HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER ONE. LiteH f I - f ; ;. X BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED. f!7 ^ T- & I J The Public Library of the City of Boston: Printing Department. The Public Library of the City of Boston has, by gift or purchase, obtained from time to time a number of manuscripts of historical interest and importance. In order that this material may be at the service of the general public and of students of American history, the Trustees have authorized the publication of a selection in the Monthly Bulletin of the Library, and reissue in separate form and in limited edition. The manuscripts are to be printed verbatim et literatim, and the issue is under the joint direction of the Editor of the Bulletin and the Chief of the Manuscript Department. Of this pamphlet there are printed two hundred and fifty copies. LINDSAY SWIFT, Editor. WORTHINGTON C. FORD. JAMES L. WHITNEY, Librarian. CONTENTS. TRADE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 1742-43. Letter from Governor Shirley I Letter from Advocate General Bollan 3 Letter from Judge Auchmuty 8 Memorial from Judge Auchmuty 12 Letter from Judge Auchmuty 15 PAPER CURRENCY IN THE BRITISH PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA, 1741 (?) 17 BOSTON IN 1775. Letter from Jesse Lukens 22 VII TRADE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY. From Governor Shirley. Boston N England Febry 26 th 1742/3 My Lords The Seventh of the Quaeries lately Sent by your Lordsps, to be answered, is this viz 1 . What Methods are Used in the Province under your Governm 1 . to prevent Illegal Trade; and are y e same Effectual? I have Singled out this Quaere to Answer in the first place, be cause the illicit Trade which appears to have been Carried on in this province and some of the Neighbouring Colonys (within this last year more Especially) is such, as without the Speedy Interposition of the Parliam 1 . to Stop it, Must be highly destructive of the Interests of Great Britain, by lessening the Vent of her Wollen and other Manu factures, & Commodities in her own Plantations, making her cease to be a Staple of the European Commodities for Supplying them, letting Foreigners into the profits of the plantation Trade, and finally weaken ing the Dependance; which the British Northern Colony s ought to have upon their Mother Country. That the main Benefits and Advantages arising to Great Britain from her plantations, w ch . I have above enumerated, and which have constantly employed the attention of the British parliam 1 . to Secure to her by keeping particularly the European Trade to and from her plantations to herself (as has been the Usage of other Nations with regard to their plantations,) are in very imminent Danger of being lost, to her by the Frauds and Abuses lately practis d here in that Trade, I think will appear to your Lordships upon your perusal of the inclosed Ace 1 , of them given by the Advocate Gen 1 , pursuant to my Orders, and which he has Chose to Cast into the form of a Letter to your Lordships. I am Sensible that the Advocates letter is very long, but I hope its length may be excused by your Lordships on Ace 1 , of the Import- ance of it s Subject, and the Necessity there is of laying before your Lordships a full and particular Acco 1 . of the Mischiefs represented in it, with their Causes and proper Remedies, as they Appear to persons upon the Spot, who have had the Conduct of prosecutions for Breaches of the Acts of Trade in this & the Neighbouring Colonies for Sev 1 . years, and form their Judgem 1 . upon a long Experience of the Effect of those Acts, as they have been Construed by the provincial Courts of Law and evaded by Illicit Traders. I shall only Add to the enclosed Letter, that Untill all Breaches of the Acts of Trade, which Extend to the Plantations, or at least those of the 15 th Cha: 2 d Chap. 7 th are made tryable in the Courts of Vice Admiralty here, (without which it is in vain to hope that the Illicit Trade complained of can be Suppressed) it may be expected that it will be Carried on in New England, and perhaps grow, if not timely prevented, to So Strong an head as that it will be no easy Matter wholly to Subdue it. The prosecution of the Importers of the Goods brought in the Brigantine Hannah (mentioned in the Advocates Letter) from Rotter dam into this For* for the Value of the Goods imported in her would doubtless Discourage the Illicit Traders to a very great Degree, and must deterr em exceedingly by Showing em their Insecurity even after they have Safely landed their Goods; and I am of Opinion it can t fail of having a great Tendency to break up the Trade -- But as I think it more proper that the Comm rs . of y e , Customs sho d . be troubled with the Care of procuring this Evidence from Rotterdam for the prose cution of this Affair than your Lordships, I have directed him to recommend it to them to take that trouble upon themselves; and if your Lordships should be of Opinion that this prosecution wo d . be for the Service of the Crown, your Signifying that to the Commiss rs . of the Customs must Effectually procure the desired Evidence, and the Ac tion upon the Rec*. of it, shall be forthwith brought here & prosecuted to Effect. I am, &c a My Lords &c a W: Shirley Endorsement. Letter from M r . Shirley Gov r . of the Massachusetts Bay to the Board Dated 26 Feb*. 1742/3 being a particular answer to the 7 th . of the Boards Quaeres lately Sent to him relating to the Methods Used in that Province to prevent Illegal Trade and the Effect of them. From Advocate General Bollan. Boston N. England Febry 26 th 1/42. My Lords. Mr. Shirley the Gov r . & Vice Admiral of this province soon after his being made such, was pleased to Appoint me the Kings Advocate, and according to the practice here, it is the Duty of the person filling that place to prosecute all offenders against the Acts of Trade, The Discharge of which Trust has been lately attended with such Dis coveries, and is at present Accompanied with So may Difficulties, that after Communicating them to his Excellency, he gave me Orders to make them particularly known to your Lordships, and indeed I conceive em to be of such Nature & Consequence that, had I not re ceived his Commands to that End, I sho d . have thought myself Obliged in Faithfulness to the Crown to lay them before your Lordships : after mentioning which I shall make no further Apology for giving your Lordsps this trouble ; but proceed to inform you that there has lately been Carried on here a large Illicit Trade, (Distructive to the Interest of Great Britain in her Trade to her own Plantations, and Contrary to the main intent of all her Laws made to regulate that Trade) by im porting into this province large Quantities of European Goods of Almost all Sorts from diverse parts of Europe, Some of which are by the Laws wholly prohibited to be imported into the Plantations, and ye rest are prohibited to be imported there, Unless bro*. directly from Great Britain : To Shew forth to your Lordships, the Rise, progress & Extent of this Pernicious practice would I fear far exceed the proper Compass of a Letter from me to your Lordships, and therefore I shall Content myself with Saying I st . that a Considerable Number of Ships have Contrary to the 15 th Cha s . 2 d . Chap: 7 th lately come into this Country directly from Holland, laden some wholly, some in part, with Reels of Yarn or Spun Hemp, paper, Gunpowder, Iron and Goods of Various Sorts Used for Men & Womens Cloathing; 2 dl y. that Some Vessells have also come directly from other foreign parts of Europe with like Cargoes, 3 d1 ?. that Some of those Vessells were laden Chiefly & others in part with the Goods of the produce and Manufacture of old Spain prohibited under large penalty es to be imported into Great Britain during the present War: 4 thl y. That to Carry on this Sort of Trade diverse Vessells have been fitted out here laden with provisions, and tho they appear wholly English in the Plantations, Yet by means of their being Commanded and Navigated by French Refugees Natural ized, or such persons as may easily pass for French Men and by the help of French papers and passes procured by French Merch ts . Con cerned in the matter, they have Carried the English Provisions to their open Enemies, and landed them out of those Vessells in the Ports of 3 Spain : 5 thl y. That a Considerable part of the Illicit Trade from Holland is Carried on by Factors here for the Sake of their Commissions, Dutch Merch ts . having the property in the Goods Imported. 6 th . That one of these Illicit Traders lately departed hence for Holland proposed to one of the greatest Sellers of Broad Cloths here (and to how many others 1 can t say) to Supply him with Black Cloths from thence, Saying that this Country might be better and Cheaper Supply d with Broad Cloths of that Colour from Holland than from England; But to prevent or rather increase your Lordship s Surprize on this Head I need only to Acquaint you that I write this Clad in a Superfine French Cloth, which I bought on purpose that I might wear about the Evidence of these Illegal Traders having Already begun to destroy the Vital parts of the British Commerce ; and to Use as a Memento to Myself and the Cus tomhouse Officers to do everything in our power towards Cutting off this Trade So very pernicious to the British Nation. 7 thl > . That the persons concerned in this Trade are many, Some of them of the greates Fortunes in this Country, and who have made great Gains by it, and having all felt the Sweets of it, they begin to Espouse and Justify it, Some openly some Covertly, and having perswaded themselves that their Trade ought not to be bound by the Laws of Great Britain, they labour, and not without Success to poison the Minds of all the Inhabit ants of the Province, and Matters are brought to such a pass that it is Sufficient to recommend any Trade to their general Approbation and Favour that it is Unlawfull ; and as Examples of this kind soon Spread their Influence on the other plantations around, tis too plain almost to need mentioning that if Care be not Soon taken to Cure this growing Mischief, the British Trade to these Plantations and their proper De- pendance on their Mother Country will in a great measure ere long be lost\ I shall now recount to your Lordships the Difficulties which attend the Suppression of this Mischief; The First and one of the Prin cipal whereof is that the Breaches of the Statute of the 15 th Cha: 2 d Chap : 7 th Entitled an Act for the Encouragem*. of Trade & made pur posely to keep the Plantations in a firm Dependance upon England, and to render them Advantagious to it in the Vent of English Woollen and other Commodities, and which provides that all European Goods and Manufactures imported into the Plantations Shall be Shipp d in Eng land, are not Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty, and a prosecution in the Common Law Courts here will be Unavoidably attended with great delay and too many Difficulties and Discouragements to be gen erally overcome, for in the First place by the Course of Judicial pro ceedings Established in this province there will be a Necessity for the prosecutor to pass thro various Tryals, (and frequently in distant Counties) in Courts disinclined to the prosecution, and with Scarce any hopes of Success ; For in the next place the prosecutor cannot there have process to Compell an Appearance of Unwilling Witnesses, (And all Witnesses for the Crown in Cases of this Nature are generally such) and Finally a Tryal by Jury here is only trying one Illicite Trader by his Fellows, or at least his well wishers ; How it happen d that the Offences Ag* this Statute which is the main Ligament whereby the plantation Trade is fastned and Secured to Great Britain, sho d not be Cognizable in the Court of Admiralty: when the Cognizance of other Acts of Trade of much less Consequence to the Nation are given to that Court from the Common Consideration of the Interest, or desire that the Juries have here to defeat all Seizures & prosecutions for the Crown, I cannot say but y e Inconveniences that at present proceed from the Court of Admiralty s want of Jurisdiction over Offences against that Statute, are certainly very great : another Difficulty that attends the Suppressing this Illegal Trade Arises from the Nature and Situa tion of the Country, which abounds with Out Ports, where Vessells Employed in this Trade unlade their Cargoes into Small Vessells, wherein they afterwards Carry their prohibited Goods with Ease into some proper places of Safety ; and a further Difficulty grows out of the Corruption of those who are Employed to Carry on this Trade, which is become so great that we have had some late Instances of Oaths taken at the Custom-house by Masters of Vessells in direct Contradiction to their certain knowledge of the Truth, and to this crime these Illicite Traders have lately added this Contrivance, Viz*, To Conceal or Spirit away the Seamen who might otherwise be Witnesses and by their Testimony possibly cause a Condemnation of some of the Vessells Employ d this Way ; and thus when Vast Quantities of Goods are Il legally Imported here, after they are Unladen and Secured the Master appears boldly, and is ready to Swear any thing for the Good of the Voyage, and the Sailors are dispersed and gone, and there is nothing to be found , but an Empty Vessell, Ag l which no proof can be obtained Having thus laid before your Lordships the principal Dificulty s that attend the Carrying the Acts of Trade into Execution here it may per haps be Expected that I sho d propose some Remedies which appear to us, who are upon the Spot and there Observe the Working of these things, to be most likely to Effect the Cure of these Mischiefs; Where fore I shall now proceed to mention em for the Consideration of your Lordships. The first thing that Seems Necessary to be done and that by Par liament is to Grant to the Court of Admiralty Cognizance of all past and future Offences Ag the above mentioned Statute 15 th Cha. 2 d , or (which would be much better) to provide by Act of Parliam*, that all Offences whatever past and future against the Acts of Trade com mitted in the Plantations & the penalties and Forfeitures arising there from may be prosecuted for and recovered in any Court of Admiralty in the plantations; there is really a greater Want of a certain and general Jurisdiction in the Courts of Admiralty in the Platations over Breaches of the Acts of Trade there, than at first may be immagined; For among other things the Statute made in the 7 th & 8 th of W m . the 3 d for preventing Frauds and regulating Abuses in the Plantation Trade is So Obscurely penn d in the point of the Admiralty s Jurisdiction, that it has received different Constructions, and that Court has been fre quently prohibited in this Province to take Cognizance of some of the Main Offences against that Statute, and of late I hear that like prohi bitions have been granted in the province of New York, tho the Intent of the Parliam 1 that made that Statute (as I think) doubtless was to give the Admiralty Jurisdiction of all Offences against it: - The granting to the Admiralty a general Jurisdiction over all Breaches of the Laws of Trade will, without question, be of Advantage to the Crown and Kingdom & Save much Trouble to the Officers prosecuting Illicit Traders, and indeed no Reason can be assigned for giving the Admiralty Cognizance of Offences ag 1 some of the Acts of Trade, but what holds equally good for giving the like Jurisdiction over the rest ; But let what will be done with respect to granting the Admiralty Courts in the Plantations Such general Jurisdiction, I think it is very plain that to Suffer the Offences ag 4 . 