatal blow at the Union, the great foundation of his political 
 system, and while they were openly using for their purpose all the 
 means which he had most solemnly deprecated, their blind and stupid 
 servility to a British Ministry which was heaping insult upon outrage 
 on their Country, the profligacy with which they were endeavouring 
 to make Religion an engine of faction, by the mountebank trick of 
 their solemn fasts, and by goading into the pulpit, every ignorant 
 priestly fanatic that they could employ as a tool to pollute with the 
 filth of personal malice and detraction the sacred desk of God these 
 were appearances and practices which I had witnessed for two years, 
 accompanied with so much success, and against which I had during 
 great part of the time seemed so ineffectually to have struggled, that 
 the great changes of public sentiment manifested by the Elections of 
 this year throughout New England was accomplished earlier than I 
 had expected The violence of the last Winter s Massachusetts and 
 New York Jacksonite Resolutions so congenial with measures of the 
 former Winter Sessions, which had been countenanced by intervening 
 popular elections, had led me to believe, that the public nerves were 
 still in a disordered state, and still mistaking the cause of their own 
 disease Though long experience had taught me, what you and I 
 have often remarked together, how unskilful the federalists were in 
 their attempts to adapt their measures to the state of the public pulse, 
 yet as unlucky contingencies had thrown into their hands a majority, 
 which two years of madness had not sufficed for them to lose, I did 
 suppose that they would not have disgraced themselves by such base 
 prostrations before the insolence of a foreign emisary, and such shame 
 less inveteracy against their own Government, without being very 
 sure that the agitated feelings of the People, at least in New England, 
 still went along with them. I was therefore most agreeably dis 
 appointed in the issue of the Elections It has given me the cheering 
 hope of internal tranquility in our Country, and of permanency to the 
 Union, which for the two preceding years was certainly in the most 
 imminent danger. 
 
 You tell me that I am often and much reviled in certain news 
 papers ; and that the clumsy animals who still earn their sop by howl- 
 
 79 
 
itig at me, have not yet instinct enough to forbear coupling your name 
 with mine in their yell of slander As you are a historian I can give 
 you a historical thread to consider and meditate upon at leisure In 
 the month of July 1787 was published in the Boston Centinel, I believe 
 the first piece of abuse, of which I ever had the honour to be the object, 
 in a newspaper And what think you was the occasion of this attack ? 
 It was because, on taking my first degree at Harvard College, I had 
 delivered at Commencement an Oration, which happened to suit the 
 public taste, and had obtained marks of approbation beyond the usual 
 average In the form of a critique upon the performances at Com 
 mencement a shaft dip d in venom was hurled at me, on my first ap 
 pearance before the public view of my Country The author of this 
 Critique was a person who had himself been a much admired Com 
 mencement Orator, but who thought it advisable to balance the par 
 tialities of public indulgence in my favour, by casting the heaviest of 
 his weights into the opposite scales The public did not sympathize 
 with his criticism, nor did he ever think proper to avow it - The 
 editor of the Centinel was allowed and took it upon him to father a 
 production the features of which too loudly disclaimed the descent 
 from him ; as the Duke of Orleans when he took the name of Philip 
 Egalite, only stigmatized his mother, by pretending to be the son of a 
 Coachman. 
 
 I will not fatigue you with a tiresome detail of subsequent occur 
 rences derived from this one It may suffice to say that this anec 
 dote will give you the key to all the ribaldry which from that day to 
 this has appeared in the Centinel, pointed at me The temper which 
 first dictated that effusion has sometimes been suppressed, but never 
 subdued ; and I have too long known the general character of human 
 nature & the particular hearts of the individuals, to expect that it will 
 ever be appeased The two years which preceded my departure from 
 America had furnished ample materials for the exercise of that tem 
 per - - But they had brought my own temper to the trial of a higher 
 test By adhering to my principles I had been deserted and sacri 
 ficed by my friends I knew that the ground I had taken was not to 
 be shaken under me, by friend or foe But the example of such men 
 as yourself and M r Gray, gave a countenance and sanction to my con- 
 duct which at the most critical moments gave me the greatest satis 
 faction, and made me take a pride, instead of feeling pain at the over 
 flowings of malice and envy which were so copiously streaming down 
 upon me - Hatred has a keen eye; but its feelings impose upon its 
 vision They whose purpose it is to blacken me, could not more 
 effectually defeat their own object, than by shedding a portion of the 
 same invective upon you 
 
 I now please myself with the hope, that you and your associates 
 in our public affairs, will now preserve by moderation and wisdom the 
 ascendancy which you have obtained But if our Country has ex 
 hibited a new example of the instability of popular sentiments the 
 
 80 
 
giddy habitation of the vulgar heart, it has still more forcibly proved 
 to me the difficulty as well as the duty, of maintaining ones self free 
 from the shackles of dependence upon any party And yet as the 
 Government of a State and still more that of the Nation must consist 
 of a systematic combination of measures it is certainly necessary and 
 even indispensable that individual members of a party should on most 
 occasions, perhaps on all, sacrifice their individual opinions to those 
 of the majority, whenever this acquiescence does not involve a derelic 
 tion of principle. 
 
 It was natural enough that the ardent spirits, who felt indignant 
 at the outrages still continued of Britain and France upon our Com 
 merce should be disatisfied at the issue of the last Session of Con 
 gress But you who consider things coolly, have very justly judged 
 that the measures adopted were far better than others which indicat 
 ing more resentment might not have had more real energy The 
 Non-Intercourse, ineffectual, as a weapon, to hurt either of the of 
 fenders, had operated only to exasperate both Its repeal has at 
 least been taken by both in good part, and has been followed by cor 
 responding relaxations on their side France indeed has availed 
 herself of it with the most address, by seizing upon the occasion to 
 abandon the whole system of anti-neutrality if England will do the 
 same England will not give it up entirely ; but will probably yield 
 to some further modifications, which may leave an extensive and pro 
 fitable field open to neutral trade We have escaped, providentially 
 escaped the scourge of War with either of them, and you may be 
 assured that in the estimation of all Europe, our national character is 
 continually rising in the scale of power, and of moderation, and wis 
 dom, without losing any in that of genuine spirit. 
 
 The politics of Europe are still extremely complicated, and the 
 prospects of the future are gloomy The new relations between 
 France and Austria are not yet fully unfolded to the world Their 
 harmony with Russia is yet uninterrupted, though Circumstances have 
 occurr d which might occasion a coolness between them Russia 
 is now carrying her victorious arms into the heart of Turkey, but her 
 exhausted finances are clamorous for Peace The object on my 
 Mission has I believe hitherto been completely accomplished But 
 you cunning politicians who knew so well, and told the People so 
 positively what that object was, like M Fingal "saw what was not to 
 be seen" If you will compare the conduct of Russia towards 
 American Commerce, with that of all her neighbours, not even except 
 ing Sweden, you will easily perceive the object of my mission and 
 thus far, its success. 
 
 I am with the greatest esteem and regard, My dear Sir, your 
 friend & humble Serv*. 
 
 John Quincy Adams. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.78.2]. 
 
 81 
 
John Adams to William Plumer. 
 
 Quincy, December 16 1812 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I thank you for your eloquent and masterly speech which I read 
 with much Satisfaction. 
 
 There appears neverthelefs, by the late Elections, to be a great 
 change in the Sentiments of all the five States of New England, of 
 New York and New Jersey ; to go no further, which I am not able to 
 explain. 
 
 Has it been produced by difsatisfaction with the Principle of 
 the War? 
 
 By disgust at the conduct of the War? 
 
 By a disapprobation of the opposition to an augmentation of the 
 Naval Establishment? Hull, Jones and Decatur have done great 
 things. They have made an Epoch in the History of the World. 
 
 By a resentment of the long Continuance of a disproportionate 
 Superiority of Power in the State of Virginia? 
 
 By an Aversion to the Invasion of Canada? 
 
 By a terror of the Taxes that are expected ? 
 
 Or By the ordinary Inconstancy of the People, so frequently im 
 patient for Changes? 
 
 Though I know little of the real Character of M r Madisons Com 
 petitor, he can have no Pretentions to equal Experience or Learning: 
 and great Changes in such critical times are very dangerous. 
 
 If you can find leisure to give me a few hints upon these subjects, 
 you will much oblige your Friend 
 
 John Adams. 
 His Excellency 
 
 Governor Plumer. 1 
 
 John Adams to William Plumer. 
 
 Dec r . 4. 1814 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Chicanery has been so often concerted in nocturnal caucufses in 
 this Country by both parties, that there is nothing very novel, how 
 ever surprising and disgusting it ought to be, in the corrupt Election 
 of one of your Councillors. A fortunate Scruple of Conscience which 
 finally turned the Majority in favour of him whose right it was, may 
 have important Consequences. Many a Nation has been saved and 
 many destroyed by such small causes. 
 
 My Friend for forty years and the Friend of his Country for 
 Seventy, is gone to relate to his Co-patriots who have gone before him, 
 the degeneracy of the Nation they formed. And the time cannot be 
 long before I who am now left alone shall follow him to carry informa 
 tion still more humiliating. M r Gerry was the oldest Statesman in 
 America except Governor Mackean of Pensylvania. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.s]. 
 
 82 
 
The Convention at Hartford is to resemble the Congress at 
 Vienna; at least as much as Ignis fatuus resembles a Vulcano. 
 Already We are informed that M r Randolph and M r Harper are at 
 New York on their Way to the grand Caucus. The Delegates from 
 your Chester will meet Philosophers Divines Lawyers Physicians 
 Merchants Farmers, fine Ladies, Pedlars and Beggars, from various 
 parts of the World not excepting Vermont, or Canada, as well as the 
 legislative Sages from Massachusetts Connecticutt and Rhode Island. 
 You see, I cannot write soberly upon this Subject. It is ineffably 
 ridiculous. As an Electioneering, a canvafsing, or more exprefsively, 
 a Parliamenteering Intrigue it is a cunning device, but even in this 
 View it is the Cunning of the Ostritch. 
 
 Do you mean to declare New England Neutral? New England 
 Neutrality has been the Cause of the War. New England Canvass, 
 New England Seamen, have excited British Jealousy and allarmed 
 British Fears. Britain had rather Spain, France Holland or Russia 
 should be neutral, than New England. Britain dreads a Neutral more 
 than a belligerent, Canvass and Seamen are the Ennemies that 
 Britain fears more than all the Armies of Europe. 
 
 Do you mean to erect New England into an independent Power? 
 
 Let me See ! New England is a Nation, a Souvereign, a Power, at 
 War with Nova Scotia, Canada, fourteen States to the Southward and 
 Westward of her, and Great Britain at the same time. This new 
 State which has taken its equal Station among the Nations of the 
 Earth, Sends Ambassadors to London and to Washington to make 
 Peace and Solicit Neutrality. What will be their reception? Will 
 they make their publick Entry like Venetian Ambassadors? Their 
 Ambassadors are received at St. James s or Carlton House. They 
 demand Neutrality. "What do you mean by Neutrality? Says the 
 Minister? Do you mean to fish and carry your Fish to France, Spain 
 Portugal and Italy and to the French Spanish Dutch Danish Sweedish 
 and English Islands in the West Indies? Do you mean to trade to 
 China India and Carry your Cargoes to all Europe and all the World ? 
 Even to Canada Nova Scotia and your own Southern States? Or do 
 you mean to unite with us, become loyal subjects and go to War with 
 all our Enemies? I wish I could pursue this Conference in detail. 
 But Forces fail. 
 
 I have not been very conversant with Voyages and Travels. I 
 recollect no Island, discovered, without human Inhabitants Except 
 Robinson Crusoes. Even the flying Island of Lagado was not destitute 
 of them. 
 
 My Compliments to my ingenious young Acquaintance, your Son, 
 and when he comes to Boston again I hope he will not not forget 
 his and his Fathers humble Servant 
 
 John Adams 
 Governor Plumer. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts 
 
 83 
 
John Quincy Adams to William Plumer, Jr. 
 William Plumer jun r Esqr 
 
 Washington 24. June 1827. 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I received with great pleasure your obliging Letter with a printed 
 copy of Governor Pierce s Message to the Legislature. The Message 
 itself is a judicious and discreet public document and in the notice 
 which it takes of my father and M r Jefferson, my personal feelings 
 were highly gratified, considering it as a mark of individual sympathy, 
 not less than a tribute of patriotic Spirit. An explicit declaration of 
 friendly sentiment, or of approbation towards the Administration of 
 the general Government, would have been acceptable and encouraging 
 but unless it had been perfectly voluntary and spontaneous, I prefer 
 the silence which indicates at least no unfriendly Spirit. That very 
 unjustifiable means have been used to excite prejudices in the mind 
 of Governor Pierce as well as in those of all the people of New Hamp 
 shire I well know, but I trust they will prove abortive, with regard to 
 both 
 
 I beg to be kindly remembered to your father, and shall be happy 
 to hear from you, at your leisure and convenience ; as well during the 
 Session of the Legislature, as afterwards remaining ever your faith 
 ful and unvarying friend 
 
 J. Q. Adams. 1 
 
 John Quincy Adams to . 
 
 Quincy 9. Sept r . 1831 
 Dear Sir. 
 
 Your two Letters of 22 d . ult. reached me here upon the morning 
 of the day on which I delivered at Boston, a part of the discourse, a 
 copy of which is herewith enclosed, and of which I ask your accept 
 ance. The facts related in the longer of your Letters were not alto 
 gether unknown to me, but I was not before receiving it so much 
 acquainted with them in detail. You will observe that there is no 
 reference in the Eulogy, to any of the Circumstances which rendered 
 M r Monroe s Life uncomfortable after his retirement from the public 
 Service. They appertain to a train of reflections suitable to a formal 
 biography, but which it seemed to me might with more propriety be 
 dispensed with on this occasion. 
 
 The erroneous doctrine, of despotic Sovereignty, assailed in my 
 Oration, is indeed a butterfly 
 
 "Yet, let me slap this bug with gilded wings 
 
 "This painted thing of dirt, that stinks and stings 
 the Memory of the Stamp Act Stings, in the threats of nullification 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.88]. 
 
which will not evaporate in empty menaces I believe the warning 
 voice was needed ; and pray that it may not share the fate of the warn 
 ings of Cassandra You will see that in the enclosure I return the 
 historical view of the origin of the Union The preservation of the 
 Union is to me, what the Destruction of Carthage was to Cato the 
 conclusion of every Discourse. 
 
 Very faithfully yours, 
 
 J. Q. Adams. 1 
 
 ROBERT SMITH. 
 
 Robert Smith to President Jefferson- 
 
 Baltimore Aug. 28. 1803 
 Sir, 
 
 Your favor of the 23 d enclosing Mr Simpson s letter to Mr. Madi 
 son I have received. I am extremely sorry to find that the plan of 
 having made in Europe the gun Carriages for the Emperor of Morocco 
 cannot take effect. I am yet satisfied that the plan was at the time 
 proper. Subsequent events, it seems, have rendered it impracticable. 
 I am also much distressed that Mr Simpson did not deem it expedient 
 to Offer the Cash. I believe that the Emperor would have been well 
 satisfied with a sum of Money much less than will be expended by 
 us in procuring and transporting the carriages. Among the diffi 
 culties that have heretofore presented themselves in this business 
 the Means of ascertaining the size and the kind of carriages have 
 never been communicated to the Secretary of State. And Mr Simp 
 son in his last letter only informs him that they must be "perfectly 
 complete for land service" with iron axle trees" &c &c without speci 
 fying the Caliber of the gun and without stating whether they are to 
 be for Battery or Field service. It is to be presumed from circum 
 stances that they are to be for Batteries. Be this, however, as it 
 may, the gun carriages of our frigates will not answer. They not 
 only do not answer the description in Simpsons letter, but they are 
 not at all fit for either battery or field Service. When it was under 
 stood that the Navy Dep* "would see to the execution of the busi 
 ness," it was believed that the Navy gun Carriages would be accepted. 
 But Simpsons last letter informs us explicitly that they are wanted 
 for land service. Possibly the War Department may be able to supply 
 the demand immediately. We may probably have this number of 
 carriages constructed for embrasures; and as the embrasure con 
 struction is now exploded, the Secretary of War may substitute in 
 their place the modern approved plan of carriages. If this should be 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i], 
 
 85 
 
the case the advantages will compensate for any temporary incon 
 veniences. But at all events I know of no other mode of sending on 
 the carriages in due season. To build them would require many 
 probably six months. And the building of them would call for the 
 careful superintendence of a skilful Artillery Officer. As these car 
 riages are wanted for land Service there is not an Officer nor an 
 Agent of the Navy Dep*. competent to the undertaking. They must 
 be constructed upon principles well established and well known to 
 scientifick Artillery Officers, but not professionally to the Officers of 
 the Navy. If the War Dep 4 . cannot immediately supply this demand 
 and new carriages must be made, I would submit to consideration 
 whether they could not be made with the least expence under the 
 Orders of the Sec ty of War by his Corps of Artificers or at Washing 
 ton under the superintendence of Col Bearbeck [Burbeck]. In case 
 it should be inconvenient to the Secretary of War to have any agency 
 in this business, I will most willingly and without delay undertake it, 
 if he will have the goodness to give me the services of Col Bearbeck 
 or of some other skilful Artillery Officer. Without such a superin 
 tending Officer it would be utterly impossible for the Navy Dep*. to 
 accomplish it. But with all the advantages that could be thus afforded 
 me, it must be obvious that Gen 1 Dearborn is much better qualified 
 than I can be. The occasion however is very pressing and our exer 
 tions ought to be united to promote dispatch. I have some appre 
 hension that this disappointment to the Emperor connected with the 
 Capture of the Ship by our Squadron will provoke a disposition to 
 hostility. And therefore I am the more anxious that the War De 
 partment should immediately furnish the number, which can be re 
 placed at leisure. 
 
 A copy of this letter I will send by this Mail to Gen 1 Dearborn 
 in order that he & I may be progressing in the business and may be 
 the better prepared to act promptly under the instructions which you 
 may be pleased to give either to him or to me. 1 
 
 [R. Smith.] 
 
 WILLIAM EUSTIS. 
 
 William Eustis to Nicholas Gilman. 
 
 Boston Jan: 12. 1808. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your favor of the 2 nd instant is received, and I am very much 
 gratified in hearing you are with my old friend Mrs. Beckley (to 
 whom & to her mother & little Alfred if there) I beg to be kindly re 
 membered. For the good things of the house you will have no want. 
 Our wiseacres begin to draw in their horns since the news of the 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.44]. 
 86 
 
british blockading decree an Embargo never fails to beget dis 
 content and grumbling in the sea ports as you well know the 
 necessity of that or a worse measure however developes itself every 
 day and as far as I can judge it will be endured with as much patience 
 as can be expected. Some 80 or 100 Sailors called on W m Parsons for 
 employ or relief he advised them to go to the Gov r they did so and 
 behaved very peaceably & very decently asking for employ or that 
 he would take off the Embargo in peace they dispersed Gen 1 
 Eaton (a member of the Legislature) moved a set of resolutions 
 grounded too apparently on this proceedure and made a set speech 
 but no harm will come of them it is probable the consideration 
 may be postponed a week or two the ground is frozen and it is hard 
 digging just now Already it is whispered the Em : will be of short 
 duration but this must be conjecture I never have abandoned 
 my hope of peace may it be realized The story of a certain 
 gentleman s losing partly the confidence of his party will in time be 
 explained the fact is directly & strongly the reverse Sullivan & 
 Gerry when they recommended W. did really & honestly believe this 
 gentleman to be intirely out of the question but as they did recom 
 mend W. and not E. perhaps it is presumed they gave W. the prefer 
 ence the truth is had E. consented to it, he would have been recom 
 mended by every Rep: in the State and by the whole of all other 
 parties - - I could explain (but not at this moment) the whole mys 
 tery I now know every circumstance and am fully satisfied of all 
 If to have half quarrelled with J. for his versatility & c & c & c if to have 
 incurred the resentment of the fed party in a particular manner & if 
 to have the thanks of our friends in proportion be losing then indeed 
 have I lost part of their support & c but this is an idle theme It has 
 lately transpired that W. has openly & repeatedly ridiculed J-n & 
 C. n-n & G. -- in short the whole of them and they have paid him 
 for it within ten days he has said he likes J. better than he did 
 now look for a moment at the Metropolis name the public officers 
 in your own mind and ask yourself is it possible for any thing to 
 rally round these men. Independent of all this W. will be a standing 
 reproach for he is now known to the Adm n "is he honest" is 
 he capable" D him & all this thing Let us go to something 
 better Rose will come & offer peace and you will take it and we 
 shall have good times again you will tell me so in your next In 
 the mean time (for I am interrupted and cannot go on) may the 
 blessings fall upon you 
 
 Yrs truly 
 
 W Eustis 
 
 North is an honest & feeling fellow he will be very much delighted 
 to receive your remembrance in the woods of Duansburgh of a cold 
 winter s night when the heart of an old soldier is ready to meet that 
 of its brother Adieu 
 
 To Mrs Smith & all those I am always well inclined. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.4g]. 
 
 87 
 
William Eustis to Henry Dearborn. 
 
 (Private) 
 
 Boston April io lh : 1808. 
 
 D r . Sir, (when I speak of the Senate I mean Cumberland C & 
 
 fear for York 
 
 I wrote you the other day that we were safe so we are con 
 fident we are in the choice of Gov r . but we have lost the Senate 
 those documents came too late the feds flatter themselves that 
 Cobb will be Lieu 1 . Gov r . but I think not Gore will have more 
 votes than I had calculated on : great use was made of P - s * letter 
 & the Embargo and we had nothing to counteract A s Letter 
 could not be published in season : & Madisons able and candid expo 
 sition with the unanswerable offer to give equal date to the rescinding 
 the proclamation & to the acceptance of reparation for the outrage 
 on the Cheaseapeake was too late it now has its influence the 
 ground taken by the Essex people is found untenable some of the 
 respectable federalists have never gone with them & the last election 
 proves that their influence is declining but they will get together 
 again unless prevented by the state of the country or some cause 
 which I do not see. Champigny s 2 Letter has come - this would 
 have ruined us a fortnight before but it is a compleat justification 
 of the Embargo as you will see in Marcellus to morrow for the 
 house of Rep s we are now to strive sometimes I think a war with 
 some foreign nation preferable to this perpetual conflict at home 
 farewell 
 
 W Eustis. 3 
 
 WILLIAM PLUMER. 
 
 William Plumcr to Nicholas Oilman. 
 
 Epping March 28 1808 
 Sir 
 
 By the mail of to day I received your much esteemed favor of 
 the 17 th & am much gratified with your attention to our post road. I 
 regret that you have not a fairer prospect of establishing one from 
 Newbury Port to Exeter. Such an establishment would much more 
 effectually promote public interest than many roads now in use in 
 the southern and western States. 
 
 As to documents, any that you can spare will be acceptable ; but 
 particularly those which relate to the revenue, exports, imports, 
 militia, & our affairs with other nations. 
 
 1 Timothy Pickering. * Champagny. 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.5o]. 
 
 88 
 
I fully concur with you that we have an interest in protracting 
 the commencement of hostilities ; and in the interim ought to adopt 
 efficient measures to meet such an event. I never had so much con 
 fidence in the militia as to think it would be safe or prudent to trust 
 the defence of the country to them. I do not despise the militia ; but 
 I most sincerely wish our s were better armed, officered & disciplined. 
 In arms, in officers, & discipline, they are, in general, shamefully de 
 ficient. I have taken much pains to be informed of the actual state 
 of the militia in New Hampshire; & I assure you the result is un 
 favorable. Some of our divisions & brigades, many of our regiments 
 & battallions, & more of our companies, are commanded by men, who 
 in point of talents, information & courage, are vastly inferior to many 
 who stand in the ranks. Good officers, are infinitely of more im 
 portance than a numerous army without them you can never have 
 good Soldiers. And as to our arms, I think I am correct in saying, 
 that the militia in this state, have not on an average, one hundred fire 
 arms to a regiment, fit for an action. On musters they borrow from 
 other companies & regiments; this exagerates the returns from the 
 Inspectors. I regret that our State legislature should content them 
 selves with passing laws to subject towns to the payment of the 
 trifling expence of militia officers on muster days. They ought to 
 appropriate a certain sum to be annually expended in the purchase 
 of arms. To such an object I would cheerfully pay my quota. A 
 good militia, I know, would afford aid in defence of the country. But 
 every man personally acquainted with war, or with its history, knows 
 that the ultimate fate of a nation depends on regular troops well 
 officered & disciplined. Tis to the officers, the arms & discipline of 
 troops, that victory & conquest submit more than to numbers. And 
 considering the great probability of war, I am astonished our Govern 
 ment has not acted with more vigor & promptness on this all im 
 portant subject. Their marine & Select militia will assuredly fail 
 them in the perilous hour of battle. 
 
 I abhor that love of popularity that shrinks from the responsi 
 bility of measures necessary for the defence & security of the nation. 
 I wish to see an Administration that shall give, not receive, the tone 
 from the populace. These were my sentiments & feelings when in 
 office, & they are mine in the shade of retirement. I feel little of the 
 opposition to M r Jefferson that is too common to federalists, & still 
 less of that undistinguished approbation of all his measures, which 
 governs his partizans. I have, for sometime, endeavored to forget 
 the feelings of the moment & the spirit of party, & view his official 
 conduct in the same light in which impartial history will present it 
 to posterity. In examining it through this medium, I own I am sur 
 prized that he has not communicated more information to the Senate, 
 the supreme council of the nation, of the actual state of our foreign 
 relations. 
 
 From my knowledge of M r Madison, I have long since formed 
 an opinion, that he was too much of a closet politician, too anti-commer- 
 
 89 
 
rial, to be elevated to the presidency. I wish our president to be a 
 man of business, and not exclusively attached to either agriculture or 
 commerce. Both should be protected, for they mutually depend on 
 each other; & the depression of either will essentially injure the 
 best interest of our country. 
 
 Did any of the gentlemen from this State attend the Madisonian 
 caucus and will any of them support his election? I did expect M r 
 Monroe would be the other candidate. 
 
 I am told you are to adjourn the 15 th of the next month; but I 
 think the state of public affairs forbid so early a recess. 
 
 If you have leisure write me; & be assured, that I am with 
 respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient, 
 
 William Plumer 
 Hon. Nicholas Oilman 
 
 Senator 
 
 Washington. 1 
 
 William Plumer to Salma Hale. 
 
 Epping (NH) December 28 th 1818 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 The last mail brought me sundry papers & a letter of the II th 
 from you ; for which I am grateful. 
 
 I am glad to hear you are learning the Spanish language. I be 
 lieve you have heard me several times express a decided preference 
 to the living over the dead languages ; & regret that our literary in 
 stitutions should so effectually devote their time & that of their stu 
 dents to Greek & Hebrew as almost totally to neglect those of French, 
 German & Spanish. Our Universities, colleges & Academies are better 
 suited for priests, than for statesmen or active useful citizens. Should 
 the University, of which we are trustees, succeed in her controversies 
 at law, I shall expect little from her. She appears to be following the 
 old track & is more anxious to please the priesthood, than to shape 
 a manly independent course to fit men for the business & duties of 
 this world. 
 
 The conduct of Gen. Jackson has been that of an arbitrary soldier 
 exceeding rightful authority. In war such a man is useful; but in 
 peace, at the head of an army, he is dangerous. His conduct will aid 
 the project of those who wish to reduce the number of our army, & 
 particularly its officers. That project has my entire approbation, 
 & hearty wishes for its success. I hope the army will be reduced. 
 In a state of peace we are in danger of being too martial. Tis that 
 spirit that too often produces wars, the scourge of man. In peace, 
 the best preparation for war, that we can make is to pay our debts, & 
 not have our revenue & taxes in war swallowed up by then having to 
 pay the interest & principle of claims we ought now to discharge. 
 Money is the sinew of war tis the one thing needful. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.4<>] . 
 
 90 
 
Tis a poor compliment to the providence & economy of Congress, 
 to hear the officer at the head of the Treasury department say, That 
 from the state of our currency, it may be necessary, in the course of 
 the ensuing year, to have authority to emit treasury notes or resort 
 to loans to meet the demands on the treasury. 
 
 Apropos of currency The report I mentioned in a later letter of 
 the failure of banks in Maine was I believe unfounded Coos bills 
 are again current; but bills of those banks are received with distrust 
 & fear. 
 
 Write as leisure & inclination permit, & favor me with such Na 
 tional Intelligencers Documents as you have to spare. 
 
 And be assured that I am truly your friend & servant 
 
 William Plumer 
 Hon. Salma Hale 
 
 Member of Congress 
 Washington x 
 
 JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN. 
 
 John Macpherson Berrien to Charles Harris. 
 
 Bulloch 13 th June 1810 
 
 My dear Friend 
 
 M rs . Berrien, Miss Collier & myself arrived here on Monday 
 Morning without accident, & are now enjoying a quiet repose, in 
 which if your affairs inclination had permitted, I should have been 
 happy to have had you participate. If still you should determine to 
 make it the summer residence of your family, they will of course com 
 mand my services in any way in which I can be useful to them. If 
 you have yet laid your hand on the 4 th volume of Goldsmith pray send 
 it by Annock, and as I saw in your office a sett of Boswell s life of 
 Johnson which would not be injured by the transportation, if you can 
 spare it, pray send it also. I endeavored to purchase it but could not 
 get a copy 
 
 At the moment of my leaving Savannah a circumstance was 
 stated to me which was productive of unpleasant feelings until I had 
 resolved to communicate it at once to yourself. It was stated that 
 you were not only unfavorable to my election as Judge of the Eastern 
 District but that you expressed yourself in such a manner as to 
 induce a belief, that you would actively exert your influence to oppose 
 it. It is on this subject that I wish to give & to ask some explanation. 
 In the early part of our acquaintance your friendship was extended to 
 me as the son of a friend. I have been for some time past believing 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.24]. 
 
 91 
 
that I had some claims to it on my own account. When therefore I 
 had determined after repeated solicitation to make the sacrafice of 
 money & of feeling incident to this contest, I naturally thought of 
 announcing it to you. But I perceived a subsisting intimacy between 
 yourself & the present Judge which I thought would render such a 
 communication unpleasant. I believed too that you would justly 
 appreciate the motives of my silence, that you would decide impar 
 tially between our respective claims, but that when this was done you 
 would not actively interpose between us. Independently of any sug 
 gestions of friendship, I thought the motives under which I manifestly 
 acted, would support me in such a claim, since if the sacrifice I should 
 make did not render it sufficiently obvious, I am at all times ready 
 to declare that nothing short of a conviction of indispensable duty 
 could induce me to hold up my name as a candidate. Will you allow 
 me then to ask if I am to expect an opposition active or otherwise 
 from you in this contest and if so will you do what is more im 
 portant to my feelings, will you enable me to explain such opposition 
 to those who may enquire about it, in a way not inconsistent with 
 the friendship which has hitherto subsisted between us if which I 
 hope is the fact, such explanation is consistent with the truth of the 
 case. I have thought it advisable under every view of the subject to 
 explain to you my feelings in this regard and I have not been 
 deterred from any apprehension that you would ascribe such a measure 
 to any motive unworthy of yours very truly 
 
 Jn. Macpherson Berrien 
 P. S. Pray let me hear from you by Annock. 1 
 
 JONATHAN RUSSELL. 
 
 Jonathan Russell to Joel Barlow. 
 
 London 14 th Jany 1812 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your letter of the 19 th & 22 nd of Dec r were highly welcome as 
 the first which I have received from you since my arrival in England 
 but most welcome on account of the hope which they inspire that 
 your mission will be triumphant - The fair promises held out to 
 you I sincerely hope will be performed and I pray, for your sake 
 the sake of the administration and the country that your success may 
 silence the clamours of all adversaries 
 
 Here the favourable indication given a few weeks since have not 
 resulted in any thing beneficial towards us and I begin to dispair of 
 any relaxation in the present system until some great national disaster 
 shall drive the present ministry from power At present the war 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.4g]. 
 92 
 
in the Peninsula is the object paramount to all others and a kind of 
 compromize appears to have grown out of it between the Prince, the 
 ministers & the people Yet this very war which preserves the 
 existence of this very ministry, so hostile to us, is fed & pampered by 
 our supplies & without us must be abandoned I fear that a rupture 
 between Russia & France will do us harm here 
 
 I hardly know how to reconcile the list of vessels which you say 
 have been released to you with what the French government an 
 nounced to me while at Paris The Two Brothers & the Star were 
 liberated in July last and have been so represented both to this gov 
 ernment & our own As to the Pocahontas there was no charge 
 against her but she as well as the Star were merely prevented from 
 leaving military ports on account of a local embargo. You will see all 
 this in the correspondence left with you copies of which have been 
 sent to the American Government. 
 
 Your dispatch for America has been forwarded agreeably to your 
 request and I shall take particular care of the letter for Gen 1 Regnard 
 I beg leave to trouble you in the same way with an open letter 
 from Admiral Linois & I have given him cause to hope for an answer 
 through the same channel 
 
 I find that the French locks do not answer for our Portmanteaux 
 as they shake open I have therefore been obliged to procure others 
 of a different kind 
 
 I am very sincerely and respectfully yours 
 
 Jon a . Russell 
 His Excellency 
 
 Joel Barlow 
 
 &c. &c. &C. 1 
 
 SAMUEL LATHAM MITCHILL. 
 
 Samuel Latham Mitchill to Henry W. Dearborn. 
 
 Wash". 14 feb. 1812. 
 Sir 
 
 I thank you for the letter and mineral specimens which you sent 
 me by the hand of Judge Story. You are, as appears to me, right in 
 your conjectures about them. One is unquestionably the sulphuret 
 of antimony; but it has strong evidence of having undergone fusion, 
 and consequently of not being a natural specimen. Another is evi 
 dently pumice-stone, but it looks so like that from the Lipari islands, 
 that I hardly know how to consider it an american production. The 
 plumbago resembles other samples of that mineral. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.83]. 
 
 93 
 
Mineralogists must be cautious. The ignorance of some persons 
 & the cunning of others, constantly expose them to imposition. I 
 have catched the collectors of samples, and the makers of experiments 
 so often in their tricks, that I have grown wary by experience. 
 
 There is a sett of fellows who are watching all opportunities to 
 deceive the credulous. I have been so long acquainted with them, 
 that I can generally detect them when they call upon me personally, 
 by their physiognomy, and frequently know their character at a dis 
 tance, by their specimens. 
 
 The lawyers say "caveat emptor" ; the naturalists say caveat 
 investigator, let the inquirer look sharp. And as you are become a 
 scientific observer, the sooner you begin to examine with scrupulous 
 accuracy, the better it will be. 
 
 M r Gibbs is here. He starts tomorrow for Newhaven, to arrange 
 his Cabinet of Minerals, for the benefit of Yale College. We tried to 
 get that superb & extensive collection for New York. But could not 
 succeed. Your Bostonians were equally unsuccessful and Connecti 
 cut is the child of good luck. 
 
 Adieu ! and be happy and in the distribution of your friendly 
 sentiments bestow a portion upon me. 
 
 Sam L Mitchill. 1 
 
 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. 
 
 William Henry Harrison to General Meigs. 
 
 S fc Marys 2O th : Sept r . 1812 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I have only time upon a dirty piece of paper to inform you that 
 the number of horses procured for mounting the Infantry falls far 
 short of what was expected Indeed they do not exceed 130 or 140. 
 A number of Kentucky companies also have been diverted from this 
 quarter by the information of the danger at Vincennes. I must ab 
 solutely have some hundred men more I have determined to give 
 up the Wabash Project & make a stroke Directly at Detroit Via Fort 
 Wayne River S*. Josephs, River Resin & c . this is the shortest 
 route But it must be kept profoundly secret. Can you not by an 
 exertion send me one or two hundred mounted men to follow me so 
 as to be here in five or six days 
 
 Y r . friend 
 
 Will m . H. Harrison 
 Gen 1 . Meigs 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.64]. 
 * From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.8o]. 
 
 94 
 
William Henry Harrison to Langdon Cheeves. 
 
 Cincinnati I st . Nov r . 1819 
 Sir 
 
 It was my intention before I knew of the dismission of M r . Worth 
 to resign my Situation as Director of the Branch Bank at this place. 
 Because, having been recently Elected to the Senate of the State I 
 did not wish to subject myself, (for the course which I intended to 
 take in relation to the dispute between the State & the Bank) to the 
 imputation of having my mind biased by my Connection with the 
 Institution But the conduct of the Bank by the Dismission of M r 
 Worth would alone have determined me to withdraw. With this 
 Gentleman I have no connection or intimacy but what has been pro 
 duced by meeting him at the board But his indefatigable attention 
 to the duties of his Station His unwearied Zeal in defending the 
 Interests of the Bank & his general Intelligence have secured to him 
 my Regard & Esteem. 
 
 Little upwards of two years ago he was taken from a lucrative 
 Situation at Albany & brought to this place. His removal occasioned 
 the loss of the larger part of his property. He is now turned loose 
 upon the world without even knowing the Sin which he has com 
 mitted. 
 
 From the greater qualities both of the Head & Heart which M r 
 Chives is admitted to possess I cannot persuade myself that he has 
 had any other agency in a transaction so wantonly cruel & unjust 
 than what his official Station imposed upon him. 
 
 He will be pleased to inform the board of my Resignation of 
 the appomtm*. which they conferred upon me 
 
 And accept for himself the assurance of my High Consideration 
 
 W. H. Harrison 
 L. Chives Esq r 
 
 Presid 1 Bank U. S. 1 
 
 JAMES A. BAYARD. 
 
 James A. Bayard to 
 
 Washington 24. Jan?. 1813. 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I received by the mail to day the letter you did me the favor to 
 write on the 22 d . ins*. M". Bayard has also received the letter you 
 were kind enough to address to Her. 
 
 The occurrence relative to our child has caused to both of us 
 much affliction 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.75]. 
 
 95 
 
The punishment inflicted for a first transgression appears to me 
 severe, but I may not be acquainted with all the circumstances of the 
 case, or with the necessity of the example in relation to the condiion 
 of the Institution. I am persuaded however by the sentiments grow 
 ing out of our early and intimate friendship, that a measure so nearly 
 affecting me passing under your sanction would not have been 
 adopted without sufficient cause. The Boy I know is not without 
 faults, but I believe he is exempt from any depravity of heart or prin 
 ciple. I could wish him restored to the college if it can be done con 
 sistently with the rules of the Institution and without too great a 
 debasement on his part. I should wish to see him penitent, should 
 be satisfied to see him humbled to any point which would allow him 
 afterwards to redeem his character. 
 
 My cousin M r . S. Bayard has proposed his being sent to Bruns 
 wick during the remainder of the present Session, where he states 
 to me he will have the means of prosecuting the studies of his class. 
 M r . Lata whom you mention does not reside in Wilmington and in 
 fact my house in that place is at present shut up. If you approve of 
 M r . Bayard s project I hope you will advise its execution. 
 
 And I cannot help feeling confident that you will allow me to 
 expect in behalf of the child on the ground of our ancient friendship 
 and my partiality for the College whatever may be compatible with 
 the duties of your situation. 
 
 I am Dear Sir 
 
 with great respect 
 your ob*. Ser 4 
 
 J. A. Bayard * 
 
 HENRY DEARBORN. 
 
 Henry Dearborn to H. A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Washington March 21 1812. 
 Dear Henry 
 
 I enclose a report of the Committee on Henrys communications 
 with the testimony of Count Crillon, when he mentioned the name of 
 Perkins, he was asked if he heard his Christian name, he answered in the 
 negative, he was asked whether he observed any thing unusual in his face, 
 he said he had a strong natural wine mark on outside of his face. not 
 withstanding all that has been said about the names of those more immedi 
 ately concerned, at Boston, they will appear in due time, or I am much 
 mistaken. 
 
 I am still confined, but am recovering, and hope to be out in a day or 
 two. Yours affectionately 
 
 H Dearborn 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.84]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.n.ig]. 
 
 96 
 
Henry Dearborn to H. A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Lisbon April io th 1823 
 Dear Henry, 
 
 Your letters of Novem r & Decem r with lots of Newspapers 
 have been received with great pleasure, and also your letters of i6 th & 19 th 
 of January, for which I thank you. I have likewise received one from 
 your Son Henry R. which gave me great pleasure, I shall answer it soon. 
 I find the Portugees talk quick, and move & act very slow, both in the 
 civil and Military Departments, the insurrection in the Northern province 
 has not yet been put down, which I impute to the tardy movements of the 
 National Troops Negotiations move as tardily as the Army. the 
 King informed me the last evening that he had received information of 
 the Arrival of the Duke De Anguleme and several General Officers at 
 Bayonne, and that the French Army had probably entered Spain befor 
 this time. I observed to His Majesty that I thought it not improbable 
 that the King & Government of France would ultimately have reason to 
 repent of the invasion of Spain, he appeared to acquiesce by a smile, but 
 said nothing, he complained of the slow movements of the Troops in the 
 North, acting against the Insurgents the delay of the French army has 
 given Spain the means of cuting up a very great part of her Insurgents, 
 and of organizing her Army & Militia, but it yet remains to be seen whether 
 they will act with the firmness & bravery they ought to, or not. the re 
 moval of the King & Cortes to Savill is a great point gained by Spain, 
 every kind of intrigue was practiced to prevent it late accounts from 
 France speak loudly of simptoms of General Mutiny in the French Army 
 near Spain, that several Gen 1 and Field Officers have been Arrested or 
 dismissed, and that a general disposition pervaded France which indicated 
 a convulsion, and that the French Government had applied to Austry & 
 Russia for Aid, but I presume that the writers have painted things in 
 strong colours, for which large allowances are to be made. I think from 
 all that we hear, the invasion of Spain is extremely unpopular in France, 
 and may produce serious consiquences, if persisted in, especially if Spain 
 does her duty. we have had plenty of green peas & shel d beans for the 
 last fortnight, our garden looks as beautiful as possible, we have now a 
 strong South Easterly Storm of rain, which appears like our North East 
 rain stormes in June. I am going up the river in a Steam boat to Villa 
 Franka, about 17 miles, I shall go on Saturday & return on Monday. A 
 Steam boat, or Ship, is now plying between this city & Opporto, she makes 
 a passage in 22 hours, distance about sixty leagues. I intend to take a 
 trip in her in about a month. I have been informed that in England & 
 Scotland an improvement has been adopted in their Steam boats, called a 
 safety valve, which is so large and certain in its opperation as to prevent 
 intirely all resque of bursting the boilers, no quantity of fuel can raise the 
 steam above a certain degree of force, there is a small pipe goes up near 
 the main funnel, which conveys off the steam from the safety valve, the 
 pipe is six or eight inches in diameter, but how the valve is constructed I 
 
 97 
 
do not know, but it must be of immense importance to the steamboat 
 sistem. It is also said, that a man in England has lately discovered an 
 improvement, which will save three fourths of the fuel now used, and 
 diminish the weight of Machinery about one half, without diminishing the 
 present force. at the adjournment of the Cortis on the last day of March, 
 we had the usual parade, at the Pallace of the Cortes and at the King s 
 Palace, an extraordinary meeting of the Cortis will probably take place 
 the first of May, by a summons from the King. There has been a large 
 number of Nobility, Clergy, and others taken up in this City and other 
 parts of the Kingdom, being suspected, or known, as being concerned in 
 the Insurrection, and when the Insurrection is finally put down, there will 
 probably be some shooting & hanging. 
 
 I begin to long for some good cider, if an opportunity should occur, I 
 wish you would send half a gross of old bottled cider, and one or two 
 barrels of good sound old Orchard, in clean iron hooped casks, with three 
 quarts of brandy in each barrel. I hope to have a good assortment of 
 Grape vines with roots, properly put up this season to send you in the 
 Autumn or winter. we shall have a plenty of fine grapes, and some fine 
 cherrys & pears, in our garden, as well as a great profusion of flowers. 
 I have three horses, they are now feeding for one month on green barley 
 cut every day, and raised as a substitute for hay, sowed in September, and 
 now beginning to head, it is a universal practise here to feed the carriage 
 & saddle horses & Mules on the green barley one month at this time of the 
 year and not give them any grain, or work them, until the end of the month, 
 many Gentlemen in the mean time ride a boozer, Alias Jack Ass. or 
 Donka, the best kind of these little fellows carry a moderate sized man or 
 woman very well and easey, my horses are all black Stallions, one is called 
 a poney, but he is a very good sized horse. Laury rides him, and I have 
 rode him once, he goes very well, he is our market horse. we have 
 very frequent small Evening parties in our immediate neighborhood, very 
 little expence attends them. 
 
 Your Mother & Laury unite with me in the most affectionate Saluta 
 tions to you, your Dear Hannah and Julia, Henry R. & William L. and 
 our Cousins Ann & Charlotte. 
 
 H. Dearborn 
 
 P. S. we all agree that Cap* 
 
 Oxnard is no great things or he would not again so soon 
 leave his wife & Children. 
 
 H. D. 1 
 
 Henry Dearborn to Henry A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Lisbon Octob r 25 th 1823 - 
 Dear Henry, 
 
 Your very entertaining and agreable letter of the i 1 & 4 th of 
 Septem r has been received, and perused with peculiar pleasure I send 
 this with the enclosed dispatch by a vessel from S* Ubes for Boston, I will 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.zi.2z]. 
 
 98 
 
thank you to put the enclosed into the post office. I have requested the 
 President to permit my return home as early as May, June, or at farthest, 
 July next, and I trust that the reasons I have offered, will induce the 
 President to comply with my request. We are all in good health, to 
 morrow will be a Grand Gala day, the hopefull young Prince, will be 21 
 years of age, nothing new has occurred since my last, prescription & 
 persecution is the order of the day in Spain, the King has appointed his 
 principle Confessor his prime Minister, the Duke, the heir of S* Louis, 
 and the other French Gen^s are said to be opposed to Ferdinands measures, 
 and advise a General Amnesty for all that is past, but Ferdinand & his 
 Ghostly Advisers reject all such conciliatory measures, what steps the 
 French Government will next adopt is very uncertain, after having pro 
 duced the present storm, they are not allowed to prescribe bounds, beyond 
 which its ravages shall be staid. Great Britain will be satisfied with 
 such a perminent occupation of Cadis by the French Army, as seems to be 
 contemplated Ferdinand has ordered a strong Naval expedition to be 
 immediately prepared, for Lima, and the Merchants are to furnish the 
 necessary money, we receive no information from Brazil or any other 
 parts of South America except what we obtain from the American U. S. 
 & British papers. I have not yet tasted the Cider, but shall as soon as 
 it has had sufficient time to settle, when you have read my last long 
 omnium Gatherum letter I wish you would send it to Julia, if you think 
 they will consider it as worth the postage. 
 
 we send greeting our most affectionate Salutations to you your Good 
 Hannah and dear Children, to include Cousins Ann & our Good Charlotte 
 & her little ones, and also Col Lee & Family. 
 
 H. Dearborn * 
 
 Henry Dearborn to Henry A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Lisbon Novem r . 4 th . 1823. 
 Dear Henry, 
 
 By the Brig Ant Cap* Lane, I send to you three newspapers 
 in which you will find some good reading. We have had a Grand Gala at 
 Queluze about seven miles from the City it was very splendid. I got 
 home at 4 oclock pretty hungry, but in fine spirits, the ride effected me 
 very favorably, all things, go on here as they have for several months 
 past, as whim, or caprice, or passion dictates, without any responsibility, 
 or regard to old, or new, formes and usages, whether the King has any 
 direct agency in the measures pursued, or not, is very uncertain, or to 
 what extent the influence of the different foreign Ministers opperates is 
 likewise uncertain, there is now no appearance or indications of any 
 alteration for the better. Spain is completely prostrated, and subjected 
 to the cruelties of unrelenting barbarities of the most brutal bigotry & 
 superstition, the Court of Great Britain has been, & still is, playing an 
 under part to the measures of the Holy Alliance, how far the overbearing 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.65]. 
 
 99 
 
ambition of France may opperate towards producing a change in the 
 policy of the British Government, such as might occasion a dispute among 
 the members of the Holy Alliance, is doubtfull. nothing short of a strong 
 & direct interference with the Commercial interest of Great Britain will 
 probably induce her to change her late & present policy of adhearing to 
 the measures & principles of the holy Alliance, however displeasing to the 
 great Body of the Nation. M r Child was to have sailed this day for Eng 
 land but the vessel got under way before he could git ready & he was left. 
 he will go by the first opportunity, he intends spending a few months in 
 England and what next is uncertain, he returned from Spain as soon 
 Cades was taken possession of by the French, and is now on the world at 
 large, I will give you a short sketch of the history of this Government, 
 the present King had an elder Brother, Joseph, who was carefully edu 
 cated under the direction of the then great prime Minister the Marquis of 
 Pombal, who placed around the young Prince the most able & liberal Pre 
 ceptors. Joseph arrived at the age of manhood possessed of an uncommon 
 share of the necessary qualities both native & acquired for forming a great 
 & good King, but was unfortunately carried off by the small pox, uni 
 versally lamented by the Nation, the education of John, the present King 
 was very much neglected, when on the death of the late King the Queen 
 came to the Throne although amiable she was very superstitious, and by 
 the Influence of the Clergy and other intriguers, she was induced to dis 
 miss the Marquis of Pombal and to appoint Ministers with no other qual 
 ities but an overweening passion for inriching themselves & their friends 
 out of an overflowing Treasury which the good management of Pombal 
 had produced, the Clergy prevailed on the Queen to erect very expensive 
 Churches & Convents, with the money which Pombal had collected for the 
 improvmt of the Navy, the Harbour and other important public purposes, 
 one Church & Convent near where we reside, called the Heart of Christ, 
 cost the enormous sum of six million of dollars and by such mismanage 
 ment and peculations of all kinds, the Treasury, in a few years became 
 empty, and the Ministry were compell d to have recourse to a paper cur 
 rency to a large amount, which is yet in circulation, at a depreciation of 
 33 p r cent, under such circumstances the present Don John the VI first 
 came to the Regency, and then to the Throne, under very unfavourable cir 
 cumstances, as well on account of his neglected education, as by the com 
 parison that every one drew between him & his late Brother Joseph, who 
 was the Idol of the Nation, but if John could have had such a Minister as 
 Pombal, he, with such qualities as he possessed, might have done very well, 
 but as it has been, with such Ministers as he has had, all the improvements, 
 in the Finances, the Navy, Army, Manufactories, and Commerce, have dis 
 appeared, and all is Chaos, or as M r Fingal says of our old paper money, has 
 all turned back to rags again, some years back the Government raised the 
 nominal value of Gold & Silver coins, to bring them nearer to the paper 
 currency, the gold was raised 17 p r cent & the Silver 20 p r C. but it only 
 produces higher corresponding prices on all Articles for sale, the paper 
 is still 15 p r cent below metal. Bills on London sell nominally for 17 or 
 1 8 p r cent advance, but as the payment for the bills is in money 17 or 18 
 
 100 
 
p r cent above its real value, there is nothing gained on the sale of the bills, 
 nor is there anything lost, what ever is purchased must be paid for in the 
 present currency as much higher as the money is above its intrinsic!-: value, 
 the pretence of the Government for raising the nominal value of Gold & 
 Silver coin, was to prevent its going out of the Country, notwithstand 
 ing the immense Commerce of this City in former times, and the number 
 of vessels even now owned here, there has never to this day been one wharf, 
 all vessels must take in & discharge their cargoes at anchre from thirty 
 rods to half a mile from the shore, the shore the whole length of the City 
 is as good for erecting wharves as could be desired. Pombal had deter 
 mined to build a strong wall as far out as low water marck from Bellens 
 to the upper end of the City about 4 miles, and to fill up the whole with 
 stone & gravel, & had provided fund for the purpose, but the money was 
 used for very different purposes after he was dismissed, wharves could 
 then [have] been very easily erected at proper places, with a small expence. 
 but it is to be feared that it will be a long time before an other Pombal will 
 appear in this Government or a King with information and firmness 
 and industry and virtue, enough, to manage his own affairs in his own 
 way, and for the public good. 
 
 It is very evident that little or nothing can be reasonably expected 
 from the exertions of the People, the intire corruption of the higher & 
 midlirig Classes, with the degraded, debased and ignorant situation of 
 the lower classes, appears to have doomed the whole mass to slavery & 
 retchedness, beyond redemption. 
 
 From the papers you sent to me it appears that M r Calhoun will be 
 one of the highest if not the very highest candidates, for the Presidency. 
 Crawford s friends must I presume rely only on no choice by the people 
 and then on the Representatives, and from the number of candidates I 
 should presume that there can be but a small chance for an Election by the 
 people. Crawford, Calhoun, Jackson and Clay must if they all are con 
 tinued as candidates, carry more than one half of the whole number of 
 votes, and of course some of them must cease to be candidates, or there 
 will be no choice by the people, which would be a very great misfortune, 
 no other circumstance will in my opinion so much tend to a disunion of 
 the Confederacy as contested elections of President by Congress. I there 
 fore dread such a case, and yet hope that in the course of the next Session 
 of Congress measures may be pursued by the Members from the different 
 parts of the Union that may reduce the numbers of candidates and produce 
 a probable chance of an Election by the people, and I most ardently wish 
 that such an Amendment to the Constitution may be proposed and adapted 
 [adopted], as will more effectually secure the Election of the President in 
 future by the legitimate Electores, the People, and of course, prevent the 
 necessity of a choice by Congress, either the friends of M r Calhoun must 
 unite with those of M r Adams or as a last report, the reverse, or I fear 
 there will be no election by the people, and I should prefer either of the 
 alternatives, to an election by Congress. If I could be sure that Crawford 
 would not in any event, obtain the Election, I should feel more at ease, 
 but if it must be decided by Congress there is no calculating on what may 
 
 101 
 
be effected by all manner of management, that the occasion would most 
 probably [illegible] On my own personal account, I have nothing to hope 
 or fear, but others have, and the Country with its best interests are dear to 
 me and will continue to be, I hope, the few remaining Days, or years I may 
 live, the present situation of a great part of Europe, renders my own, 
 Country more & more dear to me, and a continuation of its happiness more 
 & more interesting. 
 
 You will perceive by my long letters, that age never fails to produce 
 garrulity, which young people bear with more patience from a presump 
 tion that they may live to shew the same effect of old age. many of the 
 Ladies here endeavour to flatter me by assuring me that they should not 
 think me more than fifty years old, when I tell them I am upwards of 
 seventy, but their flattery does not reduce my real age, one tittle, or 
 diminish my affections for you & my other dear connections, to all of whom 
 I tender my affectionate Salutations. 
 
 Henry Dearborn 
 Gen 1 Henry A. S. Dearborn. 1 
 
 Address of his Officers to Major General Henry Dearborn. 
 
 Fort George, July 15 th . 1813. 
 To 
 
 Maj. Gen 1 . Dearborn, 
 
 Comms. &c &c &c., 
 Sir, 
 
 We the undersigned General and field officers of the 
 army who have served under your orders in the present campaign hav 
 ing heard, with regret, that it is your intention to retire from your present 
 command, beg leave respectfully to address you upon the subject. 
 
 We are far from presuming, sir, to interfere with arrangements made 
 by authority when announced ; but humbly conceive the present circum 
 stances of this army are such, as will, when taken into serious considera 
 tion convince you that your longer continuance with us is of the first 
 importance at this moment if not absolutely indispensable to the good of 
 the service. 
 
 We are now iri a hostile country & in the immediate neighbourhood 
 of a powerful tho beaten enemy an enemy whose strength is daily 
 recruited by the arrival of reinforcements. In our own numbers too we 
 have strength & confidence ; our position has been well chosen for defence 
 and the moment for advancing upon the enemy may soon be expected to 
 come. But to operate with success it is necessary that we should have our 
 complement of officers. But two Generals now remain whereas our num 
 bers would give full employment for three. If you too, unfortunately, 
 should be taken from us, (at such a period as the present) the deficiencies 
 cannot be soon supplied and in the meantime the enemy & the period for 
 the renewal of operations are at hand. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.ig], 
 102 
 
Sir, we are far from distrusting our own ability to execute the com 
 missions with which we have respectively been honoured by our Govern 
 ment; and have no design of converting this address into one of mere 
 personal adulation. We know your averseness to flattery & as soldiers 
 we are unaccustomed to flatter. But the circumstances under which we 
 address you, oblige us to say that the knowledge we possess of your numer 
 ous services & merits in the ardent struggles of our glorious revolution 
 not to speak of more recent events in which we might be supposed to feel 
 too warmly as participators has given us an infinite higher confidence 
 in your ability to command with energy & effect than we can possibly feel 
 individually in ourselves or generally in those who will be placed in sta 
 tions of increased responsibility by your withdrawal from this army. 
 
 As soldiers, we trust we shall be found equal to our duties in any 
 event; but as soldiers & lovers of our country we wish to perform those 
 duties under the most favourable auspices. Therefore we do most earn 
 estly entreat you to postpone the resolution we understand you to have 
 taken & to continue in the exercise of that command which you have al 
 ready holden with honour to yourself & country, and with what is of less 
 consequence the approbation of those who now address you.. If, how 
 ever, contrary to our ardent wishes, & contrary to what appear the exigen 
 cies of this army, you should still feel yourself bound from any cause 
 whatever to withdraw from this frontier ; in such event we have to beg that 
 you will please bear with you whithersoever you may go, the recollection 
 of our great veneration for your revolutionary services; our respect for 
 your political constancy & virtue, & the high sense we unanimously enter 
 tain of the benefits your country has already received at your hands since 
 the commencement of this present war. 
 
 With these sentiments & the best wishes for the speedy & perfect 
 restoration of your health 
 
 We have the honour to be with the highest gratitude & respect 
 
 Yr. most ob. Servants 
 
 Abr m Eustis Major L* Artl* Jn. P. Boyd B. G. 
 
 Thornton Posey Major V th . In- M. Porter Colonel Light Artillery 
 
 fantry James Burn Colonel 2 d Reg*. U. S. 
 Jn : V : H : Sluyck Maj r 13 th Reg* L . Dragoons 
 
 I nfy : H. Brady Col. 22 d Infy 
 
 N. Pinkney Major 5 Reg 1 Cromwell Pearce Col 16 Infy 
 
 R. Lucas Major 22 d . Reg*. In- James Miller Col 6* Inf* 
 
 fantry. w ScQtt Col & Ad - 
 T. Woodford Ma^ 2 d R. U. S. L R Beebe Asgt 
 
 Dragoons R y ^^ ^ ^ 
 J. Johnson Major 21 Inftry u 
 
 W Cumming Majr 8 th Infy John Chrystie Colonel 23* Infy. 
 
 John E. Wool Major U. S. Inf* J ames R Preston U Col I2 
 Willoughby Morgan Major 12 th . Reg 1 - Inft y Commd-. 
 
 Infantry Joseph L. Smith Lieut. Col. 24 th 
 
 Benj. Forsyth Maj. U. S. Infy 
 
 H. M. Malcolm Major 13*. Infy * G. A. Mitchell. L 1 Col. 3 d Artillery. 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.8i]. 
 
 I0 3 
 
THE COUNTERFEITING 
 OF COLONIAL PAPER MONEY, 
 
 I735-I739- 
 
 The Declaration of John Davis. 
 
 The Declaration of John Davis of Boston Coaster, made the i8 th Sep r . 
 I735- 
 
 That about Twenty Two months ago he met William Pattin of 
 Wells, Blacksmith at his Shop who told him That as he was a Coaster & 
 frequently us d that Town, he had something to tell him which might 
 be of Advantage to them both if he would be Secret, he promised 
 Secrecy & askt him what it was : upon which he shew d the declarant 
 a Bundle of Twenty five Shilling Bills in Imitation of the Bills of the 
 province of New Hampshire, Ten of which Bills he deliver d him, 
 telling him he should have half of what he put off: the declarant askt him 
 where he got them, who answer d it was no matter, but if he could put these off, 
 he should have more of them, & after Some other talk on this head, they 
 parted : a few Days afterwards the declarant saild for Boston, putting 
 in at Piscataqua where he heard some talk of the 257 Bills being coun 
 terfeited, which occasion d him to keep them by him ; after he had been 
 to Boston, he sail d for Wells where he met Said Pattin who askt him 
 whether or no he had put off said Bills, who answer d he had not, be 
 cause of what he had heard at Piscataqua: s d Pattin then told the De 
 clarant that John Macdonnell was gone to Ireland to get Some Five 
 pound Bills made & when he arriv d here, that the declarant should have 
 some of them, paying him one Half of what he put off as he had before 
 promis d with respect to y e five Shillings Bills : That sometime the last 
 Fall the declarant met said Pattin in Boston, who with said Macdonnell 
 & One William Mortimore came to the declarant s house & askt a passage 
 for said Mortimore to Wells, who accordingly went with him carrying 
 Two Chests & a Bale or Two of Goods which he landed at Wells ; four 
 Days after their Arrival there, said Mortimore desir d the declarant to 
 lodge with him at the house of David Littlefield where he had carried 
 his Chests & Goods, telling him the declarant, that he would acquaint 
 him with Something for his Benefit if he would be secret : In the morn 
 ing he shew d him a Bundle of Five pound Bills to the value of One 
 hundred pounds in Imitation of the Bills of Connecticut which he said 
 he brought over with him, telling him the declarant that if he would put 
 
 104 
 
off those Bills it might be of Service to them both he having enough of 
 them : Sometime after in the same Day, the declarant met with the 
 aforesaid William Pattin who told him that what he zvas telling him of, some 
 time ago, was come, meaning that the Bills were come, & if he would receive 
 them he would give him some, upon which he gave the declarant to the 
 Value of Forty Two pounds in Five pound & Ten Shilling Bills telling 
 him that it might be of Service to them both to put them off, injoining 
 him to Secresy. Some days afterwards the Declarant met with the 
 aforesaid John Macdonnell in the Street at Wells, who told him that 
 he understood he was acquainted with that Matter, meaning the Affair 
 of the Bills, offering to give him some if he would accept of them, but 
 the declarant told him he had enough of them already, more than he 
 could well tell what to do with, however he accepted of Twenty Two 
 Five pound Bills : Two Days afterwards the declarant came to sail for 
 Boston & tarried there untill the Spring of the Year, keeping the Said 
 Bills in a wigg Box in his Cabin, he then went to Kennebunk, where 
 he heard that Macdonnell had hid some of the same Sort of Bills in a 
 Sack of Corn or Meal which was discover* d by David Littleneld s Wife, upon 
 which the aforesaid Pattin went to her & obtained said Bills of her, 
 giving her something to keep the Matter Secret as he was inform d by 
 the said Pattin, who at the same Time ask t this declarant whether or 
 no he had put off those Bills he had of Him & whether he had brought 
 him the Barrell of Molasses he desir d, who told him he had not: After 
 he had laden his Sloop with Boards at Kennebunk he came to Boston 
 & tarried Twelve Days where he had bought a Cable & then sail d for 
 Rhode Island & Sold his Boards atNarraganset : That he met the afore 
 said Mortimore at Rhode Island who told him that he had put off some 
 of the Bills there, & that said Mortimore ship t by him, three or Four 
 hhds of Molasses which were sold to M r . Johonnot at Boston & that 
 Mortimore came with him to Boston : The declarant further saith that 
 after his Arrival in Boston he offer d one of the aforesaid Five pound 
 Bills to Mr Brewster & another to Cap*. Winter both which were re- 
 fus d as not being good, That about the month of July last he went by 
 Land in Company with S d . Mortimore to Wells to pay some money he 
 ow d there, where he tarried from Satterday night untill Monday morn 
 ing & then return d alone to Boston, upon his Return home a man at 
 Cape Neddick told him that one Bragden of York a miller had a con 
 siderable Quantity of these new Bills: That about the beginning of 
 August past he sail d for Rhode Island & a little beyond the Light 
 House he threw overboard all the aforesaid Bills tied up in a piece of 
 Bunting & a Brick to sink them, except Six Five pound Bills which he 
 put off at Newport : The declarant farther says that he saw the afore 
 said Mortimore put off Two Bills of Five pounds each, one at Mr 
 AYhiting s & another at Burden s Ferry on Rhode Island, also a Ten 
 Shilling Bill to M r . Howard at Newport, & another to Mr Jackson on the 
 long wharf e in Boston: he also saw him put off another Five pound Bill 
 to a woman who kept a public house at the Sign of the White Horse 
 between Newbury & Hampton, all which Bills were of the same Sort 
 of those he receiv d of Mortimore & Macdonnell. The declarant further 
 
 105 
 
says that about the month of July last he receiv d of sd. Mortimore Five 
 Twenty five Shilling Bills of the Same Sort of those he had from Pat- 
 tin, which he carried with him to Rhode Island the last Trip, where he 
 put off one of them all the others he tore in pieces at Sea in his return 
 to Boston: The declarant adds that he askt Mortimore how he got 
 those Bills made, who answer d There were those in Ireland who could 
 do any Thing, & that Macdonnell had carried Home a Bill of each Sort 
 to get them made by ; That said Mortimore seeing the Declarant have 
 a New Three pounds Rhode Island Bill in his hands, he desir d him to 
 let him have it, telling him it would be a good Bill to carry home but he 
 refus d to give it him. 
 
 John Davis 
 
 Suffolk Ss Boston Sept br . i8 th . 1735 
 Present 
 
 Habijah Savage 
 
 Sam. Sewall 
 
 Samuel Adams Jus. Pac. 
 
 Jn. Fayerweather 
 
 Joshua Winslow 
 
 In Court of Assize &c at York 21 st June 1736. 
 
 John Davis made Oath to the truth of the afore written Declaration by 
 him Subscribed. Att d . 
 
 Benj a . Rolfe Cler > 
 
 The Declaration of Isaac Martin of Chebacco. 
 
 Boston Sept r . 21. 1739. 
 Suffolk Ss 
 
 Isaac Martin of Chebacco in the County of Essex being examined 
 upon this Day Sais That he lives at Chebacco, has formerly followed 
 the trade of a Shoemaker, but of late has kept a Tavern in Said Town 
 Sais that about a Year & half past he received of John Webb Jun r 
 of Salem a Five pound Bill of the Colony of Rhoad Island and gave him 
 back in change three pounds, & the remaining Forty Shillings he paid 
 s tl Martin for one Garteron Gennings a Poppet Shower who had kept 
 at s d Martyns house about a week, That Sometime after he had occa 
 sion to pay away s d Five Pound Bill with other money but it was 
 refused he then making Inquirey of Several whither it was a Counter 
 feit or not, & was told by some it was a good Bill & by others that it was 
 a bad one, but after en devouring to put it of to one and another dis- 
 coverd at last that it was a Counterfeit Bill, but that he had no mistrust 
 of its being so when he receivd it of Webb. He Then sent to Salem to 
 Webb to desire him to change s d . Bill, he sent him word not to be un 
 easy that he would change it and s d . Martin Sent Several times after 
 wards but he sent word he had not money to change, but desird he 
 would be patient and he should loose nothing by it Said Martin fur 
 ther Sais that soon after he had receivd the Bill from Webb, he heard 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.x.42]. 
 
 1 06 
 
that Webb was apprehended and put in Goal on Suspition of being con- 
 cernd in the counterfeit Bills, but he was soon after out of Goal on Bail 
 and it was after this that he sent to said Webb to Change the Five Pound 
 Bill Martin further declares that sometime after s d . Webb was out 
 of Goal, he went to Salem to him to see if he would Change the Bill, he 
 answered he had not TwentyShillings about him & then gave s d . Martin 
 a Note of Hand for five Pounds Value receivd to be paid on Demand 
 which note he has now by him and that M r . William Gott and David 
 Glover was witness to said note The note was Signd and given at 
 the House of the wid. Pratt in Salem, and after it was signd said Webb 
 and Martyn went into another Room, and Webb told him he ought to 
 deliver him the five Pound Bill which he pulled out of his Pocket and 
 gave him, but told him withall he had not been Ingenious with him to 
 keep him so long out of his money Said Webb answered, Since you 
 have been so ingenious as not to endevour to hurt me Relating to this 
 Bill, it shal be a Thousand Pounds in your way, Said Martyn further 
 sais that while they were (alone) together in y e Room that he told Webb 
 that by all the Circumstances that appeard he verily believ d s d . Webb 
 was concern d in the making of those Counterfeit Bills; his answer 
 was no matter, for that you shall be the better for your Generosity, but 
 Say nothing to M r . Gott about it That Sometime after this He the 
 said Martin was at Salem and met y e John Webb at the house of M r . 
 Gillingham the Goal Keeper and askt him to pay him his promisary 
 note, Webb said he had not so much money in the world, but desir d 
 Martin to be patient, it should be no loss to him, & at the same time 
 Said as he did also Sundry times afterwards that in a little time he 
 should have money enough that would be very good both for himself 
 and Said Martyn, and that if Martyn desir d it he should have a 
 Thousand pounds of it, and he intimated to Said Martin that what he 
 meant by good money was that It would be done so well off the Plates 
 as that it would not be discovered, and that by the First of May he 
 should be very full of Six & Eight penny Bills, he also gave said Martyn 
 to understand that he had a Three Pound Plate of the Bills of this 
 Province but that they had struck off but ten Bills of s d . Plate to prove 
 them, and that they were so well done, that no one ever mistrusted 
 them. The said Martyn further sais that he then ask d him where he 
 got his Plates made he answered at Rhoad Island by the Ingraver 
 who made the Government Plates and therefore they were very good 
 and exact, but that they cost him deer viz. Fifty pounds a Plate, Said 
 Webb further said that the Six & Eight penny plate would be ready 
 in a fern 1 , this he told Martyn the Latter End of march last, and that 
 he had rec d . Such advice from y e Ingraver at Rh d . Island by Letters, 
 and He further added, that if the letters were broke open, there would 
 have been no discovery for that the Letters were worded after this 
 manner, that when Said Webb wrote up to know if the Plate was done 
 it was in these Terms to know if them goods were sold he left with him & if 
 they were to send the money or Send word when I can have the money, ana 
 when the Ingraver wrote back, he was to write, If the plate was done 
 then to say The goods were sold if they were not done then he was to write 
 
 107 
 
the goods were not sold, but had a prospect of selling them by Such a Time 
 Martyn further sais that about the 17 day of april last he went down to 
 Daman s Cove on a fishing voiage and returned again about the 25 th of 
 may following, and that Soon after his arrival he met y e said John Webb 
 again at Gillinghams house in Salem and askt him if he had got none of 
 the Six & eight penny Bills ready, he answered no, Martin Replyd how 
 so you told me that would be ready by the first of may, he said the 
 reason is there has been some stir Since you went, and Sanders who 
 had kept out of the way had sent word to y e authority, that if they 
 would admit him Kings Evidence, he would discover y e whole affair, 
 which alarmed one Lewis Guaties of Salem, So that he went off to Cape 
 Bietton and added that this Lewis was the man who Printed off the 
 Bills and that he was an accute cleen hand at it, and was to have struck 
 off the Six & Eight penny Bills, but his going off, put a Stop to that 
 affair but that he Expected him every day home and that when he 
 arrived everything would soon be got ready, S d Martin further declares 
 that he saw Said Webb Sundry times afterwards and ask d him whither 
 Lewis was arrived from Cape Bretton, he said no, but was daily ex 
 pected. Martin then askt him if they could not be done without him, 
 he Said no one could do them so clean & well but that he expected Him 
 Every hour Martyn further Sais that Sometime in the month of 
 August last, he was coming thro Beverly to go to Boston and that he 
 met with John Webb & Robert Gray of Andover Taylor both a Horse 
 Back Gray said to Martin that he and Webb were going to his house 
 to discourse him about those matters, Martin askt him what matters, 
 he answered on y e old Story you & Webb have Talkt of, you know 
 what. Both Webb & Gray then Urged that Martyn should turn 
 back with them as far as the Sign of y e Ark in Beverly he answered he 
 must proceed to Boston, his Business was Urgent, Gray & Webb replyd 
 that the main Chance ought to be minded as well as his particular 
 affairs, and that therefore they ought to stop & Consult about them 
 Martin then Said that if they would go back as far as y e Sign of the 
 Sloop which was about a mile, he would Stop Some time with them, 
 they then desired him to go there, and they would Soon follow him, 
 which they did & came to him in about a quarter of an Hour when 
 they came in they desired Martyn to step into another Room, accord 
 ingly they went up into a Chamb r & were together about 4 of an Hour 
 and for Some time nothing was said, each waiting for the other to 
 Speak at last Martyn Said Gentlemen what is your Business because 
 I am in a Hurry and what is to be done must be brief, Then Webb an- 
 swerd, what need we be so Strange ! why may we not talk freely about 
 the matters, and then ask t Martyn if he had a plate to Strike off Bills 
 by him, for sais he, if you have, Gray can use it very well, Martyn an 
 swered that he had none, nor knew of any, but told them he believed 
 they had & that they were concerned in the Root of the matter, and 
 that they could have what money they pleas d, and doubted not they 
 could let him have what he wanted and desird them to be Ingenious 
 with him, and to tel him whither he should have any or not, they 
 
 108 
 
answerd but coldly, Webb & Gray then ask t Martyn to let them se 
 what money he had about him, which he did, the whole not being more 
 than four or five pounds, but none of it Counterfeit, to his knowledge, 
 he y n desird of them to shew what Money y^ had, they then each pulled 
 out a Cleen new Five pound Bill Rhoad Island, which said Martyn 
 apprehended were Two Bills they were Concernd in the making of 
 Webb said to Martyn Gray can show you something done acute & 
 cleen. Grey then pulls out a piece of paper and throws down on the 
 Table with four names wrote on it which he Took to be a pattern lor 
 Signing the three Pound Bills of the old Tenour of this Province, and 
 they askt how Martyn lik d the writing, he answerd it was very good 
 writing Gray then told Martyn that if he would come up to Andover, 
 he could help him upon which Webb took Martyn aside, and urged 
 him not to have any thing to do with Gray, for altho Gray has all mat 
 ters by him, yet I shall have such a Supply from him my Self as will be 
 Enough for you or any one else After this we parted, & as Martyn 
 was going Gray carryd him to his Horse and showd him a Bundle done 
 up in his great Coat, which Gray said ivas Paper he had been to Boston for, 
 and that it was for that Use and at Parting Martyn Promist Gray 
 he would come to andover in four or five days & then Martyn proceeded 
 on his Journey to Boston. Martyn further declares that in about a 
 week afterwards he made a Journey to Andover and went to the House 
 of Joseph Parker the Under Sherriff and discoursing with s d Parker 
 about the affair of Bills, I asked him who had got the Plate he said he 
 could not very well tell. Martyn then said, dont you think Gray has 
 got them, he said he believed not, Then Martyn said, dont you think Fry 
 has got them he said he believed not, Then said Martyn have you got 
 them or do you know who has, he answerd I cant tel very well but you 
 are going down to Gray s and there you will know. From Parkers after 
 Dinner Martyn went to make a visit to Grey s but he was not at home, 
 but in the Evening came home, Martin told him, he was come up ac 
 cording to Promise and Askt him if he had got any thing ready, he then 
 askt how much he wanted Martyn then said according to its goodness, 
 if it was very good he did not care if he took 500 . Gray then said, if 
 you will Stay til the morning, I will conclude with you on some Terms 
 or other. Martyn said he must go home that night. Gray urged him 
 to tarry all night which he did, and in the morning Martyn askt Grey if 
 he should take any money what was the Terms, he answered I can have 
 two thirds of the Value of them for as much as I will. Martyn said it 
 is too much, then Gray said it should not be under half, Martyn then 
 told him it would not Do at that lay He then said what if you Should 
 take ioo first & se how that would do - - Martyn Answered, them 
 terms would no wise do, but askt him to let him se the money, he said 
 he had none by him but could have Sum at any time when he would, 
 He further Said he would come down to Martins House in a few 
 days and bring one hundred pounds with him, & Gray was to take Goods 
 for his pay. but that he would have one halfe of the Value, but that 
 i( any of the Bills were refused he would change them. S d . Martin s d . 
 if he did come and the s d . Martin liked the Bills he would take them, 
 
 109 
 
but s d . Gray never did come to him. afterwards nor did the s d . Martin re 
 ceive any from Him. 
 
 After this Grey and Martin went to M r . Parkers, & Parker and 
 Gray went together into a Chamber, and were there about an hour but 
 while they were together Martin heard Parker call to *:. man out of the 
 Window to come up to them, and the Man went up to them Some 
 time after Grey came down Stairs to Martin, and left the other Two 
 together, Martin then ask d Grey whether he intended to come down 
 to Chebacco and bring the money as he propos d, he answerd yes. Soon 
 after Gray goes up Stairs and Parker comes down Martyn then dis 
 courses Parker of what had past betwixt Gray & him about the 
 100 - - Martyn then asks Parker who was the man that printed off 
 the money, he answerd you have seen him Martyn Said is it the man 
 whom you cal d in & is up Stairs he answerd it was Parker y n s d Gray 
 talked of Going next [ ] to Rhoad Island to Get a Couple of 
 
 Plates and Parker further Said he was his Neighbour and Shew d 
 Martyn the house where he liv d, he was a thick full fac d well sett 
 man. and Martin understood Since his name was John Peters. Parker 
 then said to Martyn, he could Purchase a 3 Plate, and in discourse he 
 said, George Gray was under a 1000 Bond to M rs . Harrison of Marble- 
 head to return her a 5- and a 5/ plate and that he the Said Parker had 
 a Promise of them together with the 3. Rh d Island Plate when Gray 
 had returnd the 5 & 5/. Plate. Parker And Martin then went together 
 to the house of one Fry a Retailer and soon after George Gray came to 
 them and while they were Sitting and discoursing together, a man 
 came into the Room whom they cald M r . Fry, who Staid some time and 
 afterwards went away, then Martyn proceeded on his Journey home 
 and as Parker was at y e same time going to Salem they rode together 
 about 5 miles and on y e way he told Martin, that that Fry who came 
 into Fry the Retailers House while they were there was the man who 
 signd the 5- Rhoad Island Bills, he further said that since he was going 
 to Salem, he would go over to Marblehead and See if he could not get 
 the ? Rhoad Island Plates and then they Parted Martyn further 
 declares that Soon after this, he being at Andover went to the house of 
 M r . Joseph Parker Early in the Morning, and in discourse askt if any 
 of the Bills of the 3 plate was ready, because he had said there would 
 be some of y m ready by that day, he answerd he had none, for y t he had 
 not yet got y e Plate, and that he the said Parker begun to mistrust 
 whither the woman Harrison had Such a Plate Soon after this, Martin 
 saw the said Parker walking with the man whom Parker had before 
 told him was the Printer of the Bills, and when Parker returnd to his 
 own House, he gave a Jogg to Martyn to goe up Stairs with him & 
 when they were in the Chamber Parker puld out of his Britches Pocket 
 a Bundle of Papers which when opened was a number of Rhoad Island 
 5 Bills Stampt on Square peices of Paper not Signd but lookt fresh 
 and the Edges not Cutt He told Martyn there was 100 of them and 
 then threw y m into a lower Draw of A Chest of Drawers, Martyn said 
 you are very careless of them, he answerd they should soon be taken 
 care of. He then askt Parker if they could be signd that Day, he said they 
 
 no 
 
could not be done so soon. Presently after when Parker was out of y e 
 way, he Martyn went up Stairs Opened the Draw and took out y e same 
 Paper of Bills and told them over, and found there zvas exactly the Sum of one 
 Hundred Pounds unsignd as Parker had told him. he put them again into 
 y* draw, and some time after Parker went up stairs and when he came 
 down said he had got them and would go and get them Signd, and 
 further added that the Evening before nothing of y m was done but y y 
 zvere Printed off that night and the said Martyn further sais he saw no 
 more of y m or receiv d any of them but took leave of him & went home 
 to Chebacco. S d . Martyn further adds that quickly after this abt. Con 
 cord Court last he was ag n at andover and arrivd there in y e Evening, 
 and w r ent to M r . Parkers House, but he was not at home, but in an 
 Hour or two after he came in and presently after George Gray. Martyn 
 said to Parker how do you do but he took no notice of him. Y n S d . 
 Parker took a Candle & went up Stairs with s d . Gray and was there 
 some time, And came down & took Martyn into another Room and 
 desired him to Stay there til Gray was Gone, for he did not desire he 
 should know there was any concern betwixt him and the said Martyn 
 and Parker had some time before told Said Martyn that altho Gray had 
 the Command of the Plates, and had Employd John Peters to Strike y m off 
 And had the disposall of the Bills, yet Parker Said he was so in with his 
 Neighbour the Printer, that he could now and then get a Parcell from 
 him unknown to Gray, and further adds that while he was in the Evening 
 at Parkers House waiting for him one Jos: Fry came in to borrow three or 
 four Candles, which was the Same man whom Parker told him was the 
 Signer of the Bills, and Said Martyn apprehended the Candles were 
 borrowed for that Use, and afterwards told Parker he tho t they were 
 for y 1 use who answerd him you are right Enough Martyn says 
 y f after Gray was gone, Parker told him that Gray said he had found 
 out where the 3 Plate was & that M r . Gauties zvife had it in her Posses 
 sion and that he Gray was going down next morning to fetch up both 
 the woman & Plate to andover and that the Plate would be put in Use 
 that night Early next morning by y e Dawning of the Day Sd. Mar 
 tyn Lodging at Parkers, below arose and found Parker coming down 
 Stairs who went out of doors & was gone some time & then returnd 
 and went into the Barr with a Candle and lookt over a Bundle of Papers 
 which he had in his hand, Martyn drawing near perceiv d they were 
 Rhoad Island 5 Bills Signd Sais to Parker pray can I have 50 or 60 
 of said Bills Parker put him aside & with a low voice told him y* he 
 could not- for y t there was a man in the House who had been there 
 Several times for y m of whom he had bought a Yoke of oxen & must 
 oblige him Martyn then proceeded on his Journey home to Chebacco 
 and when they parted Parker told him he was to come along in a few 
 days to Mackrell Cove to Serve a writt returnable to Newbury Court and 
 that then he would call at his House with some of the 3 Rh d . Island 
 Bills but the said Martin declares he has not seen him since Martyn 
 further declares that John Webb of Salem told him if any one y t knew 
 
 in 
 
of those Secretts and did discover y m he would kill him if he lost his 
 life by it. 
 
 Isaac Martin 
 
 The foregoing declaration was Taken before us y e Subscribers y e 21 
 Sept. I739 
 
 Sam Sewall 
 
 Samuel Adams Juss. Pacs. 
 
 Dan Henchman 
 
 Boston Sept r . 27. 1739 
 
 Isaac Martyn adds to what is before declared, That the first time that 
 He was at andover after Gray had Invited him there, Going out with 
 Parker with a Bridle in his hand in order to catch his Horse Parker 
 told him he was going to Boston that afternoon Martyn askt for what? 
 he said what business is that of yours, but on repeating the Question 
 he told him twas to get paper Martyn answerd did not Gray bring 
 Paper Enough y e other day, Parker said how came you to know any 
 thing of that affair. Martyn answerd, when he Parted with Gray at 
 Beverly he carryd him to his Horse and that he had been at Boston 
 and had got Paper Enough and that Martyn felt of a Bundle on his 
 horse and according to the best of his Judgment he tho t it to be paper 
 as Gray had said. Parker then replyd there is none of it yet come to the 
 Plate the next day he saw Parker and said to him he thought he had 
 gone to Boston for the Paper, no said he I am not gone but have sent one 
 for it, and have given a Three Pound Bill to Purchase it, and that he 
 had Sent to one of y e best Stationers in Boston And therefore should 
 have the best for that Use 
 
 The above declaration was taken 
 before us y e Subscribers y e day 
 above 
 
 Sam Sewall 
 
 Dan Henchman Just ce Peace * 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.z.43]. 
 
 112 
 

HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON, 
 NUMBER FOUR. 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND THREE. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON, 
 NUMBER FOUR. 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND THREE. 
 
The Public Library of the City of Boston : Printing Department, October, 1903. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 JEREMIAH SHEPARD. 
 
 To the Church of Christ at Rowley, Dec. 2, 1674 117 
 
 DEED OF SALE. 
 
 John Ayer to John Stevens, both of Salisbury, 1675, 1693 119 
 
 TAVERN LICENSE OF THOMAS DIAMANT ON ISLES OF SHOALS, 
 
 1684 (?) 120 
 
 "CONTEMPTUOUS AND BASE WORDS" AGAINST THE KING, DOVER, 
 
 N. H., 1685 (?) 120 
 
 PRIVY COUNCIL, 1689. 
 
 Action on Petition of John Usher, Treasurer and Receiver 
 
 General of New England 121 
 
 BOSTON FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL, 1710 122 
 
 PETITION FOR RENEWAL OF TAVERN LICENSE, BOSTON, 1714 ( ?) 123 
 A BUSINESS CUSTOM IN BOSTON, 1719 124 
 
 HENRY NEWMAN. 
 
 To Samuel Penhallow, Oct. 3, 1720 125 
 
 AN INDIAN AS PROPERTY. 
 
 William Little to Samuel Tilley, Sept. 29, 1721 126 
 
 HAULING OF MASTS AND TIMBER, 1730-1731. 
 
 Ellis Huske to Cornelius Waldo 127 
 
 IMPRESSMENT OF EDWARD MAYLEM, BOSTON, 1758. 
 
 Deposition of Thomas Dawes 128 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 To George William Fairfax, Sept. 29, 1763 130 
 ISAAC BACKUS. 
 
 To Benjamin Wallin, Nov. 16, 1764 131 
 
 CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTERBURY, CONN., 1768 135 
 
 CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTERBURY, CONN. ( ?), 1768 135 
 HAYLEY AND HOPKINS, OF LONDON. 
 
 To John Hancock, July 7, 1770 136 
 
 To Same, July 24, 1770 139 
 
 IX 
 
HARRISON AND ANSLY, OF LONDON. 
 
 To John Hancock, Sept. 6, 1770 140 
 
 WILLIAM TURNER MILLER. 
 
 Seven Letters to his Wife, from the Camp before Boston, 
 
 1775 HI 
 
 WILLIAM BANT. 
 
 Five Letters to John Hancock, Rehoboth and Boston, 
 
 1776, 1777 147 
 
 "RAISING" OF BILLS OF CREDIT, 1776. 
 
 Confessions of James Roby 153 
 
 HENRY KNOX. 
 
 To Henry Jackson, Aug. 20, 1777 155 
 
 NATHANIEL APPLETON. 
 
 To - - Lovell, April 28, 1778 157 
 
 WILLIAM DONNISON. 
 
 To D wight Foster, July 20, 1779 158 
 
 BOUNTIES TO SOLDIERS AND DEPRECIATION OF THE CONTINEN 
 TAL CURRENCY, 1780 159 
 
 SAMUEL COLEMAN. 
 
 To Dwight Foster, March 19, 1780 161 
 
 OLIVER WOLCOTT. 
 
 To Topping Reeve, Jan. 16, 1781 163 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 To Arthur Lee, May 13, 1781 164 
 
 ABIEL FOSTER. 
 
 To M. Weare, Oct. 23, 1783 165 
 
 JOSHUA BARNEY. 
 
 To Robert Lewis, Aug. 9, 1789 166 
 
 HENRY BATES. 
 
 To Ephraim Prescott & Co., Aug. 20, 1795 167 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 To , Feb. 24, 1797 168 
 
 From his Wife, April 5, 1813 170 
 
 ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 To John Nicholson, April 22, 1799 171 
 
 JOHN LANGDON. 
 
 To Joseph W hippie, March 9, 1800 172 
 
JEREMIAH SHEPARD. 
 
 Letter of the Rev. Jeremiah She par d to the Church of Christ 
 at Rowley, 1674. 
 
 December 2. 1674 
 To y e Church of christ at Rowly 
 
 Beloved friends. 
 
 It is now two years since I was solicited by the reverend M r Philips 
 (he being an Agent as he informed me) In your names and behalf to 
 Assist himselfe In communicating gods message to this Ch. and towne. 
 I was really sensible of my Incapacity for soe high and divine a calling, 
 and theirfore upon mature deliberation I was utterly averse from enter 
 taining such a motion but the Reverend M r Phillips (who being allto- 
 gether unsensible of my unfittness for soe difficult an undertaking) Im- 
 portund me once and againe both by word of mouth and writing to afford 
 him Aid and Assistance, modestly pleading his own Inability to maniage 
 soe great a work : and though he might have Applyed himself to many 
 others who were more suitably qualifyed to Answere his expectations, yet 
 he was pleased to expresse a more earnest desire to close with my self then 
 Any other; whose love & Affection I did gratefully Acknowledg; And 
 with-all y e R d M r Phillips Acquainted me with the unanimity of your 
 selves In giving me a call declaring how desireous you were to Accom 
 plish your Aimes herein, which Importunity of yours I coold Imagine to be 
 nothing Else but a Zeale without knowledge, I feared that your affection 
 for my self did transcend your reason, you having by good experience 
 found the benefit of my brothers labours, I Imagined that thatt might 
 enduce you to expect the like benif [it] and blessing from my self, or at 
 least somewhatt Answerable theirto, but being conscious of my Incapacity 
 to Answere soe high expectations, and alsoe fearing that which I now feel 
 and find here, vid. that your selves being frustrated of your too too high 
 expectations this woold be a meanes to diminish that pretend [ed] love, 
 and overflowing Zeale and affection, and by this meanes I shoold be de 
 prived of a lively hood elsewhere, and soe left In a worse Condition then 
 you found me In : But yet Imploring direction from the wise orderer and 
 disposer of all events, my heart was enclined to dedicate my self to his 
 service among yourselves, sundry rationall considerations theirto me 
 moving, tho I had an Invitation at the same time to another place whose 
 
 117 
 
promises for outward Accommodations were higher than my deserts, soe 
 that I came heither no wayes to enrich my self but to be Instrumentall 
 under god to promote his glory, and your edification and salvation, and 
 my own eternall comfort and glad Account at thatt great daye. Having 
 lived and laboured thus long amonghst you dissatisfaction by particular 
 members hath soe far manifested It self as to the blasting of credit and 
 blunting the edge of my ministry and preventing my desire In enjoying 
 god In all his ordinances amonghst you. I coold not but take notice of 
 gods humbling providence therein, their fore my humble request is (that, 
 as I have been allwaies ready to manifest my love and service upon all 
 occasions) soe there may be such a retaliation of love as to grant me leave 
 to vindicate my Innocency wheir I am wronged, and to give glory to god 
 by Acknowledgment wheirin I have transgressed, that if their be any 
 thing that is a real Scandall, and ground of offence, I might have cogni 
 zance theirof that there might be amendment for the future ; that soe as I 
 came to you In love soe I might be lovingly dismissed from you ; I am not 
 Ignorant that their be many false and scandalous reports Hatched in the 
 brests of unkind Neighbours, wheirby Satan woold make me utterly 
 uncapable of serving god In my generation, but being fully perswaded of 
 my Innocency, especially with respect to any known breaches of Rule, I 
 can the more confidently stand up In the vindication of my self against 
 all unjust Accusations ; I desire with paul soe to exercise my self as to have 
 a conscience void of offence towards god and towards man, and if offences 
 are unjustly taken up by men I shall make it my study to please god 
 Instead of men. I desire to presse after truth and peace ; that the Answers 
 of those prayers that have been poured out for a good success upon my 
 weak endeavours may redound to the rejoycing of all our soules In the day 
 of the lord is my earnest request ; the lord of truth and peace, who is love 
 It self, reduce us all to truth and peace, and love, and maintain the Integ 
 rity of those who are yet stedfast, and keep us all guiltlesse of the scandalls 
 and divisions of this Age, that we may enjoy the comfort of Unity and 
 Amity as on earth, soe more perfectly In heaven, soe I hartily pray who 
 am an unfeigned desirer of the promoting of your faith obedience and 
 salvation. 
 