15 th Cha: 2 d , to remain only punishable in the Courts of Corhon Law, is to leave it in the power of Illicit Traders (notwithstanding that Statute) to Import into these plantations any European Goods directly from any foreign Countries to their great profit and with little peril Another thing I woul d . propose to your Lordships as a Cure of this Mischievous Trade is, that Actions of Detinue be brought against some of the principal Offenders Importing here Goods from foreign parts, in order to recover the Goods Imported or their Value ag fc . the Importer of them ; such actions will be warranted by the Judgment given in Westminster Hall by the Court of Kings Bench 8 th : W m . 3 d . in the Case of Roberts against Wetheral as Reported by Mr. Salkeld and others ; The Effect of a few such actions properly pursued and Recoveries thereupon had, will I think Unquestionably have the greatest possible Tendency to break up this Trade ; for the Security of the persons concerned in it according to their Understand ing of the Matter rests in this, that if they can but prevent the Officers Seizing the Goods Illegally Imported (and therein they generally meet with no great difficulty, as has been already observed) then they are according to their present Judgem ts . Safe in all respects; But when Once the Importers come to find that, they are Chargeable \vith Actions for the Goods Illegally Imported or their Value, after they have Im ported them Safely and Disposed of them, I think they cannot but be deterr d from making such Unlawful Importations ; For then they will see a New Danger, great and of long Duration, & such as upo n the 6 whole they will have but little (if any) hopes to Secure themselves from The most favourable Case wherein the first Action of this kind can be commenced & prosecuted in my Opinion will be that of the Brigantine Hannah which arrived here in Dec r . 1741, and came directly from Rot terdam, which place she left in Oct r . preceeding laden with Hemp spun into Yarn, paper, Ozenbrigs, Gunpowder and other Goods, after her Arrival here She was Seized, but she had first unladen and Secured her Cargo, and with great Difficulty we got some of the Crew, and by their Oaths proved such Facts ag her that She was Condemned, & as We have already Secured Considerable Evidence of what Goods were Im ported in her, I think nothing will be wanting to Support an Action to be brought against the Owners of her for the Goods by them Im ported in her, or their Value ; but the proof of the particular Goods, taken in by her at Rotterdam, and if your Lordships will be pleased to give Orders for Obtaining that, I think the Crown will be greatly Served by it ; In such Case it will be Necessary to have such Evidence of this point, as the Lords of the Committee of Council will finally receive and Adjudge Sufficient; For with regard to the Success of such Actions here I think there is but little Reason to expect any Recovery on a Tryal by our Juries, tho the proof of such Action and the Law for the Support of it, be ever So plain; But on an Appeal to his Majesty in Council, Law and Justice will without question be rightly Administred : The Condemnation of this Vessell was Owing in a great Measure to Accident; the Advocate Employed by the Claimers not knowing that upon Application to the Superior Court here he might have had a prohibition to the Court of Admiralty, Had that Method of Defence been Used the Vessell would have been certainly Acquitted in the Common Law Courts ; For the only thing which Work d her Condemnation, was our Catching some of the Crew flying, and holding them by such Compulsory process as we could not have had any where but in the Admiralty Court. This is the only Vessell, which has been Condemned for being Employed in this Illicit Trade, And it is very remarkable that tho she Sold for about four hundred pounds Sterling, and So the Owners of her lost that Sum Yet they have con tinued that Trade ever Since to a very great Degree, tho somewhat more warily ; and other persons have been no wise deterr d by this Loss and the peril which the Owners were in of having their Goods taken : But on the Contrary, more Illicit Trading Ships have come in here from Holland only, this last Summer and fall then from London, So near is Great Britain to being quite Work d out of this part of her Trade: and tho I have said So much to your Lordships touching this Matter Yet I cannot avoid adding that this Illicit Trade is Carried on to So great a Degree and in so many Various Shapes that I make no doubt but if proper preventive Measures be not soon taken, a great part of the Bounty Money given by Great Britain to the Importers of Naval Stores from the Plantations will in a Short time be laid out in Holland or other parts of Europe in the purchase of Goods there, to be Illegally Imported here, if that has not been already practis d. I cannot conclude without observing to your Lordships that Unless effectual Measures are Speedily taken, to Stop this growing Evil ; the Illicit Traders will by their Numbers, Wealth and Wiles have got such power in these parts that Laws and Orders may come too late from Great Britain to have their proper Effect against it. Your Lordships Commands to me (If you have any, touching these Matters) Signifyed to his Excellency the Governour or in whatever manner you please Shall be Obey d with the Utmost Care and Dispatch that can be given them by My Lords &c a . W: Bolum. 1 Endorsement. Copy of a Letter from M r . Bolum, the Advocate Gen 1 , in N. Eng land, to the Board Dated the 26 th of Febry 1742/3, relating to a large Illicit Trade lately Carry d on in that province destructive of the Inter est of Great Britain in her Trade to her own plantations, and contrary to the main Interest of all her Laws made to regulate that Trade, by Importing into that province large Quantity s of European Goods of almost all Sorts ; from diverse parts of Europe. - From Judge Robert Auchmuty. Lond. y e . 3i st May 1743. My Lords. In obedience to Your Lordships Comands I humbly lay before you an Abstract of the penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Sev 1 , Breaches of the Acts of Trade Comencing the 12 th . K. Car. 2 d . and Ending the 7 th . and 8 th . K. W m . the 3 d . being Sufficient as I Conceive to Discover wherein the Gov r . and M r . Advocate by their Letters to your Lordships desire for the Reasons therein assigned, An Enlargem 1 . of the Jurisdic tion of the Vice Admiralty Courts in the Plantations. They have very truly pointed out in Several Instances, the Illicit Trade now in prac- 1 William Bollan, an English lawyer, came to Massachusetts in 1740; married a daughter of Governor Shirley. He was made Advocate General, later was twice agent of the Province in England, and favored conciliation with the Colonies. He died in 1776. 8 tice in New England and to which may be added Another, namely that New England is principally supply d with all their Stationary Ware, India Goods, &c. immediately from Holland. My Lords with Submission, I apprehend besides giving Jurisdic tion to the Admiralty Courts to take Cognizance of those Breaches, now only Tryable in the Kings Courts that it is absolutely Necessary in order to Correct these Clandestine practices that the penalty s of 100, attending the Sev 1 . Breaches of the 14 th Car; 2 d . Cap: n. sho d . be doubled, and Expressly payable in Sterling money ; and every Master taking a false Oath contrary to the true meaning of that Stat , Sho d . be deemed Guilty of wilfull perjury and punished accordingly. I beg leave also to observe to your Lordships that the High Duties imposed on Landing foreign Rum, Sugars, & Mallasses, Amount Virtu ally to a prohibition; and to avoid which the Unfair Traders Strain their Inventions and are now become very Skilfull in the Secret Art of Runing which by Experience Spreads itself into almost every other Branch of Illicit Trade ; Whereas if such Duties were lowered in pro portion as not greatly to exceed the Contingent Charges of Runing these Bulky Comodities : I m Confident the Merch ts . wo d . never find that Acco*. in Exposing themselves to the Hazards they now doe, and tho this may lessen the Importation of them and increase that of our Own Manufacture, Yet I may presume to affirm that from thence would result a Fund Suffic*. to pay Sallaries for Several preventive Officers who now are really wanting Especially in Rhode Island & Connecticut, and y e Salary s of many now in Comission who for want of Duty s to Collect in New England are Virtually, but such officers, and at present a Charge to the Crown, and with no propriety Term d Collectors. My Lords in regard to your Lordships further Commands con cerning what instantly may be done towards the Checking this Illicit Trade, I must take Notice to your Lords ps, that I lately had the Hon r . of receiving Sev 1 . Letters from Gov r . Shirley wherein he Especially directs me to Sollicit the Suppressing this Unatural Corherce destruc-- tive to the Mother Country; and accordingly I now lay before y r . Lords ps a Copy of a Memorial intended to have been presented to the Right Honoble the Lords Comm rs . of the Treasury which in my humble Opinion, will instantly Contribute to the Checking this Illicit Trade, and in Order to do it Still more Effectually, I Apprehend, It wo d . be advisable for the Comm rs . of the Customs to give Directions, for the forming two Setts of Interrogatories, Agreeable to the Several Stat 5 ., The one for every Master Entering to make Answer to upon Oath, and the Other upon Clearing, with proper Blanks to Insert such an swers, and Directions Sho d . be transmitted to their Sev 1 . Officers in the Several plantations, to Administer such Oaths openly, in the Cus- torn House, and in Customhouse hours in the presence of the other officers, and the Master to Subscribe his name thereto, in order to re main on file, the Easier to Convict him of Perjury if the same proves false. A Transaction of this Nature, Attended with such Solemnity will have an imediate Tendency tow d . removing that Levity and Rash ness, w ch . at present Accompanies the Suddain taking those Custom ary Oaths, (as they are termed) arising in a great Measure as well from the Imperfect Substance of the Oath, as frequently Worded by an ignorant officer as from the Careless Circumstances that attend y e . present Administration of it. My Lords what greatly favours this Unlawful Comerce in Rho d e Island and Connecticutt (the former of w ch . I presume carries on four times as much as y e . Massachusetts) is not Altogether their more Advantagious Situation; But the want of such officers in both those Governm ts ., as there are in the Massachusetts ; in the first, y e . Collector is but a Deputy, the prinicpal never present, and if the District is Rented Y r . Lords ps may Suppose the Natural Consequences; & in both Comptrollers are wanting, such off rs . I well know, are Indispens ably Necessary, and may be appointed with*, any additional Charge to y c . Crown, all w ch . is most humbly Submitted to y r . Lordships. By My Lords Y rs . etc a . Rob*. Auchmuty. Penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Breaches of the Several Acts of Trade Recoverable only in the Kings Courts. 12 th Car: 2 d . Cap 18 Sect I st . No Goods to be Imported into or Exported out of any English plantations but in English or Irish Vessells or in Vessells of that Country & ^ ths of y e . Mariners to be English under the forfeiture of all the Goods & Vessel!, One 3 d . to his Majesty, One 3 d to the Gov r ., and one 3 d . to the Informer. N. B. This Section is Enlarged by the 7 th & 8 th W m . 3 d Cap : 22 d . Sect 2 d : For the like provision is made for Goods, that are Carried from one Port to Another in the Plantations and the Ships must be wholly Owned by the people of this Kingdom & Plantations. Sect 2 d . No Aliens or persons not born within his Majesty s Plant" 8 : or Naturalized or made Denizens, shall Exercise the Trade of a Merch*. or Factor in any of the said places upon the Loss of all his Goods and to be Divided as afores d. 10 15 th Car. 2 d . C. 7 Sect. 7. No Comodity of the Growth production or Manufacture of Europe shall be Imported into any Plantation &c a . but what shall be bona fide laden and Shipp d in England &c a . under the forfeiture of Ship and Goods. Sect 8 th No Ship shall Lade or Unlade any Goods untill the Master shall first have made known unto the Gov r . or Naval Officer the Arrival of said Ship Navigated &c a ., and Delivered a perfect Inventory of his Lading &c a ., under the pain of the Loss of the Ship and the Cargo not laden in England &c a . 7 & 8 W. 3 C. 22 Sect. 2 d . 4 12 No Goods to be Imported into or Exported out of any the Planta tions in any Ship or Bottom, but of the Built of England Ireland or the Plantations & Navigated as therein directed under the forfeiture of Ship & Goods. Sect. 13. Plantation Bonds are Seizable only at Common Law. Penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Breaches of the Several Acts of Trade Recoverable in the Courts of Vice Admiralty in the Plan tations. 12 th . Car: 2 d . C: 18 Sect. I st . Admirals and all other Commanders of any the Ships of War are authorized to Seize & bring in as prize, all Vessells offending Con trary to this Section and in Case of Condemnation to be divided between the Captor & his Majesty. 14 Car. 2 d . C. ii Sect 2 d . True Entry s to be made upon Oath upon forfeiture of 100. N. B. This is Carried to the Plantations by y e 7 th & 8 th . W. 3 d . C : 22, Sect. 6. Sect. 3 d . 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 34. These Several Sections are in the like manner carried to the Plan tations by the said Stat. Sect. 6. 22 & 23, C. 2 C 26. Sect, ii The Gov r . to take Bond before any Ship is Suffered to Load on Board any of the Enumerated Commodities that the same shall be Carried to some other of his Majesty s Plantations or to Eng land &c a . And that every Ship that shall Lade or take on Board any of the said Commodities before such Bond is given or which Contrary to the Tenor of such Bond, shall Carry the same to any other place than the said places, and there lay the same on Shore, shall be forfeited together with her Laden one Moyety to his ii Majesty the other to him or them that shall Seize or Sue for the same. 7 & 8 K. W. 3. Cap. 22. Sect 8 Notwithstanding the payment of Plantation Duties for Enumera ted Goods none to be Shipp d till Security given under the forfei ture of Ship & Goods. N. B. I conceive By this Stat. the Admiralty hath not Jurisdic tion to Try this forfeiture, But the Admiralty may have Jurisdic tion to Try the same by the Stat. 22 d . & 23 d . Car. 2 d . Cap. 26. Sect. ii. All which is Submitted by Rob 1 . Auchmuty. Endorsement. Letter from Rob*. Auchmuty Esq r . Judge of the Admiralty in New England to this Board Dated 3i st . of May, 1743, inclosing an Abstract of the penalties & Forfeitures Attending the Sev 1 . Breaches of the acts of Trade comencing the 12 th year of King Cha : y e 2 d . Memorial of Judge Auchmuty. To The Right Honoble the Lords Commissioners for Execut ing the Office of Lord High Treasurer of Great Britain etc a . The Humble Representation of Robert Auchmuty Esq r . Judge of the Admiralty for his Majestys Provinces of the Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire in New England. Sheweth. That by the Statute 12, Car 2 d : Cap : 18 Sect n : It is Enacted, that if any person who then was or shall be made Gov r . of any Lands &c a . in Africa Asia, or America by his Majesty his Heirs or Successors shall suffer any foreign Built Ship or Vessells to Load or Unload any Goods or Comodities within the precincts of their Governm ts . until such Cer tificate as therein mentioned be produced before them or such as shall be by them appointed to View the same and Examination Whither the Master and three 4 ths . of the Mariners at least be English That for the First offence such Governor shall be put out of his Governm 1 . Section 19, It is further Enacted that all Ships or Vesells Qualified as aforesaid com ing to any of the Plantations the Gov r . of such English Plantations shall before such Ship or Vessell be permitted to Load on Board any of the 12 Comodities in said Act Enumerated, take such Bond as therein directed that such Ship or Vessell shall Carry all the afores d . Goods to some other of his Majesty s English Plantations or to Eng 1 . Ireland Wales or the Town of Berwick on Tweed, And that the said Gov r . and every of them shall twice in Every Year return true Copys of such Bonds by him so taken to the Chief Officers of the Customs in England. That by the Stat. 14. Car. 2 d . Cap : 1 1 Sect. 15 : It is Enacted that no Ship or Ships Goods Wares or Merchandizes shall be Seized as forfeited for or by reason of Unlawful Importations or Exportations but by the person or persons who are or shall be Appointed by his Majesty to man age his Customs or Officers of his Majesty s Customs for the time being or such other person or persons as shall be deputed or Authorized there unto by Warrant from the Lord Treasurer, or Under Treasur ., or by Special Comicon from his Majesty under the Great or privy Seal. That by the Stat. 15 th Car : 2 d . Caput 7. Sect 8. It s Enacted that no Ship or Vessell coming to any Plantacon &c a . Shall Lade or Unlade any Goods whatsoever untill the Ma r . of such Ship or Vessell shall first have made known to the Gov r . of such plantation or to such person or officer as shall be by him thereunto Authorised and Appointed the Arrival of such Ship or Vessells with her name & sirnamc of her Master & Comander and have shewn to him that she is an English built Ship Bona fide be longing to England & Navigated with an English Mas ", and three 4 ths . of the Mariners at least English men & have delivered such Gov r . or other person or officer a true and perfect Inventory or Invoyce of her Lading together with the place or places in which the said Goods were laden and all such Governors shall be before their Entrance upon the Execution of such Trust take a Solemn Oath before such person or ^sons as shall be Authorized by his Majesty &c to Administer the same, to do their Utmost within their respective Governm ts . to cause to be well and truly observed what within said Act is Enacted in relation to the Trade of such Plantations &c a . That by the Stat. 22 d . & 23 d . Car 2 di . Cap : 26. Sect. n. It is Enacted that the Word Ireland shall be left out of all Bonds that shall be taken from any Ship that shall Sail from England, Ireland Wales for any Eng lish Plantatation in America &c a . and that the Governor of such Planta tion shall before such Ships be permitted to Load on Board any One of the Commodities therein Enumerated take Bond in manner and to the Value mentioned and directed in the Act 12. Car: 2 d . Cap. 18. and Sect. 12. Its thereby further Enacted that the Gov rs . of his Majesty s respec tive planacons do Once a year at least make a return to his Majesty s Officers of his Customs in the Port of London &c a . a List of all such Ships or Vessells as shall Lade any of the said Enumerated Commodi- ties in such Plantations Respively As also a List of all the Bonds taken by them. That by the Statute 7 th & 8 th . K. Wm. 3 d . Cap : 22 d . Sect. 4. It is Enacted that every Gov r . before his Entrance into his Government shall take a Solemn Oath to do their Utmost that all the Clauses Matters and things in the before recited Acts, As also in said Act of 7 th & 8 K. W m . the 3 d . then in force relating to the Plantations be punctually observed according to the true intent and meaning thereof, which Oath shall be taken before such person or persons as shall be Appointed by his Majesty &c a . to Administer the same, and Sect, the 5 th its further En acted that the Naval Officer therein so called shall give Security to the Comm rs . of the Customs in England for the true and faithfull perform ance of his Duty. By an Act Entituled an Act for the better Securing and Encourag ing the Trade of his Majesty s Sugar Colony s in America, it is Enacted that in Case any of the Comodities therein mentioned shall be Landed before the Entry be made & the Dutys duly paid &c a . the same shall be forfeited and the same shall or, may be Seized by the Gov r . for y e . time being &c. July 8 th . King Cha s . the 2 d . Grants to the Colony of Rhode Island a Charter Incorporating them and Impowering them by a Major Vote of the Freemen Annually to Elect a Gov r . Lieu*. Gov r . Assistants &c. who immediately thereupon fill the said Offices without any Appro bation from his Maj ty . or any other Ceremony ; such Gov. Appoints a Naval officer for that year without any Security given That the Collector of the Port for many Years last past has not re sided there but farms out the Same. Such Gov r . therefore being the Creature of the people and his Naval Officer in the same Situation, both liable to be removed at the next Annual Election, in Case by any Unpopular Act they Incur the Dis pleasure of the Freemen, It therefore follows that particular Provision made by the Wisdom of the Legislature for preventing the Breaches of the Several Acts as aforesai d . Answers not the End Intended And in fact that Colony is virtually a free Port, Ships from them Go to Holland and other parts and return without Touching in England, their Smaller Vessells Trade to all the Dutch and French Colony s, run their Cargoes, & Sometimes openly Escaping without Impunity All which is very De- tructive to the Trade & Commerce of the neighbouring Governm ts .who by Nature are not so well Situated to carry on such Illicit Trade and have many Officers who are Checks on each other, and also destructive to the Intercourse of Commerce that ought for ever to Subsist between the English plantacons and their Mother Country, and renders the last mentioned Act useless And by these Clandestine Means the Fair Trader is undersold and Discouraged. For remedying of which It s humbly proposed first, That a Naval officer should be Appointed by Patent giving Security to the Comm rs . of the Customs, of w ch . there are Instances. Secondly that the Several officers of y e . Admiralty (who are all Appointed by the Lords of the Admiralty and not the Creatures of the People) may by a Warrant from Your Lordships be Impower d to make Seizures for the Several Breaches of the Acts of Trade as well as the officers of the Customs, which will be so many Checks on each other, and what your Lordships are by the said Stat. 14 th . Car. 2 d . Enabled to Grant. The Colony of Connecticutt All of which &c a . is in the like Circumstances. Rob*. Auchmuty 30 th Dec r . 1742. Endorsement. Representation of Rob 1 . Auchmuty Esq r . to the Lords of the Treasury Dated the 3O th . of Dec r . 1742, concerning y e . Illegal Trade car ried on in New England & the Methods proper for preventing it. Referr d to in his Letter to this Board, Dated 3 I st May 1743. From fudge Robert Auchmuty. Lon do . the 23 d . Nov r . 1743. My Lords The Gov r . of the Masachusetts Bay, the Judge and Advocate of his Majesty s Court of Vice Admiralty there, by their Several Letters to Your Lords ps. have in great Faithfulness humbly demonstrated the Illicit Trade dayly Carried on in those parts Especially in the Colony s of Rhode Island and Connecticutt, Destructive of the Natural Dependance those Plantations for ever ought to have on their Mother Country ; and also Submitted to your Lordships the Methods by them proposed for Redressing the same : Some of them appear to require a Parlimentary Interposition, others, (till that can be obtained) the immediate Attention of your Lordships, and Considering the Impor tance of the Subject, It s humbly hoped your Lordships will properly recommend the Carrying into present Execution such of them as in their Nature are not Attended with Difficulty, lenth of Time or Addi tional Charge to the Crown. (By which I mean the Absolute Necessity of Appointing a Comptroller of his Majesty s Customs in Rhode as at Boston in New England. It s true in the Infancy of that Colony a Collector was Conceived Sufficient, but as the Trade of that place, and Chiefly Contreband has within these few years prodigiously In- 15 creased, the Duty of a Comptroller there, is of as great Consequence as in any other of his Majesty s Plantations, Especially, Considering that Port at Present is filled by a Deputy Colector who must be pre sumed to Rent the Office from his Principal ; and to Render such an Officer more Circumspect the Appointment of his Salary ought ever to be out of the Seizures made, which with the Customary Fees of office will be a Sufficient Support. I beg leave further to observe to your Lordships, That diverse Vessells Enter into that Port from Sun dry parts in Europe without Touching in England, and also Several from Foreign plant ns . whose Masters decline taking the Usual Oath upon Entering, and Voluntarily pay 100, in Bills of Credit, being the Nomi nal penalty Injoyned by the Stat . tho not in Value a 5 th . part of the Sterling Money, according to the plain Sense and meaning of the Act, And are thereupon Admitted to an Entry; others favourably Escape both, and Some Send a Mate to Enter and Swear, this most Infamous Practice, in a great Measure may be Imputed to the Want of due Solemnity in Administring the Oath being frequently Tendered in a Tavern Coffee House &c a . And the Examination Hurried in So much that many digest it as Mere Ceremony and Form : If therefore a Comp troller was appointed, and the Oath was Solemnly Administred in the Customhouse Office and in Custom House Hours and Subscribed by by the Depon*. in the presnce of the Col 1 , and Comptroller, If the Master was not Admitted to Swear by Proxy, If upon Refusal the penalty of 100, Sterling according to the Words and Sence of the Legislature was Insisted to be paid before Entry made, I humbly conceive these things will give an immediate Cheque to the Illicit Commerce so Justly Complained of and openly Carried on to the Mani fest prejudice of the British Trade and the Fair Trader all which is most humbly Submitted by my Lords Y. &c a . Rob 1 . Auchmuty. Endorsement. Letter from Mr. Auchmuty Judge of the Admiralty in New Eng land to the Board Dated 23 d . Nov r . 1743, relating to the Illicit Trade carry d on in Rhode Island & Connecticutt. 