 Jeremiah Shepard. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.A.2]. 
 
DEED OF SALE BY 
 
 JOHN AVER TO JOHN STEVENS, BOTH 
 OF SALISBURY. 
 
 These presents wittness that I John Ayre of the Towne of Salisbury 
 in New-England, planter have sold unto John Stevens of the same Town, 
 planter, my new dwelling house : & house lott, containing by estimation 
 Four Acres more or less, lying betweene the house lotts of the above sayd 
 John Stevens & Danniell Ladd : more over, i have sold unto the said John 
 Stevens all my right & interest of comonage w th in the bounds of the 
 above sayd towne of Salisbury : all the above sayd premises convey to him 
 & his heirs forever. Wittness my hand this : John Ayer 
 
 Wittness Thomas Whittier. 
 
 I Thomas Bradbury did wright the above bill of sale as wittness my 
 name Tho. Bradbury. 
 
 Entered & recorded in the county Records of Norfolk (lib r y e Pa : 
 15 :) ye io th of June 1675, as attest 
 
 Tho Bradbury. 
 
 The deposition of Thomas Whittier aged abought 73 years, who 
 sayth, he being at the hous of John Ayer of Salsbury, said Ayer sold John 
 Stevens, same standing between thayr two houson, caled me to them and 
 Ayer totilcl me he had sould his hous and hous lot, and all his common- 
 rights tharunto belonging in Salisbury to John Stevens, and desired me to 
 set hand as a witnes to this instrument which I did and I saw John Ayer 
 sign and deliver it to John Stevens as his act and deed and do know it to 
 bee my own hand writing which is there Reten and this was 46 years ago 
 or upward. 
 
 Thomas Whittier Sr made oath that w* is above written is y e truth, 
 taken June 16, 1693 before me 
 
 Nath : Saltonstall, Justice of Peace. 
 
 119 
 
TAVERN LICENSE OF THOMAS 
 DIAMANT ON THE ISLES OF SHOALS, 
 
 l68 4 (?) 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Memorandum, That the 15 th Day of September in y e 35 th year of the 
 Raign of our Sover Lord Charles the Second &c. came before me Edward 
 Cranfield Esq r His Ma ts Lieuten*. Governour & Commander in Chief of 
 this His sd. Province, Thomas Diamant of the South half of the 
 Isles of Sholes, And acknowledeged by way of Recognizance to ow & be 
 indebted to y e same our Sover Lord the King y e sum of Ten pounds of 
 lawful mony of New England upon y e condition following viz : 
 
 That he the sd Thomas Diamant shall well behave himself in the 
 Tavern to which he is licensed by a writing under my hand & seal bearing 
 even date herewith; Without suffering unlawful games or meetings or 
 other disorders, & without selling any strong liquour to any Indian what 
 soever ; & that he shall put in every barrell he shall brew two bushels of 
 good malt; during the sd License, Which sd Ten pounds he is content 
 shall be levied on his lands tenements goods chattels, if he shall happen 
 to make default in the premisses. 
 
 Edw. Cranfield 1 
 
 "CONTEMPTUOUS AND BASE WORDS" 
 
 AGAINST THE KING, IN DOVER, NEW 
 
 HAMPSHIRE, l685(?). 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 Memorandm That the Fifteenth day of September in y e 36 th year of the 
 Reign of our Sover Lord Charles y e Second King of England &c. came 
 before us Walter Barefoote, Richard Chamberlain, & James Sherlock 
 Esq s . His Ma ts Justices of Peace for y e sd Province, John Roberts of Dover 
 in y e sd Province yeoman ; And acknowledged to ow & be indebted to our 
 sd Sovereign Lord y e King His heirs successors y e sum of Five hundred 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.u.g]. 
 1 2O 
 
pound of lawful money of New England, upon condicon That he y e sd 
 John Roberts shall make his personal appearance at y e next Quart 1 " Ses 
 sions of the Peace for y e sd Prov ce & to answer for his contemptuous & 
 base words, in saying, That if he had Maior Waldrons Warrant, he would 
 imprison y e King, & such other matters of Misdemeanour as shall be 
 obiected against him on His Ma ts behalf, And not depart without leave of 
 y e Court : And in y e mean time to be of the Good behaviour toward His 
 &, all His Subiects. 
 
 Walter Barefoote just-P. 
 
 R. Chamberlain Just P. 
 
 James : Sherlock Just : P. 1 
 
 ACTION OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL 
 ON THE, PETITION OF JOHN USHER, 
 TREASURER AND RECEIVER GENER 
 AL OF NEW ENGLAND, 1689. 
 
 Att the Court att Hampton Court 
 the 26 th of September 1689. 
 By the Kings most Excellent Ma^ : & the Lords 
 of His Ma ts : most hon ble : Privy Councill. 
 
 Vpon reading this day at the Board the Petition of John Vsher, setting 
 forth. That the Pet r : being Treasurer & Receiver Generall of His Ma ts : 
 Revenue in New-England, severall Persons there in a tumultuous manner 
 (after having seized & imprisoned the Governour, & many of such as 
 acted by Comission under him) have taken the Governm t : into their own 
 hands, Called the Pet r . to account for all the money received & dispursed 
 by him by vertue of his Commission, that the Pet r . not thinking their 
 Authority Legall is come to render an account of the said Revenue to the 
 Lords Comm rs . of his Ma ts : Treasury : and that since his arrival he is 
 informed by Letters from New England, that severall persons who have 
 debts Due to them from the Publick Revenue have Comenced suits against 
 the Pet r . Whereupon the Courts of Judicature Errected by the pretended 
 Magistrates of Boston have given Judgem 1 : against him, & that he dayly 
 expects to hear that Execution has been issued against his Estate, & that 
 others have also comenced severall suits against the Pet r : upon the same 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.ii]. 
 
 121 
 
Pretence whereby his Estate will be Lyable to above three thousand pounds 
 debts, which were Contracted by the Government in defence of the Coun 
 try against the Indians, & French, and wherein the Pet r : was not any 
 wayes concerned; By which Proceedings his Estate during his absence 
 may be torne in peices, & he at the same time accomptable to his Ma ty : for 
 all money received by him, without regard to the unwarrantable Proceed 
 ings of the Present Authority in New England, And therefore praying 
 that his Ma ty . would be pleased to give Orders that he may not be molested 
 in his Estate or Person, for any such Debts contracted upon the publick 
 account or for moneys received or paid by him in the Execution of his 
 office for which he stands accountable to his Ma ty ; in his Exchequer, he 
 being ready to abide his Ma ts . Determination therein, and give Security 
 for the Ballance of His Accounts ; His Ma ty : in Councill was pleased to 
 order, and it is hereby ordered accordingly, that the said John Vsher be 
 not molested or troubled in his Person or Estate upon the account of his 
 Being Treasurer and Receiver Generall of his Ma ts : Revenue in New 
 England untill his Ma ts : Pleasure be further knowne, Whereof the Magis 
 trates at Boston in New England and all others there whom it may any 
 wayes concerne are to take notice and yield due obedience to this his Ma ts . 
 Royall Will & Pleasure. 
 
 Cha: Montague. 1 
 
 BOSTON FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL, 
 
 iyiO. 
 
 Boston, 9 March, 1709/10. 
 
 In pursuance of a Vote of the Town of Boston, Appointing Us a Com 
 mittee to Consider of the Affairs relating to the Free Grammar Schoole in 
 the said Town. 
 
 We have discoursed with M r . Williams the present master, of whose 
 Qualifications and fitness for that Imploiment, we take for granted, 
 everybody must be abundantly satisfied. 
 
 He Expresses a good Inclination to the Worke, and his Resolution 
 intirely to Devote himselfe thereto, If the town please to Encourage his 
 continuance therein, by allowing him a competent Salary, that he may 
 support his Family, and Granting him an Assistant. 
 
 He is very sensible of the Advantage of the Assistance lately afforded 
 him, both with respect to his Health, and also as to the schollars. 
 
 We are of Opinion the Worke of that Schoole do s, necessarily re 
 quire the Attendance of a Master and an Usher, and it seem s Impracticable 
 for one person alone, well to oversee the manners of so great a number 
 of Schollars (oft times more than a hundred) To hear their daily exer- 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.isJ. 
 
 122 
 
cises, and Instruct them to that degree of profiting, which otherwise may 
 be with an Assistant. 
 
 We Recommend it to the Town to Encourage M r . Williams s Con 
 tinuance in the Schoole, by Advancing his Salary to the Sum of one Hun 
 dred pounds cj)9 annum, which we thinke to be a Modest Demand, and to 
 Grant him the Assistance of an Usher, at the Towns charge. 
 
 In which we have the concurrent Opinion and Advice of y e Rev d . 
 Ministers. 
 
 We further Propose and Recommend, as of great Service and Advan 
 tage for the promoting of Diligence and good Literature, That the Town, 
 agreeably to the Usage in England, and (as we understand) in some time 
 past practised here, Do Nominate and Appoint a certain number of Gentle 
 men, of Liberal Education, Together with some of the Rev d . Ministers 
 of the Town, to be Inspectors of the said Schoole, under that Name, Title 
 or Denomination, To Visit the Schoole from time to time, when and as oft 
 as they shall thinke fit, To Imforme themselves of the Methods used in 
 Teaching of the Schollars, and to Inquire of their proficiency, and be 
 present at the performance of some of their Exercises, the master being 
 before notified of their coming; and with him to consult and advise of 
 further Methods for the Advancement of Learning and the good Govern 
 ment of the Schoole. 
 
 And at their said Visitation, One of the Ministers, by turn s, to pray 
 with the Schollars, and Entertain em with some Instructions of Piety, 
 specially adapted to their age and Education. 
 
 The Inspectors also, with the Master, to Introduce an Usher, upon 
 such Salary as the Town shall agree to Grant for his Service. 
 
 All which is Submitted to Consideration. 
 
 By the Unanimous consent of the committe and in their behalfe 
 signed by 
 
 Wait Winthrop. 
 
 PETITION FOR THE RENEWAL OF A 
 TAVERN LICENSE, I7I4(?). 
 
 To the Worshipfull her Ma** 
 Justices of the Peace for the 
 County of Suffolk and the 
 Selectmen of the Town of Boston. 
 The Humble Petition of John Wallis Vintner and 
 Henry Whitton Wine Cooper both of Boston 
 SHEWETH 
 
 That Whereas your Petitioner John Wallis Somtime 
 Since Arrived here from London was Favoured with a Licence to keep a 
 
 123 
 
house of Common Entertainment in Boston aforesaid, but Some disorders 
 hapning in his house his Licence is laid aside. 
 
 Now thus it is your Pet rs : Served an Apprenticeship of Seven years 
 to a Vintner in London of which Comp a he is made free & he has no other 
 way for a livelyhood ; Who has also been at very great Expence for hous- 
 hold goods & all other Necessarys for the Carrying on his Trade & busi 
 ness here. And having an Aged Mother who is unable to help her Selfe 
 in the least her whole dependence being upon him for a Support 
 
 The Denying of which Licence (in the present Circumstances he is 
 under) will inevitably bring Ruine & Misery upon him 
 
 For what disorders have been your Pet rs : cannot in any manner 
 Justify but are really Sensible of the Evil and in Conveniencys there of 
 And for the Future Resolve with all Strictness to Observe the good and 
 wholsome Laws and Orders of this Province & Town Especially those 
 relating to Publick houses 
 
 Your Petitioners Humbly pray the premisses being Duly Considered 
 that they may have Licence granted them to keep a house of Common 
 Entertainment as heretofore. 
 
 And yo r Petitioners as in Duty bound Shall ever pray &c a . 
 
 John Wallis. * 
 
 A BUSINESS CUSTOM IN BOSTON, 
 
 1719. 
 
 Boston November 4 th 1719 
 
 The Subscribers - - do each for themselves Severally declare that 
 they are Well Acquainted with the Method and Order of Book-keeping 
 & the usage & Custom of Merch ts . & y t in Such Cases where two Shop 
 keepers buy Goods of a Merchant (he knowing them to be Seperate 
 Shopkeepers & Traders) the Custom & usage is not to Charge y m 
 jointly but each person with his or her Proportion, unless they are told 
 by the Creditor y* he expects y m to Stand Security for each Other ; and 
 
 1 Henry Whitten was admitted by the Selectmen as an inhabitant of Bos 
 ton, July 21, 1712, and John Wallrs, one year later, July 14, 1713. On the same 
 day the Selectmen s Records show that "Robert Rudgate and John Wallise in 
 partnership are allowed by the Selectmen as an Inholder at Some convenient 
 House where the Selectmen Shall approve" About a year later, July 26, 1714, 
 the Records contain this entry: "The Reasons given by the Sel. men of their 
 Objections agt the Renewall of Robert Rudgate and John Wallises Lycence, 
 the S d Rudgates being gon, and the S d Wallis his not keeping good Rule and 
 order, and not being Sutably provided as the Law directs." There is no record 
 of the renewal of Wallis s licence and Henry Whitten s name is never asso 
 ciated with that of Wallis. The date of the petition is thus determined to be 
 1714. 
 
 124 
 
always where the Entries are made in the Creditors books Jointly or 
 in Comp a . there the Receipts for Payments given should mention For 
 Goods sold in Comp a . Otherwise such Receipts will Imply they are 
 made Debtors separately and are sufficient Grounds for the Debtors 
 to conclude they are Charged Seperately in the Merch ts . Books. And 
 the Depon ts . farther Say, y 1 is not usual in such Cases to read the 
 Entries to the buyers out of the book at the Time of Sale; But the 
 usual Method is to write out the bill of parcell and Send it home with 
 the Goods that So the buyers may Compare & See that the Goods agree 
 therewith. and as to bills of Parcell in Such Cases nothing is more 
 Common than to make them out sold such & such Jointly & yet make 
 each Person Debt 1 ". For his or her particular part thereof in the Books 
 & farther these Depon ts . Say not. 
 William Clark 
 
 The Substance of what is above written 
 
 is y e Usual practise among Merch ts . 
 
 and Shopkeepers here. 
 
 Wm. Welsteed 
 
 James Leblond W m . Harris Peter Luce 
 
 Henry Guionneau W m . Clark Thomas Wroe 
 
 David Jeffries W m . Franklyn Philip Burger 
 
 Oliver Noyes Jacob Wendell Theo Lillie 
 
 Stephen Minot Jun r . Samuel Keeling Jn Wheelwright 
 
 John Colman John Ellis Sam 1 . Sewall * 
 
 Philip Hodman Richard Bill 
 
 HENRY NEWMAN. 
 
 Henry Newman to Samuel Penhalloiv. 
 
 Middle Temple London 
 3 d . Octob r . 1720 
 Sir 
 
 I receiv d the Letter of Instructions of the 22 d of July last sign d by 
 your self M r Jaffrey, M r . Peirce, & M r Sherbury as a Committee of the 
 General Assembly of N. Hampshire, and have wrote to His Excell cy and 
 Col. Went worth what I have done thereon which I doubt not but they 
 will acquaint you with, and I shall conform my self to the Directions 
 therein as to other matters recomended to me with all the fidelity & skill 
 I am capable of. 
 
 As to the 100 1. which you inform me is voted by the Governm*. as an 
 Earnest of their respect to me on this occasion, pray make my thankfull 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.n8]. 
 
 125 
 
acknowledgem ts . to the Assembly for it, and be pleas d to let 10 1. of it be 
 apply d in the following manner viz. 6 1. as Col. Wentworth & the Com- 
 itee shall agree in wishing Prosperity to the Province not forgetting our 
 most Gracious Sovereign & Gov r . Shute : And the other 4 1. to M r Wal- 
 dron as a gratuity for his trouble in passing my Comission, but if that be 
 short of the Fees usual in such Cases pray advance what you think fit, it 
 shall be thankfully allow d. 
 
 The remainder I have no Prospect at present of drawing for, but 
 shall be obliged to you if you can get a Bill on as good Terms as you can 
 by the first opportunity, for I find it as difficult to meet with People here 
 that are willing to take up Money in N. Engl d . upon Exchange as it can 
 be there. 
 
 Pray assure the Comittee of both Houses of my most humble respect, 
 and be assur d that I am Sir 
 
 Yo r most humble Servant 
 Henry Newman x 
 
 AN INDIAN AS PROPERTY, I 72 I. 
 
 William Little to Samuel Tilley. 
 
 N. Carolina Sep*. 29 th . 1721 
 S r . 
 
 Your lett r . 14 th . April last which you wrote to Gov r . Eden by order 
 of the Super 1 ". Court he rec. and answ d . but desir d . me to Inform my Self 
 in the matter & give a fuller Answer ;Col : Moor lives in Bath Town and 
 when I was there last Winter I heard severall people talk of the Indian 
 you wrote of and they all condem d . Coll . Moor in the affair & by what 
 I rember & then heard even if the Indian had been made a slave att 
 So. Carolina of which I am able to say nothing yet M r . Stone that Coll . 
 Moor had him of had no right to him but by an unfair practice the 
 Indian also having then a master in the Country who he told Sev 11 . 
 people ho was Coming to viz M r . Will m . Badham a merch*. here but was 
 kidnap*, as I may Call it by them from whom he escap d . to N : Engl d . 
 1 have been going into that County all this Sum r . but hitherto diverted 
 where I w d . have Inform d . my Self particularly in the Affair which 
 when I was there y e matt r . not Concern^, me And y e Indian got Clear 
 I did not so fully Charge my memory with it as to pretend to give an 
 Exact Ace*, of the matter & your Court draw g . near I would not Omitt 
 Writing someth*. to you on y e affair & I do the readier to take An op 
 portunity of recomending M r . Badhams Case to the Consideration of 
 the Court which I begg you d . in a proper manner Show them M r . 
 Badham paid a Sum in Boston for this Indian to redeem him out of 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.27]. 
 126 
 
Goal which he was to Serve out as you l see by y e lustrum*. M r . Allin 
 will produce nor will y e Indian deny it Accordingly he Came in his 
 Service but in a Short Time was taken by y e Pirates & Carry d . to S. 
 Carolina & when he Came back he would have come to M r . Badham 
 to have serv d . his time out but Cap*. Stone & Coll . Moor pretend d . to 
 make a slave of him & if he be freed as in Justice he ought & I doubt not 
 but he will it will be but Justice & reason ble . he sh d . repay M r . Badham 
 & if the Judges mov3 him to it I believe he will which will prev 1 . further 
 Charge & trouble on him 
 
 I am S r . 
 
 y r . humble Serv*. 
 
 W m . Little. 
 
 Addressed to "M r . Samuel Tilley, Clerk of y e Supe r . Court, Boston. 
 Reed March 7 1721 of M r . Allen" 1 
 
 HAULING OF MASTS AND TIMBER, 
 
 1730-31, 
 
 Ellis Huske to Cornelius Waldo. 
 
 Portsm : Feb r y: 8. 1730/1 
 M r : Cornel 8 : Waldo. 
 
 S r : 
 
 This ins 4 : rec d : y rs . Thursday last I came down from the Mast- 
 country where the Success is as follows. Maj r . Gerrish has 28 trees 
 hawl d to the Water side. 20 of em are small Masts under 29 in c . diam tr : 
 8 Bowsprits 2 of w ch : about 32 in c . Diamt r : y e rest small ones from 26 
 in c . downards : M r . Chestley has to the water side 5 Masts from 29 to 33 
 in c : diam tr : & 2 large Masts hawl d 1/2 way so that they can be sumer 
 hawl d one of 36 y e other of 34 in c : diam tr : these are w* : I ve seen, w ch 
 promise to be sound, the sudden thaugh I me afraid will, put a stop to 
 their winter bawling for this Season, especially for the great trees so that 
 you needn t be under a very great concern for the extra prize they ve a 
 hard Bargain I perceive in bawling y m 18 miles 5 of w ch . a new way to 
 each large tree he has a sufficiency of oxen men &c a . & had the Season 
 contin d 10 days longer in all probability there w d ve been gott out 3 : 37in c . 
 Mast. I purpose to see Maj r . Gerrish in a day or two & shall Know w 1 
 supplys s wanting I can furnish him w th : any thing but money, I do 
 Ashure I shod be glad I could comply w th . y r Request but haven t taken 
 but 307 since I leavt you last, so I ll leave you to Judge y e Scarceity of 
 money in these parts alltho. I ve Sold 600 of goods. I ve supply d M r . 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.22J. 
 
 127 
 
Chestly w th . Rum & Molasses value 51. .9.9 & Slade 100 in Rum &c a . 
 & wants daily for his Timber chop 8 . 
 
 There s hawl d down to y e River side 300 tons of Oak timb r ready 
 convert d & plank sufficient likewise, (w ch : I think without fault), tis 
 M r . Slades opinion that s much better to ship off this ; y n that w ch is all- 
 ready down (it being far better.) M r . Hope s ship is not lanch d; as we 
 daily expect the Rivers to open shall be ready to supply y m faster y n they 
 can load, it wou d be considerably for y r interest to put this Clause in y r . 
 agreement for his ships Comp a . to fetch y e timb r down from y e Landing 
 place w ch : they are to take in it s what s been y e practice in this River, 
 there ll be wanting shortly 3 Coils of 2-1/2 in c . Raft rope twice Laid, for 
 y e Timber. The weather lately having been severe there s but little done 
 further to y e ships y n w" I wrote you last. I note w* you say in Respect to 
 Tafferill & Lyon. I remark likewise y e Hint you give me about Masts 
 being gott so Easy to y e Southr d & Colin 1 . Westbrooks success, I hope t 
 will prove so. 
 
 You forgott y e Tabby <($ post w ch is on a speciall occasion else 
 shou dn t be so Streneous. There ll be timber enough ready to Load 
 anoth r ship of 60 or 70 Tons (or thereabouts) w ch : offers if you approve 
 of it will strike on the same terms as you ve done w th : M r . Hope. 
 
 Collnl D bn making his Exit incog is no surprize I hope s for 
 
 good & all. w ch : would be a generall good to the Country. I ll acquaint 
 Cap 1 . Bowen of w 1 you desire. 
 
 I am S r . Y r : Humb e . Serv*. to Coiriand 
 
 Ellis Huske 
 
 P. S. M r . Labloom talks of Setting out for Boston Wednesday next. 
 Cap*. Wippill is arrived from Barbadoes. 
 
 Y rs . ut Supr a . 
 E. H. 1 
 
 IMPRESSMENT OF EDWARD MAYLEM, 
 
 1758. 
 
 Deposition of Thomas Dawes of Boston. 
 
 I Thomas Dawes of Boston of full Age Do Certify, that on Tuesday 
 morning the 2i st : Instant, Information was Given me that Edward May- 
 lem that has liv d . with me for some years, was with the Hallifax Officers 
 att M r . Ridgways House in Royal Exchange Lane & that the S d : Edward 
 Desir d . Me to go to him which I did, and Ask d , him how he came there, to 
 which he Answer d , that after School was done the Evening before, he was 
 going down Royal Exchange Lane to see the Usher of the School who was 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E. 11.37]. 
 
 128 
 
Indispos d , & that att M r . Stones Corner he see two or three men a Jangling 
 one of them he knew, who was very glad to see him, and would have him 
 go with him to M r . Ridgways to drink part of a Bowl of punch for Old 
 Acquaintance Sake, which Maylem refus d , saying he had no Occasion of 
 drinking, But his Old Acquaintance And w : White Insisted so much that 
 he went in to M r . Ridgways ; one of the men says Maylem was dress d , in 
 Blew who I Imagine d , was an Inhabitant, & did not suspect him to be a 
 Soldier till some Time after. I think says Maylem that I drank twice 
 and then got up to come home it being about 10 OClock, But after I got 
 out of M r . Ridgways h s . Andrew Ventrum said I should go to his house, 
 and drink part of a Bowl of punch with him, which I denied, & said I 
 would not, but he Insisted I should & said I should not go home till I had 
 been to his house, all this Time I never suspected the afores d . And w 
 Ventrum to be a Soldier, not knowing what to do, through fear & with 
 the Solicitations of And w . White, I went to a room in a house about the 
 middle of Fitch 5 , Alley, where their was a woman that And w . Ventrum 
 Call d , his wife, & And w , White, & another, where they made a consider 
 able Quantity of punch & other drink, which I Imagine was to get me 
 drunk, tho they mist it much. But after some Time And w . Ventrum took 
 me by the Sleeve of my Coat, & Laid hold of my hand with one of his 
 hands, & with his other hand, put a pistereen in to the hand he then held, 
 & told me I was Inlisted a Soldier in his Majesties Regiment, to which I 
 answer d . that I would Lay down, & have my head Cut of, or be Cut in two 
 before I would Be a Soldier, and desir d him to take the money again, 
 which he refus d . I had not the money in my hand more than half a min 
 ute, and Imrnediatly told him I was no Soldier, neither would I Be one, 
 and threw the pistareen away, Immediatly upon And w . Ventrum taking his 
 hand from mine, and was a Comming home. But he said I should not 
 come home, then I told him to Lett me see his Captain, to know of him 
 what way he had to Inlist men, and after some time the Captain Came & 
 told me I must stay all night with his men, & in the morning he would see 
 about it, then the Captain ask d , me wether I was willing to go a Soldier, 
 I answer d , no, & told him I would give him Ten pound if he would Lett 
 me go home, for that I had an aged mother that I did a great Deal for 
 every week, & could not go on any Account, then the Captain told me he 
 would Release me, if I would Gett another man. I told the Captain I was 
 not fairly Inlisted, and turn d , my Self to And w : Ventrum the person who 
 put the money in my hand, & said you know it is not Treating one fairly, 
 & that I never took the money, to which he Answer d never a word. But 
 after the Captain was Gone the Afores d . And w . Ventrum threatned to 
 Cane me, & would Carry me out of Town, Immediatly if I was not Easy, 
 and Directly remov d , me to M r . Ridgways house, were he Detain d , me all 
 night till now. about 7 O Clock next morn^. after the Deponent had taken 
 advice, I went to the Captains Lodgings, where I was Treated by the 
 Captain in a very Civil genteel manner, the Captain Desir d , I would sit 
 down, and told me he suppos d , I came about Maylem, I told Him that was 
 my Business with him, why says the Captain the poor fellow Look d , 
 Develishly scar d , Last night when I see him. I thought he was some 
 
 129 
 
harmless fellow, & such like Conversation, and then the Captain told his 
 Servant to go and Call the Serg 1 . to him, and after the Servant was Gone 
 to Call the Sergeant, the Captain said he must go to Breakfast to M r . 
 Wetherheads, so the Captain And my self Came out of M r . Wheitleys 
 house were he Lodg d , togeather and when we Got some way up the street 
 the Sergeant was Coming down to meet the Captain, then the Captain in my 
 hearing told the Sergeant to dismiss Maylem, and then the Captain Turn d . 
 to me & told me he had told his Sergeant to dismiss Edw d Maylem, and 
 I Return d , the Captain many thanks for his kindness, And he went to M r . 
 Wetherheads and I with the Sergeant to M r . Ridgways house, when the 
 s d . Sergeant told Maylem he was Dismiss d , as I did after him, then I took 
 a Dollar out of my pockett and gave the Sergeant to drink, upon which 
 the Sergeant said it would not do he must have smart Money, I ask d , him 
 how much that was, he s d Sergeant Replied & said a Guinea a Crown, & 
 Expences, I took 5 or 6 Dollars out of my pockett and put them on the 
 Table, & the Sergeant said that was not Enough, I replied & said I would 
 give no more to which some of the Soldiers said you fool take it, But the 
 Sergt. did not seem dispos d , to take it, I put the money in my pockett, and 
 told Maylem he was Dismis d , & he might go to work, Maylem went home 
 to my house, and to work every day as Usual, and Every Night to School, 
 and as the Captain never s d any thing to me about any Smart money I 
 Imagin d , the Soldiers was minded to Extort money from me in a wrong 
 & Unjust way, But as to my taking Maylem By the Sholder, and Shoving 
 him out of Doors or doing or Saying, any thing that Tended, to what the 
 Soldiers Call Rescuing Maylem out of their hands, I Absolutely Deny & 
 say it is false. 
 
 Thomas Dawes. 
 
 Suffolk ss: Boston Feb a 28 th 1758 Personally appeared & on Oath 
 declared that the within declaration was true. 
 
 Before W m Stoddard Just : pac. 1 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 George Washington to George William Fairfax. 
 
 Thursday Morning 29 th Sept r 1763 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 We are very sorry for M rs . Fairfax s indisposition, and hope it is 
 slight and will soon be removed. M rs . Washington untill the arrival of 
 your messenger, was in hopes of seeing M rs . Fairfax this morning, altho h . 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.74]. 
 130 
 
it woud have been out of her power to have accompanied her in the intended 
 visit ; for she also was siezed with a severe Ague about noon yesterday 
 and has not got clear of the Fever yet and again my Sister Austin and 
 her two eldest daughters came late in the Evening. 
 
 If you have had time to examine our Mississipi Scheme, and have 
 come to any resolutions in consequence, I shoud be glad to know them, 
 for I was desired (in case you Inclined to be an adventurer) to get you to 
 sign the articles and transmit an Account thereof to the next meeting of 
 the Committee which happens now about, the better to know when our 
 number is compleated. You will be so good also as to propose this mat 
 ter to Doct r Cockburne if you conceive it will meet his approbation. 
 Otherwise it will be unnecessary. My Sister presents her Compliments, 
 and gives M rs Fairfax joy of her safe return to Virginia and M rs Wash 
 ington joins in Complim ts to both Families as doth D r Sir 
 
 Y r Most Obed*. Serv* 
 
 G. Washington 1 
 
 ISAAC BACKUS. 
 
 Isaac Backus to Benjamin Wallin. 
 
 Rev d . and Beloved, 
 
 Your obligeing & very welcome epistle of the 6 th of April last, 
 with the parcel directed to me, I recieved y e 8 th instant : and I most chear- 
 fully improve this oppertunity that presents to express my gratitude & 
 obligations to you for your Kindness to such an unworthy tho hearty 
 friend. I had concluded that my Letter did not reach you, and expected 
 never to hear of it more, but Gods time is always the best. 
 
 Your faviour comes in a time when I am furnished with a variety of 
 the best pieces of intelligence that one mortal can communicate to another 
 in this world : I mean of y e advancem*. of the Redeemer s Kingdom and 
 the conquests of his grace in various places of late. Indeed so noble a 
 Subject requires an abler hand to set it forth ; but according to what ability 
 is given to me I will inform you of some of Gods wonderful Works to the 
 children of men in these ends of the Earth : and tho my narratives must 
 be short, yet I shall pay the most conscientious regard to the truth of facts 
 knowing that I must not talk deceitfully even for God. 
 
 Had I time and room it would give you a juster idea of the late 
 wonderful displays of divine grace to make a few remarks upon the former 
 state of the Countery. New-England I suppose you know consists of four 
 governments, (formerly of Seven) 3 of them viz. the provinces of Massa- 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.746]. 
 
chusetts-Bay and New-Hampshire, and y e Colony of Connecticutt were 
 planted principally by Christians of the Congregational persuasion, & 
 many of them were eminent for religion in its life and power; yet they 
 had their mistakes, among which this may be reckned, a great one namely 
 that they were not content with establishing their religion by the civil law, 
 and taxing the inhabitants in general to Support it. But they also under 
 took to keep out errours by the civil Power, and therefore many that 
 appear d . to be of different Sentiments from themselves were disciplin d . 
 by their Courts & at last banished, which gave birth to Rhode Island colony 
 where many Baptists, Quakers & others repair d . & obtain d . a Charter from 
 home. 
 
 Such treatment you may easily imagine laid the foundation for 
 stronger Bars between them than the Colony lines, and which have been 
 handed down to posterity even to this day. And as there were two Schools 
 or Colleges errected one at Cambridge & the other at New Haven to edu 
 cate persons for the ministry so by degrees it got to be a receiv d . point in 
 general with the pedobaptists that none might be admitted into the ministry 
 but such as were educated there, while all [of] them in general might be 
 if they wou d . and as many people were compelK to Support such ministers 
 conterary to their minds : it caused strong prejudices in the minds of great 
 numbers of the conterary party against learning and ministers Support, so 
 that a great part of the Baptists ministers that have been in y e Countery 
 have had but little either of learning, or Support from the people. 
 
 The consequences of human learning s being set up as the principle 
 thing in a minister, on the one hand, or of being prejudiced against it on 
 y e other, you may well think have been very melancholy. Indeed we were 
 reduced to such a state that our Lord s charge against the church of Sar- 
 dis Rev. 3. was eminently true of New-England in general. In such an 
 awful state we lay, when He whose tho ts and ways are not like ours, in 
 stead of destroying us with his vengeance, appeared in the latter part of 
 the year 1740 in a marvelous manner to pouer out of his Spirit for the 
 conviction & conversion of great numbers, & the Work prevail d . in a glo 
 rious manner thro the following year in various parts of the Land. 
 
 But the instruments that were used therein being near all of them 
 paedobaptists, against whom y e Baptists had such a dislike, most of y e 
 latter were very much bar d . against the Work. Further it may be observ d . 
 that a number of ministers of the common denomination were much used 
 in that work while many others of them bitterly opposed it and call d . it a 
 delusion : The work also was greatly promoted by private meetings for 
 prayer exortation &c. And in process of time some gifted Bretherin were 
 mov d to teach and expound y e Scriptures frequently to the Satisfaction of 
 many but this was soon called an intrudeing into the ministerial office : and 
 the former sentiments being held that none should be rec d . into the ministry 
 but such as were educated for that purpose, the ministers in general both 
 those that had faviour d . & those who had opposed that blessed revival of 
 religion united their power and endevoured to stop all such proceedings, 
 which caused many struggles & contentions among us, which issued in a 
 
 132 
 
Separation of many from the established ministers & churches : to reclaim 
 which the civil authority exerted themselves considerably but this only 
 made the breach the wider, and it would weary your patience to hear of 
 the many effects which these things produced. Many said that the state 
 of religion was worse among us than before the revival. 
 
 Well in the year 1749 the pure doctrines of grace in the power of them 
 gaind considerable ground in Several places in Rhode Island colony, where 
 ignorance and irreligion had terribly prevail d . About the same time the 
 doctrine of believers baptism got footing in several of our seperate Con 
 gregations in the other governments, among which ours was one : tho the 
 hot disputes that ensued seem d . as if they wo d . have eat out all the life of 
 religion. And to add to our other calamities a number of persons appear d 
 in some places as zealous advocates for that doctrine who evidently were 
 corrupt in many things, and assum d . the power without any ordination to 
 baptize some number, and some of them got so far as to declare in express 
 terms that they were perfect and immortal whose folly has since been mani 
 fested to all men. From these hints you may form some conceptions of 
 the mountains of difficulty that God s people seem d . to be encompassed 
 with on every side ; and we might well say By whom shall Jacob arise for 
 he is small ? 
 
 Yet he who makes the mountains to flow down at his preference has 
 of late appear d . indeed to work like himself Things have been gaining 
 among us for this seven years and 2 or 3 years ago there were several 
 remarkable seasons of conviction & conversion work in sundery places, 
 and so at times since ; and it seems like Ezekiels waters to rise higher and 
 higher. 
 
 I have had many direct accounts of a revival which begain at Ipswich 
 about the begining of last winter, and has prevail d . so that tis thought that 
 near or quite an hundr d Souls have been savingly converted there since; 
 and the work has Spread to Newbury & other neighbouring places that lie 
 30 or 40 miles north eastward of Boston ; and also into several parts of the 
 province of New-Hampshire where I have had very late intelligence that 
 tis a very good time. We have not been without some Sprinklings of 
 this Spiritual Shower in our Society, & hope for a great rain: O that it 
 may be hastned! But I have not only heard but also seen great things 
 elsewhere. In the Town of Providence that lies 46 miles S. W. from Bos 
 ton, (which is very populous, and has also been a place of much profane- 
 ness and irreligion), a revival began about the middle of last winter, & 
 increased thro the Spring, and has affected all sorts of people, some deists 
 some leaders in gaming, & many profane ones as well as others that were 
 more civil have been hopefully converted. I have been among em sundry 
 times, & O ! the joy of seing such a marvelous change in the Town is better 
 felt than exprest ! To hear profane ones turn d . to praise Jesus : to see the 
 irreligious throng to y e place of divine worship so that many hundreds 
 have often been convened at an hour or two s notice to hear the word upon 
 an occasional opertunity. and to discover such a heavenly temper and 
 language in many, surely was enough to fire a cold heart with love and 
 praise. They told me in June that above 40 had join d . with the Congre- 
 
 133 
 
gational church there in about three months upon a satesfying relation of 
 a work of grace in their Souls, and tis believ d . that many more have expe 
 rienced such a work in that time, numbers of which are of our persuasion 
 about baptism : And the same work spreads ; in many towns near Provi 
 dence, and in many other parts of the Countery which I can t be particular 
 upon ; yet I must riot omit the place of my nativity. 
 
 Norwich in Connecticutt an 100 miles S. W. of Boston, & 80 from 
 my present dwelling westward I was there about a year ago and the face 
 of things apear d . the most meloncholy in that part of y e town where I was 
 born as to religion that I had known them this 20 years. But a revival 
 began soon after & has increased to a very blessed degree. I was there 
 to see a dying brother in February, & the sates faction that I had from what 
 apear d . of y e work then quite over-balanced y e sorrow of y e parting with a 
 very near friend. Yet much greater things have been seen there since. 
 
 These glorious visitations have not been confin d . to New-England, 
 I have seen 3 written acc ts . from Mr. S. Buell a presbyterian min r . at East- 
 hampton on Long Island in y e province of N. York of a work y t began 
 there last winter y i has exceeded what has been in any of y e above nam d 
 places, & among y e rest he says there has been a Jew remarkably converted 
 among them ; & I hear y t y e work spreads over a great part of y* Island. 
 And Mr. James Manning (a young min r . of our persuas". who was edu d . 
 at y e College of N. Jersey & came from thence last Sum r . to Settle at a 
 place call d . Warren in y e nthr. part of Rhode Island governm*) inform d . me 
 last week y i he had very late intelligence of a very great work of convict 11 , 
 and conversion y 1 now is going on & increasing in various parts of N. 
 Jersey & also in y e city of N. York : & a great deal of it among people of 
 our denom n . ; and many particulars that he gave me were exceeding de 
 lightful, but I must omit em ; for I have already gone far beyond my first 
 design ; but I am got into such a copious field y i I hardly know where to 
 stop, & therefore if I have not kept to my promise of short narratives I 
 hope you will forgive me, as well as over-look the imperfect manner of 
 them. 
 
 The truth of facts is what I have mainly aimed at, & I trust have kept 
 strictly to thro y e whole. 
 
 O for a heart ever to glorify our God for these astonishing wonders 
 to y e children of men ! dear sir I hope you & y e people of God with you 
 will help us to praise & pray too, for indeed a great & effectual door is 
 open d . unto us and there are many adversaries. 
 
 An old Saint y i formerly came from England, but died in my native 
 place, once said y* She never went to God for another but y* she got some 
 thing for herself. May King Jesus go on still from conquering to con 
 quer in these ends of the world : & also return with increasing displays of 
 his glory to our mother Island! which is y e unfeigned prayer of your 
 younger brother in y e gospel of Christ 
 
 Isaac Backus 
 Middleborough 
 Nov. 1 6. 1764. 
 
 134 
 
CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTER 
 BURY, CONNECTICUT, 1768. 
 
 The Congregational Chh of Christ at Middletown Writes to the Con- 
 gregatinal Chh of Christ at Canterbury. Wishing grace mercy. & peace 
 to be Multiplyed to you through y e knowledge of Jesus Christ as King in 
 Zion our ondly Lord & Savour. 
 
 Beloveds we have wated near a year with expectation to Receive some 
 answer to our Letter we sent you in answer to your Confession. But hear 
 nothing. We did not know but your Confession was according to y e 
 Gospel. But we wanted further meanes to get y e evidence of it. But your 
 neglectting your duty. Begets fears in our minds wether you have under 
 stood y e true state of y e matter of difficulty. So as to make a gospel Satis 
 faction, for your very Rong practice. We have had a great deal of heart 
 acking Labour with you. the paines & charge which we have taken for 
 several years past in y e Use of all meanes we thought scriptural, to help 
 you to see your Rong practice hes not bin small. Now you say you see 
 your mistake. & Renounce it. & are pardoned for it. But you leave us 
 without Sufficient meanes to get the Evedence of your pardon. True 
 Repentance brings forth f rutes sutable to witness y e truth of it. We all 
 a low a Confession should be as publick as y e transgression. We have 
 never heard that you have made any Retraction to y e Society that you 
 sined before & with, or Confessed y e Ingurey you have dun to Christs 
 Kingly goverment. before y e General Assembly, in your unscriptural Me 
 morial predecated upon that Voate. that you take up. Christ sayeth a 
 Corrupt tree Cannot bring forth good frute. So that if you Retract your 
 Vote your whole practice upon that Voat must be given up. and by y e 
 date of your Letter you have past by two oppertunityes in which you might 
 have adressed y e General Assembly, with your Retraction of your former 
 memorial, and Humbly asked them for that Liberty which is according to 
 the Gospel. Exalting Jesus Christ as y e a Lone King in Zion & Lord of 
 Conscience But we heared nothing of you of this nature, it apeares to 
 us that if you mean to use a proper meanes to Repair y e Ingury that, you 
 have dun to Christs Cause in this Reformation, the path in providence is 
 very plain, to adress the Assembly with your Retraction, of your former 
 proceedings, with y e Society, and go to them as Christs Chast Spouse 
 asking the Liberty Christ your ondly Head hes given to you in y e Covenant 
 of his grace &c. 
 
 Brethren In as much as you Confess that you was out of y e way in 
 Joyning with y e Society in going to y e Assembly in form and manner, as 
 you did. Therefore it properly belongs to you to move forward in all 
 Scriptural measures to deliver us from y e Great burden that your prac- 
 
 135 
 
tice hes brought upon us. So we remain your agreaved Sister Chh. 
 
 Wishing you happiness in a frutfull Subjection to Jesus Christ as your 
 
 ondly Lord and King. 
 
 Ebenezer Frothingham ) in behalf 
 John Johnson Sen. ) of y e 
 
 Chh. 
 
 Middletown January 28. 1768. 1 
 
 HAYLEY AND HOPKINS OF LONDON, 
 TO JOHN HANCOCK OF BOSTON. 
 
 London 7 th July 1770. 
 John Hancock Esq r . 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Since our last respects of which the above is a Copy We have 
 been favoured with yours of i8 th & 25 th May, the former of w ch came by 
 Capt. Scott in your Ship Lydia. 
 
 We now enclose you Mess r Harrison & C. Rec* for 3000. paid them 
 for your Account as mentioned in the Postscript to our last. We also 
 enclose Acco 1 of Sales of your Cargo consign d us by Hall for Nett Pds 
 of which shall credit you 1872.12.11, the latter end of this month, when 
 we are to receive the money, & shall then pay Mess rs . Harrison & C. 
 about the Ballance of what will be due from us to you, their receipt for 
 which shall be transmitted you. 
 
 We observe you had reed our several Letters in the Spring with your 
 Acco 1 . Curr*. & that you would examine it the first opportunity & inform 
 us how it was found, for which shall be obliged. The Goods you are 
 pleased to consign us by Capt. Scott are all safely landed. The Oyl we 
 have sold at 21. io/ ^. Ton & the Ashes at 427 P r . T. The Bone is not 
 yet sold nor any present prospect of Sale till after the success of the Green 
 land Fishery is fully known : We have had several reports respecting it, 
 some that it is good & some bad, but we dare not yet depend upon either ; 
 Three or Four Ships are arrived, & they have been pretty successfull: 
 We are ourselves rather inclined to think that it will not prove a bad Fish 
 ery, but rather midling You have certainly been misinformed by who 
 ever told you that Whalefins were gott up to 400 We have not known 
 anything like that price given thro all this year, We mean for American 
 Bone. Dutch Fins which pay a Custom of 80 P. Ton & always sell 
 greatly beyond any others, we believe has been sold for 400, but indeed 
 there has been little, very little American Bone imported, which has been 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.Sg]. 
 
 136 
 
the principal cause of the price advancing to what it did in the Month of 
 March & April last ; Just before we sold your Bone last Winter our Let 
 ters & those reed by the other Houses here all agreed that the American 
 Fishery had been large, & that a large quantity of Bone might be expected. 
 This Acco* added to the Knowledge we had of the great success of the 
 Greenland Fishery, induced not only us but every holder of American Bone 
 to think it adviseable to sell. The Quantity then here was about 25. Tons 
 & the whole of it to the best of our knowledge was thereupon sold, & not a 
 Ton of it for more, but some for less than we sold yours, it afterwards 
 turn d out contrary to our expectations, that very little Bone was sent from 
 America, the bulk of it having we understand been bought up, & kept back, 
 which made a very material difference & occasioned an advance of price 
 here, w ch . it was impossible to foresee. 
 