16 PAPER CURRENCY IN THE BRITISH PLANTATIONS IN AMERICA. Upon some late Complaints of the Great Damages Sustained by the Traders from Great Britain, and y e confusion in Business Arising from a depreciating fallacious paper Currency in the British Planta tions in America ; The Parliament have taken this Affair into Consid eration : But as the Circumstances of the Several Colonies may be various and different the British Legislature are pleased to take time Maturely to deliberate concerning the most easy and effectual Methods for Sinking and discharging the same in all the British Colonies with the least prejudice to their respective Inhabitants, and Interruption of y e Comerce of Great Britain. In the mean while to put a Stop to the further growth of this Evil, the Parliament Addressed his Majesty to give Instructions to his Gov ernors in the Plantations not to Assent to any Act for Emission of Bills of Credit but with this Saving Clause Viz. That the same shall not take Effect, until the said Act shall be Approved by his Majesty. To evade this Some lawless Combinations were Entre d into for forcing a Currency by large Emissions of private Bills ; these having the same or a worse Effect, but not being under the restriction of Royal Instructions, and without the reach of any former Act of Parliament, The Legislature of Great Britain found it requisite to Suppress them by a previous Act. If the Colony of Rhode Island Acting under a Charter by Setting up Banks, (the name given in their Acts to their Several Emissions of Loan Money) and Settling of Fees for Transferrs of Rights, as they are called, do not fall within the explicit design of the Acts Anno 1720 & 1741 ; There Seems to be an Absolute Necessity for another previous act of Parliament to put a stop to their Iniquitous Lawless proceedings in this affair for the following Reasons ; I st . In Neglect or Contempt of the late Resolves of the House of Commons, and Subsequent Royal Instructions (having no accountable 17 Commissioned King s Governour) they proceed more than ever here tofore in Emitting Enormous Unnecessary Quantities of this fallacious fraudulent paper Currency, and by Supplying therewith their Neigh bouring Governments of New England, The Currency s of the four Governments of New England being promiscuous, they frustrate the Royal Instructions in these Governments and render of none Effect a late previous Act of Parliament against private Combinations, Emitting of Notes or bubles for a Currency ; because in the Neighbour ing Colonies, the fraudulent Debtors and others of a Natural Improbity and Depravity of Mind, by Collusion and tacit Combinations Continue to give to the Rhode Island Bank Bills a Currency in the same manner as they did the Notes or Bills of a late Suppressed pernicious Combina tion in Massachusetts Bay ; So that the Honest Creditors & Factors for the Merchants in Great Britain, must either take these depreciating Notes, to their very great Damage, or lay out of their Debts perhaps to their total Loss, Insolvency being at present very frequent; All the Reasons made use of for Suppressing the late Combination, Called the Land Bank, may be Used with greater Strength in this Case ; because an Incorporated Mobb are capable of doing more mischef than a Com mon Mobb or Combination, as pretending the Authority of a Charter to Colour and screen their Iniquities. 2 d . No Country, Society, or Single person can have an Unlimited or Indefinite Credit ; when this paper Credit, Exceeds certain Limits, the more such Notes are Emitted, the more their Value must depre ciate- But so it is,- Rhode Island a Small Colony with an Imperfect Charter, of about Twenty thousand Inhabitants, Men Women and Children, Whites Indians & Negroes, have now Extant above four hundred thousand pounds in their Bills of Credit ; and are under no re straint from making more. It being their designed Iniquitous Advant age to depreciate their own Bills, as will appear in some Subsequent reasons; By their frequent unnecessary large Emissions, their Bills are become depreciated So that twenty Shillings Sterling, is equal to five pounds and ten Shillings Rhode Island at present, and are in a fur ther depreciating Course to a very Small or no Value : hence so much (which is almost the whole) of their Publick Bills as they can Circulate in the Neighbouring Colonies being of no true Value, is to them Clear Gain, and the Cheat or loss falls in the other provinces, but at length terminates upon y e . Merchants of Great Britain, who for Valuable Goods Sold by their Factors here, are obliged to Accept of a Currrency of Small Value or totally lose the Debt. 3. Their Ordinary Charges of Governm*. are very Small, not Ex ceeding Six hundred pounds Sterling cjj} Ann, therefore their publick 18 Bills are not for that End, but are very large, & frequent Emissions- with long periods upon Loan for the private wicked Gains of people in their Administration. First the Legislature, & their Electors being generally Debtors, Indigent & Abandoned, find by Experience, that a depreciating paper Currency is an infalible Expedient for fraudulent Debtors to Cheat their Creditors if not restrained ; their Creditors here, & Merchants in Great Britain will thereby Suffer more and more ; - The Risk of losing or forfeiting their Charter priviledges is no restraint upon them ; they are taught by Designing Men Vainly to Imagine that taking away of Charters is Odious to the People in Great Britain & therefore Im practicable. Secondly, The Sharers, that is the Legislature, their Electors & Friends sell or transferr these Shares for an Immediate ready Money profit, the Shares in the Loan Anno 1738 were Sold for 35 ^ O. Ad vance ; in the Loan Anno 1740 at 40 <J$ c*. Advance, or they let their Shares to their Neighbours and to the people in the Neighbouring Governme ts at 10 to 15 ^ C*. <$ Ann Interest, They themselves paying into the Treasury only 5 ^ C*. ^ Ann (in the last Emission being more wicked they have reduced it to 4 ^ C*. for 10 years & no Interest for 10 years more. Thirdly, the Sharers from the known Nature of this Depreciating Money, pay what they borrowed of the publick at a great Discount: for Instance, of the Loan Anno 1715, when Exchange with London was at 65 ejf} O., the last paym*. was Anno 1738, Exchange at 400 tp C*. ; that is for 100 Sterling Value reced they pay only 35 Sterling Value. Fourthly, the Sharers upon a Fund of a Small parcell of Land, do continue borrowing of this publick Money in indefinitum, A Man may borrow to half the reputed value of his Land ; for Instance, 500. upon a 1000. pounds Worth of Land : after a few years by Multiplyed Emissions Denominations depreciate, and this same Land becomes Nominally worth 2000, here is a Fund for borrowing of 500. more: In process of more years, the Nominal Value becomes 3000, which is a further Fund for 500. Fifthly the present Generation in this Colony (if their Emissions did not fraudulently depreciate) do unnaturally and wickedly by long periods & postponings leave a heavy load of Debt upon posterity, for the Sake of a little present Money to Squander away ; So much paper Money as any Colony does Emit, So much Debt are they Answerable for in themselves & posterity. Sixthly There is one Expedient to save themselves & posterity, which when they arrive at their Height of Wickedness (If they hold their Charter & Continue to Abuse it as at present, if the Parliament do not Interpose) they can & will perpetrate : All parts of their Governm 1 . Legislative & Executive are Annually Elective, the Electors who are the Debtors, Sharers or borrowers of this Money, may Chuse such Gov 1 "., Assistants & Representatives, from Amongst themselves as may some time or other pass a kind of Act of Indemnity, releasing and ac quitting all Debtors to the Governm*. that is themselves : then the pos sessors of these Bills, that is the few Industrious frugal people, of New England, and the Merchants in Great Britain by their Factors here, will Sustain a total loss beyond redress. Seventhly, The Interest of these publick Loans goes towards the Charges of Governm*. Therefore as they pretend all their Emissions are Virtually to defray the Incurred and accruing publick Charges, The Iniquity & Falacy of this pretention Appears; I st only some part of this Interest is Applyed to Charges of Governm*. & to Save taxing, the Remainder is made a Dividend of profit to each of their Townships. 2. They have Emitted at times 50000, & have now out upwards of 40000, whereas the Interest of 50000, is more than Sufficient to Defray all their Ordinary Charges of Governm 1 . 3. Supposing the Interest of any particular Sum of a Loan was requisite to defray publick Charges, by Lowering publick Interest they may Increase the requisite publick principal loan to any Sum, for Instance, lower the Interest on publick Loans from 5 to i ^ C*. <$ Ann it will require an Emission of 4 times more publick Bills than are now Extant : in fact by the Emission Loan of this year they have lowered from 5 to 4 ^ c*. ^ Ann. 4. The longer and further that this pernicious paper Currency is allowed to take place in the plantations the greater will be the trouble & difficulty to root it out, and perhaps not without making Riots & other bad Consequences, especially in that Licentious perverse Governm*. of Rhode Island who at y e . same time when they Neglect, Contemn & Insult Resolves of Parliam 1 ., King s Instructions & King s Officers, do in an abandoned false & Hypocritical manner in the Several preambles of their Emission Acts, pretend to the greatest Submission and Loyalty, (Laughing in the face of y e . British Gov- ernm*. while they Endeavour to Cut the Throat of its Authority) a few Instances ; I st . In the preamble to the Emission Act Anno 1715. "Always "depending upon our Dread Sovereigns Countenance & toleration "therein, unto whose Royal Commands this Colony as in Duty Bound, "will at all times readily submit." 2 d . In the Additional Act to the Emission Act of Anno 1740, they 20 make some Aniendm ts . in s d . Act Viz 1 . That instead of one of these, equal to three of the former, shall be equal to four of the former; because not exactly agreeable to a late Instruction from y e Lords Justices of Great Britain. 3 d . In the same preamble, they very falsely pretend a Necessity for Emitting publick Bills (when at the same time none of the prin cipal is applicable to these pretended Extraordinary Charges of Gov- ernm 1 . ; but is divided by way of Loan Amongst the Legislature & their Friends.) First because they are a Barrier to the other parts of New Eng land N. B. they have no Vessel of any force excepting a Small Sloop, and their port is at a Considerable distance from Massachusetts Bay, where is the Confluence of Trade ; by Land they are Encompassed & protected from the Indians by the other provinces of New England, and do not Contribute, towards our Indian Wars. Secondly, a Constant Charge Attends the Inhabitants of this Colony, above other parts of New England. NB. The Charges of their Neighbouring Provinces of Massachu setts Bay is at all times at least ten times more than that of Rhode Island, with not half the Quantity of Massachusetts publick Bills extant. 1 1 Upon submitting this paper to Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis, an expert in the subject, he gives it as his opinion that it was a memorial, prepared in 1741, an 1 either written by William Douglass, the author of "A discourse concerning the currencies of the British plantations in America," or was based upon material obtained from him. 21 BOSTON IN 1775. A LETTER From Jesse Lukens to John Shaw, Jr. Prospect Hill Sept r . 13 th 1775 Dear Shaw I had this morning the honor of yours by M r . Lawrence Why you dear dog, was there not time enough from the 2i st . to the 29 th of Augt. to write more than 7 lines? And those 7 to inform me you intended to have sent me 4% lines by Captain Wharton If we were not, as I apprehend, on the eve of some important event, you should receive a Rowland for your ny 2 lines; but as the case now stands & God only knows what a chasm there may be in our Correspondence, will forget your unkind negligence & excuse you on the supposition that the Lovely Widow, had some willing commands for you to exe cute, & you know I allow every thing to give way to her Supremacy. I suppose Patton received a confused heap of Lines wrote the Day we took possession of Plow d Hill, while the thundering of Cannon & whizing of 24 Ib. Bullets took up much of the attention of an unfleshed Soldier he must on that score excuse all faults That was on Sun day in the evening the fire of the Artillary ceased and on Monday morning we saw the Red Coats busy in throwing up a Parapet within their former Lines, but so much higher on the Hill that the Cannon mounted there could fire at the same time & over those they had fired with on Sunday this new Parapet had six Embrasures On Monday evening they threw four Bombs from their new Battery & a few Guns from it, the old Battery & the Mud Lark in Mystic River without doing any harm Over against Bunker Hill on the other side of Mystic River is Winnisimit Hill at the foot [of] w ch . stands a large House & Farm called Chelsea, here we have ab*. 200 men as a Guard, but no Works or Cannon. On the side of Bunker Hill next here & in full view, is the Regular Tents, being on the opposite side & out of the way of our Guns on Prospect & Plowed Hills On the Top of this Win- 22 nisimmit Hill we had a parcel of straw, etc. to set fire to as a signal whenever they saw the Regulars in motion Accordingly on Tues day about 10 o Clock we saw the Fire, our Drums beat to Arms, all our lines were mann d & we Riflers were left at full liberty to range at large & take what ground we pleased Col Thompson therefore posted us in the Seat of honor, that is, between all our Works & Bunker Hill, behind Stone Walls & in the Indian Corn patches, to receive and return^with Interest their first fire & I think it impossible for men to behave better than Our Riflers did 300 of them lay in a meadow, in full View of Bunker hill & with in Point Blank Shot "before their Eyes in opposition sat grim death." altho we lay in this position & the Officers with myself were walking about, viewing and marking the most advantageous ground to act upon they fired but seven large Guns & 30 or 40 Plattoons of Small arms all the Day, some of which knocked the stones about our Ears but hurt none of us except one man a slight wound in the thigh One 24 Pounder flew over our heads & killed a poor fellow walking along the Road half a mile behind us The alarm proving false, we marched home about sunset & our Generals placed a strong Guard of Musket Men in the lines, since which every thing in that Quarter hath been quiet we call 6, 8 & 10 Guns a Day nothing & 3 or 4 Bombs are only sport, just enough to keep us from falling asleep We have had several De serters from Roxbury & from the Mud Lark in Mystic 4 poor fel lows came off at one time & swam to shore unhurt, amidst a thousand Shot, tho they say it was agreed with their companions left on board to fire over their Heads. You must now set down a few false alarms w ch . took us out of our Beds into the trenches at midnight, & some other matters of no great moment, until last Sunday, & I feel myself blush with shame and indignation at what I am forced to relate. Our Camp is Separate from all others ab*. 100 yards all our Courts Martial and duty was seperate we were excused from all working parties, Camp Guards, & Camp duty this indulgence to gether with the remissness of discipline & care in our young Officers had rendered the men rather insolent for good Soldiers they had twice before broke open our Guard House & released their Companions who were confined there for small crimes & once when an Offender was brought to the Post to be whipped, it was with the utmost diffi culty they were kept from rescuing him in the presence of all their Officers They openly Damn d them & behaved with great insolence - however the Col was pleased to pardon the man & all remained quiet but on Sunday last the Adjutant having confined a Serjeant for neglect of duty & murmering the men began again, & threatened to take him out the Adjutant being a man of Spirit, seized the principal Mutineer & put him in also & coming to report the matter 23 to the Col, where we all sitting after dinner, were alarmed with a Huzzaing & upon going out found they had broke open the Guard House & taken the man out The Col & Lieut. Col with several of the Officers & Friends seized the fellow from amongst them & ordered a guard to take him to Cambridge at the Main Guard which was done without any violent opposition, but in ab 1 . 20 minutes 32 of Capt Ross s Company with their loaded Rifles, swore by G-d they would go the Main Guard & release the man or loose their lives & set off as hard as they could run it was in vain to attempt stoping them We stayed in Camp and kept the others quiet Sent word to General Washington, who reinforced the Guard to 500 men with fixed Bay onets & loaded pieces Col Hitchcock s Reg 4 , (being the one next us) was ordered under arms & some part of General Greens Brigade (As the Generals were determined to subdue by force the mutineers & did not know how far it might spread in our Battalion) Generals Washington, Lee, & Green came immediately, & our 32 mutineers who had gone about half a mile towards Cambridge & taken possession of a Hill & Woods, begining to be frighted at their proceedings, w r ere not so hardened but upon the General s ordering them to Ground their arms they did it immediately The General then ordered another of our Company s (Capt Nagles) to surround them with their loaded Guns which was immediately done, and did the Company great honor - however to convince our people (as I suppose, mind) that it did not altogether depend upon themselves, he ordered part of Col Hitchcocks and Col Littles Regiments to surround them with their Bayonets fixed and ordered two of the ring leaders to be bound I was glad to find our men were all true and ready to do their duty except these 32 Rascals 26 were conveyed to the Quarter Guard on Prospect Hill and 6 of the principals to the Main Guard. You cannot conceive what disgrace we are all in & how much the General is chagrined that only one Regiment should come from the Southward & that set so infamous an example ; and in order that idleness shall not be a further bane to us, the General Orders on Monday were "that Col Thompsons Regiment shall be upon all parties of Fatague (working parties) & do all other Camp duty equal with any other Regiment" The men have since been tried by a General Court Martial and convicted of Mutiny & were only fined 2O/. each for the use of the Hospital too small a punishment for so base a crime & mitigated no doubt on account of their having come so far to serve the Cause & its being the first crime The Men are returned to their Camp, seem exceedingly sorrow for their misbehaveour & promise amend ment. This will I hope awaken the attention of our officers to their duty (for to their remissness I charge our whole disgrace) & the men being employed will yet no doubt do honor to their province 24 for this much I can say for them that upon every alarm it was impos sible for men to behave with more readiness or attend better to their duty it is in the Camp only that we cut a poor figure tomorrow morning or some time in the Day may perhaps restore our honor, if we behave in the Day of Battle as well as I hope we shall you must know that this is a conjecture of my own & founded on no better ma terials than a poor unexperienced judgment. On Monday last Col Arnold having chosen 1000 effective men, Consisting of two Companies of Rifle men (about 140) the remainder Musketeers, set off for Quebec as it is given out (& which I really believe to be their destination), for we have intelligence that the In dians except 30 have deserted from General Carleton & that he hath not more than 700 effective men in Canada all which except one Com pany is at St. John s & Montreal to oppose General Schuyler If this should be the Case & Col Arnold meet with a ready march, Quebec will undoubtedly fall into our Hands for those people who have gone to sound the disposition of the Inhabitants report that they are generally in our Favour, & that no opposition will be given by the country to our measures. I accompanied on foot as far as the Town of Lynn (9 miles) Doctr. Coates who goes as Surgeon, Mr. Matt. Duncan, Mr. Melcher & several other Southern gentlemen as Volun- tiers ^ here I took leave of them with a wet eye the Drums beat & away they go as far as Newberry Port by Land from there they go in Sloops to Kennebeck River, up it in Batteaux & have a carrying place of abt. 40 miles (over which they must carry on their Shoulders their Batteaux & Baggage Scale the Walls and spend the winter in joy and festivity amongst the sweet Nuns. Yesterday the wind being high & the Tide driving in, a Boat with a Serjeant & 5 men drove ashore and were taken by our people the Serjeant seems a very intelligent person for his station he says a Vessel arived at Boston a few days before & brought answers to letters sent out after the Bunker Hill Battle, but knows nothing of what they contain he says that he was Orderly Serjeant a few days ago, and saw in Major Sheriffs Office (Muster Master or Commissary) a return of the killed and wounded at Bunker hill, being 1435 men. It is amazing to me that so many were hurt there for not more than 700 of our Men were in the Battle, but the most of them fired 30 rounds, as they say I must from this conclude that they will hardly attempt our Lines in the Day time, or without a very heavy set of Artillary. Saturday i6th Prospect Hill Here we are yet & all as peaceable as so many Lambs. I began this letter in the evening & as we were ordered to lie on our Arms 25 kept on scribling until i o Clock On Thursday at firing the morn ing Gun we were ordered to Plow d Hill, where we lay all that day I took my paper & Ink along as you once desired I would, but found so much to do beside writing, that you had only a few lines manufac tured (in the face of 18 battering Cannon) on a pile of timber intended for a Bomb-proof & just where you see the ^ a Bullet from the Foway disconcerted all my Ideas, altho it did not come near me. I tho t the Banquette a safer place & took my station accordingly just in the Angle of a Traverse & was as safe as a thief in a mill but there was too much noise for writing & the Generals appearing in sight I tho t it not quite so decent a Posture of a SOLDIER, thrust my writing materials under an old Blanket, Shouldered my firelock, and strutted with all the parade of a careful Lad. a deserter is just taken in to General Greens I attend & will inform you what he says a good hearty looking Lad from Limerick it is deserters intelligence there fore place what Credit to it you please he informs that there are 3000 men on Bunker hill that all the Grenedier and Light Infantry Companies are made up to their full complement & encamped there all the Light-Horse he says are also on the Hill but that they have no intention of coming out & keep very strong picquets every night to prevent our surprising them that great numbers of deserters would come over, but the Soldiers are made to believe that a compact is agreed on between ours and their Generals to give up all deserters at the end of the Campaign, & that they will hang without mercy all such as desert from them he also says there is a great coolness be tween the Irish & English Soldiers, but I am apt to believe without any foundation he say there are Barracks going to be built on Bunker Hill immediately, by w ch . we conclude they intend wintering there, & that there is talk of 6 Regiments coming over to reinforce them but that the people of Ireland have stoped the Artillary & all their recruits so much for this Lad One came out this morning from Roxbury & brings nearly the same intelligence except that he. say s they are to give us Battle tomorrow, which we are always pre pared for but don t believe a word of they will not catch us asleep come when they please. I hate all hasty conclusions, & therefore am pleased with the mod esty of my expressions in regard to the Battle I prophecyed on Thurs day last I had many concuring circumstances in regard to their uncommon movements to suspect something was going on but as nothing has been done, shall only say in future what hath been actu ally done & not what may probably happen. I have many things that I could write & which I know would give you pleasure, or at least a right idea of this Army of 20,000 men - but it would not do that the Letter should fall by accident into the 26 hands of infidels or the Heathen such Sermons, such Negroes, such Colonels such Boys & such Great Great Grandfathers. This I may safely say, that such a cursed set of sharpers cannot be matched every article of convenience or necessaries, are raised to double the former price but I hope a proper enquiry will be made before the accounts are passed and that whatever falsehoods their news-papers may be stuffed with will be disregarded. Sunday Evening All s well. From my Tent door on this Hill I have a full view of all the Enemies Batteries & Works on Boston neck & also our own ; about 8 o Clock this morning I saw a small Cannonade begun by our people with two large Guns & were immediately answered by two from our Antagonists our people gave them about a dozen more & only received 3 in return. What the matter was, or what occasioned so small a spell of smart firing I have not had curiosity to enquire for I have been so busy in hearing a most excellent Sermon from our Dear Mr. [Samuel] Blair & in viewing some works on Leechmore point (I might as well have said Cul de Sac for anything you will under stand by it) that I had not before an opportunity of examining with attention - - that I am tired & sleepy w ch you have no doubt con cluded before you were informed. Monday Morning I am just informed by one of our Officers that General Schuyler hath taken St. Johns by assault with only the loss of 300 men & that he hath taken 1700 Prisoners this being post day I set off for Cam bridge & if the news is true will put this in the Post Office contrary to my first intention to send it by Mr. Willing, but as there is no know ing when he will set off, cannot keep such good news from you a mo ment. Noarth who informs me he is writing to you is to relate all the little nannygotes with that humour w ch will make them agreeable my department is meer matters of fact. Since I wrote the last two lines 20 cannon have been fired at Rox- bury & they are firing now ding dong. Gen. Washingtons n o Clk The above St. Johns account is all a falsehood from first to last, & now I set my nose to Roxbury & will inform you why the Serpents fire so very briskly at Roxbury 27 Roxbury i o Clock I met on my way hither a Bro r Voluntier Mr. Dan l Dorsey of Mary land who informs me he is going to leave the Camp tomorrow morn ing for your city the firing at this place was not occasioned by any uncommon movement but just by the way of Sport We fired no Guns this morning nor by 100 Guns w ch . they have fired hath one man been killed or hurt, altho the Guard House & other Houses full of men have been shot thro & thro* The wind of a 24 Pounder knocked down a man & horse, struck the Limb of an apple tree & threw it against Dr. Hubley knocked him down & did none of them any kind of harm, except frightening them soundly. Peacock, Jamaica Plains 4 o Clk The firing at Roxbury hath ceased & all is quiet again. I came here from Roxbury with some of the Rifle Gent n . of that Division to ask Capt Cresap how he does who lies here sick, & for no other reason as Smith can well inform you Mr. Conner is with me & begs his Complements be put in to you & the Club & if I know any thing of the matter, you might with ALL HIS HEART, present them to, [some words struck out] if mortal man can say which that is & now to conclude if all this will not draw a line from you I can only say you are a very Lazy fellow, or that the Widow hath an undue influence on the friend of Your Hble Serv* JESSE LUKENS You need not write as I set off from here before yours can possibly leave Philada. To M r . John Shaw J r 28 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER TWO. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER TWO. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. The Public Library of the City of Boston: Printing Department, March, 1902. CONTENTS. BOUNDS BETWEEN BOSTON AND CHARLESTOWN. From a MS. in the Writing of Edward Rawson I AN ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCIL, 1743. Trial of the Reverend Daniel Bliss of Concord, Massachusetts 2 PHILIP DODDRIDGE. To his Wife, July 21, 1747 7 LORD COLVILLE. To the Selectmen of Boston, May 18, 1752 10 MINISTER S SALARY AT LEBANON, CONNECTICUT, 1758 10 PETITION ON THE CANADIAN FISHERIES, 1772 n "BOSTON MASSACRE," 1770. John Adams s Notes on the Trial of the British Soldiers 13 Letters to the Committee of Boston : From Catharine Macaulay, May 9, 1770 20 From William Bollan, May n, 1770 21 From Thomas Pownall, May n, 1770 22 JAMES COGSWELL. To Levi Hart, "Camp in Roxbury," June 15, 1775 24 EZRA SELDEN. To Nathan Hale, "Roxbury Camp," June 25, 1775 25 GOVERNOR GEORGE Ross. To Col. James Burd and the Officers and Privates of his Battalion, Reading, Dec. 16, 1776 26 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. Continental Board of War to the Governor of Maryland, Jan. 17, 1778 27 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. To Josiah Bartlett, May 21, 1779 28 . IX ADDRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENTS TO MAJOR GENERAL WILLIAM HEATH, HIGH LANDS, AUGUST, 1779 30 PHILIP MAZZEI. To Thomas Jefferson, April 21, 1780 35 JOHN JAY. To Silas Deane, Nov. I, 1780 37 To Jeremiah Wadsworth, Jan. 13, 1789 38 WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. To - - Harrison, June 18, 1781 39 THE MOSQUITO SHORE. Four Letters of Lord North to Governor Campbell of Jamaica, Sept.