 There is not about 20 Ton here which arrived in Scott & Johnson, & 
 no price offers for any of it. The desire we have to render every part of 
 our conduct approved to you Sir has induced us to lay these particulars 
 of the reason which induced us to sell your Bone before you, & we trust 
 to that candour we have always experienced from you that you will think 
 us not much to blame. It was a measure taken upon the most mature con 
 sideration, & what appeared to us at the time most probable to serve your 
 interest. Scott had a very quick passage, & is now unladen, & shall be 
 dispatched before the end of the Month, with an exact conformity to your 
 instructions, but we are greatly doubtfull whether we shall be able to gett 
 much Freight for him, We will most certainly give him all we have our 
 selves, & procure for him all we can from others but the whole we fear 
 will be but inconsiderable. White is also here and shall not be sold /agree 
 able to your instructions/ but returned with the Ten Tons of Hemp you 
 order for him, & we are sorry to say we fear that will be near, if not quite 
 the whole he will have on board. We shall only wait the arrival of Jarvis 
 who is daily expected & then if we see no room to expect any advantage 
 by keeping him, We shall dispatch him immediately. We have Debited 
 you & credited Cap*. White s Acco 1 . 100 according to your directions, & 
 have credited you 2.2 for the P e . of Dutch short packed in Bale N 3. 
 P r . Scott. The getting liberty to land the returned Goods was attended 
 with a great deal of difficulty, but after a constant attendance upon the 
 Custom House for 10 days, we at last were permitted to land them into a 
 Warehouse under the King s Lock, where the whole of [them] now lay; 
 This was permitted as a great favour & indeed is so, for the bringing back 
 the India Goods & some others, is directly contrary to Law, & makes not 
 only the Goods, but the Ship liable to Seizure. We once thought the only 
 terms they would grant us would be to return the whole to Boston without 
 unloading them, but we are happy in their being now on shore, & out of 
 danger of seizure. We are greatly indebted to your Friendsship for any 
 service done us thro your influence, but we own ourselves greatly at a loss 
 to know in what we can possibly have offended the Town ; We are per 
 suaded we have been as much if not more steady in our endeavours to serve 
 the Town than any house here. 
 
 We are sure we have greatly to our own prejudice, discouraged the 
 
 137 
 
Importation of Goods & we cannot conceive how it can be thought that we 
 had shipped the greater part of the Goods that have arrived at Boston this 
 Spring. The Fact is not so. In Scott alone we shipp d almost the whole 
 in value of what we shipp d in the whole Spring. What we sent in Free 
 man was inconsiderable in value : We know that in that Ship one person 
 here shipp d more value than we did for Boston in all the Ships together, 
 & we believe another House here shipp d in Cap*. Burnett much larger 
 value than we did in the whole Spring. In Davies, Bryant, Lyde, Skilling, 
 Dixey, & all the rest we shipp d nothing worth notice, & yet several of them 
 were quite full, however Sir we believe from some Misrepresentation we 
 were fallen under unmerited Censure, for which we cannot account, but 
 we must not omit to acknowledge how much we think ourselves obliged by 
 your good offices upon that occasion. We desire to be considered as the 
 warm Friends of the Town, instead of Enemies, & in that light you may 
 easily judge how much any Censure must have hurt us, & of course how 
 much we think ourselves indebted to your friendship for preventing such 
 a measure. As to what you mention about the freight of the returned 
 Goods, We desire you would yourselves determine upon that matter in any 
 way you please. Scott tells us he brought in the whole about 100 Ton of 
 Measurement, the Freight of which would be 100. Sterling any part or 
 the whole of which shall be placed to your credit. We cannot possibly at 
 any time object to whatever you may think reasonable. Please mention 
 how you think it ought to be settled, & we shall cheerfully conform thereto. 
 We would cheerfully sacrifice a very large Sum to the restoration of Trade 
 upon a solid footing, & can very seriously affirm that if the determination 
 of our House not to send a pennyworth of Goods more, would be the means 
 of producing that happy Event, We should not a moment hesitate to take 
 such a determination, but as our doing it alone could not answer the least 
 good purpose, We can only say that it must be accomplished by some other 
 means ; If non Importation is to produce it, that can only be effected by 
 an absolutely general forbearance to send orders, for while orders come, 
 & there are a thousand people ready to receive & execute them, our refusal, 
 & that of other principal Houses engaged in the Trade would be of no 
 effect. The Goods would still be sent if the orders came ; That measure 
 therefore cannot be effectual unless there is an absolute & general for 
 bearance to send for Goods. 
 
 We shall soon have another opportunity of paying our respects to 
 you, & in the mean time are very sincerely 
 
 (Copy) Orig 1 . P r . Derby. [Hayley & Hopkins.] 
 
 We have omitted to mention in the foregoing that Cap* White has 
 delivered us 70 Dollars w ch . we have sold for 16.16 for which we 
 credit you He has also delivered us 3 Hhds & a Barr 1 . of Sugar which 
 shall dispose of, & transmit the Account Sales in due season. x 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.94]. 
 
 138 
 
24 July 1770. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 We confirm the foreoing for Copy of our last Respects & have 
 now to acknowledge rect of a Letter from M r . Palfray of 13 th June in which 
 he informs us by your directions of Your having chartered the Pratt for 
 S Carolina Houses, but refers us for the particular terms of the Contract 
 to your next We dare say you have done what appeared to you for the 
 best & shall rest well satisfied with what ever that is The Certificate 
 for M rs . Billings s pension for 1767 we have reed, but before that came to 
 hand we had settled for her up to Dec r 1769 & have credited M r . Tho s 
 Grays Acco* for the produce of it, & youll please either settle it with him 
 or if it is more agreable we will debit him & credit you for the amount of 
 one Year This will we hope be delivered you by Cap 1 Scott of your 
 Ship Lydia, who now returns with a better freight all things considered 
 than we expected ; We shall beg leave to refer you to Cap 1 Scott for the 
 particular difficulties just now attending your Ships; We have made a 
 point of giving Scott all we were able, & if he had done as all the rest of 
 the ships now here do, except yours, there is no doubt he would have been 
 quite full ; but after the clear orders given us in yours reed by him, We did 
 not dare lett him take on board any but licensed Goods. We have paid 
 him 1 60 as cjp his rec* enclosed for 100 of which he has directed us to 
 debit you in Acco*. Curr*. & to charge the other 60 in the ships Acco*., to 
 which we conform & youll please note it accordingly We have agreable to 
 your orders shipp d on board him 20 Tons of Hemp for your Ace* Invoice 
 & bill of Lading for which You will find enclosed amounting to 525.14.7 
 on which we have made 530 Ins ce . P re &c being 13.7.9. As the Letters 
 reed by Jarvis have brought some orders & give us a prospect of obtaining 
 some licensed Goods for White we have resolved upon keeping him a 
 fortnight & we hope we shall find enough to make it worth his while to 
 stay that time, at the expiration of which we intend to dispatch him The 
 money for Halls Cargo falls due the end of this Week when have no doubt 
 but we shall receive it & we will then pay Mess rs Harrison & C. as men 
 tioned in our last whose rec*. our next will enclose you. 
 
 The Whalebone rec d by Scott remains unsold & no prospect of its 
 selling till the full Success of the Greenland fishery is known which still 
 remains uncertain. Oyl & Ashes are much the same as in our last, but 
 Whale Oyl will certainly be low; The Seal fishery both in Greenland & 
 New f d Land has been very successful w ch . will reduce the price of Whale 
 Oyl 
 
 We are w th the truest esteem D r . Sir 
 
 Your most obliged hble Servant 
 
 Hayley & Hopkins 
 
 27 th Cap*. Scott not having taken away his 
 Boy till this Evening gives us opportunity 
 of enclosing Mess" Harrison & C their Receipt \ 
 for 1500 pd them this day 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.z.95]. 
 
 139 
 
HARRISON AND ANSLY OF LONDON, 
 TO JOHN HANCOCK OF BOSTON. 
 
 London 6 Septem r . 1770 
 John Hancock Esq r . 
 
 Sir, 
 
 We refer you to our last of 24 July, since which we have been 
 favord with yours of 29 June and 12 July the first cov^ a second Bill of 
 Exch a . on James Stuart for 250 the first we have advis d you was 
 accepted. 
 
 Agreable to your Commission for a few articles we have Ship d the 
 same on board Cap 1 . Hood. Invoice & Bill of Lading we herein inclose, 
 amounting with Charges of Shipping & Insurance to 58.76 which Sum 
 we shall in course pass to your Debit. In future we sho d be glad if you 
 would say, whether Insurance must be made. 
 
 We sincerely lament that our ministerial Men here will not see the 
 reall interest of this Country, but it cannot be any wonder whilst places 
 & pensions seem to be the only objects in view to the ruin of this Country 
 as well as America, therefore so long as the present Men continue, you 
 must not we fear hope for conciliating measures, you may rely upon it, 
 that there will be no clamour raised here for want of Trade, we have not 
 of late had any complaints & the New York measures will make matters 
 quite easy, my sentiments are naturally against arbitrary oppressive 
 measures, but I fear it has been long a deep laid Scheme, yet I am not 
 without hopes a formidable opposition will be made the next meeting of 
 the Parliament. 
 
 From our own knowledge, we are certain great quantities of Goods 
 find their way to many parts of America, tho not openly, therefore all 
 things consider d, will it not throw trade out its respectable usual channel 
 into smugling hands not answer the end propos d to distress the manu 
 facturers here & greatly prejudice & breed ill blood amongst you ; I just 
 throw out these few hints, yet be assur d do not wish to have any Trade to 
 America, if not for the Benefit of the whole, yet when good Paymasters 
 offer here, we may as well supply them as others. 
 
 I am much pleased to hear you say G. H. is universally respected with 
 you (notwithstanding he may find the Weather with you too hot) your 
 kindnes in giving him your countenance & protection I thank you for. 
 I will alway endeavor to be grateful for it. I beg you will accept my thanks 
 for the Fish ^ Cap*. Hall w ch I rec d : safe. 
 
 with regard to Oil there was no Buyers for a long time & even when 
 they want only one appears, however I have at last sold the same at 
 24.57. & the whale at 19.10. I fear this is not so good a price as you 
 
 140 
 
expect, but no more conld be got. we shall deliver it in a few days, & will 
 advise you the Neat proceeds, the compleating Commissions on your side 
 for y e Oil Men here will ever make it a poor Trade the Success in ours 
 & the Dutch Greenland Ships this Season is much greater than at first 
 reported tho we have sold American Finns at 370 within this Month 
 the small Galicia at 1/2 that price, but of these small sizes the market is 
 full, you may be assur d we will in future give your Ships the preffee- 
 ence in freight but unless a partial Importation take place with you, we 
 shall have but trifles, we have at present only time to add, that we remain 
 with the greatest respect, Sir Your most obed*. Serv ts 
 
 Harrison & Ansley. 1 
 
 WILLIAM TURNER MILLER. 
 
 Seven Letters from Colonel William Turner Miller to his Wife, from the 
 Camp before Boston, 1775. 
 
 Rhode Island Camp in Roxbury 
 
 May 29 th . 1775 
 
 Dear Wife we were yesterday and the Night before last under arms 
 which was Occasioned by an Engagement Colonel putnam With about 
 250 Men had with a Thousand Regulars the Engagement began at about 
 half after nine Oclock on Saturday Night and Lasted till Day Light when 
 Coll putnam Returned to the Head Quarters at Salem having Burnt : n 
 Armed Schoner and Taken 16 pieces of Small Cannon Kill d 13 of the 
 Horses that Lately arrived from England said to be for the Light Horse 
 and Taken 17 More Co 11 , putnam had not a Man Killed and only three 
 Men Wounded Howmany of the Regulars were Killed we Cannot Learn 
 only that there were Discovered in the Action three Regulars Killed and it 
 is thought Numbers more were Slain The place of Action was at Chelsey 
 near winnysimmit ferry Sixteen Miles from this place (by Land) when 
 we first Heard the firings which was very Brisk I mustered my forces 
 which were about 240 at the first Alarm Not Knowing but it was a General 
 Attack and Sent off Expresses forward toward the Enemy Sent out 
 Several Companies to Reconoiter who went forward untill they were In 
 formed where the fire was and were Sattisfied their Help was not wanted 
 (some went Down Head Quarters) & in the morning the Fire Renewing 
 I Marched Down with all My men but a few who I Left behind to Guard 
 the Incampment & Magazine went to Head Quarters for Orders to go 
 forward were within Sight of the Ennemies fire but the General thinking 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i]. 
 
 141 
 
it best for Me to Return and Refresh my Men and hold My People in 
 Readiness and Soon after my Return Co 11 . Hitchcock Co 11 . Cornel arrived 
 Here and Took the Chief Command and toward Night Major Sherburn 
 Arrived Here Since which Several Companies are Arrived we heard a 
 Number of Cannon fired toward Chelsey Last Evening but have not Learn 
 what they have Done I should be glad if you would Send me Some Lin- 
 ning Such as Shirts &c when you have them Ready if you want to Send 
 any thing to me Such as Shoes or any thing Else you will pleas to have 
 them Bundled up and a paper pasted on the Bundle and a Letter Wrote 
 Ready 
 
 I am your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller l 
 
 Rhode Island Camp June 26 th : 1775 
 
 My Dearest Lydia it is with Pleasure I take up my Pen to wright 
 to you I Sent you all the Letters that I could find by M r . Thompson and 
 an account of the Battle at Bunkers Hill with a Letter of my own Writing 
 to you my dear you wrote me Concerning your Coming Down and 
 Wanted my advise in the matter the three Rigiments are Now Chiefly 
 Here and we are in about as Good order as I Expect to be in this Cam 
 paign (I mean in Regard to my Station in the House) I have a Room 
 that I Live in in Company with Co 11 . Church Major Shearborn Adjutant 
 Bradford and Adjutant Box all in the Same Room we are Very well 
 Suited for Company but my dear you know that is not Like having a Whole 
 Room to my Self I want to Se you and if you Can at Some Convenient 
 Time for your Self Come down I hope Either Here or at Some Neigh 
 bouring House Enjoy y r Company if no Alarm prevents but if you Come 
 down you will be able to Keep out of Danger as Great Guns are heard a 
 great ways and if there is any Battle you Can Keep out of the Reach of 
 them you will Speak to Doctor Bradford to Carry on the Suit against 
 Jesse Saunders and Shew him your Power of Attorney that I gave you 
 we have had an alarm Last Saturday the Ennemy Fired a few Bombs 
 and Carcases in order to Set the Town of Roxbury on fire but through the 
 alertness of our Soldiers the Town was prevented being Set on fire Such 
 was the Courage of our Soldiers that they wold go and Take up a Burning 
 Carcase or Bomb and Take out the fuze all is peace now and we are in 
 High Spirits & through the Blessing of God I Enjoy a Very Good State of 
 Health you will please to Send them Cloaths as soon as they are Done 
 Oliver Eddy is in a good way to be well Soon of his Wound M r . Dimond 
 & Ensign Child are well M r . Whitakcr is Likewise well and all the Sol 
 diers. My Dear I am y r Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller - 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.io]. 
 142 
 
June 28 th . 
 
 The Ladies come more or Less every day to Visit the Camp Cap* 
 Olneys and Ensign Blacks wives were here to day Co 11 . Varnums wife will 
 be here soon I have Inclosed an Account of the Forces on Both Sides and 
 we have Two Fine Entrenchments in Roxbury to Stop the Eennemy Com 
 ing over the Neck besides one to Stop their Landing up Charles River and 
 one on Dorchester Neck with a Redout Just at the going on of Dorchester 
 neck the New Hampshire People have an Intrenchment on the Hill Just 
 on this Side of Co 11 . Royal s Farm in Mistick beside the Entrenchments 
 that the Massachusetts forces have in Cambridge. 
 
 Your loving Husband 
 
 William T. Miller l 
 
 Prospect Hill Cambridge July 26 th : 1775 
 
 Dearest Lydia I arrived Here yesterday with the Rhode Island Forces 
 and am in Good Health and Like the Scituation of the Place very well but 
 we are not so well Suited for a Place to Live in as at Barnard House but 
 we have got Boards which in a few Days we Can build Barracks of and 
 then I think we Shall be as well accommodated as ever Soldiers were I 
 have no News to wright you Except that our Regiment is so Healthy that 
 there was not one in the Hospital but what was turned out fit for Duty 
 when we marched away from Roxbury one of the Regular Granadiers 
 Deserted Last Night from Bunkers Hill and Came into our Camp with 
 all his accutirements I have not Heard the particulars he Relates my 
 Dear Excuse my Short writing as we have not got Setled here and the 
 wrighting this Letter is Like Shooting flying I am your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller 2 
 
 Camp Prospect Hill July 29 th : 1775 
 
 Dearest Lydia It is with pleasure I Imbrace this Oppertunity to 
 wright to you I wrote three days ago A short Letter by Amos Fish but I 
 fear your paper is gone now or you would have wrote by Doctor Shearman 
 and Martin Eastsbrooke I am in Very Good Health and am pleased with 
 the Disposition of the Army that we have to Defend the Breastwork on 
 this Hill where there is an oppertunity for an Officer to Shew himself 
 I had the Honour to be field officer of the Day here yesterday and as I 
 was Visiting the Out Gentries which Stands within half Musket Shot of 
 the Ennemies Centeries the Regulars Came out with a party and began 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i2]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i2]. 
 
 143 
 
to Cut Some Trees and Remove some fencing Stuff which was between 
 the Centeries I Beckned to Two officers who Commanded there one of 
 whom I took to be Major Bruce of the Regulars who Came out and met me 
 between the Centeries when I told him that his Conduct in felling the 
 Timber so near our Gentries Created a Jealousie and Desired him to Desist 
 from any farther Encroachments when he told me he thought the trees &c 
 which they were gitting were as near their Lines as they were to ours 
 and that they had not Interrupted our Men in Cutting Hay Close to the 
 Lines and he promised me he would advance no farther I Immediately 
 Returned and Reported what had happenned to Major General Lee who 
 thanked me for my Conduct I also Saw a Gentleman that Came out of 
 Boston yesterday who Says the people of Boston & the Soldiers are Very 
 Sickly and Much Dejected that General Gage had given Orders for all 
 the Inhabitants of Boston that have a Mind to depart by Water to Return 
 their Names and they Should have Liberty to Depart. 
 
 We have three Deserters from the Regulars come into this Camp 
 Since we Came here one of whom found his own Brother here in the 
 Camp their Meeting was Very affecting one hath Deserted by way of 
 Roxbury who its thought will prove a Very Servicable Man to our Army 
 as he is able to give a plan of all the works & fortifycations in Boston 
 and Knows all their Plans he Says he car Direct the Army to Storm 
 .Boston with the Loss of Very few men that It has been in Contemplation 
 among the gageites to Set Boston on fire and withdraw all the Troops & 
 Ships but we ought not to Catch at Such Shaddows as that we have 
 nothing under God to Depend upon but our own Strength Since I wrote 
 the above I Received yours by Simon Burr with the Greatest Sattisfaction 
 I have got the Sheete you Sent me there is no Mistake in the order given 
 by Manning he had Some Cloaths & Gave an order for them and the 
 Same Day afterward had More we are Now on prospect Hill in Briga- 
 deer General Greenes Brigade under the Command of Major General Lee 
 and our Duty is to Defend the Breast work that you was in when you was 
 here the General Lives in a Hutt on the Hill in the Rear of the Incamp- 
 ment M rs . Greene Stayed a Week after you went away and Part of the 
 Time we was Poorly. I am Glad to hear of your Health and any time 
 when you have an oppertunity you 11 . Please to Send me a Bunch or Two of 
 your Onions. I am your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller l 
 
 Camp Prospect Hill August 13 th : 1775 
 
 Dearest Lydia I Receved your Kind Letter by M r . Burr as also the 
 Inkstand Corn & Cucumbers you sent, Every Letter & Present from you 
 is Like a Cordial to me in my absence from you my Heart is delighted 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.n]. 
 144 
 
in Reading Your Letters Especially when on the Countenance of them 
 you appear to be in Health and when you appear by your Letters to be in 
 Trouble I Long to participate with you we are at present Very Peac- 
 able Here there hath been one Regular Deserted from Bunkers Hill Last 
 Night and two to Day by Swimming a Cross Mistick River to Maiden 
 and 2 Boats that were armed from Bunkers hill were Sailing up Mistick 
 River and were Drove back by the brisk firing of Some field pieces from 
 Maiden this day which Caused them in a Very great Hurry to Retreat 
 and Run ashore on Bunkers hill Shore Please to accept this with a Kiss 
 and the best wishes from your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller * 
 
 Camp Prospect Hill Sep r . i8 th : 1775 
 
 My Love 
 
 It is with Pleasure I Imbrace this oppertunity offered by M r 
 Bradford for the Conveyance of a Letter to my Dearest I some what 
 Expect this will meet you on the Road I am in Good health and High 
 Spirits I Receved yours wherein you Expressed your Joy in my Not 
 Going to Quebeck my Love I fear you think I am Safer here than as 
 though I went to Quebeck Remember the Psalmists Expression, if I take 
 the wings of the Morning and fly to the uttermost Parts of the Sea behold 
 Thou art there I doubt not but where Ever I am god will be there and be 
 my Stay and Support my Love I had it under Consideration whither to 
 offer my Self to go to Quebec and had so far Concluded upon the Matter 
 that If I had been Requested to go I should not have Refused though I 
 think it Carries the Appearance of a Desperate undertaking there was 
 Officers in my Station that appeared Earnest for going and it being my 
 Disposition not to Enter into a Dispute for a bad Bargain never oposed 
 their going by People who came out of Boston the day before yesterday 
 we are informed that General Gage has began to Pull down the Houses at 
 the South End and Intends to Pull down all the Buildings from the forti 
 fication to the hay market in order to fortify the Town Stronger we have 
 had one or two Deserted from Bunkers Hill who Say they had about 
 Twenty one Hundred Men on Bunkers Hill Last week and that there was 
 three Companies more Just Come over who Arrived a few Days ago that 
 the officers talk of Coming out but are hindred by Continuall Alarms of 
 our Going in things Remain very Silent in Regard of Firing Guns 
 if our Vessels were Kept all into port in all Parts of the Continent they 
 must Starve in Boston for want of Bread as they have but Little and the 
 Last Ship load that Arrived came from Great Brittain and Cost a Guinea 
 p r Hundred there which when it arrived in Boston Was so Intirely Spilt 
 that it Could not be Eat the Jacket I mentioned to M r Hill to be turned I 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i4]. 
 
 145 
 
would have done with Very Narrow Silver Lace this with the best Wishes 
 of your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller 
 
 PS I hear you talk of Coming with M r . Burr I fear if you Should 
 Come with him he would be for going away so Soon I sould not have a 
 Chance to be with you as much as I want to I should be glad to se you 
 Come so as to Stay or go when and as you Please without Consulting any 
 body but me 
 
 W m TM 
 
 My Best Respects to Cap* Whiting & Lady M r Saunders & Lady Doct r 
 Peter & Lady and All Enquiring Friends * 
 
 Camp Prospect Hill Nov r io th : 1775 
 
 My Dearest I Receved your Kind Letter by M r . Whittaker this Morn 
 ing I am in good Health and have mentioned it thus Early in My Letter 
 for fear I should forget to mention it my Love I am intirely willing to 
 be at home without any Military Imployment since it is the will of Heaven 
 it Should be so I have put my trust in God and I am sure he will dispose 
 of me in his own way which is the best way for me and for his own Glory 
 my Love there was about 200 Regulars who Took the Advantage of an 
 uncommon high Tide and Landed on Leachmore Point between this Hill 
 and Boston Common Close by the Man of Warr, the Tide was so high 
 that it flowed over the Mash and Bridge betwen the Point and this Hill so 
 that it Made an Intire Island of the Upland on the Point as Soon as they 
 were Discovered the Alarm was Given the Lines all Manned and About 
 500 Men sent Down to Drive them off and upon the Approach of our Men 
 the Regulars Ran off with their Booty which Consisted of about Eleven 
 Head of Cattle Chiefly Belonging to one M r Ireland the Tide was so 
 high that our Men was obbliged to wade up to their Middles to Get on the 
 Point what Loss the Ennemy met with we Cannot Tell but our Cannon 
 from this Hill that Two Shot went in among the thickest of their Boats as 
 they were Landing the Loss on our Side in one Riflemen Killed & one 
 Mortally wounded my Dear please to accept of a Kiss and this as a pledge 
 of my Love I am your Loving Husband 
 
 William T Miller 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.a.is]. 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i6]. 
 
 146 
 
WILLIAM BANT. 
 
 Five Letters from William Bant to John Hancock, 1776, 1777. 
 
 Rehoboth March 25. 1776. 
 The Hon. John Hancock Esq r . 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I suppose before this will reach you, that you will have received a 
 full account of the disgraceful retreat of the Troops from dear Boston. I 
 congratulate you on the event, and also that your domestic Affairs are left 
 in good Order. Our friend Nich. Bowes has escaped without the loss of a 
 quill. I was in Boston last Tuesday, the Town appears much better than I 
 expected to see it, yet the Villians have done great damage. I wrote you 
 the 6 th . Ins 1 , in which I inclosed you E Jones Account current and informed 
 you that he had paid me the Ballance. I have lately received 800 Dollars, 
 which together with the above I shall forward as soon as possible. I also 
 informed you of my intention to move to Groton, but the deliverance of 
 Boston will alter my plan, and I have already released my farm and hope to 
 return to Boston in about a month. I received yours of the 6 th instant yes 
 terday. The whole that I said in the Letter you refer to, arose from this 
 cause only_ I could not bear the reflection that I had given you, Sir, reason 
 to think that I am regardless of the obligations I am under to you. I wrote 
 to Col. Athearn this morning. I told you, Sir, when I see you at Worcester 
 that I was intirely at your service and should be happy to be employed by 
 you. I am now ready to go to Dartmouth, Martha s Vineyard, and any, or 
 every, where else that you may want on your Business I will not engage 
 in any way whatever if I can be of service to you in the settling your 
 Accounts and collecting your dues. Dear Sir, my heart has indeed often 
 bied for you on account of your troubles as knew they all proceeded from 
 virtue, but I hope, I more than hope, I think I see the dawning of a bright 
 and joyful day, that will return you sevenfold for all your sufferings into 
 your own bosom which may God grant to be the Case, and that speedily. 
 M rs . Bant joins me in the most respectful Regards to your Lady & self, & 
 grant me the freedom further to Subscribe myself with the greatest Sin 
 cerity, 
 
 Your ever Obliged and most ready & Obedient humble Servant 
 
 William Bant 1 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i8]. 
 
 147 
 
Boston October 19. 1776. 
 The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq re . 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I wrote you the 5 th . <($ M r . Taylor, and inclosed the Second Bill of 
 M r .Cushing s Draft of the 2 nd . Ins 1 , on you for 300.0.0 Since which I have 
 received your Letters of the 27 th . September and of the io th . Instant. I have 
 had the pleasure of a Visit from Col. Athearn, inclosed you have a Letter 
 from him, by which you will see that he has received of Cap* Kendrick (who 
 is gone on a Cruize against the Enemy) for your Account four Province 
 Notes, as they are called, amounting with the Interest due on them to 
 482..2..6. which he has paid to me. The Money for the Oil Bone Vessel 
 &c amounting he supposes to about 770.0.0 he will forward me immedi 
 ately upon his getting home, I expect to receive it in about three Weeks, he 
 tells me he has wrote you fully what prospect he has of selling the other 
 Vessells. M r . Harris, who has Coffin s Notes, called at my House last 
 Week, I was not in Town, I shall write to him by this days Post that I will 
 pay him in three Weeks. When I shall have received the above Money of 
 Col. Athearn, and Coffin s demand is paid, suppose shall have upwards of 
 500.0.0 in my hands. I observe your Orders, Sir, not to remit any more 
 Money to Philadelphia at present. I have purchased for you a hogshead of 
 choice Sugar, and am in treaty about a Cask of old Madeira. I observe in 
 your Letter of the io th . which I have just received that I may expect to see 
 Cap* Cazneau soon. You may depend upon my doing every thing in my 
 power to fullfill your expectations. I wish, Sir, for your particular Orders 
 about the Wharff as Cap*. Matchet says he has your express Orders for 
 what he does, and seems not very inclinable to give up his trust or settle 
 Accounts without your particular directions. As to the Cards, Captain 
 Cazneau bought them when I was confined in the Country, he had a hundred 
 Dollars of me for that purpose, and I did suppose he had given you an 
 Account of them, I do not know what they Cost, but will inquire and inform 
 you in my next. As to News, Sir, we have none that we can depend upon. 
 Foreign Affairs there is a thousand Reports about. Domestic matters 
 continue much as they did, our General Court is yet puzzling about a Consti 
 tution, I hear they are exceedingly divided. Our Town Matters begin to 
 wear a better face, many of the Inhabitants have lately returned; Our 
 Militia is getting into some Order, though it will be nothing Grand unless 
 it will be better Officered than formerly. All friends are well, M r . Burr 
 & Lady are here. In your last Letter I observe that your Town & State 
 are not to be favored with a Visit this Season, for my part I begin to fear, 
 if we are to wait untill you are at leisure before we see you here, that both 
 you and your Boy (for I suppose he cannot be parted with) will stay in 
 Philadelphia untill the War is ended, though I hope the young Gentleman 
 will in due time become more visible than he has lately been, or than M rs . 
 Bant supposes he is even now, unless the happy Genius of his Pappa has 
 push d him into place, rather sooner than he was expected, if so, I give 
 you Joy, Sir, and hope that Madam is comfortable. M rs . Bant is very 
 
 148 
 
anxious to know how it is with M rs . Hancock, and prays you Sir, to be so 
 kind as to give us a Serious account as soon as circumstances will permit : 
 She joins me in the most respectful Regards to you Sir, your Lady & Miss 
 Quincy, and believe me in particular to be worthy Sir 
 
 Your ever Obliged & most Obedient & most humble Servant 
 
 William Bant. 
 
 PS. I shall go to Salem on Monday with M r Sharp to take a view 
 of your Ship there. By my freinds here I find that several Letters for me 
 were sent to Philadelphia, which did not get there till after I left it ; shall 
 be much obliged if M r . Taylor when he goes to the Office would be so kind 
 as to inquire for them, and if they are there forward them to me. I will 
 pay him the Postage the first Opportunity. * 
 
 Boston October 21, 1776. 
 The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq r . 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I wrote you the 19 th . Since which I have made inquiry & find 
 that the Cards cost 72/cjj} doz. both sorts, the case 6/. I this day was told 
 that M r Saunders who lives in your House had, sometime past sold a 
 quantity of Tar that belonged to you. I ask d him about it, he says that 
 before the Troops left the Town there was about 30 full barrells of Tar in 
 one of the Stores, that he had often been told by the Soldiers that it would 
 certainly be seized for the King because it belonged to you he therefore 
 very prudently sold it for 10/8 cj$ barrell. The Money he has applied to 
 his own Support and says he will account with you for it, and also that 
 his Stock is almost out & he shall soon want more Money. Your Negro 
 Woman, Agnis, is in Town, and has desired me to mention to you that she 
 begs you would be so kind to her as to give her the Bed & Bedding that she 
 used while in your family, which is in your House. Nothing new has 
 turn d up, Sir, since my last except the Account of the Engagement on the 
 Lake, it is said our Men behaved gallantly. The new Arangement of the 
 Army engages the whole attention of the General Court and I hear by one 
 of the Members that they have resolv d to raise the Men s pay to 3. ^ 
 month if it is not done by the Grand Congress. I am exceeding happy to 
 hear that the Congress is about taking measures to prevent the further 
 undervaluing of their paper Currency by opening Loan Offices and giving 
 an Interest. Unless something is soon done to stop this growing Evil, it 
 will throw us into the greatest Confusion ; People here don t mind giving 
 the most extravagant prices for Goods and seem uneasy untill they have 
 exchanged their Oacum & Issinglass, as it is called, meaning the Conti 
 nental Money, for Articles which in their Opinion are of more sure worth. 
 This Conduct must have a fatal tendency in every department unless 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.ig]. 
 
 149 
 
Speedily prevented by some hew Measures that shall be sufficient to keep 
 up the Credit of the Currency to the full value. The General Court will 
 soon move to Town. All your friends, Sir, that is to say, every Man I 
 meet, are frequently inquiring after your health & wellfare, and since the 
 Report that there is a prospect of an important addition to your family I 
 have many questions ask d me, that are of a new & particular kind, as they 
 respect you, Sir, and more especially by the Ladies, I hope soon to be able 
 to answer them in a more positive stile than at present I am able to do. 
 M rs . Bant joins me as usual, in most respectful Regards to you, Sir, M rs . 
 Hancock and Miss Quincy. I am, more particularly, worthy Sir, Your 
 Ever Obliged & most Obedient & most humble Servant 
 
 William Bant. 1 
 
 Boston December 16. 1776 
 The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq r . 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I wrote you the 2 nd Ins*. Since which I have received 450. 
 Sterling of Deacon Smith for the Ship. You may remember, Sir, that I 
 wrote you I sold her for 475. Stg. When the Sails & Rigging were put 
 to the Masts & yards, a considerable part of the running Rigging was 
 missing, the Sails were in a much worse condition than I apprehended. 
 Some of her plank are rotten, her standing Rigging is not sound, the Cap 
 tain was obliged to borrow considerable Rigging to bring her here, many 
 of the Braces & small Ropes broke in the hands of the Sailors in working 
 the Ship, most of her small stores are lost, her mainmast must also come 
 out. Upon the whole the Ship was in so much worse Condition than M r 
 Smith apprehended that he began to talk of not taking her : But after a 
 good deal of Altercation I agreed to take 450 Stg. and represent the 
 matter to you and if you should think proper to make the abatement of the 
 remaining 25. Stg. it is to be allowed, if not, it is to be paid upon demand 
 and I took his note of hand for it accordingly. The Ship is dear to Deacon 
 Smith considering how Vessells are sold here at present, he might have 
 bought one much better found than yours for less money, however Sir in 
 common times I apprehend she would be thought a cheap Vessell at 
 ^475. Captain Cazneau in his late excursion Eastward rec d . of Dan 1 . 
 Bragdon of old York 24.67 Lawful Money and his Note of hand for the 
 ballance of his Account being 45,6.7 1/2. He also received of Nath 1 . 
 Allen Esq r of Dover 30 L M : and took his Note for 172.15.8. M r . 
 Allen was charged in his Account with some Hemp which was did before 
 he failed while he lived at Cape Ann, and he says you rec d . fair dividend 
 of his Effects and it was so settled, he gave his Note for the Ballance of 
 his Account except the Hemp. He received of Nath 1 . Wells of Wells his 
 Note of hand for 277.2.2. being the amount of his Account. Also of 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.2i]. 
 150 
 
Jeremiah Hill of Biddeford his Note for 9.3.6. and of John Wheelwright 
 of Wells his Note for 316.3.10. all upon Interest. Interest was charged 
 on all these Accounts after 9 Months from the delivery of the Goods. I 
 have let Cap 1 . Cazneau have 36.187. Since your Orders to supply him. 
 Inclosed you have a Letter from Cap*. Hood, I have let him have 84 L 
 Money, being near the amount of the Ship s Portledge Bill, and as I had 
 not your Orders so to do, I took his Note of hand for the Money, he was 
 so polite to you, Sir, as to threaten to stop the Ship if I refused to let him 
 have it. I have received 100. of M r John Winthrop who promises to 
 make payment of the whole of his debt in a short time. The M r . Brown, 
 I mentioned to you in a former Letter, as one of Scott s hands, is in such 
 necessitous circumstances that I have been persuaded to pay him. I wrote 
 you, Sir, in a former Letter that I had let your House that M r Penney 
 lately occupied, to M r Pierpont for Six Months on Condition that he would 
 thoroughly repair it, and he begun, cleaned the House, and he has done 
 many things about it, but the Fleet and Troops getting to Newport has so 
 intimidated M rs . Pierpont that she does not chuse to come into Town, and 
 he is sollicking to be off the bargain. M r . Thomas Cotton of Pomfret, 
 Administrator on the Estate of his Brother Samuel Cotton deceased, 
 which is largely in debt to you, sent to Town, by one of his Neighbours 
 143.7.5 3/4 as the second and last Average, as he calls it, that you will 
 receive, he brought a Certificate from the Register of Probate for that 
 District wherein your whole proportion is made 373.7.5 3/4. The above 
 sum of 143.7.5 3/4> together with 180 you received in Sep*. 1771, and 
 your Order upon the Administration in favor of David Force in December 
 following for 50, make up the Sum mentioned in the Register s Certifi 
 cates. I gave him a Receipt & rec d the Money. I am endeavoring Sir, 
 the Settlement of all your Accounts, those who cannot pay the Ballances 
 due I propose to take their Notes of hand on Interest. The foregoing 
 Sir, is a general State of your Affairs since my last, you may depend 
 upon my utmost endeavors to settle your accounts &c. in the best & speedi 
 est manner I shall be able. I shall [have] enough for Cazneau to do, he 
 has two Journies in Contemplation that will nigh be a Winter s Campaign 
 for him. All things remain in very good Order at the Mansion House, 
 Saunders & Spriggs take very good care of every thing intrusted them. 
 M rs . Campbell the Widow of your late Servant Campbell, is exceeding 
 importunate for money pretending that considerable is due to her for her 
 Husband s Wages, I have not paid her any, nor shall not without your 
 Orders. News, we have enough, Sir, and more than enough for we know 
 not what to rely on for truth, the Accounts we have lately had from the 
 Westward are daily contradictory, and we are held in a most disagreeable 
 suspence how Matters really are in your quarter. The Recruits for the 
 Army are marching daily, and most that go from this Quarter, are much 
 better Men taken in general, and are better Officered than have yet 
 engaged in the Warn I am without your favors Since Cap*. Cazneau 
 came. All freinds are well. Excuse haste Sir, and believe me to be with 
 
the greatest Zeal & Sincerity, very dear and worthy Sir, Your Ever 
 Obliged and most Obedient & most humble Servant 
 
 William Bant 
 
 P S. We hope that M rs . Hancock is well abed and has blessed you 
 with a fine Boy, if so M rs . Bant begs the favor of his Mama to give him a 
 thousand kisses of wellcome, and charge them to her Account. I just hear 
 that the Alfred Man of Warr is got in to Nantasket. 
 
 Cap*. Cazneau, this minute coming in, desires his most respectful 
 [ ] to you Sir, M rs . Hancock & your family. * 
 
 Thursday 
 
 Boston March 2O th . 1777 
 The Honorable John Hancock Esq r . 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I wrote you the 13 th . p r post and informed you of the proceed 
 ings of the Corporation. Tuesday the Board of Overseers mett. Doctor 
 Cooper tells me that your Letter to the Corporation was laid before them, 
 with information that I had delivered them the Bonds & c , sent by M r Hall. 
 After some Conversation they thought proper to choose a Committee upon 
 the Matter to report at their next Meeting (Tuesday next) the Commit 
 tee are M r . Greenleaf, M r . Phillips & M r . Dana of the Council, with M r . 
 -Gordon & M r . Lothrop of the Clergy. I suppose Sir, that Congress will 
 by this post have a particular Account of the Grand Supply of Arms 
 Powder Cloathing & c . received from France, I congratulate you Sir on 
 this event, and also on the very important Intelligence from that Quarter. 
 I have during the whole War hoped that we should not be conquered by 
 the Brute of Britain, I now begin to settle down into a sure and certain 
 hope that our Salvation draweth nigh. O Britain what has thou lost. 
 The last Evening we had the pleasure of seeing two fine Prizes safe 
 moored in our Harbour. One is the Royall George taken by Cap*. Stevens, 
 her Cargo was mentioned in last Weeks paper. The other is the Ship 
 taken by the Lady Washington Privateer, they were both carried into 
 Falmouth, and were ordered here. Your old freind Joshua Blanchard has 
 a 32 th in the Royall George Jos. Barrell has an 8 th , the remainder is owned 
 in Marblehead. I have received of Mess rs . Dutton Isham & Day 470, 
 since my last, they promise to pay their Ballance soon. The Town con 
 tinues in a most deplorable Condition with respect to Provisions, many 
 People cannot get a joint of fresh Meat once in a fortnight, and to make 
 the matter compleat our fishermen are as bad as the Country folks. The 
 Court are about remedying this Matter and I hope they will effect it. All 
 things stand well and in good Order at the Mansion House and around it, 
 
 1 From f he Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.23]. 
 152 
 
and I have a particular pleasure in hopeing soon to see it again in the actual 
 possession of it s right Owner. M rs . Bant joins me in most respectful 
 Regards to you, Sir, M rs Hancock & Miss Quincy. 
 
 I continue dear Sir, with the most unreserved Offers of Service Your 
 greatly Obliged most Obedient & most humble Serv 1 
 
 William Bant * 
 
 it- " 
 
 THE "RAISING OF BILLS OF CREDIT, 
 
 1776. 
 
 Confessions of James Roby. 
 
 I James Roby of Hollis in the county of Hillsborough, now a prisoner 
 in Salem goal, do of my own free will, without any compulsion, confess 
 & declare, that I have repeatedly altered the bills of credit of the colonies 
 of New-Hampshire & Rhode Island, increasing the denomination of such 
 bills, particularly to forty shillings, thirty shillings, twenty shillings, & 
 once to ten shillings ; & two three shilling bills I altered making each of 
 them three pounds, one of which I passed to M rs . Higginson in Salem 
 together with another false three pound bill which I received of Joseph 
 Kelley of Nottingham West, in the said county of Hillsborough gentle 
 man. - The aforementioned bills by me altered I also passed away, ex 
 cept such as were refused to be taken, & the ten shilling bill which I think 
 said Kelley took to pass away. 
 
 I also declare that Samuel Britton, (who has been for some time past 
 roving about the country, & whose last residence that I have heard of is 
 at Tewksbury) Joseph Kelley aforenamed, & Thomas Cummings of Hollis 
 aforesaid yeoman, have in my presence altered and put off the bills of 
 New-Hampshire and Rhode Island, increasing their denomination, and 
 making them into forty, thirty, & twenty shillings. Said Kelley I have 
 also seen alter two eighty penny bills of Massachusetts-Bay making each 
 of them eight shillings. Said Cummings did in my presence at Hollis 
 aforesaid, in June last, put off two false and altered bills to M r . Green- 
 leaf a merchant or shop-keeper in Hollis, one of said two bills was altered 
 to thirty shillings the other to ten shillings, & said Cummings I think al 
 tered both in my presence he told me he altered both. I also saw said 
 Kelley pass a Rhode Island six penny bill, which he before told me he 
 had altered to six shillings, to a tavern keeper in the center of the town 
 of Haverhill, whose name I understand is Greenleaf. I saw said Kelley 
 put off a false twenty shilling bill at a tavern keeper s in the way between 
 Haverhill & Newbury, his name I don t know, a young woman received it. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.26]. 
 
 153 
 
I saw said Britton put off a false Rhode Island twenty shilling bill to one 
 Bowers a tavern-keeper in Billerica, which bill I saw said Britton alter at 
 a tavern situated at a point between two roads, in the way between Cam 
 bridge & Watertown. Said Kelley told me that he had altered bills for 
 Samuel Danforth of Tewksbury in the county of Middlesex yeoman, & 
 that said Danforth put them off. I saw Thomas Senter of London Derry 
 in the county of Rockingham in New-Hampshire yeoman, put off a false 
 forty shilling bill to a merchant in Cambridge, which bill he said Thomas 
 told me he & his brother Samuel Senter of said London Derry yeoman 
 altered from fourteen shillings. I also at the same time altered for said 
 Thomas a twelve shilling bill, making it twenty shillings. Not long since 
 I also delivered to said Thomas Senter two false forty shilling bills which 
 I altered, & if he passed them he was to give me one half ; but I have not 
 seen him since. Said Samuel also told me that he altered bills & gave them 
 to his said brother Thomas to put off. He said Samuel also shewed me a 
 New-Hampshire bill of one shilling & six pence which he said he had 
 altered & made nine shillings and six pence. 
 
 Said Kelley since the last spring repeatedly told me that there was a 
 press in Salem for counterfeiting Rhode Island money, & that he should 
 have a quantity of it. Said Samuel Danforth also told me there was such 
 a press in Salem, & that he was to have some of the money there counter 
 feited, thro Kelley. Said Samuel Senter also told me the same thing, 
 and that his uncle James Taylor of Merrimack in New-Hampshire was 
 to have a share of said forged money, & if he had that he said Samuel was 
 to have some of his said uncle, to whom he said he had lent seventy dollars 
 to be applied towards setting up said press. Said Samuel also told me 
 that his said uncle had sold his farm at a place called Pine Hill in Hollis 
 aforesaid, that in case people should take notice of his having a good 
 deal of money, it might in that way be accounted for. Said Thomas 
 Cummings also told me that he passed a false six pound bill, to a hatter 
 in Boston which I think he said Cummings told me he altered from six 
 pence; also that Daniel Farnsworth of Groton in Middlesex county was 
 present when he passed it ; and that he rec d . for said bill a hat valued at 
 forty shillings, an eight dollar continental bill, and a guinea. 
 
 Dated in the Goal at Salem the fifth day of August 1776. 
 