-Nov., 1783 40 JOHN BROWN, THE ABOLITIONIST. To Simon Perkins, Nov. 24, 1847 43 To Same, May I, 1849 44 To Same, Jan. 26, 1852 46 To Dr. Jesse Bowen, March 3, 1859 47 x BOUNDS BETWEEN BOSTON AND CHARLESTOWN. From a MS. in the writing of Edward Rawson, in the Public Library of the City of Boston. Rawson s MS. Att A Generall Court, held at New Towne 6 May 1635 N 240. The bounds betweene Boston, and Charles Towne arje from the Creeke along in y e Creeke vpwards in the same till wee come to a little neck of land that come from the east side of the same neck; there the first stake stands a litle on y e east side of it, and from thence to a marked tree at the Foote of the marish Agreed vppon of all Sides, and from that tree to another that lyeth right opposite over a hill, and from thence to a high tall Pine, that stands vppon a point of Rock, on the side of the high way. to misticke. other side of Rumney marish; and from out side; to outside by a streight line: 3$ John Holgrave. This is A true copie taken out of the Court Records as Attests Edward Rawson secfety As printed by Shurtleff. vol I, p. 150. [8 July, 1635.] The bounds betweene Boston & Charlestowne are from the creeke along the creeke vpward in the same till wee come to a little neck of land that come from the east side of the same neck: there the first stake stands a little on the east side of it. & from thence to a m r ked tree at the foote of the marsh agreed vpon of all sides, & from that tree to another that lye right opposite over a hill, & from thence to a high, tall pine, that stands vpon a point of rock, on the side of the high way to Mistick < , other side of Rumney Marsh, & from outside to outside by a straight line. | ^ John Holgrave. 1 The manuscript differs somewhat from the printed "Records of the Gov ernor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New England," edited by Shurt leff, with which a full comparison -may be made. The difference in the dates assigned to the first entry is curious, but the Rawson copy is probably the more correct. Rawson s MS. Att A Generall Court held at New Towne Septemb 2. 1635. The 28 th of the first month 1636. Agreed by vs. whose names are vnder written that the bounds, betweene Boston, and Charles Towne, on the northeast side of Misticke River,, shall Runne from the marked tree uppon the Rocky hill above Rumney marish. neere the written tree north north west ; vppon a streight lyne by a meri dian Compass vp into the coun try: N 259 Abraham Palmer W m Cheesborough W m . Spencer This is a true Copie taken out of the Court booke of Records as Attests Edward Rawson secrety Shurtleff, vol I, p. 162. The 28 th . day of the first moneth, 1636. Agreed by vs, whose names are vnder written, that the bounds be tweene Boston & Charles Towne, on the nor east syde Misticke Ryver, shall run from the fhked tree vpon the rocky hill above Rumney Marshe, neere the writ ten tree nore-nore west vpon a straight lyne by a meridean com- pas vpp into the countrie. | Abraham Palmer Will" 1 Cheesebrough Will m Spencer. AN ECCLESIASTICAL COUNCIL, 1743. Trial of the Reverend Daniel Bliss of Concord, Massachusetts. An ecclesiastical Council consisting of the Elders & other Dele gates of 14 Churches of Christ, viz. y e first Church in Ipswhich, y e first Church in York, y e West Chu h In Sudbury, y e Church in Wes- ton, y e first Church in Middlebury, The third Church in Ipswich, y c Church in Newton, y e first Ch h in Cambridge, y e Second Church in Boston, y e Church in Waltham, The first Church in Bradford, y e Church in Medford, y e Church in Sutton, & y e Church in Grafton Con vened in Concord Sep r 13 th 1743 at y e Request of y e Church of Christ there, on y e ac ount of y e - Unhappy differrences Which had been for Some Considerable Time Subsisting among them occasioned by Sun- dery exceptions made against y e Doctrine, Discipline & Conduct of y e Re d . Pastor of S d Church. After Solem & repeated prayer to God & a full & Impartial hearing of all Parties & Persons Presenting them selves Before us, & After a very mature consideration & debate upon y e Several Articles of Charge offerred against him, with y e Several Evi dences exhibited for y e Support, as also y e vindication made By y 4 Re d . M r Bliss & y e Chh in answer thereto. Came into y e following Result. I. On y e 15 Articles of Charge which had been by y e aggreived Laid before y e Church. 1. As to y e first it was Voted y* without entring upon a full de termination Concerning y e Conduct of y e Pastor & Chh relating to Ezekeil Miles And his wife, which primarily happened through indis tinct apprehensions on both Sides referring to y e Covenant of Grace & it s Seals & which we are sorry hath had Such unhappy effects, we Wou d now advise y 1 they offer a Relation wherein they Shall more Fully express their faith & repentance & Manifest an humble Spirit for their own Stiffness & misconduct, & y* y e Chh with a Spirit of Candor & Charity receive them into their Communion 2. As to y e Second Article wherein they Say they think he hath wronged y e Truth, Voted, i. That M r . Bliss expressions about The Church Book is a faulty Evasion of y e Truth, for which He ought to make Christian Satisfaction. Voted 2. That altho It appeared by y e Evidence of M rs . Trowbridge & her son, And from what was further Said upon y e hearing, y t M r Bliss Utterred an untruth, yet we Chari tably hope y* it was done thro precipitancy or mistake. 3. As to y e 3 d Article, Voted y* it appears to y e Council by the Evidence offered, y l M r . Bliss in his Expressions about y e Covenant of Grace & y e Seals of it delivered himself in an indistinct & Unsafe manner, so y* we have reason to think his Sentiments were also indis tinct & obscure ; but are glad to find in what he has off er d to y e Coun cil y* his thots are now agreeable to y e Scripture. - 4. As to Article 4 th his saying y i John y e Baptist removed y e par tition wall, Voted y t altho it appeared y* Such an incautious Expres sion was delivered by M r Bliss, yet upon his reading y* part of his Sermon where y e expression was introduc d y e Council were satisfied about y e same. - 5. As to y e 5 th Article, Voted y 1 tho we Judge y* many who are Converted do know it, & y* it is y e duty of Christians to give all Dili gence to make their Calling & Election Sure, yet y e doctrine That M r Bliss has taught, namely y* every Person That is Converted must know it, is what we apprehend to be unsound. But in what he offerred to y e Council he expressed himself more Cautiously to our Satisfac tion. 6. As to y e 6 th Article y l y e main reason y* any man Cannot enter in at y e Strait gate is because he is not Elected, which was fully proved we judge M r Bliss expressions very improper tending to make an ill improvement of y e important Scripture Doctrine of Election. - 7. As to Article y e 7 th y t M r Bliss hath held y* man doth in some degree participate of all y e Divine Attributes M r Bliss as to this hath Corrected himself, & acknowledges y* he Too hastily delivered it and purposes for y e future to speak of y e attributes of God as communi cable & incommunicable. 8. As to Article y e 8 th in mentioning y 1 text, he y* believes not is condemned already, but I say he is damned already ; Every person y* 3 hath not true saving Faith is in an Estate of damnation you believe & so doth y e Devil ; but your Faith is a Cursed damn d faith. Voted, y t y e expressions are very unsutable & improper. 9. As to Article y e 9 th in praying for himself at a Chh meeting He S d . he was a poor vile worm of y e dust, y 1 was allowed as mediator between God & this people, M r Bliss declares he had no ill intention in y i expression, was immediately Sorry for It, for fear of y e bad Con struction which might be put upon it, which y e Council Voted, their Satisfaction with. - 10. As to Article io th M r Bliss S d . in a Sermon y*. it was as great A sin for a man to get an Estate by honest Labour, if He had not a single aim at y e Glory of God, as to gett it at Gameing at Cards and dice ; This was testified by three witnesses. Voted, y l y e expressions are unwarantable & of dangerous tendency & therefore ought to be Carefully guarded against. But M r Bliss in his vindication declared y* he was not apprehensive of his ever haveing delivered himself as Testified by y e witnesses & y 1 y e same was Contrary to his Sentiments ; with which y e Council were Satisfied. - 11. As to Article II th we find y 1 M r Bliss thinks y 4 y e words of y 1 Text Matth. n. n. are to be understood of Christ & y 1 in differrent Respects Christ is both y e least & greatest in y e Kingdom of heaven on which we observe y* tho this may be y e sense of Some Expositors Tis not y e generally received opinion. 12. As to article 12 th in preaching upon y e text he y* came down from heaven is above all he Said a Person might go on in his Sins drunkenness &c, but I must tell you For your comfort if you belong to y e Election of Grace, Christ will bring you home, We Judge these words are a verry ill and unwarrantable use of y e Doctine of Election & of very dangerous tendency. But M r Bliss in his vindication before us declares y t understanding some were offended. He y e next Sabbath day warned his people against any wrong improvement thereof to y e incouragement of sin To which diverse of y e Churche did Testify. 13. As to 13 th article, it does not appear to us by any Evidence Brought y 1 Mr. Bliss has tried in his private conversation to make persons beleive y 1 Christ was a deceiver, & y e discourse had by him, which is S d to be y e foundation of y i Charge Tho imprudent has been since perverted to vile Slander? 14. As to 14 th Article we are uneasy with his wandering about From town to town to y e disturbance of Towns & Churches & neglect ing his own Chh at home. Voted y* we haveing reason to fear That M r Bliss hath been too incautious in his complying with Invitations to preach in some other Ministers parishes, Exhort him for y e future Carefully to observe The Testimony & advice of y e late Convention which he hath signed. But we do not find he has neglected his own Charge, but on y e Contrary his faithfullness & diligence was testified by many. 15. As to y e 15 th Article his incouraging lay Exhorters, is not Supported. II. As to y e additional articles. 1. As to y e first article it does not appear to this Council y* M r Bliss has been incorrigible. 2. As to y e 2 d Article Voted y* it be passed over as not of im portance. 3. As to y e 3 d Article, the proofs have been already Considered under y e 2 d of y e 15. 4. As to y e 4 th Article, with regard to his casting reflections on evidences formerly brought against him, we Judge That M r Bliss ex pressing of himself as y e witnesses Testify was imprudent & unwar- antable. 5. As to y e 5 th Article from y e evidence we think y* M r Bliss was not justifiable in utterly forbiding y e suspended Brethren To speake in y e Chh as also y* his refusal to comply with y e Repeated request of y e aggreived Brethren for a Church meeting was unkind & arbitrary dealing. 6. As to y e 6 th article respecting his laying Stumbling Blocks Before diverse of his people in his pastoral Visits, we think it is difi- cult for us to come to y e knowledge of y e truth as to this Article But from what has been offerred we fear y 1 M r Bliss In his discourse hath not always expressed himself safely, & That frequently his people have misunderstood his words. - 7. As to y e 7 th article about false Doctrines. With regard to y e first Instance we think it is true with a proper distinction. As to The 2 d & 3 d they were not supported. The 4 th & last was before had under Consideration. III. As to y e Suspension of y e 4 Brethren, we judge it would have been more advisable for y e Chh to have deferred y e Suspension of them & had either Considered & accomodated their differences Them selves or had Called a Council for y 1 purpose. And we Advise y e Pastor & Chh to indeavour in y e most prudent manner They can to bring them to a sense of their faults and restore Them in y e Spirit of meekness. Upon y e whole we advise y e Rev d . M r Bliss to be humble under a sense of his having given so much ground to many of his Christian Brethren ; to be grieved & offended at him and y i he make a suitable publick acknowledgement of y e Things wherein he is blame worthy, y 1 he give himself diligently to y e Study of y e Scriptures & Orthodox Divines and carefully avoid Delivering any unsound & perplexing Doctrines or expressions That he give himself time for Study in pre paring for his Publick Performances, and y* in all things he shew him self a patern of good works, in Doctrine Shewing uncorruptness, grav ity, Sincerity, sound speech, y t cannot be condemned, y* he y t is of y e Contrary part may be ashamed, having no evill Thing To Say of him. 5 And now as to y e aggrieved Brethren we advise, y* upon his giving Christian Satisfaction as above, they return to & Sit quietly & peace ably under ye Ministry of their Rev d Pastor esteeming him very highly in love for his works Sake We also think it our Duty from Love & faithfulness to you & to others to Suggest Several thing which we apprehend we have reason to fear from w* appeared to us and we wou d do this by laying y e following things before you & them for your & their Serious Consideration. We fear y* Corrupt principles Contrary to y e Doctrine of Grace have been and are espoused by some persons in this place, w ch hath occasioned their Stumbling at some truths y* have been delivered To them, and we fear y* y e uneasiness of some persons at least may be owing to a Spirit of opposition to God s Gracious work. And y* some persons have taken up groundless prejudice & heark ened To false accusations against y e Minister, yea y 1 some of y e evi dences which appeared against him before us have in this time of y e Controversie Treated him with odious & bitter expressions, we fear y r has been great want of y* love w ch would have covered many in firmities and y* whilst they have Severely animadverted upon y r Min isters Failings, they have ungratefully overlooked the Zeal, Faithful ness, and love to Souls, with w ch we are perswaded he hath ministered to his people. And Furthermore we fear y 1 many have not made just & proper allowances for y* incorrectness w ch has been Complained of in some of his publick performances. Since he has been so taken off from his Studies, by attending The multitudes of Souls y* have flocked to him for his advice And direction. - And now permit us to exhort y e whole Church and people of God in this place who have Called us in to Council them to Confess y r faults one to another & to pray one for another and to Shew all due respect & honour to y r Pastor as one whome we have Reason to be- leive, God has made an instru 1 of carrying out his Remarkable Gra cious work in this Town, entreating them also in y e Bowel of our L. J. C. that they Study y e things y 4 make for Peace & whereby they may edify one another, and y* they put away all bitterness & wrath & anger & Clamor, & evil Speaking with all malice and y* they be kind to one another, and tender hearted Forgiving one another, as God for Christ Sake hath forgiven us. Finally Brethren we Commend you to God & to y e word of his Grace, rejoycing with you for y c happy Share God has given you in his late glorious work, adding our fervent prayers y* y e Divine Spirit may be Still more plenteously poured forth, Upon both pastor & people, & y 1 pure & undefiled religion may abundantly Florish among you may y e God of Peace be with you all Amen. John Cotton Moderator In y e Name of y e Council A4 , ( Na l. Rogers. Attest <{ Scribes. f- [ Joshua Gee M r . Blisses Confession Sep r y e 2O th 1743. As to y e article of Doctrines wherein I have been censured By this Ven bl Councill, I do meekly Submit to your Judge [ment] Having been convinced of my unwariness In them. And shall Always en deavour by divine Assistance to Guard against All offensive and ex ceptionable expressions and to speake y e Things y t . become sound doctrine. And Whereas it is Judged by this Councill y* in some instances I am Cheargable with a faulty evasion of y e truth. I desire to be humbled before God for whatever in my discourse & Conversation has been attended with such a faulty aspect as to have given any occasion of Grief & offence in Such regards and By y e help of Divine Grace will for y e future keep a most constant watch over y e door of my Lips. And as to those things blamed in my Conduct I acknowledge I deserve blame : And I hope I shall ever by y e same Grace so approve my self for y e future as y l I may give no offence. Desireing y* I may by any Christian means gain y e Love & Candour of all my people. And now dearly beloved while I ask you Christian forgiveness & y* you consider me in y e Bod)^ and a man of Like Passions with you So let me beseech you to refresh my Bowels In Christ Jesus by your accepting me in y 1 Spirit of meekness And love which is y e bond of Gospel Unity: that y e God of Peace & truth & holiness may Conde scend to dwell among us. Signed Concord. Sep r . 2O th 1/43. Daniel Bliss. In Council Voted that this is y e Satisfaction which They Judge proper to be given by y e Rev d M r . Bliss. Joshua Gee Nath 1 . Rogers > Scribes, s $ PHILIP DODDRIDGE. Dr. Philip Doddridge to his Wife. Canon Street July 21. 1747 Tuesday Morning My Dearest Friend I suppose M r Kennedy s Arrival at Northampton may before this Time have informed you of the Difsappointment he met w th by M r Parish s being out of Town & likewife of M r Roomes being gone to Hackney to live there during the Summer which made it improper for me to go to Fleet Street where alone I could have fecured a Bed for my Young Companion as well as for my felf. I therefore in Conjunction w th good D r Clark in whofe Company & that of his Lady I had all imaginable Satisfaction advised his Return to Northampton whither had I consulted only my own Inclinations I could very gladly have attended him. All my Stay at S* Albans was very agreeable. I shall inform you of the Curiosities on Shell-work w th which 1 was enter tained at M rs Rays when I have the Satisfaction to fee you. The Lords Day was I blefs God very comfortable to me but my Sudden Summons to leave my very engaging & generous Friends so foon was very disagreeable. I had however a very good Journey w th agreeable & entertaining Company in the Stage Coach & came in hither about 6 in y e Evening. I came directly to good M r Jacksons where I am now quartered & very kindly received but alas before I got out of the Coach received a piece of Melancholy News w h was soon confirmed in all y e sad particulars w th which I had heard it. In Short M r Raymond who married the two Mifs Lambes succefsively is broke for 30 or near 40 thousand pounds & has taken in fome of the principal Difsenters in Town & among y e rest your Friend M r Smith for 7000 who had y e Brew House made over to him for his Security but deferring to feize till M rs Raymonds Month was up which it just now is has by that Tendernefs loft half his Money for tis generally feared y e Compofition will not be ten Shillings in y e pound. How this Affects good M r Bar ker & his affectionate Lady you may in y e general Guefs even feparate from the personal Lofs of 500 for which M r Barker him felf was drawn in I have not yet seen that worthy & excellent Man but my Heart has been extreamly pained for him ever since I heard this grievous News & I expect quickly to meet him here. It convinces me how happy it was that M r Kennedy went back for to be fure while y e Family at Walthampftow is a Scene of such Affliction it w d have been very improper to have carried him thither. You will pleafe to give my Service to M r Robertson & tell him that I defire him to take him under his particular Inspection. I find good M r Woodward extreamly af flicted w th the Sudden Death of his Son M r Hensman as well as w th the affair of M r Belsham who he thinks has been very rigoroufly used & who I believe will fet up a Boarding School at Bedford. Our worthy Friend M r Jackson looks pure well & I think in his little Velvet Cap fomething like King Henry y e 8 th . but M rs Jackson is but poorly & does not much exceed y e Looks of Queen Catherine whom w th her Dog you remember at Althrop. I think to go to Walthamstow to night & to Epping to morrow if I can tho I plainly fee great Difficulty will attend it for M r Barker has now laid down his Chair. I shall not I fear be able to write to you again till Saturday for if I write from Epping it will come no fooner but I muft not conclude without inform ing you of a Scheme on w h y e Hearts of our very obliging & delightful Friends at S Albans are much fet viz. that you should bring Mercy w th you in y e Chair next Monday Fortnight & fo take me back on Thursday spending y e two intermediate Days there. You may be fure my Dearest this will be very agreeable to me if you can contrive & effect it. You will pleafe in your next to let me know your Thoughts on that Head that I may inform them accordingly I was last night at M rs Waughs she is in a sad Condition her Face being on Account of a Surfiet quite covered with a Sort of Tetter. She complains loudly & justly of the Delay of y e Family Expositor which has occasionrl her a great Lofs of the Intrest of between 2 & 300 for near 2 years 8 & of some longer. She adds that M r Godwin has not yet prepard one Letter of y e Index. So I have promifd her that I will fee to it the work be ready for publication by November w h is y e beginning of y e pub lishing Time. Farewell my Dearest many Services attend you from hence w th thofe of Your moft obliged & affectionate P. Doddridge P. S. As to publick News I have met with nothing very curious but find the molt intelligent of my Friends are of Opinion that the Dutch in their States are as much attatchd to France as ever & that tho to content y e people & secure their own precious persons just at that Crisis they made y e P. of Orange Stadtholder yet they restrain him from doing any thing important & are realey in a private Treaty w th France w h is to deliver or however engages & promifes to deliver, these Towns on a peace, y e Consequence of w h must be that all y e Men flain in their Sham Defence are in effect murthered. The News of the taking of Bergen op Zoom compleat as its Fortifications are, is ex pected every Hour. I am very credibly informed that the Duke ex postulated very severely w th the Austrian General Bathiani after y e late action, & complained w th very just Resentment that when he fent him immediate Orders to march up his Troops he only fent an Aid de Camp w th a Compliment to know the Pleasure of his Royal Highnefs. And when Bathiani excufed it said his R. Highnefs turnd his Back & said aloud "that if he were not more faithfully supported by his Allies he fhould learn by their example to spare his Fathers brave Troops & not suffer all the Burthen of the War to be thrown on them." Tis added that y e French King told Legonier he perceived y e Allies in tended that England fhould fight as well as pay all w h he thought very unjust & intimated his Wonder that we fhould not hearken to thofe good Terms w h if we w d part w th Cape Breton we ought at any Time fecure. These Advices feem to come from a good Hand & tis said that Legonier brought Terms in all other Respects very advantageous w h considering of how high Importance it w d be to France just in this Juncture to separate us from our Allies I think by no means improb able. As soon as you have read this postscript you will pleafe to send it to the good Ladies at y e Head of Abington Street w th my beft com pliments. They will fee by it how glad I w d be to contribute to y e Entertainment of such very agreeable Friends if it lay in my Power. I beg they would make my belt compliments to y e charming & happy Family at Ecton to the good Lady of which I wiih as happy a Time as M rs Pembroke had who was on Saturday Morning laft delivered of a fine Daughter within half an Hour after fhe was taken ill. She had been taking y c Air in y e Chariot y e Evening before. Since I wrote this News is come from Bergen w h encourages us to hope for a more vigorous Defence than was expected. D r Clark inquired after his Bill & proposes paying it when I re turn thro S Albans having been difappointed of a large Remittance w h he expected last Week. He had paid me 2 Guineas Entrance which he set down but I forgot. M r Hanchett made me a Pres 1 of a Guinea. PS. I dined w th good M rs Raymond who has opened her wife & good Heart to me for such indeed it is w th a Freedom w h perhaps no other Circumftance could have given & w h has afforded me great Delight. It was her exprefs Desire to fee me & M r Barker fent me over in his Chariot. Pray for them. To M rs Doddridge in Northampton. LORD COLVILLE. Lord Colville to the Selectmen of Boston. Gentlemen I am extreamly sensible of the Honour done me by the Metropolis of America ; and had I known six Months agoe, how well the Free holders and other inhabitants of this great Town were affected towards me, I would have applied to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, to be continued on this Station; But as tis now too late, I can only say ; That whenever the American Stations are to be relieved, I shall think myself happy if I can return to a Country which has already given me such Marks of Esteem and Regard Boston May 18: 1752. Colville 1 MINISTERS SALARY AT LEBANON, CONNECTICUT, 1758. At a Meeting of the firft Society in Leb n Legally warned Sep tr 26. 1758 Whereas in the year 1722 when this Society call d y e Rev d M r Solomon Williams to Settle in y e work of y e Gofpel Miniftry amongft them it was voted to give him an 120 -0-0 yearly for 10 years, & then lf rhe endorsement reads: "Lord Colville Answer to Selectmen when the Thanks of the Town were given him. May 18: 1752." 10 to give him an 100 a year in Publick bills of Credit or in Provision Pay at Country Price according to the then Prefent value of the bills of Credit fo long as He Continues in the work of the Miniftry among us, & the Com tee gave the s d Rev d M r Williams Sufficient Reafon to Expect the Society would find him his Fire Wood, & that the 20-0-0 a year would be always Continued as part of his Sallary Seeing he had no other Allowance or Confideration for a Settlement, of which the Society have been Satiffied, & voted the 20-0-0 as part of his Sallary to be made up in the Same proportion of the value of the bills as the 100 was & alfo Since the year 1741 have voted from year to year what they Suppofed a Sufficiency for his fire wood. & in Setling with M r Williams the Com tee have always Agreed that he ought to have fo much in Paper bills as would procure fo much of the Necefsaries of Life as the 120 o o would procure at the time of his Settlement. & fince our Money is now Setled by Law & Made Lawful Money there have been fome doubts & debates what is the Sum that ought to be allowed according to the honeft Meaning of our Contract, which the laft year the Society declard they judged to be 100 o o lawful Money, therefore to prevent any Difputes for the Future & the Trouble of the Com tee Setling from year to year it is agreed & voted that the Society will give the Rev d M r Solo. Williams 100 o o Lawful Money a year for his Support & finding his fire wood so long as he fhall Continue in the work qf the Gofpel Miniftry among us. At the Meeting above mentioned the foregoing vote voted in the Affirmative. With the above vote of the Society I am Satiffied & Contented. Solomon Williams. Foregoing is a true Copy of Record. Exam d . ^. W m Williams Society Clerk. 