 James Roby 
 
 Essex ss. The foregoing confession of James Roby was made before me 
 the day & year above written. Tim. Pickering jun r . Justice of the Peace 
 
 The further confession of James Roby. 
 
 I James Roby, now a prisoner in Salem goal, do of my own free will 
 confess and declare that I have at divers times since the last spring in 
 formed John Holland of Amherst in the county of Hillsboro gentleman, 
 that I altered the bills of credit of some of the New England Colonies or 
 States, that are now & were then current, & twice shewn him bills so al 
 tered, by increasing their denomination ; & often asked him to pass them, 
 
 154 
 
but he always refused, saying he could live without it, & that they (mean 
 ing the people at & about Amherst) had such a spite against him, that if 
 he should be found out, they would kill him ; and once added "and damn 
 it, it does not look honest." He was never present when I passed any false 
 bills. Afterwards I was once present with said Holland at the house of 
 Samuel Cummings Esq r . of Hollis, where said Holland was then unwell; 
 and I then & there altered divers of bills of credit now current, and said 
 Holland came to the table & said he would try if he could alter them, & 
 took two words, cut out of a book to scrape them thin, in order to paste 
 on to the bills, & I told him how to go to work ; he scraped them a little 
 while, and returned them to me, saying, I cannot work in paper as you 
 can ; and then laid down on the bed & laughed, & said "this is a droll way 
 of making money". - - Some time after this said Holland told me he had 
 tried to alter a bill, & pulled it out & shewed it to me : I told him he did 
 not know how to work very well : I know it, says he ; & then twisted the 
 bill up & said he would destroy it ; and I swear, says he, I will never alter 
 another. This I think was a Rhode-Island bill, & altered from two to ten 
 shillings. 
 
 James Roby 
 
 Essex ss. August 29. 1776. The aforegoing confession was made before 
 me, Timothy Pickering jun r . Jus. o Peace. 
 
 NB. S d . Robie recognized in Court at Salem Feb^ 4. 1777 in the Sum of 
 50. for his appear 06 at next Term to answer for the above offence. 1 
 
 HENRY KNOX. 
 
 Henry Knox to Henry Jackson. 
 
 Camp Bucks-County 2O th Aug* 1777 
 my Dear friend 
 
 I received yours of the 7 th instant, and am much diverted at the 
 ridiculous exhibition of the money makers on the suppos d appearance of 
 the enemy in the Bay. poor devils, they are very like to the hardned 
 Sinner who never thinks of death untill he Seizes him & then alls horrror 
 and confusion. 
 
 I am shock d at your representation of the want of patriotism, and 
 am willing to beleeive the warmth of my friends Ideas has led him to 
 draw conclusions, which a dispassionate survey would not warrant 
 My God is it possible that the people who two years ago were the fore- 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Chazn.F.2.i7]. The document is 
 in the writing of Timothy Pickering. 
 
 155 
 
most in the noble cause of Liberty should now shrink from the appear 
 ance of an enemy ? - - after having suf f er d and brav d danger in a man 
 ner that would have given additional Splendor to a roman, to meanly 
 shrink from an enemy, who in many points of view is laughable - - tis 
 too much. 
 
 I am also surpriz d and shock d at the supiness shewn by the New 
 England States on the untoward situation of our affairs at the north 
 ward - The people in the southern states exclaim loudly at their non- 
 exertions at the time when they are so much wanted - - I know the offi 
 cers in that Department has been the objection, but that is remov d. 
 Burgoynes temerity opens wide the door for his destruction, and it will 
 be an eternal disgrace to the New Engand Colonies if it is not accom- 
 plish d. 
 
 What avails idle excuses at this time, such as "my business will not 
 permit me to go" - "my wife expects to lye in" - "I shall lose a very 
 good bargain" those people who make them are ripe for Slavery and I 
 shall hope to have in my power to put them in to some mines for the ser 
 vice of the public wretches who refuse to exert and expose themselves 
 a little, that they & they [their] posterity may enjoy all the felicities & 
 blessings of Liberty I maintain it that America is not safe untill the 
 delegates of the people have power to Coerce the Lazy Disobedient and 
 refractory at times of such imminent danger, all the people ought as 
 one man turn out and save themselves from Slavery the time will come 
 or thefy] must submit to be made the tools of an inveterate enemy. It is 
 reported that M r Howe has gone to South Carolina which I shall be in- 
 clin d to beleive except You know more of him at the time you shall re 
 ceive this than I do. I am afraid the fear of the City of Philadelphia has 
 led us into a snare time will shew how this is I believe their fear 
 will subside and some vigorous measures take place in its room The 
 General has repeatedly written to the State respecting your Regiments & 
 if they will not exert thems [elves] it shews the weakness of the Govern 
 ment indeed it has been my opinion for a long time that the representa 
 tives themselves by doubting their own power, has communicated their 
 doubts to their constituents who have refusd to Obey the impotence 
 of a Resolve had a contrary conduct been resolv d upon all the Regi 
 ments would have been completed by this time 
 
 I am my dear Harry 
 Your very affectionate friend 
 H. Knox 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.7.84]. 
 
 156 
 
NATHANIEL APPLETON. 
 
 Nathaniel Appleton to Lovell. 
 
 Boston April 28 th . 1778 
 
 Dear S r : Notwithstanding I have neglected so long to acknowlege your 
 favours 14 th . Ult. inclosing M r Amory 8 . Letter, yet be assured it is with 
 the greatest pleasure that I receive a Line from my much respected Friend 
 Lovell whose suffering, & exertions for the Rights & Liberties of his 
 Country intitle Him to the greatest respect, pardon me I had most for 
 gotten who I was writing to 
 
 The Letter you inclosed me is very similar to the Account he gave me 
 of the matter while here, I believe it was in M r . A s . power to give such a 
 colouring to the manner in which he took the Oath, as would have put him 
 into the Class of Duress, but M r . A came hot from the glare of British 
 power & could not suddenly bring himself to conceive the same reverence 
 due to his own Countrymen, could not realize us Independant States, & 
 so dare not in any respect vitiate his Denizenship with them, he put on a 
 firmness to counteract the softer passions, while here, that he seems to 
 have abated something of in his Letter to you. you know Johny is sud 
 den in his determinations, he did not meet at first with that reception he 
 expected, & suddenly determined not to attempt an accomodation in his 
 embarrass d circumstances, which in my opinion shew more obstinacy than 
 good judgement considering the peculiar situation of his family M r . A 
 & many others may be compared to the Boys & Frogs in the Fable, as to 
 their former conduct it might be only funn & sport with them to pelt & 
 laugh but its effects if not suddenly quashed would have been death to us 
 or the great serious Cause in which we were engaged ; I am heartily sorry 
 that M r . A has fallen into this predicament, he certainly has many virtues 
 for which I esteem him & had it not been for his connections he might 
 now have been a vauable member of this Community I shew the Letter 
 to Mr. S. A. agreable to your desire, whose opinion I need not mention 
 as this goes by him who you will doubtless be glad to see. we are sorry 
 to have him leave the Town but think it proper he should be active in a 
 more import [ant] sphere at this most important time - - I congratulate 
 you on the great & very seasonable News from Europe it gives new spring 
 to all the true Independants, which I trust, are this way, Vastly the ma 
 jority, I sincerely pray the Fountain of all Wisdom & Goodness to direct 
 the Congress at this time when our Enemies are about to try to accomplish 
 that by artifice which they cannot by force, it was always said of Britain 
 tho she beat in field, but was beat in the Negotiations with France, now 
 if we can beat them in both, we shall attract the admiration of all the 
 World, oh the pittyfull shifts they are put to to send over an half begotten 
 illbegotten Hemorphridite which is neither male or female Dependant or 
 Independent not yet born, yet sent across the Atlantic to accomplish more 
 
 157 
 
than 60,000 men could do, oh ! strange but where am I rambling to, it 
 grows late just a word about home, I saw M rs . Lovell Sunday well, 
 am sorry for your loss have not heard a word from M r . Walker for 
 many months he has never wrote from Camp. Balch is up in the Woods 
 making Hats & Hay, my family are all well, my Office constantly engages 
 me tho to little proffit, M r . Adams will shew you my thoughts upon that 
 subject money scarce, all sorts of goods fall tho home produce 
 slowest 
 
 Your sincere Friend, N. Appleton * 
 
 WILLIAM DONNISON. 
 
 William Donnison to Dzvight Foster. 
 
 Boston July 2O th . 1779. 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Altho you require but a single line, in return, yet I will burthen you 
 with many, notwithstanding the whole matter herein contain d might be 
 comprized within that restriction You seem to fancy that it is the 
 determination of the Enemy to carry on the Extremes of War, if so, how 
 is it in our power to retalliate, by destroying our own Cities and Villages ? 
 We are not capable of carrying the war over the atlantic, therefore in that 
 respect they have the superior advantage, their fleet commands our Coasts 
 and thereby accessable to their troops, we are wholly expos d and they in 
 safety, this Metropolis may be taken at any time with 3 ships of the Line 
 and 5,000 troops and further more, the half of the people wish their 
 coming. We have just rec d . an Account from Gen 1 . Gates of the Reduc 
 tion of a fort on the north river, but the people know the credulous dis 
 position of the Gen 1 , so well that they place no confidence in any Account 
 he may transmit hither. 
 
 Our fleet Saild three days since, they are to touch at N Hampshire 
 to recieve troops, to take under convoy some more transports and be joiml 
 by some Ships of War and then proceed to the seat of opperation, their 
 force consists of I frigate 10 Ships of 20 Guns & upwards, 10 Brigs & 
 I Sloop of 12 Guns & upwards, land force uncertain - - believe to be 
 about 2500 - must quit one lawyer to have to do with another I have a 
 case depending at Court and must attend. I had rather have to do with 
 the - - than with a Lawyer in their way of business. Am with friend 
 ship and respect Y r Hble Serv*. 
 
 William Donnison 2 
 Dwight Foster Esq r . 
 
 Providence. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.2g]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.3o]. 
 
 158 
 
BOUNTIES TO SOLDIERS 
 
 AND THE DEPRECIATION OF THE 
 
 CONTINENTAL CURRENCY, 
 
 1780. 
 
 To the Honorable Council and House of Representatives in General 
 Court assembled May it please your Honors. 
 
 The Committee from the Massach. line of the Army would have been 
 perticularly happy to have had it in their power to inform this Honorable 
 Court at their first meeting that the Business on which they were sent was 
 accomplished in such a manner as to have done that Justice to the Army 
 which they had a right to expect not only from their long and patient ser 
 vices under every disadvantage which could possibly attend them but also 
 from the liberal promises made them by this State. Yet we feel a con 
 sciousness that no exertions of ours have been wanting to accomplish this 
 desireable purpose and that we have strained no point beyond the line 
 of Justice and equity. 
 
 Previous to the last adjournment of the Court we presented a me 
 morial wherein we pointed out the reason which then Occured why Town 
 Bounties and private hire should not be Considered in the present Settle 
 ment. In addition to those reasons we would beg leave further to observe 
 that the Resolve of Court passed last session which excluded those Boun 
 ties being published by authority in General Orders was made use of as an 
 inducement for the Men to reingage in the service. A very considerable 
 number therefore viewing the matter upon that Generous scale and being 
 fully convinced that the State was determined they should not suffer by 
 the depreciation of the Currency reinlisted upon those considerations. 
 
 Should these Bounties now be deducted and the soldiers who have 
 reinlisted be deprived of that consideration which they considered them 
 selves entitled to from the publication of a resolve we fear it would in 
 some measure destroy that confidence which they ought to place in the 
 faith of the Publick and will be attended with disagreeable consequences 
 in the Recruiting service. On this head we would further observe that 
 the principal part of those bounties were given to men who engaged late 
 in the year 1777 and in 78 after the Currency had depreciated very con 
 siderably and we find by Calculation that those sums received from Towns 
 Added to the State and Continental Bounties are not much more valuable 
 than the state and Continental Bounties alone were to those who Inlisted 
 in the beginning of the year 1777. 
 
 159 
 
Considering the matter therefore in this point of view those principles 
 of equal Justice which we are perswaded influenced the Court in their 
 last determination with regard to Town Bounties will be destroyed unless 
 the Depreciation is made good in the Continental and State Bounties at 
 the time of inlistments, and the Situation of those soldiers who inlisted 
 late will by no means be so advantageous as those who first inlisted with 
 out a Town Bounty. 
 
 Another Difficulty has arisen in the Course of the business which we 
 conceive (?) we had little reason to expect and that is the manner of 
 valueing the Pay we have receiv d from the Continent. We cannot recon 
 cile it to any principles of Justice and Equity to consider this pay more 
 valuable than it was when the Army receiv d it from the publick. For 
 had the payment been delay d these three years past and the Army receiv d 
 no part of their pay till the present time we cannot Immagine that this 
 Honorable Court would in that case thought it Just or reasonable to charge 
 the Army with the full sum their pay would amount to if valued by the 
 rate of Depreciation settled for each month during the whole time when in 
 fact it would not be worth more than one eighth part of that sum. 
 
 As the Currency has been continually varying and for the most part 
 rapidly Depreciating we cannot concieve any other possible method of 
 stamping the true value upon the wages received than by the rate of 
 Depreciation at the time when the General Payments were made. 
 
 We are fully persuaded the design of the Resolve which promised to 
 make the Army good was to indemnify them for every loss they had sus 
 tained on account of the Depreciation of the Currency. And it is evident 
 this design will be frusterated if their Continental pay is valued by the 
 rate of depreciation any number of months before it was received by the 
 Army from the Publick and the value will appear proportionably greater 
 as the Depreciation was less at that time when the payments were made 
 and this loss ocation d by the Depreciation from the time it was valued to 
 the time of payment wil not be made good. 
 
 We were intitled by a Resolve of Congress to our pay at the Close of 
 each month and if the Depreciation of the pay is not made good from the 
 time it became due to the time the different payments were made by the 
 publick we find by calculation it will deprive us of a considerable part of 
 what would be otherwise due on account of the Depreciation of the Cur 
 rency. And as it was no fault of the Army that the payments were not 
 punctually made we cannot concieve that this Honorable Court will think 
 it consistant with reason and Justice that they and they only should suffer 
 the loss occationed by that delay especially as the Publick were in some 
 measure benefitted by the measure seeing it kept the sums due to the Army 
 out of Circulation during the periods they were deprived of it. 
 
 But perhaps it may be objected that it was not the fault of this State 
 that the payments were not punctual; but of Congress. In answer to 
 which we would observe tho far from attributing any design of injustice 
 tc them yet as the Currency was emitted by the authority of Congress and 
 was distributed by their directions consequently the whole of the Depre 
 ciation was owing to them and not to this state any farther than this State 
 
 160 
 
makes a part of the Continent. So that the Objection of making good any 
 part will equally apply as to making good the depreciation from the time 
 that the pay became due until the General payments were made. 
 
 But as Congress have reffered the matter to the several States to 
 make good the losses their respective Quota s of the Army have sustained 
 on account of the depreciation of the Currency we would therefore submit 
 to this Honorable Court whether this matter does not fall within their 
 province as we conceive neither the Recommendation of Congress or the 
 Resolve of the State wherein they engage to make good the wages of the 
 establishment of Congress will be fully complied with unless we are in 
 demnified for every Disadvantage sustain d by the Depreciation. 
 
 We have been more perticular on this head as it is a Claim the Com 
 mittee of Court did not consider at liberty by any Resolve to admit though 
 sensible at the same time that our pay wil not otherwise be made good and 
 it will establish a precedent by which in case of appreciation of the Cur 
 rency the State will in future receive an advantage tho the Army will 
 have no more than Justice done them in case of Depreciation. 
 
 We have the Honor to be 
 March 9 th 1780 [No signatures.] 
 
 SAMUEL COLEMAN. 
 
 Samuel Coleman to Dwight Foster. 
 
 Park of Artillery Near Morris-Town 
 
 March 19 th . 1780. 
 Dear Foster, 
 
 Previous to my departure from Windsor I had for several Weeks, 
 in vain visited the Post-office in Hartford for a Letter from my friend. 
 A mortifying disappointment was what I always met with; I will, how 
 ever, rather impute it to the severity of the Weather which no doubt pre 
 vented the Post from performing his duty, than any neglect in You. This 
 is a conclusion which perhaps my Pride has as great a share in as my 
 friendly disposition towards you: but this is only a conjecture of mine; 
 you may probably determine aright on the matter. Why I have not wrote 
 you before now since my leaving Connecticut is owing to the unsettled 
 state in which I have ever since been. The 12 th . January I left Windsor & 
 after suffering eight days violent fatigue & very severe cold I arrived at 
 Morris-Town where, the fatigue and cold I had suffered in the journey in 
 conjunction with the old disorder which I have not yet got rid of, after 
 eight or ten Days, made it necessary for me to take up my Quarters within 
 the Viscinage of the general Hospital near Pluckemin, where I have con 
 tinued ever since till within this day or two, but am now happily settled 
 
 161 
 
in Camp tho not quite so well as I could wish, yet I hope in a fair way for 
 a perfect recovery. 
 
 The good News of importance in this quarter is an account of the 
 present favourable situation of affairs in Ireland the particulars of which 
 you no doubt have been & are now happy in the knowledge of. There is 
 also a prospect of settling a Cartel for the general exchange of Prisoners, 
 a circumstance I am happy in reflecting on as it will be the means of re 
 storing some of our most valuable Officers to the generous use of their 
 sword in behalf of their injured Country. There is many various conjec 
 tures respecting what may turn up during the course of the ensuing Cam 
 paign here ; Some very sanguinely flatter themselves with an early cessa 
 tion of Arms by a general pascification. This however distant is most 
 devoutly to be wished on our part that some effectual remedies may be 
 applied to the many disorders too apparrent, from the present disposition 
 of our People, in our Constitution. A considerable revolution must take 
 place : The want of Public Virtue, or perhaps the designs of the intrigu 
 ing part of the Community, will make it inevitable. Postponing the regu 
 lation of Prices have given an additional stab to the Currency of which 
 it will be with difficulty recovered and no doubt but something or other 
 will constantly be apply d as a cure which will produce effects diametrically 
 opposite ; in short I am out of all hopes that it will ever be restored to its 
 much wanted vigour. 
 
 The Provision issued to our Brigade is but very barely sufficient to 
 support it, what remains of it is, however, pretty well cloathed, which I 
 believe is the situation of the Army in general & I might add as is cust- 
 tomary they are in pretty good spirits ; This in part may be true, but it is 
 as certain that great part of the Pennsylvania Line is very much discon 
 tented from a dispute between the Officers and soldiers respecting the in- 
 listments of the latter, many of whom contend they were listed but for 
 three years while their Officers insist on their being inlisted during the 
 War. This dispute caused such frequent desertions while those troops 
 were on Command on the Lines, that it was thought expedient to man the 
 Line with the Troops from Connecticut alone. 
 
 I shall conclude with again requesting you to pursue the subject of 
 your first favour to me since my departure from Providence, which is all 
 I have had the pleasure of receiving from my Friend Foster. I have re 
 quested to be remembered to all my Acquaintance in a Letter to Joseph 
 Rogers which accompanies this from your sincerely 
 
 Affectionate friend 
 
 Sam Coleman 
 Dwight Foster, Esq . 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.32]. 
 162 
 
OLIVER WOLCOTT. 
 
 Oliver Wolcott to Topping Reeve. 
 
 Philadelp 3 . 16 Jan r y. 1781. 
 Sir 
 
 The unhappy Disturbance in the Pensylvania Line is quieted 
 Many of them are Discharged especially such as claimed to be dis 
 missed as they had inlisted for three years or during the War. This 
 Ambiguous Inlistment has been the occasion of much Difficulty be 
 sides this the State hired Men lately at the Incampment of the Line 
 to inlist during the War by a Bounty of Nine pounds in Specie 
 These Circumstances attending such as have been common to the other 
 Lines, Viz. the Want of Pay and proper supplies, seems to have been 
 the principal Causes of the late Disturbance. The Line discovered 
 their abhorrence of entering into the British Service by their rejecting 
 Very alluring Offers and by their delivering up to be executed the 
 Comissarys Sent out by the British Commander to Seduce them from 
 their Allegiance. 
 
 Every Principle of Justice as well as Prudence dictate the Neces 
 sity of paying the Army And Congress have called again upon the 
 States to enable them to Effect it. To Pay and Provide for the Army 
 ought certainly to be the primary Objects in every deliberative 
 Council. 
 
 You will Perceive by the enclosed Paper that the Enemy have 
 begun to Ravage Virginia We have no very late News Southward 
 of that State But what you will probably see in your own Papers. 
 The general State of affairs in Carolina and Georgia seems to be 
 that the Enemy are exercising the greatest Severity upon the Inhabi 
 tants And that the People especially in the Northern Parts of those 
 States, are taking every Opportunity in which they are frequently 
 successful, to repel the Violence. 
 
 We have no very late Intelligence from Europe. 
 
 The New Money of this State is but just coming out so that it 
 cannot yet be Said, what will be the Degree of Credit which it will 
 obtain But it will soon be in Circulation, whether the Tender Act 
 of this State will Accelerate the Circulation, cannot now be ascer 
 tained 
 
 I receive no Letters from Litchfield Whether the Want of 
 Opportunity to Write or the Apprehension of Letters miscarrying 
 
prevent, my having them I cannot say Altho I think that Letters 
 will come by the Post with tolerable Safety - - My best Compliments 
 to Mrs. Reeve who I hope enjoys better Health I am Sir 
 
 With much Regard 
 
 Your most Obed. Serv* 
 
 Oliver Wolcott 
 Tapping Reeve Esq :* 
 
 RICHARD HENRY LEE. 
 
 Richard Henry Lee to Arthur Lee. 
 
 Epping Forest May 13, 1781. 
 My dear Brother. 
 
 You may observe from the place from whence I write that Chan- 
 tilly is no longer our place of residence. Since you left us we have 
 been taught to expect, and we have been vigorously preparing to 
 receive properly on Potomac the hostile visit that has lately done so 
 much damage upon James river. It seems more than probable that 
 the enemy intended here after they had burnt most of the great 
 Warehouses on James river, because they had descended as low as 
 James Town, when meeting with dispatch vessels from below they 
 returned with great quickness up to Hoods, landed, and proceeded 
 southward the Marquis crossed James river and pursuing them, 
 they have turned about and have again approached James river, that 
 of Appomattox being between them&the Marquis who cannot cross 
 the latter river without putting it in the power of the enemy to push 
 up James River & destroy Richmond before he could recross Appa- 
 mattox and arrive to prevent them this is the cruel mischief that 
 attends our want of marine force with a tenth of our land power 
 they can baffle and injure us most essentially having the command of 
 the water. At this moment, if their water force in James river was 
 put into our hands, their Army would be so likewise in a few days 
 We understand that Cornwallis is at Hallifax in N. Carolina looking 
 this way that Gen. Green has given a capital defeat to Lord Rodden 
 [Rawdon] near Cambden, and that our affairs in the South wear a 
 good aspect Can we not get a fleet to come here, it will produce 
 most salutary consequences. Have Congress seen the very artful and 
 dangerous proclamation lately published by Arbuthnot & Clinton? 
 It is published at N. York the 29 th of december and is now most 
 diligently circulating in these Southern States, whilst we have no 
 Press & no means of counteracting its malignity Surely Congress 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts 
 164 
 
will publish such an answer as it easily admits of and cause a suffi 
 ciency of Hand bills to be printed for dispersion, especially in these 
 southern parts where a want of Presses renders us in a great measure 
 a prey to such artifices as this proclamation I think that no time 
 is to be lost in doing this I inclose you now an accurate list of my 
 Tickets in the 4 th class of the Cont 1 . Lottery I find that there is one 
 Ticket more than I had in the third class and of a number different 
 from any that I had in that Class. It was among the numbers! of 
 those Tickets that my most worthy friend D r , Shippen the elder sent 
 me when you came to Virginia the number is 13, 687 and it may be one 
 of his own Tickets sent me by mistake Speak to him on the subject 
 & let him know that the Ticket is here with me Be so kind as to 
 inform me of the fate of my Tickets and get me the pamphlet 
 commonly published by the Managers after every Lottery shewing 
 the fate of all Tickets Pray bestir yourself, get us a french fleet 
 here, and a good answer to this insidious proclamation God bless 
 you and make you as happy as I wish you to be Our love to fourth 
 Street & my respects to my old Whig friends in Congress 
 Unalterably yours 
 
 Richard Henry Lee. 1 
 
 I hope M r Izard is well recovered from his illness it will make me 
 happy to know it. 
 
 ABIEL FOSTER. 
 
 Abiel Foster to M. Weare. 
 
 Princeton 23 d . October 1783. 
 Sir. 
 
 I enclose a Copy of a Resolution of Congress for a second foederal 
 Town on the Potomack, at, or near George Town; and for adjourning 
 Congress to meet at Anapolis, on the twenty Sixth of November next. 
 The reasons of this resolution were, the uneasiness of the southern Deli- 
 gates at fixing the residence on the Delaware, at, or near the falls above 
 Trenton; and the apprehensions of the Northern States, that no other 
 measures would prove effectual to prevent the return of Congrdss to 
 Philadelphia, for a temporary residence. 
 
 An authenticated Copy of the provisional Articles, and of the rati 
 fication of the same by Congress, is ordered to be transmitted to the 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. E.g.i6] On the back of 
 this letter are some memoranda in the writing of Arthur Lee. 
 
 165 
 
respective States: the desine is, that they may take no measures incon 
 sistent with those Articles & which would render the fulfilment thereof 
 impracticable. The Articles themselves do not seem sufficiently explicit. 
 A question may arise, at what period are they to take place in America? 
 Whither on the cessation of hostilities in consequence of the proclamation 
 (which was no part of the preliminary Articles) or on the ratification 
 of those Articles in America, or not untill the ratification of the difini- 
 tive Treaty, in which the provisional Articles are to be inserted and to 
 constitute part thereof. While we are waiting for the definitive Treaty 
 (which will I hope remove these difficulties) every State will do well 
 to judge in the best manner they can, on the sense of the provisional 
 Articles, and endeavor to do nothing inconsistent with what is therein 
 stipulated on the part of the United States. 
 
 I have the Hon r . to be with great respect and esteem your Hon rs . 
 very humble & most Obed 1 Serv*. 
 
 Abiel Foster. 
 Hon ble M. Weare Esquire. 1 
 
 JOSHUA BARNEY. 
 
 Captain Joshua Barney to Robert Lewis. 
 
 Baltimore Aug*. 9 th 1789 
 Dear Lewis, 
 
 last night the appointments arrived, and you can easily guess 
 my situation on finding R. P. preferr d to me, a man who never rendered 
 services to his Country, nor a branch of his family, whilst I served it faith 
 fully for nine years, and suffered every thing man could suffer, nor have 
 I ever yet had a settlement from the public, they now Owe me more than 
 I ever rec d which I paid out of my pocket but why need I now com 
 plain, it is over, and I must make the best of it, if recommendations had 
 been necessary, there is not a Merchant in this town but would have given 
 it, but I built too much on my own merit I find there is no likelyhood 
 of an arrangement in the Navy taking place, and if it did, I could not 
 receive any appointment that would support my large family - - then 
 what it to be done. Alas! I must leave this Country, and try a more 
 Hospitable clime, this my dear Lewis is a cruel thought, for I must 
 leave behind me, all my family and at the same time quit a Country 
 that I so often have risked my life for; and is the place of my Nativity, 
 but my family calls for my Assistance, and something must be done 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.4o]. 
 166 
 
write my dear friend, and give me your advice on this serious business, 
 for alas, I do not know how to turn myself, and if I go, it must be to join 
 some power at War, and god knows I have had enough of that already 
 for the Satisfaction I have received but I do not complain, of that dear, 
 good man our president, he has done it for the best it is only my 
 misfortune but if I once go, I never will see this Country again, that 
 shall be my Country, that gives most for my Services O Lewis, if I 
 was single, and had not a young family round me, I could smile on all 
 the tricks that fortune could play me but it is far otherwise. I have 
 three Boys and a Girl the Boys I hope will be an acquisition to any 
 Country, but they shall share their fortune with their father present 
 my dear Lewis, my best respects to that most amiable of Women, M rs . 
 Washington] to Col. Humphreys M r Lear & our little travellers, 
 Washington & Nelly and pray indulge me by return of post with a 
 line, tell me how things go on, and your advice on the subject already 
 mentioned, heaven s bless you, my friend and keep you from feeling 
 these sensations that now dwell in the breast of him that wishes ever to 
 be ranked among your friends 
 
 Joshua Barney 
 
 can you Obtain, and send me the Bill of the Judiciary as sent by 
 the Senate to the other House M r J. Henry will frank it for me. 1 
 Robert Lewis Esq r . 
 
 at the President s of the U. S. 
 New York. 
 
 HENRY BATES. 
 
 Henry Bates to Ephraim Fresco tt & Co. 
 
 Burmudas Aug 4 20 1795. 
 D Sir. 
 
 This is to inform you I saild from marigalantee the 27 th of July 
 & on the 7 th of August being in Latt 32-07 & Long 60-10 was capturd 
 by a Bermidian Privateer Sloop mounting 3 Carage Guns, Josiah Basden 
 master, & brought into this port, & Schooner & Cargo is Libeld & to be 
 tried in their Court of Admirality & will be condemd without the least 
 doubt as they consider the Windward French Islands to be in a State of 
 Blockade. Which is not the case, as the British Forces is withdrawn 
 from them Islands 2 weeks before I arived there. By the advice of all 
 the Americans at this place & the American Attorney I think I shall 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.4o]. 
 
 167 
 
claim the Property & stand tryal in order to have the Priviledge of apeai- 
 ing to the Court of Britain hereafter, if you should think proper. I have 
 consulted all the principal men at this place that is Friends to the Ameri 
 cans & they are of opinion that the French Islands will not be considerd 
 as Blockaded in the Court of Britain when there is no forces there at 
 Sea nor on shore. I think it will be 40 Days from this date before I shall 
 be able to leave this Cursed place, as I judge from the detention of other 
 vessels, & the Expence of the Business will be 5 or 600 Dollars. Which 
 money I can be supplied with by Cap 1 Barr of Salem & shall draw a Bill 
 on my owners for the same. I am in Hopes to Bye the Schooner for 
 you again for 4 or 500 Dollars. I shall keep my mate & one man untill 
 the vessel is condemd & then to git one more man at this place, which 
 will be suffitient to bring the Schooner home. There is 15 Sail of 
 Americans at this port, But not one in the same Situation as myself, for 
 the most of them have Letters from their owners How to proceed in 
 thier Business. But it will be impossable for me to git any directions 
 from any of you before my tryal comes on. In which case it Renders 
 my Situation very disagreeable for Fear I should Act in any Point that 
 would not terminate for the Benefit of my owners. I shall however do 
 everything that is in my Power. At the same time I suppose all I can 
 say or do will not avail nothing, for this is a place where justice is not to 
 be found. I shall have opportunities to write often & hope I shall hear 
 from you. My Vessel is carried 15 miles in to the Country & I am 
 obligd to take Lodgings in Town where my Expences is Extravagant. 
 I should not have Room to tell you how many Insults we americans are 
 obliged to submitt to at this place from your hum le Serv*. 
 
 signd Henry Bates 
 The foregoing is a true Copy, 
 attest Eph m Prescott 
 
 Benj. Wheeler. 
 
 ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 From Andrew Jackson to . 
 
 Philadelphia February 24 th . 1797 
 Sir 
 
 Your letter of the 29 th ultimo, Came Safe to hand this morning, and 
 is now before me 
 
 I am Sorry to learn from your letter, the depredations that has been 
 Committed, on the Indians, by our Citizens but am happy to learn, your 
 Good intentions, of having them brought to Trial, for the offence Com- 
 
 168 
 
mitted, an offence that may involve in it the lives of many of our Inno 
 cent, Citizens and perhaps women and Children In you alone is Con 
 stitutionally invested the authority and power of protecting, the State in 
 Case of Invasion, and to bring to Condign punishment, (through the 
 medium of the Courts of Justice) any person that may Commit acts, that 
 may tend to Endanger the safety and peace of your Goverment these 
 are powers, that Consistant, with the Sovereignity retain d by the States, 
 properly belong to Each Individual State, which never ought on any 
 account to be Surrendered to the General Goverment, or its officers and 
 when, an attempt is made to arest that perogative out of the hands of the 
 Executive of the State It ought to be opposed the Executive of the 
 union has ever since the Commencement of the present Goverment, been 
 Grasping after power, and in many instances, Excercised powers, that 
 he was not Constitutionally invested with, the Moment, the Sovereign 
 ity of the Individual States, is overwhelmed by the General Goverment, 
 we may bid adieu to our freedom, let that be brought about, Either by a 
 Legislative act of the General Goverment, or by the Executive of the 
 union Excerciseing, those powers and the State quietly, suffering it 
 
 The appointment of Healy (who is an officer unknown to any law 
 that I can find) and investing him with that power, of Supperintending 
 the Indian affairs, and Carrying on a trade with the Indians in the name 
 of the united States, and Excluding from that Trade the Individuals of 
 our State, without being Clog[ged] with Certain regulations are of 
 this kind and ought to be Deprecated, I should have attempted to have 
 brought about a i epeal of that law this Session had your letter reached me 
 at an Earlier period of the Session but now it is too late. 
 
 The Chickasaws appeared verry much displeased before the[y] left, 
 this place, and in my oppinion not without good Cause, They beheld those 
 that had always been inimical to the united States, better Treated or in 
 other words, more attention paid to them than was to their chiefs and with 
 propriety might piomengo, make use of the Expressions, mentioned in 
 your Letter, when the Goverment, would suffer Watts under their noses 
 to destroy and burn the beds furnished him and his men to lie on, whilst 
 here (because he could not have the Liberty to carry them away) and pass 
 over Such an act in Silence, and try to keep it a profound Secrete from 
 the world, Such policy is calculated to Encourage those Indians, to hostile 
 acts 
 
 I intend to wait upon the Secratary at war and Converse with him on 
 the Substance of your letter the post leaving this place at 2 oclock 
 p. m. which prevents me from knowing his Sentiments, and transmitting 
 them to you by this mail Indeed Sir I have to write this letter in the 
 house, and Cannot, answer your letter so fully as I could wish, having to 
 Depposit, it, in the post office at 12 oclock 
 
 I now have the pleasure, to Communicate to you that, the Claim of 
 Hugh L White has been acted upon and descided in favour of the Claim 
 ant, which has Established, the principle for the payment, of your Bri 
 gade It was referred to the Committee of ways and means to insert in 
 
 169 
 
the appropriation bill for the military Established for the year 1797, which 
 bill is reported to the house and I have no doubt but that item will be 
 agreed to 
 
 The next object, after having secured the payment due your Com 
 mand in 1793, was Our Command and to bring it before the house, I 
 applied at the office of the Secretary at war, for such papers as would be 
 necessary, to acompany a memorial on that Subject But Sir notwith 
 standing, the services were performed in the year 1794, and the order 
 Issued by Gen 1 Robertson authorising and Commanding the Expedi 
 tion forwarded to the Secrataries office, and laid before this house on 
 the 1 8 th . of December 1794, the Secretary at War tells me he knows noth 
 ing of the Services, and that there has been no papers relative to those 
 Services, forwarded to his office, from which we may learn how far Col. 
 Hanley has acted Consistent with the duty of his office, and I must Con 
 fess had I papers to authorise an Enquiry, I would introduce it before 
 this house, into the Conduct of Col Hanley but I am neither in possession 
 of papers to authorise, such an Enquiry, or to bring the Claim before this 
 house, I am Sir y r mo, ob, serv, 
 
 Andrew Jackson * 
 
 MRS. ANDREW JACKSON. 
 
 Mrs. Andrew Jackson to Andrew Jackson. 
 
 Aprile the 5 th 1813 
 My Dear Husband 
 
 I received your affectionate Letter By Major Hines and 
 Mr. Blackman 1 was very Glad indeed to See them it was the greatest 
 marke of your attention and regard to me I was happy to Here you wer 
 in good health that I Should Shortely Bee blest with my Dearer Self once 
 more meete you In this Life never an other painfull Seperation 
 
 But I Saw a Letter you wrote Ge nl overton Wherein you Expresst a 
 wish to go to the North w Oh how hard it appeard and one to Colo W T arde 
 of the same tennure how Can you wish Such a perilous tower but the Love 
 of Country the thirst for Honour and patriotism is your motive After a 
 feeble acknowledgment of the maney polite and friendly atentions I have 
 received through your goodness by your Friends I shall Never forgit 
 
 I have a melencholy peice of news to relaite how Shall I Express rny 
 Simpathy for our Dear friend Johney his Policy is no more She Departed 
 This life Last wednesdaye Evening the 31 of March Poor fellow was 
 here on mundaye previous to her Death he was on his waye to Doctor 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i3.] 
 170 
 
Newnon I Do not think he thought her Daingerous when he was here 
 o blooming youth thou arte not Exempt from the tyrent king of terrors 
 well may Thou be Calld by that Name I regret I did not See her before 
 her Exit Poor Dear J when he bid me Farewell I saw he was much 
 affected asked me Come up I promised him I would but it has raind 
 almost Ever Since Creeks and river high No one to go with me I herd it 
 Last Night I Could Sleepe o what I feel for our unfortunate Friend I 
 wish to see him, shall I see you in twenty Days o God send Showers on 
 Scorching withering grass will not be more reviveing Gladly will I meete 
 you when Ever you bid me our farm Looks well I Could write you all 
 Day Long but such a Pen I feare you never Can read it pray my Dear 
 write me on the way home and may The Lord bless you health safely 
 restore you to my armes in mutuel Love is the prayers of your affection 
 ate wife 
 
 Rawchel Jackson 
 Mr. Andrew Jackson 1 
 
 ROBERT MORRIS. 
 
 Robert Morris to John Nicholson. 
 
 Monday Morning 22 d April 1799. 
 Jn Nicholson Esq r 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your two letters of the 2O th are before me and it was my in 
 tention to have replied yester morning but I passed the whole forenoon 
 very disagreably on subjects of distress first with M r Chalmers & 
 then with M r Fitzsimons (C. Young did not come) and the afternoon 
 was devoted to my family. I saw with regret what you write of your 
 situation in regard to bail and shall as you desire keep my knowledge 
 in that respect to myself, most ardently wishing in the mean time that 
 your exertions may enable you to extricate yourself from that dis- 
 agreable predicament, I perceive you need not depend upon any 
 assistance from P. Key. I never saw that Gent n or knew aught of 
 him untill he introduced himself into my affairs. The plan of 
 liberation which I am pursueing is much against the grain, but my 
 family are so unhappy at my confinement that they give themselves 
 nor me any peace, and I confess I do not like the idea of dicing here 
 (poor Duer is dead in N York and thereby another unfortunate is 
 released) and as to saving property from being sacrificed I see 
 plainly that it is impossible, one thing goes after another and so will 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i4]. 
 
continue untill the whole shall vanish and none know what is become 
 of it. I am but too sensible how disagreable it will be to be questioned 
 by the Court & Bar, but as to criminal prosecution I think my conduct 
 in giving up will be such as to render that impossible, but the most 
 material consideration, as I shall give up everything, is how shall I 
 afterwards subsist my family. 
 
 Adieu 
 
 Rob* Morris. 1 
 
 JOHN LANGDON. 
 
 John Langdon to Joseph Whipple. 
 
 Philad. March 9 th . 1800. 
 Dear S r . 
 
 Your favor of the 24 th (tilt.) which Inclosed a letter to C Evans 
 I have received. I shall see that Gentleman, and with pleasure Comply 
 with your wishes. I am happy to hear that the true Federalists; or 
 rather honest, Republicans begin to discover the fatal mistake they have 
 so long laboured under, this opinion greatly prevails thro the several 
 states, from which one may expect, great and essential benefits : the 
 present time is truely alarming ; and calls for the exertions of every honest 
 man, to turn out, boldly, in defence and for the preservation of the True 
 Principals of our Constitution, this may be secured by placing in all 
 offices, both in the general and State Governments, Honest, Republican 
 Characters; without this measure is carried into effect, we may go on 
 Complaining to the end of the Chapter, and have no redress, but if the 
 friends to liberty would make some exertion I have no doubt they would 
 in a short time be successful, when we should enjoy the Blessings of our 
 free govenment; without this we cannot expect it. I have no doubt 
 that a most vile Vilanous, secret Correspondence took place, before your 
 dismissal from office. I wish the fact could be come at and exposed, 
 however all in good time, patience, perseverance a little exertion, and a 
 little money spent, in printing and giving the people information will! 
 undoubtedly put things right. My kind Respects to the Ladies of your 
 House and Believe me Sincerely your mo ob*. St. 
 
 John Langdon 
 Joseph Whipple Esq. 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.23], 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.47]. 
 
 172 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON, 
 NUMBER FIVE. 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FOUR. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. 
 
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS 
 IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF 
 THE CITY OF BOSTON. 
 NUMBER FIVE. 
 
 
 BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES 
 A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FOUR- 
 
The Public Library of the City of Boston : Printing Department, February, 1904. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 DAVID HOWELL. 
 
 To John Brown, Jan. 26, 1801 177 
 
 JAMES BOWDOIN. 
 
 To Jesse Putnam, June 30, 1802 179 
 
 FISHER AMES. 
 
 To Isaac P. Davis, Dec. 21, 1802 180 
 
 JOHN MARSHALL. 
 
 Petition to High Court of Chancery, Richmond, Va., Jan. 28, 
 
 1803 182 
 
 STEPHEN Row BRADLEY. 
 
 To Judge Royall Tyler, Jan. 27, 1810 184 
 
 JACOB BROWN, BRIGADIER-GENERAL. 
 
 To Gov. Daniel D. Tompkins, on Battle of Sackett s Harbor, 
 
 June i, 1813 186 
 
 AARON BURR. 
 
 To Governor Joseph Alston, Nov. 15, 1815 191 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 To William Plumer, July 6, 1818 193 
 
 SAMUEL DELUCENNA INGHAM. 
 
 To David Henshaw, Sept. 2, 1821 195 
 
 To Same, Aug. 17, 1830 195 
 
 To Same, Aug. 20, 1830 197 
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 To , Sept. 24, 1821 198 
 
 ELIHU CHAUNCEY. 
 
 To Asbury Dickens, Sept. 7, 1824 200 
 
 LEVI WOODBURY. 
 
 To William Plumer, April 23, 1826 201 
 
 IX 
 
PAGE 
 
 BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. 
 
 To John Bailey, Dec. 13, 1826 202 
 
 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON. 
 
 To Captain P. P. Pitchlynn, Jan. 6, 1826 203 
 
 WILLIAM HARRIS CRAWFORD. 
 
 To David B. Mitchell, July 9, 1827 204 
 
 GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS. 
 
 To R. W. Meade, Sept. 29, 1827 205 
 
 To David Henshaw, Aug. 28, 1828 206 
 
 HENRY CLAY. 
 
 To Col. Davidson, Dec. 24, 1827 207 
 
 To William Plumer, Jr., Feb. 23, 1829 208 
 
 JOHN CHANDLER. 
 
 To David Henshaw, Dec. 27, 1828 209 
 
 ANDREW STEVENSON. 
 
 To David Henshaw, Oct. 24, 1828 210 
 
 To George Ticknor, Nov. 18, 1840 210 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 To David Henshaw, Dec. 18, 1829 212 
 
 Card from Amos Kendall, Oct. 22, 1856 213 
 
 JOHN MILTON NILES. 
 
 To David Henshaw, Feb. 22, 1830 2*4 
 
 DANIEL WEBSTER. 
 
 To William Plumer, Jr., April 24, 1830 215 
 
 To Theophilus Parsons, Jan. 2, 1840 216 
 
 WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 
 
 To H. A. S. Dearborn, March 13, 1831 217 
 
 SILAS WRIGHT. 
 
 To Edwin Croswell, Dec. 16, 1833 2l8 
 
 To William L. Marcy, Jan. 6, 1838 219 
 
 To A. P. Upshur, March 5, 1842 219 
 
 THOMAS CORWIN. 
 
 To John McLean, June 19, 1834 221 
 
 To , Jan. 20, 1840 222 
 
PAGE 
 
 THOMAS EWING. 
 
 To Peter Hitchcock, Dec. 28, 1834 223 
 
 JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 To Asbury Dickens, Oct. 3, 1836 224 
 
 WILLIAM LEARNED MARCY. 
 
 To General John Jackson, Jan. 3, 1838 224 
 
 CALEB GUSHING. 
 
 To H. A. S. Dearborn, April i, 1840 225 
 
 ABEL PARKER UPSHUR. 
 
 To President Tyler on case of Midshipman Cooper, Dec. 3, 
 
 1841 227 
 
 Endorsement of President Tyler, Dec. 6, 1841 227 
 
 MARTIN VAN BUREN. 
 
 To William C. Bouck, Jan. 8, 1844 228 
 
 JAMES KNOX POLK. 
 
 To William C. Beach, June 21, 1844 229 
 
 RICHARD RUSH. 
 
 To Asbury Dickens, April 16, 1846 230 
 
 To Same, April 25, 1846 232 
 
 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 
 
 To Col. Jefferson Davis, Aug. 3, 1846 233 
 
 FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 To James R. Rix, Dec. 21, 1846 234 
 
 JOHN TYLER. 
 
 To Brantz Mayer, Aug. I, 1847 2 35 
 
 REVERDY JOHNSON. 
 
 To Theophilus Parsons, May 24, 1848 237 
 
 JOHN VAN BUREN. 
 
 To James , Sept. 17, 1864 238 
 
 XI 
 
DAVID HOWELL. 
 
 Judge David Howell to Hon. John Brown, of Providence, R. I. 
 
 Providence 26 January 1801 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 You will know that I discharged the duty I owed to myself 
 and my Country by writing as well as speaking and voting for M r . 
 Adams. He has failed. It now remains that I discharge a Duty of 
 Friendship which I owe to M r . Jefferson. You have heard me speak of 
 him. We were in the old Congress together. He has since honourd me 
 with Marks of personal Friendship. 
 
 I have learned by Experience how incompetent my Judgment is to 
 decide great and intricate Questions. Yet I cannot think that I shall 
 have fulfilled my Duty as a Citizen on this momentous Occasion without 
 suggesting a few Thoughts to your better Judgment. 
 
 The People of this State are not acquainted with M r Burr, nor is it 
 reasonable to suppose that the antifederal Ticket here, had it prevailed, 
 would have included his Name. That Party voted for Jefferson. So 
 that you seem to have the Sense of nearly half the Voters in this State 
 on that Occasion for M r Jefferson and none for M r . Burr. If after this 
 you prefer M r Burr, will not [you] be taking on yourself personally a 
 great Weight of Responsibility 
 
 M r Jefferson now fills the Vice Presidents Chair and seems to have 
 a preferable Claim to be promoted on the Principle of Seniority, which 
 all well regulated States greatly respect, and which is a good and safe 
 Principle for the Peace and Order of the United States 
 
 M r . Jefferson s Character is that of a Philosopher a moderate, 
 calm and prudent Man. M r . Burr s Character as given by his Friends 
 is that of Ambition Enterprize and Activity. It is for you to judge 
 which is most likely to become dangerous to the Publick Repose as a 
 leader of a Party. 
 
 M r . Jeffersons Residence and Connexions are so far South that We 
 are to presume that he will distribute the share of publick Appointments, 
 &c, among the Northern States without Partiality for any one in par 
 ticular; If M r Burr succeeds, will the Northern share of Loves and 
 Fishes reach farther than in and about New York. Has Rhode Island 
 more to hope for from M r Burr than from M r Jefferson who must view 
 all the Eastern states with an impartial Eye. Perhaps it would not be 
 
 177 
 
going too far to say that a dry Dock &c would be more likely to be 
 established in our state under Jefferson or Pinckney, Southern Men, than 
 even under M r Adams himself. For even he must be supposed to have 
 local Attachments to Massachusetts, as M r Burr undoubtedly has for the 
 state of New York. I speak now on the Ground of Principles which 
 generally actuate all Men. 
 
 The weight of Jeffersons personal Character has raised Burr to 
 public Notice. The latter acknowledges this to be Fact in his Letter to 
 General Smith which has been published He there confesses that the 
 voters for the Antifederal Ticket intended Jefferson for President, and 
 that in putting himself in Competition with him for that Place he should 
 counteract the declared and known Views of the Electors which would 
 be "an Insult to his Feelings" If M r Burr has attached himself to that 
 Party from Principle, what hope can you have of winning him over by 
 such a Preference. // not from Principle, what Confidence can you put 
 in him when gain d to the Federal Side. 
 
 The Members of Congress may Elect either of the Two; but are 
 they not merely Organs of the Publick Will which has already decided 
 in a very intelligible Language in Jeffersons Favour? Should Burr be 
 imposed on the Antifederal Party as a President of their Choice might 
 they not complain and say that they have been defrauded of their 
 Favourite by Management, and if their Suspicions of improper Manage 
 ment should rise high; if these suspicions should prove like Fuel added 
 to their proper Fire of Discontent, if that Fire should blaze out and rage, 
 if convulsions take place, who can tell where the Evil may terminate? 
 I May here notice that Men of large Property, men interested in the 
 public Funds have more at Stake, and should most cautiously avoid 
 making an Experiment on the Feelings of a Disinterested Party. If Jef 
 ferson is elected, I am confident he is too just a Man to favour Measures 
 which may impair public Credit. His Circumstances in Life being easy 
 and independent, he has too much to put at Risque in a general Scramble 
 among Levellers. What Course M r Burr would take I know not. His 
 Character is not known to Me personally. I am to presume that M r 
 Jefferson deems him a Man of Honor. Should the Antifederalists be 
 gratified in the Election of their Favourite Man, it is to be presumed that 
 their Passions would assuage. When calm they would relax divide and 
 dwindle But if irritated by such a vast disappointment their tempers 
 would grow sharp and more bitter, their Exertions more indefatigable 
 and when they shall have filled both Houses with Men of their own 
 Views, Would M r Burr be able if inclined to thwart them ? 
 
 I have great Hopes that the justice and Moderation of M r Jefferson 
 would prove the surest means of checking and deranging the very Party 
 which has supported him. For myself I revere the Hand which wrote 
 the Declaration of Independence. I revere the Man who, after Twenty 
 Six Years Trial in offices of the greatest Trust, has evinced an Integrity 
 incorruptible and a Sagacity and Understanding equal to every Exigence. 
 If M r Burr is his Superior, it remains for him to give Proof of it. He has 
 
 178 
 
yet to convince his nearest Friends, the People of his own State, of that 
 Superiority. 
 
 I presume that you will do me the honor to consider with Calmness 
 these Observations. They come not from a Party Man. Tis true they 
 come from a Friend of M r . Jefferson and I may also add they come from 
 a Friend of yours On no Occasion have I ever given Grounds to my 
 Friends to say that I have not been true to the trust reposed in Me ; and 
 I have written this Letter for your Consideration with no less View for 
 your personal Advantage than for that of M r . Jefferson My Friend ! 
 in Affairs of a public Nature Passion and Prejudice are apt to rise and 
 blind our Eyes which should be always open and watchful for the real 
 Interest, Welfare, Peace and tranquillity of our common Country so 
 dear to us all 
 
 I have only to request your Pardon for my long Letter and to assure 
 you that I remain and always 
 
 Your Sincere Friend & humble Serv* 
 
 David Howell 
 Hon John Brown. 
 
 LIBRARY OF JAMES BOWDOIN. 
 
 Letter from James Bowdoin to Jesse Putnam. 
 
 Boston June 1802. 3O th ./ 
 Jesse Putnam Esq r . 
 Sir, 
 
 I herewith enclose you y e second of a sett of exchange drawn in my 
 favour by Nath 1 . Fellowes Esq r . on mess : Stroebel & Martini merchants 
 of Bourdeaux; which I am to request y e . favour of you to invest in the 
 following manner, viz: in a handsome fashionable black lace cloak for 
 M rs . Bowdoin, not of the english patent net fabrick, but of real Lace, & 
 the price not to exceed twelve Louis d ors : The residue I wish to be laid 
 out in Books; any new publications, which may from their reputation, 
 excite Curiosity; & after that, in y e best, & latest french translations of 
 y e latin & greek Classicks : I suppose, Books of this latter sort will be 
 found cheap in f ranee compared with like Books in engl d . : I am about 
 arranging my Library, so as to include y e best french authors; I have 
 already got y e . works of Rousseau, Voltaire, Helvetius, Mably, Abbe 
 Raynal, Montesquieu, Condilliac, De la fontaine, Regnard, Moliere, 
 Corneille, & several hundred other volumes; but as I wish to extend it 
 further, I sh d . be glad to know y e . value of y e . following works: of y e . 
 
 179 
 
 
 
latest & best edit 8 , of y e Encyclopaedia, both fol. q to ., & of y e dictionaire 
 des arts & des metiers or of any other principal f rench works : or if y e . 
 french Booksellers keep Catalogues of their Books with y e . prices an 
 nexed, as y e . Booksellers in Lond. formerly did, I wish you w d . be kind 
 enough to send me several of them. I am told before y e . last war, that 
 english Books were printed in Switzerland & sold very low, much under 
 y e . Lond. price; & to such an extant was this Business carried on, that 
 all y e . best english literary works could be readily procured there. 
 Please to advise me on this subject, & to acquaint me whether you shall 
 be able & willing to procure me such Books as I may from time to time 
 want from france & from Switzerland. The french System of Com 
 merce, whatever it may prove, will be very important to y e . world in 
 general, & in particular to y e . U. States. And I shall be much obliged 
 to you for your opinion upon its subject ; & to send me any new publica 
 tions, w ch . may from time to time be offered to y e . public in regard to it. 
 I have a valuable work published in 1791, entitled De la Balance du 
 Commerce &c a par M. Arnould. 
 
 Your Brother & family are well: he is just returned from Naushan 
 island ; where by the way I have a large quantity of excellent ship timber. 
 What is its value in france? & w d . it be worth while to make a Shipment ? 
 
 Hoping you are in good health, 
 
 I am Sir, Y r most obed Servant 
 
 James Bowdoin. 1 
 
 FISHER AMES. 
 
 Fisher Ames to Isaac P. Davis. 
 
 Dedham, Dec r . 21. 1802. 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I stay at home, instead of going into town as I had intended this day, 
 as the rain and bad walking would probably imprison me at Vose s, if I 
 should go. My design was to see and consult with your Committee of 
 Arrangements in regard to the toasts. This has previnted my preparing 
 a set. 
 
 As it is prudent to guard against accidents which may hinder my 
 going into town tomorrow, I hastily put down a few and would hammer 
 out more, but the mail will soon pass 
 
 Yr friend &c 
 
 Mr Isaac P. Davis Fisher Ames 
 
 I. A strenuous support to the liberty of law & the religion of truth. 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham. C. 10.66]. 
 
 180 
 
2. Such an Adm n . as will cherish virtue and such virtue among the 
 
 people as ivould sustain and will restore such an administration, 
 
 3. Federal Justice, though now an exile, may it revisit our land. 
 
 4. Such a cure for democracy as will not kill. 
 
 5. The Company of the good at the feasts of the great. 
 
 6. A twofold warning from France once a f ireship, now a beacon. 
 
 7. New Eng d . here may republicanism ever be at home, and democracy 
 
 ever an alien. 
 
 8. May our posterity be worthy of our ancestors. 
 
 The principles and institutions of our ancestors our strongest (bul 
 wark) safeguard our children* richest inheritance 
 Federal principles may they never have better enemies nor worse 
 
 friends. 
 
 Such a navy as will prolong peace or protect in war, or thus . 
 Such a navy as will make peace secure and war glorious. 
 Our Sister Virginia : when she changes the three fifths of her Ethiopian 
 
 skin we will respect her as the head of our white family. 
 Our renowned ancestors may those who scorn their examples never 
 
 inherit their acres. 
 Liberty on fixed principles. 
 
 May those who rose to power by asserting everything but the truth, hear 
 nothing else while they hold it. 
 As liberty rests on morals and religion may we never let the Jacobins pluck 
 
 out that underpinning. 
 The Clergy, (may they never be denied the praise of well doing nor 
 
 denied by any but the Farmer all other reward 
 Gov. Strong: may his example teach SOME other Chief Magistrates how 
 
 power should be used. 
 
 Our Militia may they keep their federalism as bright as their arms. 
 The Federal minority in Congress, new triumphs to their eloquence. 
 Such liberty as will make Gov 4 . stable, and such a Gov*. as will make 
 
 liberty immortal. 
 May those who affected (pretended) to dread the rule of an army, never 
 
 succeed in their scheme to rule by a mob. 
 
 The day like the path of the just may it continue to brighten. 
 Some of the foregoing may answer best as Volunteers. 
 I could wish to see you on any alterations in words or sentiment be 
 fore you finally decide on making them. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C. 10.42]. 
 
 181 
 
JOHN MARSHALL. 
 
 To the Honble the Judge of the high court of Chancery sitting in 
 Richmond orator John Marshall humbly showeth 
 
 That some time 
 
 in or about the year 1790 your orator purchased from Charles Minn 
 Thurston a tract of land lying in the county of Buckingham, which 
 the said Charles had before that time purchased from George Webb 
 sen r . & George Webb jun r . The said Charles Minn Thurston George 
 Webb sen r . & George Webb jun r . United in. a conveyance of the said 
 land to your orator & the said Charles either jointly with the other 
 vendore or singly warranted the title thereto against all persons what 
 ever; all which will more fully appear by the deed of conveyance 
 now of record in the General court of this Commonwealth. 
 
 Your orator further shows that previous to the sale of the said 
 land the said Charles Minn Thurston the said George Webb senior had 
 conveyed a part thereof to John Pendleton either singly or jointly with 
 some other person to secure a considerable debt due from the said 
 George Webb Senior to Caron de Beaumarchais, with a power to the 
 trustee or trustees to sell the same in such manner & at such time as 
 is in the said deed specified. Of this incumbrance your orator had 
 notice at the time of the purchase, but he felt no concern at the cir 
 cumstance because the said Charles faithfully promisd to pay the debt 
 & relieve the land from the incumbrance imposd on it, & because the 
 payments from himself became due at distant times, and he relied on 
 being able should it be necessary to appropriate a part of the purchase 
 money to the discharge of the debt due the said Caron de Beau 
 marchais. 
 
 Your orator further states that he has now fully paid up the 
 last shilling of the money contracted to be paid for the said land. The 
 last payment was made in the year 1798. Soon after this payment was 
 made he was applied to by John A Chevallie the agent of Caron de 
 Beaumarchais & informd that a balance of between six and seven 
 hundred pounds as well as your orator recollects still remaind due of 
 the debt securd on the land purchasd as aforesaid by your orator. 
 Application on this subject was made to the said Charles Minn 
 Thurston who promisd to adjust the business so as to protect your 
 orators property from the debt. This application was frequently 
 repeated & your orator continually expected, & indued Mr. Chevallie 
 to expect that the money would certainly be paid. At length Caron 
 de Beaumarchais having departed this life his representatives who as 
 
 182 
 
your orator is informd still continued the said John A Chevallie as 
 their agent, requird, as your orator believes, that all their business 
 under his management shoud be closd as speedily as possible. The 
 said John A Chevallie applied to your orator, representing the absolute 
 necessity of bringing this transaction to a termination & he promisd 
 to see the said Charles Minn Thurston himself & know certainly what 
 was to be depended on. In consequence of this engagement your 
 Orator paid a visit to the said Charles Minn Thurston in the Summer 
 of 1802 when he was informd by the said Charles that he contested 
 the claim set up by the said John A Chevallie on account of the repre 
 sentatives of Caron de Beaumarchais. On enquiry it appeard that 
 there might be some trivial difference between them in their accounts 
 but the material subject of controversy respected a house in the city 
 of Richmond which had been taken on account of the said Caron de 
 Beaumarchais from George Webb at between four & five hundred 
 pounds & had been credited to the said Webb in account before the 
 sale made by Webb to Thurston. After the sale made by Thurston 
 to your orator, this house was recoverd as your orator is informd, 
 from the person in possession in a suit brought in the county court of 
 Henrico ; after which the credit given the said Webb on account of the 
 said house was disallowd & the sum at which it had been taken 
 rechargd. 
 
 The said Thurston alledges that on the faith of an account ren- 
 derd by the agent of the said Beaumarchais exhibiting the balance 
 actually due, he made the purchase, & has retaind in his hands only 
 so much money as woud satisfy the balance stated to be due, & has 
 paid without suspicion of any further demand, the residue of the 
 purchase money to the said George Webb Senior who is since dead 
 insolvent & who was actually insolvent before he had any notice of 
 the defect in the title to the said house, or any cause to suspect such 
 defect. Under these circumstances he alledges that no claim can be 
 made on him or on the land sold to him for the amount of the said 
 house, since shoud he be compeld to pay it. it will be a clear loss to 
 him occasiond by his confiding implicity to the amount renderd by 
 the agent of Beaumarchais. He however promisd your orator ex- 
 plicity to be in Richmond early in the month of December to adjust 
 this difference with M r Chevallie. Your orator stated this promise 
 to Mr. Chevallie who agreed to take no further step till December. 
 The time has elapsd & the said Thurston has not complied with his 
 promise to see Mr. Chevallie, nor has your orator heard from him. 
 The said John A Chevallie presses for the payment of the money he 
 claims & your orator does not think it reasonable that further delays 
 shoud be practisd in bringing the controversy to a close. But he 
 humbly states that shoud the land be sold under the deed of trust or 
 shoud he pay the money without a sale & it shoud afterwards appear 
 that objections made by the said Thurston to the payment of the 
 balance now claimd are well founded he woud lose so much money 
 & woud be entirely without remedy which woud be contrary to equity. 
 
 183 
 
Your orator is therefore extremely desirous that the controversy 
 between the said Charles Minn Thurston & the representatives of 
 Caron de Beaumarchais by John A Chevallie their agent shoud be 
 settled, & that the sum actually due from the former to the latter 
 securd by the deed of trust before mentiond shoud be ascertaind 
 
 To the end therefore that the said John Pendleton the trustee 
 namd in the said deed, the representatives of Caron de Beaumarchais 
 by John A Chevallie their agent, & Charles Minn Thurston may be 
 made defendents hereto & may on oath true answer make to the 
 premisses & that the said Charles Minn Thurston may be chargd to 
 account with the said John A Chavallie & to pay him whatever balance 
 may be really due to the representatives of the said Caron de Beau 
 marchais & chargeable on the land sold to your orator as afore 
 mentioned, or in default thereof that he may be decreed to pay the 
 same to your orator, & that the said John Pendleton may be enjoind 
 from selling the said land under the said deed of trust, & may be 
 decreed to convey the same to your orator on the sum with which the 
 same shall be actually chargeable being paid & that your orator may 
 have such relief as is proper May it please your Honor &c. 
 
 J Marshall 
 
 City of Richmond to wit 
 
 John Marshall appeard before me a magistrate for the city aforesaid 
 this 28 th day of Jany 1803 under oath in due form of law to the fore 
 going bill 
 
 Geo Pickett 
 
 The injunction is awarded on giving security in the penaltie of 
 two hundred dollars 28 januar 1803. 
 
 G. Wythe. 1 
 
 POLITICS IN VERMONT IN l8lO. 
 
 Letter of Senator Stephen Roiv Bradley to Judge Royall Tyler. 
 
 Confidential 
 
 Washington Jany. 27 th . 1810 
 Hon. Judge Tyler 
 
 Dear Sir 
 
 How far the political arrangement in relation to the 
 State of Vermont that I am now to suggest will meet your approbation 
 must depend on your feelings and judgment should it strike you favour- 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.55-56]. 
 
 184 
 
ably it will be of importance as you pass through the State in your cir 
 cuits to feel the public pulse carefully and with much address you will 
 easily suppose that I am tired of my seat in the Senate, and I believe my 
 Colleague is sick of his, it is now above thirty years since I first had the 
 appointment of Delagate to Congress independent of the deprivations 
 of domestic and social happiness I have suffered in attending on Congress 
 there is one consideration which has great influence to wean me from any 
 further desire to continue therein those who were my social acquaint 
 ance and most intimate friends but a few years ago in the Councils of the 
 nation are now all dead resigned declined or gone so that I have new 
 acquaintances and Friends to make every Session, and at my age of life 
 the recollection of the past is by no means compensated in the enjoyment 
 of the present I have conversed with Judge Robinson and M r Shaw and 
 what I am now about to disclose, to wit, that I shall take Gov r G. place 
 - that you shall take the place I now hold that Judge Robinson shall 
 take the place you hold, and that D. Chase shall be placed on the Supreme 
 Court vice Judge H. who may probably wish to retire to preach the gospel 
 to the Baptists I flatter myself that it will be agreeable to you to serve a 
 few years in the Senate and should the vacancy take place at the next 
 Session of the Legislature I have no doubt they would give you the ap 
 pointment not only for the remainder of my term but for the next Six 
 years several precidents from other States may be adduced when in 
 exactly a similar Situation I should be very much gratified with a line 
 from you on the Subject and to know your feelings in relation thereto 
 I can give you no more information in relation to our public affairs 
 than the documents I sent you communicate with the aid of the news 
 papers I have touched M T Low on the Subject of a donation to the Col 
 lege at Burlington he has determined to present the board with books 
 to the amount of $500 of the most modern and best collection that can 
 be obtained in Europe or America and has given directions accordingly 
 the Other affair which was mentioned between you and me and are con 
 cerning L.L.D I have placed in a favourable train I think I shall succejed 
 at one if not at two and nearly at the same time of this however I can 
 give you more correct Information hereafter You will please to make 
 my respects to your brother Judges and all our friends And accept the 
 assurance 
 
 of my most cordial respect & 
 personal Esteem 
 
 Stephen R. Bradley 1 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.67]. 
 
 185 
 
BATTLE OF SACKETT S HARBOR, 
 
 I8l 3 . 
 
 Letter of the Commanding Officer on the American side, Jacob Brown, 
 Brigadier-General of Militia, to Daniel D. Tompkins, Governor of 
 New York. 
 
 Near Quarters 
 
 Sackett Harbor June I st 1813 
 Dear Sir 
 
 You will have recieved mine of the 2Q th ult from the field of 
 Battle. All that I have stated is so. I have now to add that on the 25 th 
 ult I recieved a communication from Genl Dearborn desiring me to take 
 the command of this Post 
 
 I hesitated. Col. Backus was here an officer of experience in whom 
 I placed the most implicit confidence & I could not do an act which I 
 feared might wound his feelings. In the night of the 27 th Col. Backus 
 wrote me by Major Swan desiring that I would come & take the com 
 mand. I could no longer hesitate. Early in the morning of the 28 th I 
 was here as the day opened Lieut Chancey the Brother of our worthy 
 Commodore came in from the Lake firng alarm Guns. The signal Guns 
 that had been agreed upon some days previous to rally the militia were 
 fired in answer, and I sent out expresses in every direction to alarm the 
 Country. As soon as Lieut Chancey came into Port he advised me that 
 the Fleet approaching was the Enemys and with the Glass we could dis 
 tinctly percieve that they had a very liberal supply of Boats. I then no 
 longer doubted but that they were resolved to Land with a chosen Body 
 of Troops & storm our works. The few Artillerists we had to man the 
 Guns of Forts Tompkins & Volunteer prepared themselves for the worst 
 & Leut Chancey did every thing possible to support & strengthen Navy 
 Point, the Guns on which were altogather under his command & manned 
 with his officers & men As Col. Backus had very recently arrived on 
 this Station I invited him and others to accompany me in a thorough 
 examination of the Grounds around our position and as soon as this had 
 been done we settled a regular plan of defence with Lieut Chancey. I 
 had ever been of the opinion that no military man would ever risque the 
 landing men in the mouth of Sackets Harbor for reasons which it would 
 be superfluous here to explain. I knew that there was a place where 
 determined men could land with considerable safety under cover of the 
 fire of thier small Flat-Bottomed Gun Boats that I also knew had recently 
 
 186 
 
arrived from Montreal & were in all probability with the Fleet. At the 
 Waters edge near Horse Island where I believed the Enemy would land 
 I was resolved to meet them and with this view the plan of defence was 
 settled between myself, Col. Backus, Col. Mills, Lieut Chancey, Major 
 Swan & Major Brown. I was to meet the Enemy at the waters edge 
 were I believd that they would land with all the militia that came in and 
 the Albany Volunteers under Lieut Col Mills. At the alarm or order 
 given by me Col Backus was to order a Body of Regulars to advance so 
 as to meet the Enemy after they had broken or disposed of the Force 
 with me. The Force with me being broken I was to rally them and fall 
 upon the Enemy s right Flank so as to retard thier approach towards Fort 
 Tompkins as long as possible always hoping that the Country would send 
 forth all its means to our assistance & believing that to gain time was to 
 ensure victory. If however the Enemy should overcome the assembled 
 Regulars & militia and drive us the whole length of way from Horse 
 Island to Fort Tompkins & carry that Fort, Lieut Chancey would then 
 in that case see the stores on Navy Point destroyed, the new Ship burned 
 & retire with his Schooners and the men he had left to the south shore of 
 the bay, East of Fort Volunteer. The force remaining with me were to 
 retire to Fort Volunteer, being the highest Ground as our dernier 
 resort and if the Enemy should prove too hard for Lieut Chancey he was 
 to land his men, blow up his vessels & join me in Fort Volunteer, when 
 we would be governed by circumstances. This being our plan & the 
 Enemy having first struck us as contemplated it remains to see how well 
 our plan was executed. The wind being very light during the whole of 
 the 28th and the Enemy having arrangements to make for landing, they 
 moved slowly up the Bay but no doubt would have attacked us in the 
 course of the afternoon had it not been for the approach of Boats from 
 Oswego with reinforcements. This circumstance diverted them for a 
 time, they attacked the boats, took of them and a number of our 
 
 men with what loss to them or to us in other respects I am yet unin 
 formed. In the course of the 28th & night of the 28th & 29th a consider 
 able number of militia collected. They were as they arrived ordered to a 
 small improvement on the main just within Horse Island and such pro 
 visions as could be furnished for them was carted to the Ground where 
 they all ate in common paying no attention to the ordinary mode of draw 
 ing rations. Col Mills with the Albany Volunteers was on Horse Island 
 In the Evening of trie 28th I joined the force assembled near Horse 
 Island & explained to the leading officers my views as I feared a night 
 attack it being of the first importance to the Enemy to be rapid in their 
 movements to prevent the fatal effects to them, of the Force that would 
 be assembled by morning and of those brave men as I supposed that would 
 generously fly to thier Countrys standard, ambitious to have a name in 
 the victory which I most firmly believed was certain. As the morning of 
 the 29th approached I found myself with a part of three Regiments of 
 Militia & the Albany Volunteers amounting altogether, say to five hun 
 dred men, all anxious for the Fight, were you to believe thier professions. 
 
 187 
 
The moment it was so light as to see an object on the Bay the Enemys 
 Ships were discovered in nearly a direct line between the head of Horse 
 Island & Stony Point and within ten minutes thirty three boats filled with 
 men approached us from the south side of the larger Indian or Garden 
 Island when the action in fact began as the Enemy immediately opened 
 upon us with thier Gun Boats I immediately directed Col Backus to 
 advance & ordered Col Mills to join me on the main. The moment Col 
 Mills had joined me I ordered of the Albany Volunteers who had 
 the command of a haveling Brass six pounder to open upon the Enemy. 
 The Albany Volunteers under Col Mills w r ere then laid down on the right 
 behind a small natural Breastwork on the beach all the Militia under 
 Col Sprague behind the same natural Breastwork on the left & those 
 under Col Tuttle to take a position that I pointed out about thirty rods 
 upon my left Flank by the edge of the Woods near the Bay to prevent a 
 surprise from savages that I apprehended would come in from that 
 quarter. The Enemy by this time had landed a body of men at the Head 
 of Horse Island who were advancing in open Column upon a line with the 
 Enemys front Gun boats Every exertion was then made to inspire my 
 little force witfi confidence. If they would but lay firm & restrain thier 
 fire I was confident that every man must nearly kill his man. I then 
 took my position in the center by the left of the men at the six pounder 
 directly in front of the Column approaching from the Island and all was 
 silent with me excepting this six. The Enemy rapidly approaching and 
 keeping up as heavy a fire as possible from thier boats, not a shot was 
 fired from the Column, the front approaching, charging Bayonets. It 
 appeared impossible to restrain raw Troops so as to make them in any 
 high degree usefull. Those with me did fire & would fire before I in 
 tended. The Enemy were however pretty near and as I was attentively 
 watching thier movements & the happy effects of our fire to my utter 
 astonishment my men rose from thier cover, broke & before I could 
 realize the disgracefull scene there was scarcely a man within several 
 Rods of where I stood. Col Mills fell gallantly strugling to stop his men. 
 I was more fortunate. I made all the noise I could for my men, put my 
 handkerchief on the point of my sword & made every signal possible that 
 they might notice me, but in vain. At a little distance however I had the 
 good fortune to come up [with] Capt McNitt who had succeeded in rally 
 ing a few men and they were doing all they could from behind some large 
 logs by the edge of the field I complimented them & complained of 
 those who had left me ordered Capt McNitt to stand fast and I would 
 go & call up Col Tuttle from the Point where I had ordered him. I went 
 but no Col Tuttle could I find or any other man. By the time I returned 
 Lieut May, & a few others had joined Capt McNitt. I then ordered an 
 advance upon the rear of the Enemys right Flank & I trust some execu 
 tion was done, but as my party did not exceede one hundred and as I 
 deemed it very important for me to know how things stood in front of 
 the Enemy where the Regulars were most nobly contending I ordered a 
 rapid movement forward to pass the Enemy and as we were advancing 
 a fire came at some distance upon our right Flank. We halted, faced 
 
 188 
 
about & McNitt was in the act of firing when I ordered a little delay say 
 ing they must be our Friends. In a moment we saw the Redcoats ap 
 proaching from the right of the path along which we had passed. McNitt 
 gave them his best fire and we made a rapid retreat upon the extreme 
 lett of the few brave men who had sustained the contest in front As I 
 last turned from the woods upon the left of my Friends I saw an alarming 
 flame arising from Navy Point the position that contained the spoils of 
 York and some few of Commodore Chanceys effects. With all possible 
 expedition I made my way into Fort Tompkins & found the officer Lieut 
 Ketchum I had left there in the act of touching off the long thirty two at 
 the Enemys Shipping I desired him to keep up as heavy a fire as 
 possible and assured him that victory was ours. He replied Gen 1 . I can 
 not discharge this gun again, the flame from the marine Barracks is so 
 hot that my men cannot exist here. I felt the force of his answer & 
 replied do the best you can & left him. Being alarmed for the Ship, the 
 object of the Contest I hurried towards her & found Major Brown who 
 assured me the Ship was safe and that what had happened was owing to 
 the infamous conduct of those in whom Lieut Chancey had placed confi 
 dence, that it was without his knowledge, that they had gone from Navy 
 Point & informed Chancey that all was lost on upon the right of our line 
 of Battle. I ordered Major Brown to send forthwith to Lieut Chancey 
 and assure him all was safe on the right & that Victory was ours. In 
 passing up to the junction of the Brownville, midale & Adams roads 
 where I percieved some hundred of idle men assembled at a very respect- 
 full distance from danger Major Swan rode up to me & informed me 
 that the fixed ammunition was expended. I replied it may be so I do 
 not believe it but if it is so tell no man. 
 
 I then rode among these People & they tryed to impose upon me as 
 they had upon the Major but I knew them better & could admit of no 
 excuse. Many of them had drawn thier Boxes full the day before & 
 never fired a Gun at the Enemy. With much ado I got them to move 
 toward the right Flank of the Enemy in hopes of throwing them in the 
 Woods behind Sir George should he presume further to advance. I then 
 ordered Major Lucket who I knew would not hesitate to advance with 
 his mounted Light Dragoons into the open space west of Judge Sackets 
 old house & nearly in a line between the Enemy & the Ship. It was done. 
 Hurrying then to where the American & British Regulars fought I very 
 soon felt that victory was really ours and if Sir George had not been off 
 with almost the rapidity of thought he would not have returned that day. 
 
 The closing scene of this glorious day for the officers & soldiers of 
 Regular Army who had the honor to be on the spot you have in my dis 
 patch of the 2Qth ult. 
 
 I have only to add that in relation to the officers Generally that they 
 are men who do honor to thier Country & that they would do honor to 
 any age or nation To Capt McNitt 01 the Militia I have presented the 
 sword that I wore on the 2Qth as a testimony of my esteem & regard for 
 his Gallant conduct & I should be gratifyed if you would cause him to 
 be appointed in the Regular Army To Col Backus, who praised be God 
 
 189 
 
still lives I have presented the sword taken from Adt Gen Gray who 
 was killed not distant from where the noble Backus fell & by the side of 
 Sir George Provoost. 
 
 I have directed Major Swan, who had the Goodness to Volunteer 
 his services as my acting Adjt Gen 1 . & to whom I feel myself under the 
 greatest obligations for his attentions during the arduous scene through 
 which we have passed, to make & transmit with this dispatch a return 
 of the killed wounded & prisoners of Both sides & also of the parts of 
 Regiments of the Regular Army engaged that you may have a correct 
 idea of the amount of force on our side & that the parts of Regiments 
 engaged may have the honor they have so fairly earned. 
 
 The Enemy that landed were at least one thousand picked men & 
 thier fleet consisted of the new Ship Wolf, Royal George, Earl Morven, 
 Prince Regent & two Schooners besides thier Gun & other Boats. As 1 
 am closing this communication Commodore Chancey has arrived with 
 his squadron & as I can be no longer useful here I shall return home in 
 the morning. I must yet add in justice to a brave honorable man that 
 Lieut Chancey stands higher in my estimation than he did before he was 
 associated with me for the protection of this place. No blame can attach 
 to him for what happened on Navy Point. He was decieved by the ma 
 terials on whom he relied & nothing short of Divinity can guard against 
 such occurrences. 
 
 Lieut Col Tuttle of the Regular Army who was on the march to 
 this place made every exertion that an officer or soldier could make to 
 get into the action but came too late for the fight & 1 am confident that 
 Lieut Col Tuttle & every officer under his command feels it as an indi 
 vidual misfortune that it was not in thier power to get up in time. 
 
 Your Excellency as Commander in Chief may think that I bear hard 
 upon the militia. I do them justice Sir. Nothing short of a certain 
 guarantee for my souls happiness after death could have given me such 
 comfortable & gratefull feelings as to have obtained a victory over Sir 
 George Provoost & the best men he could collect in which the militia 
 under my Command should have had a principal agency. But Sir this 
 is not the fact. The noble men both officers & Soldiers of the Regular 
 Army & some few, precious few Citizen Soldiers who nobly resisted the 
 Shock of the Foe men the Foe of Basswood Cantonment are the men who 
 merrit the honor of this Victory & Sir they must have it. Of the precious 
 few Citizen Soldiers who distinguished themselves Mr Channing stands 
 conspicious. 
 
 Respectfully Yours 
 Jac: Brown 
 Brig : Gen 1 Militia 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.68], 
 
 190 
 
AARON BURR. 
 
 Aaron Burr to his son-in-law, Governor Joseph Alston. 
 
 15 Nov. 1815. 
 
 A Congressional Caucus will, in the course of the ensuing month, 
 nominate James Monroe for Pres 4 of the U. S. and will call on all good 
 republicans to support the nomination. 
 
 Whether we consider the measure itself the Character & Talents 
 of the Man or the State whence he comes, this nomination is equally 
 exceptionable & odious 
 
 I have often heard your opinion of these Congressional Nomina 
 tions they are hostile to all freedom & independence of Suffrage A 
 certain Junto of Actual and factitious Virginians having had possession 
 of the Gov 1 . for 24 years consider the U. S. as their property and by 
 bawling "Support the Adm n " have so long succeeded in duping the repub 
 lican public One of their principal Arts & which has been systematically 
 taught by Jefferson is that of promoting State dissentions not between 
 repub. & federal that would do them no good, but seisms in the repub. 
 party By looking round, you will see how the attention of leading men 
 in the different States has thus been turned from general & State politics 
 Let not this disgraceful domination continue 
 
 Independently of the manner of the nomination & of the location of 
 the candidate, the Man himself is one of the most improper & incompetent 
 that could have been selected Naturally dull & stupid extremely illit 
 erate indecisive to a degree that would be incredible to one who did not 
 know him pusillanimous & of course hypocritical has no opinion on 
 any subject & will be always under the Gov*. of the worst Men pretends, 
 as I am told, to some knowledge of military matters, but never commanded 
 a platoon nor was ever fit to command one "He served in the revolu 
 tionary War" that is, he acted a short time as aide de Camp to L d . Stir 
 ling who was regularly drunk from morning to morning Monroe s 
 whole duty was to fill his Lordship s Tankard and hear with indications 
 of admiration his Lordship s long stories about himself Such is Mon 
 roes military experience I was with my regiment in the same division 
 at the time As a Lawyer, Monroe was far below Mediocrity He never 
 rose to the Honor of trying a Cause of the Value of an hundred pounds 
 This is a character exactly suited to the Views of the Virginia Junto 
 
 To this Junto you have twice sacrificed yourself & what have you got 
 by it ? their hatred & abhorrence Did you ever know them countenance 
 a man of Talents & independence ? Never, nor ever will 
 
 191 
 
It is time that you manifested that you had some individual chaiacter 
 Some opinion of your own Some influence to support that opinion 
 Make them fear you & they will be at your feet thus far they have 
 reason to believe that you fear them 
 
 The Moment is extremely Auspicious for breaking down this degrad 
 ing system the best citizens of our Country acknowledge the feebleness 
 of our Administration they acknowledge that offices are bestowed 
 merely to preserve power & without the smallest regard to fitness If 
 then there be a man in the U. S. of firmness and decision & having stand 
 ing enough to afford even a hope of success, it is your duty to hold him 
 up to public view That man is Andrew Jackson Nothing is wanting 
 but a respectable Nomination made before the Proclamation of the Virg a 
 Caucus, and Jackson s success is inevitable. 
 
 If this project should accord with your Views, I could wish to see 
 you prominent in the Execution of it It must be known to be your 
 Work Whether a formal & open nomination should now be made or 
 whether you should for the present content yourself with basely denounc 
 ing by a joint resolution of both houses of your Legislature Congressional 
 caucusses & nominations, you only can judge One consideration in 
 clines me to hesitate about the policy of a present nomination It is this, 
 that Jackson ought first to be admonished to be passive for the moment 
 he shall be announced as a Candidate, He will be assailed by the Virg a 
 Junto, with Menaces & with insidious promises of boons & favors There 
 is danger that Jackson might be wrought upon by such practices If an 
 open nomination be made an express should instantly be sent to him 
 
 This suggestion has not arisen from any exclusive attachment to 
 Jackson The object is to break down this Vile combination which rules 
 & degrades the U. S. If you should think that any other Man could be 
 held up with better prospect of Success, name that man I know of no 
 such But the business must be accomplished & on this occasion & by 
 you. So long as the present system prevails, you will be strugling against 
 wind & tide to preserve a precarious influence You will never be for 
 given for the Crime of having Talents & independence 
 
 Exhibit yourself then & emerge from this state of Nullity you owe 
 it to yourself You owe it to me You owe it to your Country You 
 owe it to the memory of the dead 
 
 A B~ 
 
 I have talked of this matter to your late Sec. but he has not seen this 
 letter - 
 
 Your Sec y was to have delivered this personally, but has changed his 
 Course on hearing that J. is on his Way to Wash" If you should have 
 any confidential friend among the members of Cong, from your State 
 charge him to caution J. against the perfidious Caresses with which he 
 will be overwhelmed at Washington 
 
 ii Dec r Since writing the preceeding our project is wonderfully advanced 
 as your Sec. will write or tell ou 
 
 192 
 
It is now necessary that you and a few others (you alone if you please, 
 but three names w d be more formal) announcing your intentions that 
 Communications have been had with every State to the Northward re 
 questing of him the Names of persons in all the Western States to whom 
 you may address yourselves & requiring any that he would [illegible]. * 
 
 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 
 
 John Quincy Adams to William Plumer. 
 
 His Excellency William Plumer, Governor of New Hampshire. Epping 
 
 Washington 6. July 1818. 
 
 Dear Sir. 
 
 During the Session of Congress I took care, that the public docu 
 ments which I thought would be acceptable to you should from time to 
 time be forwarded, but I have had the pleasure of receiving Letters from 
 you dated 17. Nov r 26 Dec r 13 March and 8 May which ought long since 
 to have been severally answered; but that among the many valued Cor 
 respondents whose favors I find it impossible even regularly to acknowl 
 edge, I extend the omissions longest to those from whom, I flatter myself 
 that it will be regarded with the most liberal indulgence. 
 
 Very shortly after I received your Letter and that of your Son, 
 respecting the publication of the Journal of the Convention which formed 
 the present Constitution of the United States, a Resolution was offered 
 in the Senate to the same effect, which in the course of the Session was 
 adopted by both Houses, with the addition of a direction for the publica 
 tion also of part of the Correspondence of the Old Congress during the 
 Revolution. Presuming that this legislative provision would supersede 
 the intention of your Son, I have forborne to take any further steps in 
 relation to it. 
 
 You have been kind enough upon several occasions, and upon various 
 topics of public interest, to give me your opinions in the candour and sin 
 cerity of friendship. Those opinions have always been much respected 
 by me; where the measures of the President have met your approbation, 
 it has given me as much pleasure as if they had been my own ; when you 
 have censured, I have always perceived with new regret that it was not 
 without reason. There have been however motives for the steps which 
 you think objectionable, of which you have not perhaps been aware. The 
 opinion given by the President in the message at the Commencement of 
 the late Session, against the Constitutional power of Congress in regard 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.6o]. 
 
 193 
 
to internal improvement was thus declared to avoid the complaint which 
 had been made against his Predecessor, of having withheld his opinion 
 upon the same question until Congress had matured an act for making 
 such improvements, and then defeating the measure by his Veto. Many 
 of the members of the former Congress had shewed dissatisfaction at this 
 course, and had urged that it would be fairer, and save the time of Con 
 gress and the Nation if the Chief Magistrate should explicitly make known 
 his opinion, before-hand, so as to spare the Majority of the Legislature 
 the necessity of coming in direct collision with his negative. These rea 
 sons certainly have their weight; but in fact the exercise of actual con- 
 troul by the President over the opinions and wishes of a majority of the 
 Legislature, will never be very palatable, in what form so ever it may be 
 administered. 
 
 I hope the appointment to Russia, will prove more satisfactory than 
 your anticipations. The difficulty of filling the foreign Missions well, is 
 great and increasing. You are aware that the Compensation allowed to 
 our Ministers at the principal European Courts is, not only inadequate, 
 but to such a degree that no man can accept and hold one of them more 
 than one or two years without sacrifices of private property, which few 
 of us are able to bear. M r Pinkney, with the advantage of a double outfit 
 has been driven home at the end of two years, by the excess of his expences 
 as much as by the rigour of the Russian Climate. Our Countrymen and 
 Congress are not yet convinced of the necessity of making further pro 
 vision for the support of the Missions abroad, but men of the first rate 
 talents have discovered that they can do better for themselves and their 
 families at home. The Missions to England and to Russia were both 
 declined, by men of whose abilities, you would have been fully satisfied. 
 The state of things will be felt in consequences which may cost the Nation 
 Millions for every thousand saved by their parsimony in this instance. 
 I am no friend to profusion for the payment of public service. I am con 
 vinced that it is just and politic in the People, to make all their offices of 
 high trust and honour, rather burthensome than lucrative Real patri 
 otism, will cheerfully bear some pecuniary sacrifice, and the appetite of 
 Ambition for Place, is sufficiently sharp-set without needing the stimu ant 
 dram of Avarice to make it keener. But in the Missions abroad there are 
 expences, and a general Style of living which your Ministers cannot avoid 
 without personal and national degradation. Men of affluent Fortunes 
 may be willing to accept as a Salary for a year that which will little more 
 than defray their necessary expences for a Quarter, but throughout the 
 United States how many men are there, able by their private resources to 
 be laid under this contribution? and of that number, small as it is, how 
 many possess talents suited to represent the Nation, with honour, atiH to 
 execute the trust of its most important interests which must be confided 
 to them ? 
 
 The state of our Relations with Spain continues to be critical, and 
 has been rendered more so by the recent events in Florida. The despatches 
 
 194 
 
from General Jackson which will explain his motives for the capture of 
 Pensacola, have not yet been received. 
 
 We are in daily expectation of the arrival of the Commissioners from 
 South America. You will see in the newspapers some interesting details 
 of affairs in Chili, with an address to Captain Biddle of the Ontario. 
 
 I am with great Respect, Dear Sir, your very humble and obed* Serv* 
 
 John Quincy Adams. * 
 
 SAMUEL DELUCENNA INGHAM. 
 
 S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. 
 
 Washington 2 Sep 1821 
 Dr Sir 
 
 Your letter in explanation of the charge made by Dr Ingalls was 
 forwarded to the President at Fort Calhoun where he had gone for the 
 benefit of salt bathing you will as a man of business understand why I 
 made no remarks upon the transaction untill the papers were submitted to 
 the President who alone had the power and of course the right to decide 
 I am now at liberty to say that he understands the subject precisely as it 
 presented itself to my mind upon reading the papers and as I think it 
 would to every impartial mind and really the more I reflect upon the 
 proceeding the more I am at a loss to discover to my own satisfaction 
 whether folly malice or wickedness has most prevailed in these movements 
 against you I need not say to you however that prudence & moderation 
 best becomes those in power, these qualities are pretty well understood to 
 be the natural offspring of conscious rectitude, and the cultivation of them 
 enables us to keep our adversaries in the wrong, are the true foundations 
 of just [ ?] energy this letter is intended as private. I will give you 
 the official decission on the charges as soon as time permits in the mean 
 time very truly yours 
 
 S D Ingham 
 David Henshaw Esq : 2 
 
 S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. 
 
 Private. 
 
 Washington 17 Aug. 30 
 Dear Sir 
 
 You will have observed a publication in the Tellegraph in rela 
 tion to the fishing bounty paid in 182^-^0 this was made up at the 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.86]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.ag]. 
 
first auditors & Registers offices, but I am apprehensive that there may 
 be some errors in it, which I would be glad to examine into before the 
 statement is noticed ; It is very mortifying to have mistakes on such sub 
 jects but such is the constitution of the office that it is extremely difficult 
 to know when we can rely upon any statement rec d from them. 
 
 Your answer to the Bank puts Mr. Frothingham hors de combat it 
 seems that the counsel for the Bank advis d that it was legally exonerated 
 from the paym* of the defalcation, by reason of the part your bond Clerk 
 had acted Mr Biddle intimated such an opinion when he informed me 
 that the credits were ordered to be given. I took the occasion to protest 
 against the doctrine and to insist that a pay* made to an authorised officer 
 of the bank was good & must be accounted for whether creditted or not, 
 no matter whether embezzled by COLLUSION with the highest or lowest 
 officer of the Gov* I took the strongest ground leaving every fact in 
 the present case except the admitted delivery of the hands to the bank and 
 the pay*, of the money to the Teller out of the question. 
 
 Mr. F. s attempted exculpation was on its face a good deal worse 
 than none, and the effort to throw the censure on y r office indicates weak 
 ness of mind or of nerves You are as much mistaken about the Deputy 
 inspectors of the Revenue as Judge Story was when he made all inspectors 
 Deputies of the collector altho the former is by no means so plain a case 
 I had occasion to examine it thoroughly last year for Philad a . and again 
 last winter upon a Petition to Congress from N. York on which I made a 
 report which removed all doubt on the question 
 
 As well as I can learn the practice all markers & provers were deputed 
 from Inspectors of the customs untill 1822 when by implication which I 
 think that law does not warrant, they were seperated ; The comptroller 
 decided very opposite to your opinion that markers & Provers were offi 
 cers and hence the duty was incompatible with any other officer in the 
 custom I say that as markers & provers they are not officers but deputies 
 and that none but inspectors can lawfully be deputed and this is the 
 only security of the Gov* for their faithful performance of duty, as other 
 wise they are under no obligation of oath or official responsibility of any 
 kind altho the duty is much more important than that of measurer or 
 Guager they cannot be regarded as labourers Their marks on liquors 
 & Teas are deemed of high authority under many circumstances and it is 
 of no small importance that every person who has such a duty to perform 
 should realize that he acts under all the obligations & solemnities which 
 belong to official duty 
 
 Kentucky has overthrown her "table orator" and the press in Ohio 
 maintain the veto strongly In Penn a the opposition are afraid to dis 
 cuss it which I am sorry for ; having long been desirous that the people 
 should be induced to think closely on this subject not a Democratic 
 paper has lisped a word against it, altho most of our members went 
 
 196 
 
astray, we have in the present Congress but two coalition members 
 from P a in the next we shall probably have the old federal strength 
 which is about 6 
 
 very respectfully 
 
 Your S D. Ingham 
 Hon David Henshaw : 1 
 
 S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. 
 
 Dr Sir 
 
 I enclose you a corrected statement of the Fishing bounty accruing 
 in 1828 & 1829 and have been much mortified with the mistake in the 
 former statement. It is not the first time I have had to suffer for the 
 error of others The estimates of expenditure of the Gov* for the 4 th 
 Quarter of 1829 were an example these estimates were made by the 
 heads of the respective Dep ts to which the expenditure belong d, not by me, 
 they were wrong by one million! Chilton & co. confounded estimates with 
 expenditures and insisted that we had expended a million more than was 
 true because I had so estimated, but the actual expenditures were exhib- 
 itted & proved the gross error in the estimate, which I was obliged to 
 bear the odium of, as I could not charge it where it belonged without a 
 seeming reflection on them. Mr. M c Kinney of the Indian Dep* had err d 
 in his estimate near half a million after 2 months of the quarter was past ! ! 
 But now to the point before us, I sent to the Registers office for a state 
 ment of the money expended for Fishing bounty in 1828, 1829 respectively, 
 never dreaming that an expenditure kept so distinct by law would be 
 confounded betiveen the last day of December and the first quarter of the 
 next year, but in a thoughtless tho perhaps literal obedience, they sent 
 me the payments made in each year without regard to the year in which 
 they accrued, but as the payments which may be made on the 31 Dec r 
 1830 could not be noticed or brought in, the analogy of the statements was 
 destroyed ; and the expenditures for 29 paid in 30 appear d less in com 
 parison with those of 1828 than they would have been if both statements 
 had been made up upon the same basis 
 
 The corrected statement shews a saving of $52,379.49 in 1829 which 
 is very great in such a term ; no less than 25 per cent, you may if you 
 think proper publish the enclosed and use it in your own way without 
 noticing the Tellegraph Article at all it may not be observed, & if it is, 
 the true statement may be referred to. Few people understand any thing 
 of the fishing bounty except in N. E and the Tell, statement will not 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.37]. 
 
 197 
 
be likely to attract notice untill some one takes it up and comments 
 Kentucky is not quite so good as expected but it is doubtful which 
 
 has the vote for Senator 
 
 very truly 
 your S. D. Ingham 
 Hon David Henshaw 
 
 20 August 30 * 
 
 JAMES MONROE. 
 
 James Monroe to . 
 
 Highland near Milton. 
 Sepr. 24. 1821 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I have received yours of the 2 I st . and am happy to hear that you 
 have in a great measure recovered your health. I hope that the use of the 
 Bladensburg water, with the exercise you take in going there, will soon 
 remove all disease, if it has not already done it. I came here to look into 
 my affairs, which required it, & likewise to take exercise, by a ride along 
 our so. west mountain, which I trust will be beneficial, tho indeed my 
 health has been remarkably good of late. 
 
 Your view of requiring inspection of the papers is perfectly satis 
 factory to me, indeed my own did not preclude it, tho in guarding against 
 a violation of our own principles respecting search &c, and against a 
 quarrel with France & other foreign powers, the idea did not occur to me. 
 There is a clear distinction between the practice of search, under the right 
 as claimed, & a call for the papers, & I should suppose, if on such call 
 being made, it should appear, that the flag had been fraudulently assumed ; 
 that the papers, for example of France, could not be shown by a vessel 
 which had hoisted her flag, that her gov*. would be gratified at her seizure, 
 it being done, more especially, on the belief, & satisfactory proof that she 
 was American. In the case of the Jeune Eugene, I am informed that her 
 papers were French, the equipment, having been fron one of the Islands 
 of France. A general order, to the effect stated, would I presume not 
 include, that case. I think that such an instruction should be given, to 
 our public ships, sailing on the African coast, and elsewhere, to suppress 
 the slave trade. What shall be done with the Jeune Eugene who sailed 
 under the French flag, & according to my recollection, French papers? 
 Had we not better surrender her to the French consul, according to the 
 request of the French Minister, altho she might have been navigated by 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.38]. 
 198 
 
American citizens, and owned by them also? He proposes to send the 
 vessel to France for trial. A generous & liberal conduct, on our part, to 
 that gov*, in strict accord with our principles, might obtain us their favor, 
 a stronger support from it, & be useful in other respects. Communicate 
 on this subject with Mr Thompson. 
 
 On the papers from Florida, I have only to express my deep regret. 
 Your communication forms a small part only of those which I received 
 by the same mail. Gen 1 . Jackson has made his statm 1 . of the case, as has 
 Mr Fromentin, both couched in bitter invective, each against the other. 
 By the same opportunity, a denunciation, against Mr Fromentin, by the 
 whole bar, is forwarded, with their protest against his appointment, as 
 unworthy of it. I have instructed Mr. Brent to show you, the whole 
 communication and to show it likewise to the other members of the ad 
 ministration, & I shall be glad to have your sentiments on the conduct of 
 the parties, & also as to the part which I ought to take in it. 
 
 My own idea was, that under the law of the last Session, for the 
 momentary gov 1 . of Florida, for temporary is too strong a term, the powers 
 usually exercised, by the gov r . & other authorities of Spain, were to be 
 exercised by our gov r ., and other authorities, to be instituted by him, under 
 his controul, and that the laws relating to revenue, & the slave trade only, 
 were plac d under the particular direction the gov*. of the U States ; that 
 is, that untill the next meeting of Congress, and further provision being 
 made, the laws of Spain were to govern there, in all cases, except in the two 
 cases mentioned; or [for I have not here, a copy of the laws of last Ses 
 sion] if our constitution was to have any operation, till after the next 
 session, and the principles of our system, in that territory, that the powers 
 & organization, preexisting, were to be regarded. This would give to the 
 district judge, a power over the two subjects mentioned only, and as I 
 presume, restrain him from interfering in other cases, however improper 
 the conduct of others, within that line might be. 
 
 The whole proceeding is to be regretted, & will I fear be productive 
 of much mischief. I do not think, that I ought to express any sentiment, 
 even to general Jackson, on this subject in the present stage, for reasons 
 which I will give you hereafter. Nor do I wish, the sentiment which I 
 have expressed above, to be mentioned to any one, I mean as to the nature 
 of his powers, and the limitation of those of the judges. You will form 
 your opinion on the subject, from a view of the law, & the construction 
 given of it, by the Executive in the instructions given to him, the corn- 
 miss 11 , to the judge, the organization of the territory, into revenue, judicial 
 districts, &c. We shall have to act on it, & in regard to me, it may become 
 a question of character, in consideration of the high temper of the general, 
 tho always directed with an honest zeal to the public interest, of the sup 
 port which I have heretofore uniformly given him, & other circumstances 
 which I have not time to enter into. I shall therefore wish your aid, & 
 with that view, your full view of the whole subject, will be proper & use 
 ful, in prescribing the course which I ought to take. As connected with 
 this subject, I send you in like confidence a private letter to me from the 
 
 199 
 
general, which I received some weeks since, & to which I gave a very 
 friendly & approving answer, there being then nothing done, essentially 
 compromitting either the gov*. or himself, & the conduct of the Spanish 
 gov r . meriting any degree of harsh language, which any person might 
 feel disposed to bestow on him. 
 
 with sincere regard yours 
 
 James Monroe 1 
 
 ELIHU CHAUNCEY. 
 
 Elihu Chauncey to Asbury Dickens. 
 
 Phil a Sept r 7 th 1824. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 My correspondents at New York deem it very important for M r 
 Crawford s interest in that state, that it should be known before the I st of 
 Nov r , and sooner if it can be, what his state of health is likely to be. 
 
 This information, if given, should not be an anonymous statement in 
 a partizan newspaper, but in such way as to command general confidence, 
 and put to silence the unfavorable representations as to his health which 
 his adversaries are now most industriously circulating in that State. An 
 address from some public body, with, or without, his answer, might be 
 satisfactory. 
 
 Should M r Crawford fail to obtain the vote of New York it will be 
 owing to a prevailing fear that disease has so impaired his constitution as 
 not to leave a reasonable hope that he can properly discharge the Execu 
 tive duties ; and his friends must now use whatever means the actual state 
 of his health will justify, to dispel this fear. 
 
 I shall be gratified to receive any communication you shall make to 
 me on this or any other subject. To our former intimacy & friendship 
 my mind often recurs with pleasing recollections. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, very respectfully, 
 Your friend & ob 4 S* 
 
 Elihu Chauncey. 2 
 M r A. Dickens, 
 
 City of Washington. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.54]. 
 3 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.67]. 
 
LEVI WOODBURY. 
 
 Levi Woodbury to William Plumer. 
 
 Washington City. Ap. 23. 1826 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I can give you nothing very new in reply to yours of the 5th As to 
 the Panama mission, about which you appear to feel a strong interest the 
 resolution of the Committee of Foreign Relations in the House of Repre 
 sentatives, that the mission was expedient, has been rejected by a large 
 majority The facts were these It was first amended much in the 
 manner proposed by Mr. McLane, confining the mission to mere attend 
 ance without any pledge or even power to negotiate on certain subjects 
 &c. &c. as you have doubtless read in the newspapers On this proposed 
 amendment has been all the debate and the consideration of the correct 
 ness of the mission as at first recommended This amendment prevailed 
 by a majority of 4 
 
 Many of the friends of the mission then joined with those opposed to 
 it in to to & rejected the resolution. After the expression of opinion on 
 the amendment those opposed to the mission, except sub modo f joined 
 with those friendly to it in every view and the Appropriation Bill passed 
 that House with little opposition 
 
 The subject is now again before the Senate & will probably be acted 
 on this week 
 
 I am not surprised at much diversity of opinion on the points con 
 nected with it ; but a little astonished, that a gentleman, whose own motives 
 in public life are so pure as yours, should suspect any other gentleman 
 from New York or elsewhere of motives not equally pure If it was a 
 case on which persons could not honestly differ, then some ground might 
 exist for such imputation but in a case like this, both the resistance to 
 the mission and the publication of the Speeches, to vindicate that resist 
 ance from base charges of "faction" and "unprincipled opposition/ were 
 in my opinion not "improper" nor "degrading" 
 
 The Judiciary Bill has passed the Senate by a large majority with only 
 one amendment, which is now before the other House. 
 
 As to the adjournment of Congress it has been fixed at the 22d of 
 May I was in favour of an earlier day but Mr. Daniel Webster &c. 
 &c. resisted strenuously even this on account of his Bankrupt Bill &c 
 
 You doubtless have heard much of the late duel between Mr. Ran 
 dolph and Clay What do you think of it ? How far will the retention 
 of Mr. Clay in the Cabinet after this be an approbation of the duel ? 
 
 201 
 
You take much interest in the expenditure of public money and 
 doubtless have seen some extracts from a report made in the other House 
 a few weeks since, containing Mr. Adams expenditure of the $14000 ap 
 propriated last session for additional furniture to the President s house 
 It has been a subject of mortification here to his friends and must have 
 astonished you, I think, that "a billiard table" $50. "billiard balls $6." - 
 "chess men $23." &c &c. should compose a part of the articles purchased 
 by him with this public fund and should go down to our posterity as a part 
 of the furniture for the President s use in this virtuous stage of our 
 country s growth & history The newspapers have, to my joy, been 
 very silent about this & I hope yet, that some explanation can be given, 
 but none has been attempted up to this time here 
 
 My best respects to your family and believe me 
 Most respectfully Yours 
 L. Woodbury 1 
 Hon. Wm. Plumer. 
 
 BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. 
 
 Benjamin Waterhouse to John Bailey. 
 
 Cambridge 13 th Dec r . 1826. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Will you be so kind as to send me a printed copy of the Bill con 
 cerning Vaccination which was reported last winter? By what you and 
 others told me, it is a strange one, confining the President to the appoint 
 ment of a Superintendent to certain cities, two, three & four hundred miles 
 distant from the spot whence the Kine Pock discovery & practice spread 
 to every part of the continent. M r Lloyd told me that the Bill, which he 
 reprobated, was calculated to accomodate a certain individual in Phila 
 delphia, and he took great pains to explain it to M r Everett, before he left 
 Boston, the origin, progress, and stagnation of the business. His father 
 you know was an eminent physician. His idea and my wish is to have the 
 Bill recommitted, so that it may be taken on large & liberal principles. 
 
 If the matter should excite interest equal to its importance, and viewed 
 as M r Jefferson considered it, and as one too high to be quoted views it, 
 I should do as he any many others wish me to do. But if it should be on 
 that contracted scale of a thousand dollars salary, which would hardly pay 
 the rent of an office, with the needful stationary, & an assistant, it would 
 ruin the establishment, by leading some unprincipled young man to re- 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.yi]. 
 2O2 
 
numerate himself by practices resembling those of D r S. s When I see 
 
 the Bill I shall be able to speak more clearly on this subject; until I do, 
 
 I can hardly speak understandingly upon the proper course to be pursued 
 
 With esteem & respect I remain yours 
 
 Benj n . Waterhouse 1 
 
 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON. 
 
 Richard M. Johnson to Captain P. P. Pitchlynn. 
 
 City of Washington 
 
 6 th Jan 1826 
 My dear Friend. 
 
 I have not written to you often since I came here but my heart & good 
 wishes have been with you. I have been overwhelmed with business in 
 Congress & out of Congress; & knowing that you took the papers from 
 this city or at least that you had the opportunity to read them I was not so 
 anxious to write till I could take a few moments of Leisure I send you a 
 letter to the chief Muskeelitubby, read it & let it be given to him & inter 
 preted by you or your worthy Father. 
 
 If you determine to spend some time at my house with your family 
 to study Law & some other Branches we will make you as happy as pos 
 sible. We can at very little expence have your wife & your Sisters taught 
 music & we can make them happy in their situation, the Boys are doing 
 well : none have been sick except John Adams who had an attack of the 
 pleurisy & he has recovered as I learn from my last letters, you know we 
 are. all under the same superintending providence & I hope the Boys will 
 receive the Smiles of Heaven while at my house they shall never want 
 for anything to make them comfortable & happy. 
 
 I should be more than pleased if your people could make some arrange 
 ment with our Government to raise an additional fund for the purpose of 
 keeping about 60 boys at School at my house I would without delay make 
 comfortable arrangements for the whole of them. But it is my advice & 
 & my desire that the schools at home should be encouraged. I do not want 
 to injure but to benefit them. It is the best policy to have schools in the 
 nation & one great Academy out of the nation to teach some of your chil 
 dren the higher Branches of Science Please present my respects to your 
 worthy Father. As I write to you at this time perhaps I may not be able 
 to write to him, but he shall not be neglected present my respects to 
 Col Ward & make known my sentiments to as many of your people as you 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscript [Cham.C.7.78]. 
 
 203 
 
find convenient. Let me hear from you. Your letter was published in 
 almost all the papers in the U. States & you have raised your fame & char 
 acter as a man of sentiment & as a scholar 
 
 wishing you every blessing that this world can afford I am as ever 
 Sincerely your friend 
 
 Rh : M : Johnson. 
 Capt. P. P. Pitchlynn. 1 
 
 WILLIAM HARRIS CRAWFORD. 
 
 William H. Crazvford to David Bradie Mitchell. 
 
 Wood Lawn 9 th July 1827. 
 Dear General, 
 
 I received a letter by the last mail from Major Crawford 
 that he had made an appointment with you to pay me a visit, but that a 
 disappointment had intervened. I pleased to hear that I was not quite 
 forgotten in the State ; & can assure you that a visit from you wou d have 
 been highly acceptable to me. During my residence at Washington my 
 apple & peach orchards were not only neglected but almost destroyed. 
 Since my return I have been endeavoring to resuscitate them, but as yet 
 I have done but little to effect that resuscitation When I paid you my 
 last visit I think I understood you to say that you had some of Paces 
 peaches. If you have I will thank you save some of the stones for me, 
 & either bury them or put them in a damp place or cellar which I am told 
 is necessary to make them come up. I shall be at Milledgeville at the 
 meeting of the Senatus Academicus if I am well, & my present state 
 creates a presumption that it will be good in November. I shou d be 
 very glad to see you at Hancock court, where I shall endeavor at the time 
 prescribed by law for the court of that county. Aprospos of the appoint 
 ment of Judge which the Governor has given me: I had great doubts 
 about accepting it. Twenty years ago I shou d have liked it. But then 
 no vacancy occurred when I was in a situation to accept. And I had very 
 early determined to have no office which was to be obtained by turning 
 out a political friend. My first appointment to the S. A. may appear to 
 form an exception, but I suffered my name to be held up, upon that 
 occasion only because M r . Melledge was supposed to have conceived the 
 design, not only of governing the State, but of excluding every person 
 from office who had not been born in the State. It was to put down 
 * * * high pretentious & not to turn out Judge Jones that my name 
 was used upon that occasion. As it was I felt some repugnance to oppose 
 ^rom the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.66]. 
 
 204 
 
Judge Jones whom I considered a worthy man & sound republican. I 
 gave my consent only to convince Mr Melledge of the extravagance & 
 folly of his pretensions. Yours most respectfully. 
 
 W m H Crawford * 
 
 GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS. 
 
 George M. Dallas to Richard Worsam Meade. 
 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 Your business is, I think, going on well. Within a few weeks, 
 we shall have better opportunities ; and they will be seiz d. There is no 
 fear of our having an adequate subscription. Captain Hayes tells me 
 that he is advancing rapidly. 
 
 Our election is engrossing attention. The Democrats move in solid 
 column in favor of Hemphill, and feel confident of his success. The 
 most active spirits among the federalists join them, and pledge themselves 
 to give at least eight hundred votes for Hemphill a number more than 
 sufficient to secure his election. My own opinion is that the race will be 
 a close one, and that Hemphill will beat his opponent. The ward election 
 of yesterday has produced this as a general impression owing to the 
 obvious reluctance of the federalists to oppose Hemphill whom they have 
 so often upheld. Our Town-meeting in the yard may fairly be estimated 
 at between 800 and 1000 : the one held by the friends of Hemphill this 
 afternoon was not less than 300. Sergeant appears to me much less pop 
 ular with the federalists than we thought. The ground of personal pre 
 dilection alone in which Mr. Binney urged him, has hurt his cause : it 
 conveyed to such federalists as Mr Binney would influence the distinct 
 intimation that he would justify any man for opposing Sergeant who was 
 not personally devoted him for that he could not oppose him politically. 
 
 We hope you will come here in October. I write this in haste at 
 Almander s, as a sort acknowledgment for your letter. 
 My best love to all your family 
 Truly y rs . 
 
 G. M. Dallas. 
 29. Sept. 1827. 2 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.66]. On the margin is a 
 pencil note "Written soon after his first attack of paralysis. I fames] K. 
 T[efft]." 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.24]. 
 
 205 
 
George M. Dallas to David Henshaw. 
 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 We evidently live in very different regions, surrounded by 
 very different people, and liable therefore, to very different impulses. 
 The republicans of this State have not a tittle of apprehension as to the 
 result of the great contest, either in reference to Pennsylvania or to the 
 Union. We may be too confident : but the idea of losing the election does 
 not seem to shadow the mind of a single man. Success appears to us 
 inevitable. 
 
 Our sturdy democracy never, within the recollection of the oldest was 
 as much united and as resolute, as at this moment. Our Legislature has 
 been for some years overwhelming Jacksonian : Our Congressional 
 delegation equally so; and every Convention, of any character as repre 
 sentative, absolutely unanimous. As a party, we have heretofore uni 
 formly beaten our adversaries : why we are to be beaten now, when to 
 every appearance we are tenfold as strong and as cordial, is to me incom 
 prehensible. I beg you not to allow this State for one instant to be 
 doubted. It is not fair to permit the absurd and desperate assertions of 
 Binns and his coadjutors to shake your confidence in the stability of our 
 democracy, in defiance of the repeated and conclusive manifestations 
 which that democracy has made. At that rate, in order to retain the con 
 fidence of our distant friends, we should have to be meeting and holding 
 conventions every day in the year. 
 
 The appointments of M r . Adams have, in no way, conciliated Penn 
 sylvania. M r . Gallatin is now, and has been for ten years a man of his 
 tory, and nothing more. His influence has ceased. M r . Rush became a 
 convert to republican principles, without having acquired a particle of 
 popularity in the State. He was never known to the people, M r . Ser 
 geant deserted the republican ranks at their utmost need. He has no 
 popularity out of the city of Philadelphia. The idea of having soothed 
 Pennsylvania by appointments like these is worse than childish. It be 
 trays a pitiful ignorance of the character and feelings of our people. 
 
 As to the Breakwater & c . they are not concessions from the Coali 
 tion, but benefits wrested from them by a Jackson Congress, and by the 
 agency of active Jackson representatives. These things are perfectly well 
 known and understood. But where they otherwise, it would be imma 
 terial. Our democrats and with them, at least one fifth of the federal 
 ists are convinced that corruption was at work in the election of M r . 
 Adams, and nothing would bribe them to endure it. 
 
 The Adams men are active, and fertile in defamation. They are 
 probably also well organized. The federal party of this State always was 
 so. It is of the nature of our s to submit to very little organization, but 
 to accomplish a great deal, apparently through the exercise of individual 
 and independent effort. We are better organized now than we ever were 
 
 206 
 
before : certainly much better than when we carried M r . Shulze through 
 one of the most heated contests, and amid all sorts of party distraction, 
 by a majority approaching 30,00x3. 
 
 It is true that our vote may be estimated at about 120.000: and 
 that General Jackson did not get more that y$ of this vote, four years ago. 
 He got, however, three to one against all his competitors. The mass were 
 unmoved, because the result was too obvious to admit of a doubt : nor 
 had they been exasperated by their opponents into a desire for extraordi 
 nary triumph. Had the party turned out, we should have obtained at 
 least 90.000, out of the 120.000. This was made obvious by the political 
 character of the Legislature. 
 
 There is at present no bound to the majority upon which we may 
 fairly calculate. I do not, honestly, think that M r . Adams can obtain 
 40.000 votes in Pennsylvania. If he gets 35.000, I shall be surprised. 
 The rest of the voters, the balance of the 120.000, will be unanimously for 
 Jackson. If more turn out, we may both be proportionably reduced : 
 but, under any circumstances, I confidently anticipate a majority exceed 
 ing forty thousand. Many skilful and practiced politicians go beyond me. 
 
 I have thus hastily answered your letter. Had I a little more leisure, 
 I would cheerfully, for your satisfaction, go more into detail: and I 
 think I should shew you that, with the single exception of the City of 
 Philadelphia, not a Congressional District of Penn a . would, this fall, elect 
 an Adams man. If the time enables you to do it, it might be beneficial for 
 you to note the election of our members of Congress, to take place at our 
 general election in October next: they will develope, in a great degree, 
 the character of the election which is to follow three weeks after. 
 
 I do not look upon the Louisiana & Kentucky elections in the light in 
 which our opponents would fain place them. They are ,to me, full of 
 conclusive evidences that their electoral votes would at this moment be 
 given to Jackson. Let us, however, remember, that we zvant neither of 
 them. 
 
 Truly & resp. Y rs . 
 
 G. M. Dallas. 
 28. Aug. 1828. * 
 
 HENRY CLAY. 
 
 Henry Clay to Col. Davidson. 
 
 Washington, 24. Dec r . 1827. 
 Dear Col. 
 
 Mr. Crittenden and my brother have both reminded me of a 
 conversation which I had with you, in the Fall 1824, prior to my depar 
 ture from Kentucky to attend Congress in this City, on the subject of the 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.23]. 
 
 207 
 
pending Presidential election, in the course of which I avowed to you my 
 decided preference for Mr. Adams over Gen 1 Jackson, and expressed my 
 determination, in the event of my being called upon to choose between 
 them, to vote for Mr. Adams. The particulars of this conversation had 
 escaped me, but from my friendship and intimacy with you, there is no 
 man with whom it is much more likely that I should have conversed on 
 such a subject, and I have no doubt that I did. Will you do me the favor 
 to transmit me a written statement of what passed between us on that 
 subject, according to the best of your recollection? 
 
 Your faithful friend 
 
 H Clay 1 
 Col. Davidson. 
 
 Henry Clay to William Plumer, Jr. 
 
 Washington 23 Feb. 1829 
 My dear Sir 
 
 Your favor of the 26 July last was received by me in Ken 
 tucky, amidst popular movements which left me no leisure, and which I 
 believe prevented my acknowledgment of it. I received at the same time 
 and perused, with much satisfaction, the address which accompanied it. 
 I had also received the news paper containing your answer to an attempt 
 to prove by your declarations the corruption imputed to Mr. Adams and 
 me. For all these instances of kind attention I pray your acceptance of 
 my sincere thanks. 
 
 Since the date of your letter events have gone very adversely to our 
 hopes and to the cause of human freedom. Speculation upon their sources 
 is useless, except in so far as it may enlighten the future. I have been 
 unable to view the election of Gen 1 . Jackson, under any aspect whatever, 
 without awful apprehensions. Still, we have yet our liberty. And it 
 should be our aim, by the exertion of all our energies, to preserve it, and 
 to destroy the pernicious influence of the example which a majority of our 
 countrymen have passionately and thoughtlessly established. For my 
 self I desire life no longer than I possess liberty. 
 
 We are beginning already here to witness some of the consequences 
 of this fatal election, in the motley host of greedy expectants by whom the 
 Gen 1 is environed ; in the vulgar, audacious and proscribing tone o the 
 official paper of the new administration; and in the composition of the 
 new Cabinet which may be considered as almost officially announced 
 V. Buren, Ingham, Eaton, and Branch the four Secretaries, in the order 
 in which the departments are usually ranked. 
 
 I do not think that the present state of things can last long. Our 
 friends, as far as I can learn, are firm in their resolutions and stedfast in 
 their principles. If they remain so, a change must be effected. Much 
 depends on New England. And we are accordingly looking with deep 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.7]. 
 208 
 
interest to the approaching Election in your State, which is considered as 
 the most doubtful of that section. 
 
 I shall return to my farm in Kentucky shortly after the 4 th . of March. 
 I reserve for tranquil consideration there the question whether I shall 
 offer for a seat in the H. of R. 
 
 I pray you to communicate my best regards to your venerable father 
 and to be assured that they are constantly entertained for yourself by 
 
 Your faithful ob. Serv* 
 
 H. Clay 
 W m . Plumer J r . Esq x 
 
 JOHN CHANDLER. 
 
 John Chandler to David Henshaw. 
 
 Washington 27 Dec r . 1828. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have the pleasure to receive your favor of the 2O th instant. I 
 agree fully with you as to the course of policy which ought to be pursued 
 by the Democratic party, I never have been one of those who were for 
 buying off our opponents by giving them the offices which were justly 
 due to those Republicans who had bourn the heat and burthen of the day. 
 it is a policy which will down any cause. But it will be very difficult to 
 resist nominations to the Senate, without being able to shew some Cause, 
 especially where both Senators from a State are in favor of the nomina 
 tion. G. Blakes renomination will require some reasons to be assigned 
 to be able to keep it off for a time, & the sooner any evidence of improper 
 conduct is forwarded the better, and so in every case which may come up, 
 so far as I have it in my power to be usefull to our Republican friends in 
 Masachusetts, I shall do it with pleasure, Judge prebble & Gov. King 
 will be with you in a day or two after receiving this, and they will be able 
 to give you a full account of what is doing here, it will be well to forward 
 such objections as you can offer to G. B. as soon as possible. 
 
 We have no news to give you, other than what you see in the papers 
 of the day, I will write you again shortly. 
 
 Your Humble Servt 
 
 John Chandler 
 Hon. David Henshaw. 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.26]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.ys]. 
 
 209 
 
ANDREW STEVENSON. 
 
 Andrew Stevenson to David Henshaw. 
 
 Richmond Octo r . 24th 28. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Some time ago one of yr Journals stated that I had declared at a 
 dinner at Shrewsbury in company with Major Eaton & others that the 
 Electoral Law of N. York woud be altered & that V. Buren was as busy 
 amongst the members of the Legislature as a Hay maker &c. I saw 
 General Green as I passed through Washgn & gave it the lie. I see by 
 the Boston Journal of this day week, that the story is revived, & they now 
 take the whole range of the State, & fire up the name s of Stone & Ward. 
 I never was in Shrewsbury, nor did I see either Stone or Ward whilst in 
 Mastts, that I know of. What can it mean ; & how could such a tale get 
 in circulation. I will thank you as a friend, to probe this matter & advise 
 me of the result ! Who is Mr. Ward & when & where is it pretended tht 
 he heard me use the imputed declaration? Eaton was not with me in 
 Mastts, & I have not the slightest recollection of speaking about the Elec 
 toral Law of N. Y. except at Dunlops & yr. table, & then to say tht it would 
 not be changed ! I am really anxious to learn the history of this strange 
 charge ! Do let me hear from you at an early date ! The vote of Va will 
 be overwhelming for J. & I should not be surprised if he gets the whole 
 Western vote ! The victory is sure & the Coy. safe. 
 
 Very truly yr. f d . & obt Ser 1 . 
 D. Henshaw esqr. A. Stevenson * 
 
 Andrew Stevenson to George Ticknor. 
 
 32 Upper Grosvenor St. 
 
 London Nov r i8th 40 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I had the pleasure of receiving yesterday yr letter of the 27 : of 
 October, with the one inclosed for M r Vail, from M r Prescott. I put it 
 immediately under cover, & had it delivered at the Foreign Office, to be 
 forwarded with their next Dispatches to Madrid. Through the kindness 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.59]. 
 210 
 
of Lord Palmerston, I am enabled to get my letters safely transmitted 
 abroad. The Post Offices on the Continent as you are doubtless apprised, 
 are wretchedly managed. In G* Britain & France they have a better sys 
 tem. Pray say to M r Prescott, that I shall take the greatest pleasure in 
 rendering him here any service in my power, in the prosecution of his 
 literary pursuits. I heard from M r Sparks some weeks ago, that M r P. 
 was engaged in another work connected with Spanish History. I hope it 
 may prove worthy of himself, & be as successful as his F. & Isabella, of 
 the great merit of which, there seems to be but one opinion. The author 
 of such a Work, is well qualified to follow it up with the history of Spain. 
 I hope M r P. will have health to accomplish it. 
 
 I am not surprised at wht you tell me of the violence of Parties, in the 
 U States. We at a distance, can hardly realise such a state of things. 
 They are indeed terrible & afflictive, & augur no good to our institutions. 
 I shall not be surprised at any result of the pending contest. In any event, 
 I shall return home very shortly, in self defence. We are anxious to do 
 so, as you may suppose. Indeed, with one exception I have been longer 
 at this Court, than any of our ministers. I have been influenced in re 
 maining longer than I had intended, by a desire to settle the Boundary 
 question, which I was desirous of doing As it is now in a fair way of 
 being again referred I shall not remain, unless something unexpectedly 
 turns up, to make it proper for me to do so We have however had a 
 delightful time during our residence here, & shall leave a numerous circle 
 of friends who have showered on us kindnesses & attentions as unex 
 pected as they have been gratifying. Nothing could have been more so. 
 It is not improbable tht we may return in one of yr Boston Steamers, as 
 we hear they are fine sea vessels. You have seen no doubt our friend 
 General Cass s Book on the French Court & King. Do you remember the 
 anecdote you told us of Louis Philippe & Guizot the day we dined on the 
 Rue Rivoli, with Ludlow? I promised you to get it out of the King, & 
 did so, which Gen 1 C. has appropriated to himself ; & not in the best man 
 ner. He seems to have taken it for granted, [as I have written to him] 
 tht I did not intend writing a Book! In this he may be quite right, but it 
 did not follow, that I did not intend to give some account of my visit to 
 Paris, and my interviews & conversations with Louis Philippe. Of course 
 this anecdote with others I should have used. He has excused himself by 
 telling me very civilly that it was the best thing in his Book/ His abuse 
 of the English was uncalled for & injudicious. He had better have left 
 Captain Maryatt in possession of the field! Genl Cass I hear, is about 
 publishing another Book. What a deal of comfortable leisure he must 
 have. No wonder he likes Paris. We shall have no war between Eng 
 land & France for the present. Louis Philippe is bent on Peace, & nothing 
 short of abdication, or revolution, can drive him to war. If France would 
 determine to interpose between the Sultan & Mehemit & preserve Egypt, 
 the Parties to the alliance of July would no doubt follow suit. There 
 would then be Peace. An offer to mediate would be judicious I think, & 
 is not improbable. I have great confidence in Guizot & am quite sure 
 tht he sincerely desires Peace. I shall look with interest for the debate 
 
 211 
 
on the Address. His expose will be manly, & straightforward. He thinks 
 they treated France unceremoniously I know, but yet not in a way to insult. 
 Tht there was no such intention, on the part of the other Powers. This 
 you may rely on But nous verrons. M rs . Stevenson unites in kindest 
 remembrances to M rs Ticknor & yourself, and believe me my dear Sir, 
 very respectfully & truly, 
 
 Y r friend & ob* ser * 
 
 A: Stevenson 
 Geo : Ticknor Esq r x 
 
 AMOS KENDALL. 
 
 Amos Kendall to David Henshaw. 
 
 Washington Dec i8 th 1829 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your kind letter of the 14 th inst. approving of my Report to the 
 Secretary of the Navy, has been read with great pleasure. To receive 
 your approbation, though flattering to my. self-love, does not afford me 
 half the satisfaction which I feel in your concurrence with my principles. 
 In our country as well as others, government has been made an art and 
 mystery. The people are taught that few are qualified to govern, and 
 that a long apprenticeship must be served before men are competent to 
 fill the higher stations. To understand the art of mystifying and cheating 
 the people and keeping them in ignorance of the true condition of public 
 affairs, does indeed require some study and skill. But what is, or rather 
 what ought to be, the business of government other than that of private 
 life on a more enlarged scale? Why cannot the government make its 
 bargains and pay its officer in clefinite and fixed sums as well as private 
 citizens? Why cannot the public accounts be kept in as plain and intel 
 ligible a manner as those of a merchant? In all the affairs of govern 
 ment, integrity, common sense and some knowledge of the world, are 
 really the most essential qualifications. Endowed with these, a man of 
 common industry may fifl the highest offices in the republic with more 
 benefit to the people than profound scholars or eloquent orators. 
 
 I knew little of government when I came here, except in theory. I 
 had little conception, that our system had in it, practically, such a mass of 
 fraud and imposition. The ends accomplished in other countries by force 
 or corruption, have been compassed here by deception. The people have 
 not been intimidated by the bayonet, nor their agents, to any great extent, 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.so]. 
 212 
 
corrupted ; but by concealment and falsehood they have been hoodwinked 
 and plundered. I have done and will do all I can to remove the bandage 
 and let them see all the machinery of their government. If a few knaves 
 who cannot bear the light of day shining upon their dark deeds, wince 
 and abuse me, I rest confident of the approbation of the people and of the 
 man whom they have delighted to honor. 
 
 It would give me heartfelt pleasure to see my native state regenerated. 
 There is not a more honest people on earth than the people of Massa 
 chusetts. To abandon the coalition and go with us heart and hand in the 
 reformation of our government, they need only to know the truth. I hope 
 it will not be impossible to overcome their prejudices and enable them to 
 see things as they are. 
 
 Accept for yourself and your democratic associates in Boston the 
 homage of my sincere respect. 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 Amos Kendall * 
 
 Card from Amos Kendall. 
 
 Washington Oct. 22 d 1856 
 To the Editor of the Pennsylvania^. 
 
 I understand that my name has been published in some of the interior 
 papers of your State as one of General Jackson s old friends who are now 
 supporting Col. Fremont. If so, it is a preposterous fabrication. With 
 out judging the motives of others, I have to say for myself, that I could 
 not support Col. Fremont without the guilt of treason upon my conscience. 
 In my estimation, his election upon the platform of his supporters, would 
 be a long stride towards the destruction of our government. And let 
 others say what they will, I have no more doubt than I have of my own 
 existence, that if the Old Hero, whose motto was "The Federal Union. 
 IT MUST BE PRESERVED/ were now living, he would, with all the zeal of his 
 ardent nature, support the nominees of the Democratic Party, "Buchanan 
 and Breckinridge" 
 
 Amos Kendall 2 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.45]. 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.46]. 
 
 213 
 
JOHN MILTON NILES. 
 
 John M. Niles to David Henshaw. 
 
 Post office Hartford 
 
 Feb 22* 30 
 Dear Sir 
 
 Your Letter of the I5th Inst. was duly rec d : and permit me to 
 assure you that you have no occasion for any apology for addressing me 
 on the subject of your letter or any other connected with the interests of 
 the democracy of New England. I rejoice to see that the "Spartan Band" 
 in old Massachusetts, has again taken the field, & resolved to contend 
 manfully for the true faith, once (in 1800) delivered to the saints. 
 
 We are also attempting to rally & bring to the charge, the democratic 
 forces, which remain in this state ; but without having suffered a defeat, 
 they have been broken up, disbanded & scattered by bribery, defection, 
 desertion and amalgamation We have committed two capital errors ; we 
 first attempted to unite with the Jackson federalists; but was obliged to 
 abandon that scheme ; & last Spring we attempted a union with the Adams 
 republicans & now perceive that this project is likely to have no more 
 favourable operation than the other. We now conclude that it is not only 
 the most consistant, but the most expedient course to stand upon our own 
 principles & fight it out. 
 
 Subjoined is the information which you sought regarding the ex 
 penditures of this State, for the fiscal year ending on the 3 I st March 1829 : 
 
 For the General Assembly, $13484 
 
 Judicial expences 23.209 
 
 Paupers (state, & not including those 
 
 chargable on the towns) 2.201 
 
 State Prison, 2.201 
 
 Contingent, 8.830 
 
 That year there was a grant towards 
 
 erecting a State house in N Haven 
 
 which of course is no part of current 
 
 or ordinary expenditures, of that was paid 9.204 
 
 For the support of our primary schools, 
 
 the following sum was paid the 
 
 same year - 72.164 
 
 But this is derived from the interest of 
 
 214 
 
the school fund, & is entirely distinct 
 
 from the ordinary financial concerns of the state 
 
 This fund as this time amounts to $1.882.252 
 
 principally secured by Bonds & 
 Mortgages 
 
 The state also possesses a permanent fund distinct from the school 
 fund, invested principally in stock, of our Banks which amounts nom 
 inally to $435.102 of this however $35.40x3 is in stock of Eagle Bank & of 
 no value at all, and $55.302 is in U. S. 3 per cent stock, the value of which 
 you know much better than I do. 
 
 I am very respectfully 
 your ob. svt. 
 
 John M. Niles. 1 
 
 DANIEL WEBSTER. 
 
 Daniel Webster to William Plumer, Jr. 
 
 Washington April 24. 1830 
 Dear Sir 
 
 I thank you for your kind letter of the 27 April. If my speech 
 has done, or shall do, the slightest good, I shall be sufficiently gratified. 
 It was, in the strictest sense, unexpected, & occasional; yet I am willing 
 to confess, that having the occasion thus forced upon me, I did the best I 
 could, under its pressure. The subject & the times have given it a degree 
 of circulation, to which its own merits could not have entitled it. Con 
 nected with this subject, one good thing excellent, & most important 
 will ere long be made known. At present, it is locked up in confidence. 
 All I can say is, & I w d . not have that repeated, except perhaps to yr father, 
 that the world will one day perhaps not a distant one know Mr 
 Madison s sentiments on these constitutional questions, fully & precisely; 
 together with his understanding of the V a . Resolutions of 1797-8. 
 
 It will be an important paper. 
 
 It is now thought, that pains are taking to sound the Senate, with a 
 view to ascertaining the expediency of a renomination of Isaac Hill. No 
 doubt, a great effort will be made. I hope, not with success. I never 
 shall believe he can either get thro 3 the Senate, or get into it, till I see it. 
 
 It is difficult to get copies of the Executive Journal, I have obtained 
 one, this session, for Mr. Kent. If possible, I will hunt up another set 
 for you ; but if not this year, have little doubt I can do it next. If I can 
 get it, will see it sent, in a safe manner. 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.yo]. 
 
 215 
 
It seems now to be understood that the actual Incumbent of the Presi 
 dency intends to stand for a re election. This disappoints more than one. 
 If that should not happen, I hesitate not to say I think Mr. Clay s 
 chance much the best. He is evidently gaining, in the west & among the 
 political men here. What will be advisable, if Genl. J. should be again 
 candate, cannot now be decided. 
 
 I shall be happy to hear from you, as often as you will confer that 
 favor. Have the goodness to present my regards to your father, & believe 
 me, with most sincere respect, 
 
 Yrs 
 
 Dan 1 Webster 
 HonW m Plumer jr. 
 
 Epping N. H. * 
 
 Daniel Webster to Theophilus Parsons. 
 
 Washington Jan. 2. 1840. 
 My Dear Sir 
 
 I doubt whether I can give you any useful advice, touching 
 the conduct of the Daily. It is a very respectable print, conducted with 
 judgment & intelligence. Mr. Hale does not love political strife, nor is he 
 willing to undertake to give a lead to political opinion. He does not think 
 much of us here, & therefore does not, I think, give great room for Con 
 gress proceedings. 
 
 I wish he had more disposition to seize on great national questions, 
 discuss them, in all their forms, and awaken a livelier interest in the pro 
 ceedings of the Gen 1 . Gov*. 
 
 You are undoubtedly right, in supposing that the finance question has 
 been the leading cause of the Revolution. Why, then, should not the press 
 keep the thoughts of men turned to that subject? Why, for example, 
 should not the Editor of the Daily dissect the Message, & the Secretarys 
 Report, exposing errors & enforcing necessary truths? Why should not 
 the necessity of doing something for the currency, be every day urged 
 upon the People ? Why should not the people of New England be shown 
 what the condition of their manufactures must now shortly be, by the near 
 approach of the penult, & indeed ere long of the last great reduction of 
 duties? Why should not the Press raise a voice ag* the miserable policy 
 of letting in free such enormous amounts of foreign luxuries ? In short, 
 My Dear Sir, if a paper is intended to be a mere chronicle, that is one 
 thing, but if it be meant to perform a political part, it must have discus 
 sion, spirited paragraphs, & the power, & habit, of presenting great truths 
 in a variety of form. In a single discourse, repetition is in bad taste. But 
 the press cannot be effective without much of it. It must renew, today, 
 the arguments of yesterday, & thus hold up, constantly, the truths, which 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.8]. 
 216 
 
it wishes to impress on the public mind. Well conducted efforts of this 
 kind can alone constitute what we call a vigorous Press. 
 
 I will endeavor to send you the Documents, & should be most ready 
 to give you any hints, which might be thought useful. 
 
 Congress is rather inert. A degree of lassitude seems to have fol 
 lowed the excitement of last session, & the summer & autumn. 
 
 I shall be content with whomsoever you send me for a Colleague, as 
 I am sure he will be some good man. 
 
 Yrs truly 
 Danl Webster 
 Mr Parsons * 
 
 WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. 
 
 Letter of Commodore William Bainbridge to General H. A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Philad a I3 h . of March 1831 
 My dear General. 
 
 Little did I think this day week that I should have recvd 
 from the Sey of the Navy the following Letter Viz. 
 
 "Navy Department n h . of March 1831 
 
 "Sir, Como. L. Warrington having been this day appointed to the Com 
 mand of the Navy yard at Philad a . you will consider yourself detached 
 from that Station. And will await the further orders of the Depart 
 ment." Why or from whence this order proceeds I know not beyond 
 Conjecture And the Basis of the Conjecture is as follows 
 
 Myself the presiding officer of a very Arduous Court Martial 
 Cap ts Read & Conner members from this City sent in a claim for per 
 diem allowance and which had been uniformly granted heretofore and 
 had been also allowed last Winter under the "Heaven Born" at Wash 
 ington. As the Government has not condesended to inform me of the 
 Cause or reason of my removal I can only conjecture it to be in sup 
 porting the claim of a paltry sum say about 100 Dollars which Amos 
 Kendall, Clerk in the Treasury Dept, had decided against without right 
 whatever to decide on it. I send you a copy of my letter to the Secy 
 which is the only Basis I can conceive of his dismissing me from my 
 Command, in that my respect (and respect I never intend to pay) was 
 not in as good odour as Amos might wish N importe mon Ami. the 
 World is sufficiently wide for all Beings in it. For God never made 
 anything in Vain!!! The Emoluments of the Navy yard, I hurl with 
 the Straws of the Wind And I trust my reputation is safe in the hands 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.So]. 
 
 217 
 
of my Countrymen. I am well known as an officer and a man in your 
 section of our Country. They have seen me there in Peace & in War 
 I give you my dear General this early information which is of very 
 little importance to the good people near you except so far as their 
 good feelings are concerned in the Reputation of an officer whom they 
 have honored with their Legislative and Individual Approbation Ex 
 cuse this almost unintelligible scroll for you cannot suppose I feel quite as 
 amiable as a young Bride. Give my love to your wife Yr affect friend 
 
 W m . Bainb ridge 
 To Gen 1 . H. A. S. Dearborn Boston * 
 
 SILAS WRIGHT. 
 
 Silas Wright, Jr., to Edwin Croswell. 
 
 Senate Chamber 
 Monday 4 Oclk. Dec 16, 1833 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 We are yet sitting, balloting for committees and cannot ad 
 journ. We must therefore I suppose Complete the ballot. I will send 
 you a list by the mail to-night if I can, but you may know, in any event, 
 that our friends are named enough, but named in all cases by the opposi 
 tion votes and therefore when the opposition desire. 
 
 By the list you will see that the Finance, Public Lands, Judiciary, 
 Naval Affairs, are the subjects of principal anxiety, and the members of 
 those committees will exhibit the perfect drill of the coalition. Private 
 Land claims, Post Office & Post Roads, and some others are committees 
 not yet filled up and where some contest will be had. But 1/4 past 4 we 
 have adjourned. The list I will give you Tomorrow. 
 
 I can only add that the V. P. took his seat to-day, that he made a 
 speech, that our friend I. J. Mumford is here and has handed me a flourish 
 of trumpets as to the speech which I enclose, and the copy of the speech 
 refered to will be in the Globe which goes by the same mail and if you do 
 not get it you must hold the flourish till the speech comes. I can say no 
 more now, but as I am to be very much discharged from committee labour 
 by this election I hope to be a more faithful correspondent by and bye, 
 and personally I rejoice at the results, though, in a national sense, they 
 are bad enough. Look at the committee on Finance, the ways & means 
 of this body. 
 
 Most truly Yours 
 
 Silas Wright J r . 
 E. Croswell Esq * 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.49]. 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.6i]. 
 
 218 
 
Silas Wright, Jr. to William L. Marcy. 
 
 Senate Chamber 
 Washington 6 Jan*. 1838 
 My Dear Sir, 
 
 I am indebted to you for a copy of your annual message rec d . 
 by the mail of this morning. I thank you for this notice of rememberance 
 and friendship, but I thank you much more for the matter of the mes 
 sage itself. From a hasty reading I have experienced unmixed pleasure. 
 Were this my only standard of judgement I should fear I might have felt 
 too strong a gratification, but since I came to my seat I have been called 
 upon by Judge Spencer, Judge Palmer, Judge Bruyn, Mr. Gallop, Mr. 
 Gray, Doct. Taylor, and several others of our delegation all of whom 
 judge and feel with me in relation to the message. They all rejoice in its 
 temper, its spirit, its matter. So far you will, of course, have understood 
 me as speaking of that part of the message which refers to federal rela 
 tions. 
 
 I will do myself the justice to say that, in all other parts of the mes 
 sage, no republican can feel any other than an emotion of pride and 
 pleasure from its perusal. In all these parts it is a clear, direct and busi 
 ness-like document, worthy of such a State paper in such a State. 
 
 I have shown the paragraph in relation to our agitated questions to 
 several of our best friends in this body and all express the most full appro 
 bation 
 
 I regret that I cannot say more, but as I write under an excited debate 
 upon abolition you must pardon me for saying no more and for saying 
 what I do in so loose a form 
 
 Most Respectfully 
 And Truly Yours 
 
 Silas Wright Jr. 
 His Excellency 
 
 William L. Marcy x 
 
 Silas Wright, Jr. to A. P. Upshur. 
 
 Washington 5. March 1842. 
 Hon. A. P. Upshur 
 
 Secretary of the Navy, 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Will you pardon me for intruding upon you with a 
 recommendation for an appointment, an act which I perform with great 
 reluctance, because I doubt not you are greatly over burthened with appli- 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.62]. 
 
 219 
 
cations and because I claim no right to trouble you upon these subjects, 
 any farther than the discharge of the duty I may owe to constituents may 
 require. The present I consider one of those cases, as the Father of Mr. 
 George A. Thorne, by whom this will be handed to you, has been for many 
 years an esteemed acquaintance and friend, and the Son comes to me with 
 recommendations of character and business habits and capacities which 
 do not permit me to entertain a doubt as to his merits. 
 
 Mr. Thorne, the Father and Son, reside in Brooklyn, New York, and 
 the appointment which the young man seeks is that of purser in the Navy. 
 His education and profession has been that of a merchant, and the testi 
 monials he will present to you will, I think, convince you of his capacity 
 and qualifications for the Trust. 
 
 Of the politics of young Mr. Thorne I can say nothing as I know 
 nothing, but I incline to the opinion that he has been more the merchant 
 than the politician, and that while he may not be able to claim distinguished 
 services as a partizan, there will be found very little ground for objection 
 against him upon the score of politics, and I certainly do not suppose that, 
 in selections for the place of purser, political considerations will avail 
 much unless it may be by way of objection, where the candidate should 
 appear to be more a partizan than a man of business. 
 
 The politics of Doct. Thorne, the father, have been those of the repub 
 lican school, but what have been his feelings and what his action in our 
 late political contests I am wholly unable to say. Since my knowledge of 
 him he has sometimes differed from those with whom I have acted, and 
 from myself, but never in a manner either to render his republicanism 
 questionable, or to diminish the sincere respect entertained for him by 
 those from whom he has thus differed. Always moderate in his political 
 action, he has always manifested a sincerity and integrity of purpose, 
 which were the best proofs of patriotic feeling. 
 
 Entertaining, as he manifestly does, a deep anxiety for the success of 
 his son in this application, his whole history satisfies me that he will feel 
 properly grateful to yourself and the President, if you shall find it con 
 sistent with your views of public duty to confer the appointment. Upon 
 any other terms I feel sure that neither young Mr. Thorne, or the Father, 
 would expect the office, and certainly upon any other terms it would not 
 be asked by me ; and I have assured both of my entire ignorance as to the 
 present calls of the Service for officers of this class. 
 
 If Pursers shall be wanted, and you shall be perfectly satisfied that 
 the character and qualifications of young Mr. Thorne are such as to render 
 his selection safe and proper, that result will afford sincere pleasure to a 
 very large and respectable circle of friends of his family, as it will to, 
 
 Your Most Respectful 
 
 And obed 4 . Serv*. 
 
 Silas Wright Jr. * 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.63]. 
 
 220 
 
THOMAS CORWIN. 
 
 Thomas Corwin to John McLean. 
 
 Washington 19* June 1834. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I have been urging on Ewing the necessity of obtaining the 
 information concerning Gardneir s receipts, for some time. He has been 
 so very busy with the P. office affairs that all other things have been for 
 gotten by him. I shall see him to day. He is never disengaged & will I 
 know be anxious to get the facts. He once called for them & the close 
 of the session prevented their receipt. I have been utterly confounded at 
 Homer s course here. Either his policy is too deep & mysterious for my 
 comprehension, or he is greatly mistaken, or (what I am loth to admit) he 
 is dishonest. You will have an opportunity to test his sincerity during 
 the coming summer & fall, & in the mean time it would be unwise if not 
 unjust to think of him or act towards him as one not to be trusted. Still 
 I should not confide fully in him. I fear he has been tempted by that 
 imp Moore. I cannot account for his strange inconsistencies in the elec 
 tion case, upon any hypothesis which makes him unfriendly to Van Buren. 
 Our intercourse is I regret to say suspended except mere civil formalities. 
 I have been particularly careful in my casual conversations with him to 
 speak in a way to satisfy him that I consider him still your friend & 
 engaged with the rest of us in a common cause in Ohio. Yesterday L 
 M c Lane resigned. It is understood to be upon compulsion though appar 
 ently the tender relations between him & the Chief have been severed in a 
 friendly spirit. The dulcet notes of the Globe this morning are designed 
 to conciliate the forbearance of the discarded sec y . He will perhaps think 
 proper to manoevre so as to take his seat on the bench should Duval choose 
 to die in any convenient time. Such are the speculations of the wise ones. 
 It is said Cass is to follow soon per force, though seemingly from choice. 
 My own opinion is they have both been kicked out, or will be. Forsyth 
 & Rives are spoken of for the State department & should Cass retire the 
 new Cabinet will consist of the following Secy of State Forsyth or 
 Rives Treas y Toucey. War Woodbury. Navy Cooper the nov 
 elist. Which last by way of pun may be said to be at least a novel selec 
 tion. The afs d novelist is now engaged in writing a pamphlet of 100 
 pages explanatory justificatory & apologetic of the Gen !s administration. 
 His invention & talent in fiction are very appropriately employed. He of 
 course will sell his copy right well for the Navy department. 
 
 I have just seen your letter to the Phil a committee. It is just what we 
 
 221 
 
wished to see. It will be printed here. We wish Green to publish it 
 connected only with the letter of the committe & not as he wishes, with 
 Websters stuff. The former course we think will divest it of all appear 
 ance of controversy. At all events it will put aside all scruples of the N 
 England folks, & bind up the wounds of some of my N republican acquaint 
 ances in the west. We shall adjourn without any law concerning the 
 deposites. I cannot see where we shall end, the future is all dark, till 
 another presidential term commences. If we fail there I dispair alto 
 gether. We may sustain a public existence for a while, but the health of 
 freedom will have left us forever, if the kitchen scoundrills have four years 
 more to work with their poison. Flood of Zanesville has been rejected 
 by the Senate. No one is named in his place or will be during the session. 
 Stevenson s case hangs up. They will probably reject him. I think we 
 gained a victory in Bell s election. It is believed he is decidedly & un 
 changeably opposed to Van Buren. They speak of Hayward Levitt & 
 Silliman for D Judge in Ohio. The place will not be filled till we leave 
 here. The breach grows wider every day between the Senate and Presi 
 dent. I fear one extreme will here beget another. Stevenson s rejection 
 I understand can be placed on very satisfactory grounds. Some develop 
 ments not hitherto known have it is said been made that alter his position, 
 & if true will end his political career. His health is very bad, it is thought 
 he will not live out the summer. 
 
 Yrs truly 
 
 Tho Corwin 
 Hon Jn Me Lean 
 Cin c Ohio 1 
 
 Thomas Corwin to . 
 
 W City 20 Jany 1840 
 D r . Sir 
 
 I have just red your letter of the 12 th I greatly rejoiced in your 
 success with the Meeting. Depend on it we shall beat this time. I have 
 red at least a dozen letters this morning from western ( ?) states, all prom 
 ising success, where we did not expect it Rencher a former member here 
 from N Carolina, a man of cool & sagacious mind writes me that Harrison 
 & Tyler are the very men of all others who could carry N. Carolina & 
 assures me I may rest satisfied that old Rip will be safe for us. So from 
 Maine & P a proofs without number of the same spirit & belief as to these 
 states come to me every day. I send you a paper printed at Richmond 
 showing what the feeling is there. We shall surely take the old dominion 
 this time. 
 
 The more I think of this business of Gov. the less I like my connexion 
 with it. I fear we shall have great difficulty in setting matters right in 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.45J. 
 222 
 
our Dis* if I just now step aside. So they tell me at home. I have written 
 to all my acquaintances at Columbus to take some body else. Ewing I 
 am sure would carry us safe thro & I verily believe would get more votes 
 than I could. I shall have to resign one public place to run for another. 
 This looks bad & will fetter me every where. I beg you to think of this & 
 consult with our friends. The loss of my Dis in the fall election must 
 not be. 
 
 Yrs. &c. 
 Tho. Corwin 1 
 
 THOMAS EWING. 
 
 Thomas Ewing to Peter Hitchcock. 
 
 Washington City 
 
 Dec 28 th 1834. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 I reed yours yesterday but having written very fully a few days 
 ago on the subject I did not think best to trouble you with another very 
 special answer, I mentioned to you that all our Whigs from Ohio would 
 unite on Me Lean except one. You were probably aware that Gen Vance 
 was the Gentleman referred to. 
 
 He will, before the step is taken undoubtedly use every effort in his 
 power to prevent it. After it shall have been taken I still think it probable 
 he will go with his friends. Of this however I am by no means certain 
 as he has strong feelings of personal hostility to Me Lean. He is a warm 
 friend & a good strong hater, so that he will be difficult to reconcile. 
 
 My own views & that of our friends here remain unchanged 
 
 I am very Respectfully 
 Yours 
 T. Ewing 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.si]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.88]. 
 
 / ; ",^, c ;;;i". \ 
 
 2*3 
 
JAMES BUCHANAN. 
 
 James Buchanan to Asbury Dickens. 
 
 Lancaster 3 October 1836. 
 Dear Sir 
 
 An absence from home of nearly a fortnight has prevented me 
 from sooner acknowledging the receipt of your letter. I presume, how 
 ever, that Governor Cass has shewn you my letter to him on the subject of 
 the Secretaryship of the Senate. 
 
 Letters poured in so fast upon me that in self defence I was obliged 
 to say to all that I would not commit myself until after I should reach 
 Washington. In regard to yourself I entertain the most friendly feelings 
 & I am sensible of your high qualifications for the Station. We shall 
 have several candidates from Pennsylvania ; but I have frankly tofd them 
 that the circumstance of both Houses having for so many years had Clerks 
 from our State would be urged as an objection to the election of one of 
 our citizens. Placed in the situation I shall be, I know not what I may do. 
 I shall act for the best under the then existing circumstances. 
 
 I remain truly yours 
 
 James Buchanan 
 Asbury Dickens Esq * 
 
 WILLIAM LEARNED MARCY. 
 
 Governor Marcy to General John Jackson. 
 
 Albany Jan*. 3. 1838. 
 General John Jackson, 
 
 Although you have not notified me yet I have it in 
 so many other ways that I have good reason to believe that you have 
 actually called out a part of your Brigade to protect that part of the fron 
 tier of the state which lies within the limits of your command. Brig. 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.70]. 
 224 
 
General Burt of the 47 th Brigade having done the same thing I have caused 
 an order to be issued to him in relation to his duties in this emergency. 
 I have directed the adjutant General to issue to you a similar order which 
 will probably be conveyed to you by the same mail that carries this letter. 
 I will only say in this letter that the greatest care must be taken that the 
 troops when assembled do not under any circumstances commit any act 
 of aggression. The militia of yr Command are called out for no other 
 purpose than to defend & protect, not to avenge insult or punish outrage. 
 It is the duty of the General Gov*. [to] attend to the latter and the inhabit 
 ants on the frontier may be assured that the honour of the country will be 
 maintained & wrongs inflicted will be redressed. Let no rash act on the 
 parts of our own citizens and in an especial manner on the part of the 
 military force called out under the authority of the state embarrass that 
 government in obtaining the reparation and atonement which we have a 
 right to demand. I am with great respect your 
 
 Obt Servt 
 W. L. Marcy * 
 
 CALEB GUSHING. 
 
 Caleb Gushing to General H. A. S. Dearborn. 
 
 Washington I April 1840 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Mr Adams has placed in my hands your letter to him of the i8th 
 instant, in regard to which (in conjunction with yours to me of the 27th 
 January) I write at the present time. 
 
 I do not think there is immediate prospect of war with Great Britain. 
 At the same time, the issue has ceased to be in the control of the United 
 States. We have done all we can to effect an amicable settlement of the 
 main question. Our counter-proposition was made in December last. 
 Mr. Fox states that Lord Palmerston s answer was to be made up in all 
 March ; & if so it ought to be here in a few weeks. Will Great Britain, 
 however, yield anything? Will she recede from her system of encroach 
 ment & self aggrandisement? I doubt. If she do, it will be the first 
 time she has done so, unless when forced. And upon that, it seems to me, 
 depends the final issue. 
 
 I am as fully convinced as you can be that the peace, security, & ter 
 ritorial independence of the United States require the extinction of the 
 British power in North America ; and to that great end I shall never cease 
 to look. Delenda est Carthago. 
 
 Gen. Scott, in a paper communicated to Congress today, says the 
 British have now 20.000 regulars in the Provinces. Be assured, that this 
 great force is placed there to act against the United States, 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.58]. 
 
 225 
 
Within the year past new works have been erected, not only on the 
 Northeastern frontier, but at various other points all along to the far 
 Northwest, & especially at Sandwich & Windsor. To say nothing of the 
 strengthening & enlargement of various old works. 
 
 British officers are actively intriguing with the (our) Indians in the 
 Northwest. 
 
 For myself, I favor all measures of preparation on our side. And I 
 wait only for the March despatches promised, to act. 
 
 I propose to communicate your letter to Mr. Poinsett, not only be 
 cause of the suggestions it contains in regard to the fixed defences &c of 
 of the country, but also to encourage him in his militia plan, which I see 
 you approve. 
 
 Its operation, it seems to me, so far as I can judge from reading the 
 plan, & without having heard the other side, will be good. 
 
 Take Massachusetts to illustrate the idea. He proposes that the 
 Mass of our militia shall be enrolled &c substantially as in Mr Quincy s 
 bill. Our Active force is to consist of 6000 men, drafted or volunteers, 
 to be paid by the United States. Mr Quincy s bill is for 10000 volunteers, 
 to be paid by Massachusetts. Add Mr Poinsett s Sedentary force of 6000 
 more, & the general result is better for us, than any past or existing fact. 
 For instance, if Mr Poinsett s plan be carried into effect, my District will 
 have to supply 5 Companies of Active, & 5 of Sedentary, volunteer (or 
 drafted) militia; that is 500 men in actual service for so many days annu 
 ally, & 500 For contingent service ; all, paid by the United States. It does 
 more than that now, at the expense of this Commonwealth or of the volun 
 teers themselves. 
 
 I may be mistaken in these views ; but thus it seems to me. 
 
 Would it be of use for me & others to stir in this militia business at 
 home? I, for instance, will very gladly resign my present commission as 
 Judge Advocate, & enter the line, if I can do it without disturbing too 
 much the officers of the line now in commission. Pray think of this, & 
 let me know if it would be judicious for me to attempt any thing of this 
 sort. 
 
 In regard to fortifications &c, the prospect is not good. The Admin 
 istration, in its anxiety to conciliate the senseless prejudices of the South 
 on the subject of the tariff, has set in motion a retrenchment hobby, which 
 is most pernicious to all the public interests, & I think prejudicial to the 
 popularity & political prospects of the Administration itself, which, to 
 make sure of two or three States in the South, is in the way to repell & 
 disgust all the rest of the Union. In justice to all parties, it must be 
 admitted that the Whigs are partly in fault; for the Distribution & 
 Deposit Act has crippled & exhausted the resources of the Government. 
 Thus it is that party interests on both sides embarrass the public service. 
 
 I remain, 
 
 Very truly yours 
 
 C Cushing 
 Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn. * 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.67]. 
 
 226 
 
ABEL PARKER UPSHUR. 
 
 Secretary Upshur to President Tyler on the case of Midshipman Cooper. 
 
 Midshipman Ch. S. Cooper was tried by a Court-martial for certain 
 offences of no very grave character, & was sentenced to be reprimanded, 
 & confined for a certain time, to his ship. 
 
 Before his sentence was made known, his commander represented to 
 him that he would certainly be very severely punished, & recommended to 
 him to resign. Under the fear thus inspired, he sent in his resignation to 
 his commander. It was not accepted. 
 
 Supposing that his connexion with the Navy was severed, by the 
 mere fact of sending in his resignation, he left the ship, & repaired to 
 Washington with the view to represent his case to the President, & ask to 
 be reinstated. The President, however, acting upon the technical prin 
 ciple that the actual acceptance of the resignation was necessary, in order 
 to break the connexion between the officer & the service, dismissed him 
 for breaking his arrest. 
 
 I am satisfied from the evidence before me 
 
 1 That the resignation was occasioned by the terror inspired by the 
 assurances of the commanding officer, that the sentence would be very 
 harsh, & by the influence of the commander s counsel. 
 
 2 That there was no intention to break the arrest, but that the same 
 was done ignorantly. 
 
 The interference of commanding officers in such cases & in such 
 mode, particularly where young & inexperienced officers are concerned, 
 is of very pernicious tendency, & ought to be discountenanced by the De 
 partment. It appears to me from satisfactory testimonials, that Mr. 
 Cooper is worthy to be in the service, & therefore, under the circumstances 
 of his case, I respectfully recommend that he be restored to his former 
 position. 
 
 Respectfully submitted 
 
 A. P. Upshur 
 Dec r 3 1841 
 
 Endorsement of President Tyler. 
 
 Let Mid. Cooper be restored but this restoration is not to carry 
 with it back pay. The general rule adopted since I came into office is to 
 allow no back pay as the consequence of restoration . 
 
 J. Tyler 
 
 Dec r 6. 1841 
 appt d 9 th Novr. I84I. 1 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.io]. 
 
 227 
 
MARTIN VAN BUREN. 
 
 Martin Van Buren to Governor William C. Bouck. 
 
 Lindenwald 
 
 Jany 8 h . 1844 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I thank you kindly for the copy of your Message sent me. It is 
 an excellent paper, prepared with care, talent & discretion. It deserves 
 to be, and I have no doubt, is, satisfactory to the great body of your friends. 
 
 Will you excuse me, if, influenced by an unfeigned desire for your 
 success, & encouraged by the spirit of your last letter, I trouble you with a 
 few suggestions upon a single point in your future course. 
 
 Your views & opinions upon the most important of the subjects which 
 are to be acted on by the Legislature, have now been presented to them in a 
 simple, plain & perfectly intelligible form. With this your duty in respect 
 to them is performed, & that of the Legislature, who are under the same 
 responsibilities to the people that you are, commences. In their hands, 
 without farther interference I would leave those subjects, holding, & when 
 asked, expressing with candour & in good temper the same opinions, but 
 with a declaration that you have done your part of the duty that it now 
 remains for the Legislature to do theirs that you have the same confi 
 dence in the goodness of their motives that you ask for your own, & that 
 it will be your duty to be satisfied with what they, in the exercise of the 
 discretion committed to them, shall think proper to do. Such, I was in 
 formed by the old members of our party was the uniform course of M r . 
 Jefferson, & there never were any heart burnings between him & Con 
 gress. I endeavord to walk in his footsteps, in this regard, & felt the 
 advantage of it. There is no telling how much the comfort, as well as 
 real efficiency of our Executive officer is increased by it. When it is 
 known that he indulges such feelings in respect to the action of the Legis 
 lature, his enemies have fewer tangible points upon which to assail him, & 
 less room is afforded for suspicions & jealousies on the part of his political 
 friends. When the Executive, on the other hand, manifests a deep inter 
 est in the action of the Legislature, & busies himself in efforts to give it a 
 particular discretion, it is utterly impossible to avoid the suspicion of 
 bringing the patronage of the Governmt to bear upon the independent 
 exercise of opinion by the Legislature. If you are as pure in this respect 
 as purity itself, still the friends of those who oppose your actions in the 
 Legislature will be certain to place their disappointment in the way of 
 office to that cause. The effects of this upon the popularity of our Execu- 
 
 228 
 
live officer are much greater than is upon a first impression supposed. 
 The effects of Individual disappointment are "comparatively limited, the 
 other strikes at a principle properly held sacred by the mass of the people 
 & creates more extensive & permanent injury. It is quite natural that 
 one should feel desirous for the success of measures he recommends, & 
 for the failure of those of which he disapproves, but it is much the safest 
 way, & in the long run the most effectual too, to let things take, in this 
 respect, their natural course. When it is known that a Gov. connects his 
 own fate with the action of the Legislature, he is kept in hot water through 
 the whole session, is liable to be defeated in the estimation of the by standers 
 in matters with which he strictly speaking has nothing to do, & on account 
 of which he is unwise to assume unnecessary responsibilities. Whilst 
 on the other hand he makes his ease with his Constituents & the Legisla 
 ture at the commencement of the Session, he does it in his own closet, 
 having a controul over the whole subject, deliberately and cooly, & he 
 reserves the rest of his time for his other duties, which are of themselves 
 sufficiently troublesome & responsible. 
 
 Excuse me for troubling you so long upon a point which you have 
 most probably already considerd & determined to adopt. I design to 
 come for a few days to Albany on the 17. Inst whn the Agricultural society 
 meet & whn I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time 
 believe me very respectfully & truly yours 
 
 M Van Buren 
 Gov. Bouck * 
 
 JAMES KNOX POLK. 
 
 James K. Polk to Governor William C. Bouck. 
 
 Columbia Tenn. June 2 I st - 1844. 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I thank you for your letter of the 3 d _ Instant, congratulating me 
 upon my nomination by the Democratic National Convention, for the 
 Presidency. It was a high honour conferred by my party and was I 
 assure you wholly unexpected by me. I am gratified to have your opin 
 ion of the prospects in New York, and hope you will, as you promise in 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.si]. 
 
 229 
 
your letter, write to me occasionally as the canvass progresses In this 
 State a finer spirit prevails than I have ever known & our Democracy 
 are confident of success. 
 
 I am With Great Respect 
 Your ob t se t 
 
 James K Polk 
 His Ex. W m C. Bouck 
 Albany 
 
 N. York 1 
 
 RICHARD RUSH. 
 
 Richard Rush to Asbury Dickens. 
 
 Sydenham, near Philadelphia, 
 
 April 16. 1846. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I have your letter of the 13 th , and in regard to the first part 
 will merely say, that you need not be at the trouble of acknowledging the 
 kind of letters you refer to, as I will always infer their safe arrival. I hap 
 pen to have had particular reasons for the special inquiry I once made. 
 
 And now to the important part of your letter. It is certainly true 
 that we had no specific instructions for the clause of joint occupation, or 
 "non-occupation", as Mr. Adams says, in the convention of 1818. Our 
 instructions on this whole subject, were very meagre; contrary to the 
 general practise of Mr. Adams while Secretary of State, whose instruc 
 tions were little apt to want fullness any more than force. Mr. Gallatin 
 and I both remarked, how meagre they were. Of this I have a written 
 note. There was nothing beyond what is to be seen in the Secretary s 
 joint dispatch to us of the 28 lh of July 1818. The subject, now grown so 
 vast under the name of Oregon, had place in our instructions then, under 
 the general head of "Settlement at the mouth of Columbia". The 
 Secretary remarked in treating of this head, that the pretensions of the 
 British government to this settlement "called Astoria" (this was after 
 the surrender of its possession to us under the treaty of Ghent ) were 
 not precisely known, nor had they "explained the grounds or motives oir 
 which they contested our right to it." The dispatch spoke also of Russia 
 having pretensions on that coast; and, whilst arguing against the expe 
 diency of referring this and other disputed points to commissioners &c. 
 alluded to a "boundary across the western deserts of this continent, and 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham.C.g.ig]. 
 230 
 
title to establishments on the Pacific ocean, where, save pretensions "there 
 is no object to any party worth contending for." Memorable words these, 
 to recur to now ; but do not let me be the one to make public proclamation 
 of them, as I desire never to be placed in relations other than harmonious 
 with Mr Adams, but the words may be seen by all in our public documents. 
 
 We did the best we could under the instructions we had, for which I 
 refer to our joint Report of the 20 of October 1818, transmitting the con 
 vention. The fact is our discussions on this part of it, were quite limited 
 at that period, but we found the British stiff enough notwithstanding; 
 for, to say no more, they put in their claim to "territorial authority" equally 
 with ourselves to the whole country lying between 45 and 49 on that coast. 
 
 The first full discussion ever had between the two nations, was in the 
 negotiation which I afterwards conducted singly at London in 1824. This 
 was the first negotiation after we had acquired the Spanish title, and the 
 whole report of it was made in my dispatch of the 12 th of August 1824. 
 The British then were entirely surprised, or assumed to be, at the nature 
 of our claims (their extent,) as I certainly was at the extent of theirs; for 
 which see my Report among the public documents, [or page 599 of my 
 second volume.] 
 
 I have ever believed that England attaches great importance to that 
 coast and country. Her newspapers and other publications, I know, some 
 times hold one language about its importance and sometimes another ; but 
 whenever England has spoken, as England, that is, through the solemn 
 declarations and records of her government, she has steadily shown a de 
 cided sense of its importance. When her plenipotentiaries with the whole 
 British Cabinet at their elbow, after much ado on both sides, at length 
 proposed to me in June 1824 to take 49 as the basis, and then turning down 
 south when it reached the north Easternmost branch of the Columbia, to 
 divide that river with us, she taking all north of the river and we all south, 
 I to be sure expressed my astonishment at such a proposal ; but her pleni 
 potentiaries intimated to me during the remainder of the negotiation, 
 almost in informal words, that it was their ultimatum; though this was 
 not entered on the protocol in part by my desire, for the reason which I 
 gave them. See my above dispatch or, for handy reference, the book 
 just mentioned page 609. 
 
 England not having at that epoch, tied herself down by the record to 
 such an ultimatum, was willing in 1826 to let us have, in addition, a little 
 bit of detached territory along the Pacific and Straits of Fuca from Bui- 
 finch s harbor to Hoods canal; and since, in 1844, she has included a 
 further offer of the freedom to us of certain ports on the main land, or on 
 Vancouver s Island, south of 49. 
 
 By no other offers whatever, of which the public know any thing, has 
 her government, to this day, gone any farther than the foregoing sketch 
 makes known; and she has rejected many offers from us. She knows 
 that whoever has Oregon will command the north Pacific; an^ my way of 
 reasoning rather is, that the vast future which she will probably think is 
 opening to her in that ocean through the improved intercourse she has set 
 herself to work for bringing about with China, will not be likely to reduce 
 
 231 
 
her ambition on the Oregon question. Hence I have all along been less 
 sanguine of a pacific issue to this formidable question than many of my 
 friends fervently as I wish to see peace on terms fair and honorable, 
 and not meaning to part with that hope to the last. 
 
 I have answered you somewhat more at length than seems necessary, 
 but your inquiry was important and you rightly remark that I take an 
 interest in the whole subject; and, having followed it up, have gone on as 
 you see when once sitting down to write at all about it. And how short 
 and simple is the sheer record or essence of the whole negotiation ! Does 
 it not show a deep root to the difficulty on both sides? I fear so; and 
 although still ardently hoping for the best, have, I must say, regarded 
 General Cass s resolutions early in December as nothing more than wise 
 and prudent under all the past history and present position of this diffi 
 culty, come what may of it finally. I have however barely intended to 
 write you a brief summary narrative, not give any opinions; and will 
 therefore only add how truly and sincerely I am 
 
 My dear sir always yours, 
 
 Richard Rush. 1 
 
 Richard Rush to Asbury Dickens. 
 
 Sydenham. 25 April : 46 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 It is not often that I amuse myself with an article like the 
 enclosed, intended for the National Intelligencer; but as long back as 
 when Lord Morpeth was here, we talked at my table (cautiously at first 
 on his part as he knows our thin skins but I told him not to be afraid) 
 of the frequent use we make of the word action. Since then we have 
 doubled, quintupled, in its use and abuse, and dear knows when it is to 
 stop ; so I have tried to give it a little hit having often been minded to do so 
 before; and as the great example comes from Washington, it is there, if 
 any where, that some little attempt in the way of corrective should appear. 
 You may see that the English newspapers are at last jeering us about the 
 word. 
 
 Therefore, my dear Sir, I venture on asking you just to hand the 
 article as from me to Mr. Gales or Mr. Seaton when you may find it quite 
 convenient by meeting with either of them. They may decline its publi 
 cation from their preoccupied columns of important matter, or other 
 reasons ; and I might not know of this, should it so turn out, if I sent the 
 article directly. Should it result so, then on your next seeing either of 
 them in the Senate Chamber, I will ask the favor of you to get back the 
 manuscript and put it under cover to me. 
 
 There is another reason with me for asking your friendly instrumen 
 tality on this little occasion. Should the article appear, I may never know 
 of it from not getting the paper; for although I take the Intelligencer 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham. C. 8.9]. 
 232 
 
(the tri-weekly) it gets to hand with great irregularity, through faults at 
 the Philadelphia post office I am sure ; therefore, if published, please send 
 me a copy of the paper, which you can probably pick up at the Senate 
 Chamber. 
 
 The Mrs. Tantamount anecdote, I had from Mr Madison. It was 
 an old Virginia Lady. 
 
 Always Sincerely 
 
 yours 
 Richard Rush 1 
 
 ZACHARY TAYLOR. 
 
 General Zachary Taylor to Col. Jefferson Davis. 
 
 Head Q rs , Ary, of Occupation or Invasion 
 
 Matamoros Mexico Aug*, 3 d , 1846. 
 My dear Col, 
 
 I have [heard] with much pleasure of your safe arrival at 
 Brazos Island, with your excellent Reg 1 , of Mississippi Volunteers, & very 
 much regret I cannot at once order you with your Com d , to Camargo, 
 where the greater portion of the Army will be concentrated, which is im 
 practicable at the present time, but will do so as soon as possible with our 
 limited means of transportation; the want of a more ample supply has 
 embarrassed us not a little, & I fear will continue to do so to some extent. 
 I propose bringing up the Regt s , from their encampments on the banks of 
 the Rio Grande, where I flatter myself they will be pleasantly situated, as 
 regard pure air, heath, wood & water, pretty much in the order in which 
 they arrived in the country, & must say it is a source of mortification that 
 yours was not among the first which reached Brazos Island, as I can assure 
 you I am more than anxious to take you by the hand, & to have you & your 
 command with or near me, & flatter myself if we are not disappointed in 
 the arrival of several Boats which are daily expected from N. Orleans & 
 elsewhere, in addition to those now here, we will very soon be able to bring 
 you up. 
 
 I expect to leave by the first boat which reaches here from below on 
 her way to Camargo, & should have been highly gratified could I have 
 
 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.io]. 
 
 233 
 
seen you before my departure for that place, but trust it will not be long 
 before I shall have that pleasure. Wishing you continued health & pros 
 perity I remain 
 
 Truly & Sincerely 
 
 Your Friend 
 
 Z. Taylor 
 Col. Jefferson Davis 
 
 Comdg. Mississippi Vol s , 
 Brazos Islands * 
 
 FRANKLIN PIERCE. 
 
 Franklin Pierce to James R. Rix. 
 
 Concord Dec r 2i st 1846 
 My dear Sir 
 
 I return d from Portsmouth on Saturday night, having been 
 there for the purpose of aiding to bring the two papers there together. 
 
 The object will be accomplished within two weeks. And then I trust, 
 that General Harmony may succeed General Apathy & General Contro 
 versy one or the other of whom have long been in command in Dist No i. 
 Our prospects are daily brightening in all parts of the State and I am very 
 sanguine in the belief, that we will route the "allied forces" in March. 
 There is a new spirit abroad. We hear daily of seceding from the Hale 
 faction. Many of them prominent and active men. 
 
 The truth is, there seems to be new life new hope every where. Give 
 my kindest regards to Mr. Williams 
 
 In haste Yr friend & Serv* 
 
 Frank Pierce 
 Jas. R. Dix Esq 2 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.3o]. 
 
 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.56]. 
 
 234 
 
JOHN TYLER. 
 
 John Tyler to Brants Mayer. 
 
 Sherwood Forest 
 Charles City County. Va 
 
 August I st 1847. 
 My dear Sir : 
 
 Your acceptable letter of the 13 th July, reached me as I was 
 on the eve of departure for New York, with my family. Having placed 
 them I trust, beyond the reach of the Malaria, whose influence is more or 
 less felt on the James River, I have returned, farmer like, to look after the 
 plough, and take the first moment of leizure to acknowledge its receipt. 
 
 In urging Texas annexation, I had no such assurance as that given 
 by Almonte to yourself, viz., that Mexico regarded Texas as lost to her, 
 and that all she wanted was to save the point of honour, which he thought, 
 could be done satisfactorily. This declaration was made to you in the 
 spring of 1843, before the subject of annexation was seriously agitated. 
 But although I had received no such assurance, I had arrived at the same 
 conclusion as to Mexican policy. How could I have been mistaken in such 
 conclusion. For nine years Texas had been independent, & that inde 
 pendence acknowledg d by the leading powers of the world. For the 
 greater portion of that time, no Mexican army had invaded her territory. 
 Torn & destracted by her internal commotions, she had no ability to make 
 a successful invasion. In my annual messages to Congress, of 1843 & 
 1844, I urged a speedy termination of the hopeless contest, as due to the 
 cause of humanity, and as particularly due to the United States, I placed 
 before Mexico the example of England in regard to the United States, 
 who recognizing her obligations to the civilized world, acknowledg d their 
 independence after a seven years contest. In one, or the other of those 
 messages, I set forth the deep interest felt by my Goverment in the matter, 
 dwelt on the state of exhaustion in which a continuance of the war would 
 place Texas, if not Mexico, thereby reducing Texas to the necessity of 
 resorting to expedients, held out by other Goverments, to the great injury 
 of the United States. These repeated warnings were met by silent con 
 tempt, or open injury. At length other Goverments began to seek for 
 advantages & made their appeals to Texas. I could not look on either 
 passively, or indifferently. It was idle to adopt a course of counter in 
 trigue. We could offer nothing to Texas but our friendship & this she 
 had always experienced. Annexation was the only counter project. It 
 
 235 
 
was proposed & accepted. Standing on the clear ground of right, I should 
 have deprecated no war that Mexico should have waged, while I would 
 have left no means, compatable with public honor, untried, in order to 
 avoid it. We were prepared to have made the most liberal offers. Mex 
 ico was, without loss of time, placed in possession of our true feelings, 
 through a dispatch to our Minister from M r Calhoun, which the Minister 
 lost no time in communicating to the Mexican Goverment. The Senate 
 rejected the treaty & I was abused & laughd at. Thus ended the first 
 chapter of Texas annexation. Seeing the subject however, in the most 
 imposing light, I did not stop here. I threw the matter promptly before 
 the House of Representatives. That House waived a decision of it, but 
 treated the message with respect & carried the question to the People. The 
 People decided in favour of annexation & I carried out their & my own 
 wishes. 
 
 The precise mode in which this was done, you are already apprised of. 
 M r Brown of Tenessee (a Whig) moved a resolution, which pass d the 
 House of Representatives. In the Senate, great difficulty existed in the 
 way of passing it, in consequence of M r Benton s opposition. It could 
 only be overcome by adopting his own proposition, which proposed further 
 negotiation, as an alternative resolution. This was moved by M r Walker 
 & in that form the resolutions pass d. You are aware that the power to 
 select between the two Resolutions was confer d on the President. The 
 Resolutions came to me on the I st day of March & were approved. The 
 only doubt I had as to making the selection, arose from a point of delicacy 
 to my successor. A Cabinet council was summoned for the 2 d March, & 
 the point was resolv d, by informing my successor of the proposed action, 
 & if he desired it, submitting the despatch to his perusal. The Secretary 
 of State, at my request, accordingly waited upon M r Polk, explain d to him 
 my selection of M r Brown s resolution & expressed a readiness to show 
 him the despatch to M r Donaldson. He politely declined the expression 
 of any opinion concerning the Executive action, with some complementary 
 declaration. That evening the Bearer of the despatch was on his way to 
 Nashville, where M r Donaldson was at the time beleivd to be. Such is 
 the true history of that transaction. The power to make the selection was 
 conferred on the President. Whether any other than myself, could have 
 properly made the selection might have admitted of cavil. But I felt that 
 no time was to be lost. The British minister at Texas was known to be 
 exceedingly active. He had in fact, as it afterwards appear d, already 
 obtained from Mexico, an acknowledgement of Texas independence, based 
 on the sole condition that she should repel annexation to the United States. 
 I must add that I feard that the then President of Texas, M r Jones, was 
 opposed to annexation, and that to adopt M r Benton s resolution was to 
 lose the question. M r Polk & his Cabinet would also have requir d some 
 days to bring themselves thoroughly acquainted with the true posture of 
 affairs & all delay was if possible to be avoided. I took therefore, the 
 responsibility of a prompt & decided action, & Texas became soon after a 
 member of the Union. 
 
 236 
 
You ask me what would have been my course towards Mexico, had I 
 continued in office, & what terms would I have proposed ? I can only say 
 that, my course would have been full of conciliation towards her. I am 
 not to be understood as saying that M r Polk has been different. I mean 
 to cast no censure any where. The point of honour had been saved to 
 Mexico, by Mr Calhouns despatch, after the negociating of the treaty. 
 I should have applied myself most diligently to the settlement of the Oregon 
 question, taking the 49 th degree as the basis of the negociation, under a 
 conviction, which I cannot shake off, that Mexico would not have gone to 
 war with us, without the hope of foreign aid. That question kept open, 
 was but too well calculated to induce Great Britain to urge Mexico to 
 war, & to render Mexico at heart, indifferent to its consequences. It 
 would be unbecoming in me to say more upon this subject, at this day. 
 But I cannot forbear repeating that, there was but one feeling in common 
 with myself & Cabinet viz., to negociate with Mexico on terms of distin- 
 guish d liberality. If, notwithstanding all that we could have done, she 
 had cased herself in armor & struck the first blow, I would have fallen 
 upon her with all the power of the country, so far as I could constitutionally 
 & legally have commanded it. Such in brief, is my whole course towards 
 Texas & such would have been my course towards Mexico, had I con 
 tinued in office. I have explained it to you so that you may distinctly 
 understand it, although I cannot, at this time, for reasons which will read 
 ily occur to you, make known what would have been my ultimatum in a 
 negociation with Mexico. 
 
 With best wishes for your health & happiness 
 
 I am Dear Sir 
 
 Yours truly 
 
 John Tyler 
 
 Brantz Mayer Esq ; * 
 
 REVERDY JOHNSON. 
 
 Reverdy Johnson to Prof. Theophilus Parsons. 
 
 Private. You can of course, show this to Mr. Lawrence. 
 
 Bait. 24 May 48 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 Yours of the 24 th I rec d in Wash 11 , yesterday, & thank you for 
 
 it. It will of course, as will any other you may favour me with, be held 
 
 strictly confidential. Your name will, in no event, be made known. I had 
 
 not forgotten that I had the pleasure of an introduction to you. Your 
 
 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.y]. 
 
 237 
 
name prevented that. No Lawyer, could ever forget being known to any 
 descendant of your Father. I propose being in Phil a on the 5 th . June, & 
 remaining there during the Convention. If you have leisure, I should be 
 glad to hear from you by one of your Delegates. Write me also then, by 
 mail, so that I may know if you write by a Delegate, & who he is, in ad 
 vance. 
 
 Your information as to Taylors strength is highly gratifying. I have 
 no doubt, not the least, of his election, if he is nominated in Phil a , & as 
 little doubt that any other Nominee will be defeated. Is it not strange 
 that M r Webster should think he has any chance either of nomination or 
 election? Clay s folly, great as that now is upon the subject, is not as 
 great & unaccountable as his. It is only to be accounted for by thinking 
 that the Presidency has crazed both. 
 
 When M r . W. left Washington last, I have the best reason for think 
 ing he was for Taylor. If he has changed, I fear, it is more from a desire 
 to defeat the nomination of M r . Lawrence as V . P. than from any other 
 cause. I know that in 44, he was bitterly opposed to Gov r . Davis, & I 
 think esteems the Gov r . & M r . L, just about the same. I have the best 
 reasons for saying so. The Friends of M r . L, should, in some way, be 
 informed of this. I take for granted, all your Delegates desire his nomina 
 tion, if M r . W. is not taken for the higher office, and that can only be done 
 by taking Taylor, & by that, will certainly be done. Don t fail to write me 
 at Phil a . if you cannot do so before. I return to Wash", to morrow. 
 
 Yrs sincerely 
 
 Reverdy Johnson 
 
 T. Parsons Esqr. * 
 
 JOHN VAN BUREN. 
 
 John Van Buren to James . 
 
 My dear James, 
 
 I enclose a draft for $420 of R. J. Sage on Messrs. Sage & Co 
 which please have placed to the credit of J. V. B. Ex r &c with Duncan, 
 Sherman & Co. The nomination of M c Clellan is well rec d . & with proper 
 exertion I have great confidence in his election Much, if not everything 
 will depend on the votes of Penn a . & Indiana the io th prox. If they are 
 favorable this State will be carried triumphantly & M c . Clellan elected. 
 I shall remain here till the middle of next week or later, & then make my 
 way to Albany for a week I am still without letters from you 
 Love to all 
 
 truly y rs 
 Willowbrook Sep r . 17. 64 2 
 
 J. Van Buren 
 
 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.47]. 
 * From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.64]. 
 
 238 
 
I 
 
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