26 Sept 1772. PETITION ON THE CANADIAN FISHERIES, 1772. To the Earl of Hillsborough one of his Majesty s principal Secre taries of State &c. &c. &c. The Memorial and Petition of the Merchants Traders & Settlers con cerned in the Fisheries of the bays of Chaleur and Gaspey, in the Gulph of S* Laurence in Canada. Humbly Sheweth That your Memorialists since the acquisition of Canada to this Kingdom have carried on considerable Cod fisheries in the Bays of ii Chaleur and Gaspey in the Province of Quebec but that the heavy and opprefsive circumstances under which they have laboured of late years without redrefs compel them again to represent their complaints to Your Lordship earnestly sollicking that speedy relief which the exi gency of their case repuires. They humbly beg leave to repeat to Your Lordship that since the addition of this Colony to his Majesty s Crown great numbers of deckd vefsels from the Coasts of New England come upon the shore fishing grounds and Banks in the bays of Chaleur and Gaspey where contrary to an express act of Parliament of the 15 th of Charles the second, they fish with seines ; and unsatisfyed with this infringement they throw the entrails of the fish on these very grounds to the utter ruin of the fisheries and pursue other destructive practices totally con trary to the established laws and Customs of Newfoundland; having by similar practices already destroyed the fisheries on their own Coast. Your Memorialists now beg leave further to represent to Your Lordship that from some unaccountable neglect of this valuable tho infant settlement; the lives and properties of his Majesty s subjects are in the greatest danger, a gang of Indians or savages having already committed several murders in those parts and threatening others; allured by the desire of plunder and secure in the feeble opposition that can be made to them, a circumstance with which they are well acquainted and which has increased their number as yet too incon siderable not to be apprehended or dispersed if timely opposed. And Your Memorialists beg leave also to inform your Lordship that they labour under the heaviest oppressions from the want of a court of judicature at Bonnaventure the chief seat of the fishery, for the ad ministration of justice of which they are deprived, the Colony being become a receptacle to outlaws; no proper authority being supported to enforce obedience to Government. And Your Memorialists feeling sensibly the dismal effects of these mischiefs which threaten the total destruction of the settlement beg leave once more to lay their case before Your Lordship and to point out some easy means to support the laws and procure them relief. They humbly apprehend that an armed vessel or tender stationed in Chaleur bay with strict orders to the commander to see the laws respecting the fishery putt into execution. The immediate appointment of a Subaltern s command of soldiers to Bonnaventure or parts adjacent to protect the lives and properties of the inhabitants. And the erecting of a Court of judicature and a judge to admin ister justice and support his Majesty s subjects in the recovery of their debts and effects would effectually remove the several causes of their complaints. And they humbly hope these measures will meet with Your Lord ship s approbation and that the necessary orders will be issued in con- 12 sequence, or such others as Your Lordship in your great wisdom shall deem more condusive to their relief. And Your Memorialists as in duty bound will ever pray &c. &c. Fred k Dutens John Le Breton Alexander Sutherland (for himself) For Duncan Anderson William Smith Henry Mounier & Felix O Hara London February 1772. "BOSTON MASSACRE", 1770. John Adams s Notes on the Trial of the British Soldiers. The manuscript of John Adams s notes was at one time in the possession of Mr. Frederic Kidder, who printed it in his "History of the Boston Massacre," pub lished in Albany, in 1870. Some errors were found to have been made in transcribing the fine writing of the paper, and these errors were of sufficient importance to justify a new and more complete issue. Rough as are the notes, and imperfect as is the manuscript itself, they contain matter not to be found in any other place. What phrases and statements are new prove that Adams took down the notes during the course of the trial. The want of arrangement gives every evidence of haste, and the absence of certain pages show the little value Adams placed upon his notes. Further, the first rough notes of certain evidence have been elaborated on a later page, but still, apparently, from memory, not from the record of the trial which was published in 1770. The Court began its sittings on Tuesday, November 27, 1770, and continued from day to day until the verdict was rendered. Evidence of Commotions that Evening. James Crawford 1 went home to Bulls Wharf at dark ab* 6 Clock met Numbers of People going down towards y e Town House with Sticks a[t] Calf s [Calefs] Corner Saw above a dozen with Sticks, in Quaker Lane and Green s Lane met many going towards K[ing] Sftreet] very Great Sticks, pretty large Cudgells, not com Walking Canes. 1 P. 182 The footnotes refer to pages of Frederic Kidder s "History of the Boston Massacre." Archibald Gould 2 going to Crawfords at Bulls Wharf at 8, at Swing Bridge, y e People were walking from all Quarters with Sticks, y 1 I was afraid to go Home, went thro Greens Lane, and met many Peo ple, the Streets in such Commotion, as I hardly ever Saw in my Life, uncomon Sticks, such as a Man w d . pull out of an Hedge at Hancock s Wharf w n y e Bells began to ring. Mem. It must have been later. u~u 1*7:1 --- ur:n: --- TLT ~~ A __ t-:U-,1J "D _______ " John Gillispie, at 7 went up to y e Sfouth] End to M r . Silvesters, met 40 or 50 with white Sticks, in small Parties of 4 or 5 in a Party. this was thro y e main Street. Thos. Knight. at his own Door, 8 or 10 passed with Sticks or Clubbs, and one of em said d n their Bloods let us go and attack y e main Guard first, the Bell ringing one of em made a Pause, and said, let us go and get our Guns or I le go and get my Gun. went in and told his wife lie believed there would be blood shed. This also was in the main Street. Nat. Russell 4 vid : Mem. if these witnesses are believed People were in Motion both in the main Street early from the Town H[ouse] towards y e Sfouth] End, and in Quaker Lane, and Greens Lane. Archibald Wilson, 5 [William] Hunter, 6 [Davis] Mitchelson, 7 [James] Selkrig, 8 [Archibald] Bowman, 9 [William] Dixon 10 6 of em were all at one House at Mr. [William] Hunters in Dock Square and all agree in their general Account, tho [the]y dont all remember y e Same Circumstances. their general account is y* many People came from y e N[orth] End and assembled in D[ock] Square, made Several attempts in Small Parties at Murrays Barracks but came running hastily back, and as if driven back by the Soldiers. many had staves, tho many had none, after Some time y r appeared among em a Gent". with a red Cloak and a white Wigg He made a Speech to em of 4 or 5 minutes, then they proposed to go to Kfing] Street and attack y e main Guard and the Effect immediately followed, one Party under one Leader went round and up Cornhill, another Party up r found] exchange Lane, & a 3 d . up Silsbys Alley. -- and Several proposed to cry fire. Fire was cryed, Several times, and the Bells Soon after rung. in Confirmation of the Testimonies of these 6 Scotch Gent n . we have the Testimonies of Shubael Hewes and Bfenjamin] Davis. M r . Hewes, 11 says he was in Dfock] Square Saw by y e Markett a N. coming from y e N. E. a N. of Lads, came along, and tryed to pull out, and break y e Leggs of the Stalls, 6 or 7 of em, cant say exactly the Number. Mr. Davis 12 Says. a N. came 3 or 4 and cryed where are any 2 p. 182. "This paragraph was stricken out. 4 p. 198. G p. 182. "p. 183. 7 p. 183. 8 p. 187. "p. 188. 10 p. 1 88. u p. 186. 14 Clubbs, or Cordwood Sticks, cry d Fire, Fire, Fire. This Assembly of People in D[ock] Square was undoubtedly a Riot in those I mean, to Set off for K[ing] S[treet] to attack y e main Guard this was an unlawful Design, and End. Dr. [Richard] Hyrons very particular vid. page 26. 13 Capt n . [John] Goldfinch -- page 28. 14 Patrick Keeton page 30 15 W m . Davis, page 31 1G Benj a . Lee page 34. 17 John Frost 34 18 John Ruddock Esq r . 19 Greg. Townsend Esqr. 37. 20 James Thompson 29.** [William] McCauley Jon a . W. Austin. 22 [James] Hartegan -- J[ohn] Danbrook. 23 J[osiah] Simpson. 24 [John] Carrol J fames] Bailey. 25 Danbrook. 23 [William] Wemms, - - E. Bridgman, 26 J. Simpson. 24 [Matthew] Kilroy Efdward] G. Langford. 27 F[rancis] Archi bald. 28 Jfames] Brewer, 29 [Nicholas] Ferriter 30 [Samuel] Hemen- way 31 [Hugh] White S[amuel] Clark. 32 E. G. Langford. 27 J. Bai ley. 25 J. Simpson. 24 [Hugh] Montgomery. J. Bailey. 25 R[ichard] Palmes. 33 J. Dan- brook. 23 J[edidiah] Bass. 34 Thos. Wilkinson. 35 [William] Warren. - - E. Bridgman, 26 J Dodge. J. Simpson. 24 Ferriter 30 Attack, Assault and Insult. Crown Witnesses. E. Bridgman. 36 - - A Number of Things, Ice or Snow thrown, Sticks struck the Guns ab*. 12 with Sticks surrounded y e Party and Struck their Guns with their Sticks Several Blows, when the Soldiers were loading. y e People went up quite to them within y e length of their Guns before y e firing. N. were coming down by y e Town House. call d em cowardly Rascalls. dared em to fire. all y e Bells rung y e ratling of a Blow before y e firing very violent. J[ames] Dodge. 37 abt. 50 People very near y e Soldiers Ice & Snow Balls thrown, Sticks rattled upon their Guns. y e Balls seemed to come from close before em, . J[ames] Bailey. 38 - - The Boys hove Pieces of Ice at Sentry as big as your fist, hard and large enough to hurt a Man. Montgomery was knocked down, and his Musquet fell out of his Hand, by a Clubb or Stick of Wood by one of the Inhabitants, and as soon as he got up he fired. y e Clubb was not thrown but I saw him struck with it. He fell down and the Gun fell out of his Hand, y e Blow was very violent. R[ichard] Palmes. 39 Saw a Piece of Ice or Snow or Something 12 p. 185. "p. 191. "p. 194- "P. 197- 1G P- 197- "P. 200. 18 p. 201. 19 p. 202. 20 p. 203. 21 p. 195. 22 p. 128. " 3 p. 142. - 4 p. 146. 25 pp. 137, 141. 2(i p. 129. 7 p.i32. - 8 p. 134. "p. 135. 3 p. 151. 31 p. 149. C2 p. 132. 33 p 140. 34 p 143. p. 144. 30 p. 131. 37 P. 131. 38 P- 137- "P. 140. white Strike Montgomerys Gun it Struck y e Grenadier & made a Noise. He fell back & fired. J[ohn] Danbrook 40 -- Saw a little Stick fly over their Heads, a Piece of a rattan or Some such Thing. J[edidiah] Bass. 41 Saw a Stick knocked to knock up Montgom erys Gun it knocked it up 5 or 6 Inches. J[osiah] Simpson. 42 Saw one Man going to throw a Clubb but he did not. Saw one Clubb thrown in to the Soldiers it hit one of the Soldiers Guns, I heard it Strike y e Person y* threw it Stood 10 yards from y e Soldiers y e Stick was thrown i or 2 Seconds before y e I st . Gun, a white birch Cordwood Stick, an inch thick. Bfenjamin] Burdick. 43 had an highland broad Sword in my Hand I Struck at the Soldier who pushed at me, and had I Struck 2 or 3 Inches farther, I should have left a Mark y t I cd have Sworn to. I Struck y e Cock of his Gun, Saw a short Stick thrown about 2 or 3 foot long heard a Ratling. R[obert] Williams. 44 Saw y e People Some huzzaing, Some whist ling. Somebody said dont press upon the Guard - - the People seemed to be pressing. Saw Some Snow Balls thrown. [Nicholas] Ferriter 45 testifies y l He was at y e Ropewalks, and yt Gray was there too, and both active in the Affray there. - - These Circumstances must remove all doubt of the fact and of y e Species of Crime. [Francis] Archibald [and] J[ames] Brewer. 46 Saw no Abuse, more y n was common, met D r . Young with a Sword. D r . Said every Man to his own Home perhaps some use may be made of this Circumstance. There was a general Alarm every Body had a Right, & it was very prudent, to arm themselves for their defence. [James] Bailey. 47 -- thinks Montgomery] kill d Attucks. -- y t Montgomery fired is clear from this wit. Mr. [Richard] Palmes. 48 Saw Montgomery. Stand back, did not fall Montgomery Slippd in pushing 2 d time at him and fell - in probability he kill d Attucks, & continued y e Same mischevous Spirit in [pushing?]. [John] Danbrook. 49 Saw a Piece of Rattan Saw M[ontgom- ery] fire. two Persons fell. Attucks at y e left Hand of this Witness and leaning on his Stick. J[edidiah] Bass. -- Thos. Wilkinson. 50 -- y e People in y e Win dows cautioning those in the Street, not to go there. Soldiers chal lenging the People. -- not apprehensive of danger -- well placed to observe. He must be believed if any Witness is Striking of the Clock 7 went off, one flash d. saw no pressing, nothing thrown. 2 or 3 cheers, before, none after y e Party came down. J[osiah] Simpson. 51 caisons [or curious?], handle, Ease, Support 40 p. 142. 41 p. 143. ""p. 146. 43 p. 152. 44 p. 153- 45 P- 151- 4 PP- 134, 135- 47 P-i37- 48 p. 140. 49 p. 142. B0 pp. 143, 144. B1 p. 146. 16 &c Arms there is Something like these in y e Command C. P. [Capt. Preston] behind the Soldiers 8 Guns. N[athaniel] Fosdick. 52 - - pressing behind him with Bayonetts, in his back, Thrusts & pushes in y e Breast and Arm. - S[amuel] Hemenway 53 Kilroy not in anger nor in Liquor [Joseph] Hiller. 54 People in D[ock] S[quare] afraid to go up. 20 sec. bet. I & 2 d Gun, a little Boy, running & crying fire, y e last Gun was pointed at him and fired. [Nicholas] Ferriter. 55 3 attacks at the Ropewalks. Kilroy and Warren in the last battle at the Ropewalks [Benjamin] Burdick 56 Spoke to the bald Man, he thinks Yes by y e E[ternal] God. Intention to fire . Mem. vid Test. R[obert] Williams. 07 The Guns followed y e People as they ran. Quincy. no doubt with me, y i th. did it Sedato Animo, y e Person he killed was in Peace. 58 no Insult offered to K[illroy]. [Thomas] Marshall. 59 y e Street entirely Still. fewer People there y n usual. He had been warned not to go out that Evening. Moon, to the North. Saw a Party come out of y e main Guard door. d n em w r are [the]y? by Jesus let em come boisterous lan guage. y e Party came from Quaker Lane, & cry d fire. very prob able y e Word fire was a Watch Word any one next y e Meeting House, Steps in, at a Cry of fire and Sets y e Bell a ringing. Mr. [Nathaniel] Thayer 60 heard a Cry of Fire. & supposed it a Watch Word. Bartholomew] Kneeland. 61 one pointed his Bayonet at his Breast. Mr. [Nathaniel] Appleton. and little Master [John Appleton]. 62 his Story & y e Manner of his telling of it, must have Struck deep into your Mind. Struck by a Soldier tenderly ask d him "Soldier, Spare my Life." no damn you, we l kill you all. Brother Adams s Social Creature. Here is food enough for y e Social Appetite 63 immaterial who gives the mortal Blow, where there are a N. of Persons together, all present aiding, abetting are guilty, no Man shall be an avenger of his own Cause unless from absolute Necessity. Jfustice Edmund] Trowbridge. you ought to produce all your Evidence now. Jos h Quincy. 64 3 main Divisions, under the last there will be many Subdivisions I st Whether any kill d. 2 d Who killed em! wherever a Doubt y e Bias is in favour of the Prisoner. 3 d last & main Division, is w 1 are y e facts [thejy alledge to justify, excuse, or alle viate. under this many minute divisions. need not remind you of the importance to y e Pris rs . nor to the Community, important y* y e Dignity of Justice, and to y e Country & y* same Rules sh d . prevail, a 52 p. 148. 53 p. 149- 54 P- 149- 55 P. 151- E 5 P- 152. OT p. 153- B8 P. 168. 59 p. 156. 60 p. 155. 61 p. 154. C2 pp. 155, 156. 03 p. 170. 64 These notes are on the open ing address of Josiah Quincy, Jun., of counsel for the prisoners. See Kidder, p. 172. Prejudice prevails y t y e Life of a Soldier is less valuable than y of a Subject y e Criminal Law extends itself to every Individual of the Com munity, --it views Men possessed of Appetites and Passions. - - y e Law attends to Man kind as we find em surrounded with all their In firmities and all their Passions w [hat] ever will justify an Inhabitant in firing upon an Inhabitant, will justify a Soldier, and a Soldier need not have a civil Magistrate any more than an Inhabitant a general Opinion, almost universal, thro this Continent, y l their Rights and Liberties were invaded believed that the Soldiers came here to inforce those Acts. Mankind Act from Feelings more than Reason ing The Object of Resentment was out of Reach, and it fell upon the Instrument. The People thought the Soldiers the Instruments of fastening the Shackles y* had been forged. The Soldier felt him self touched in the Point of Honour, and in the Pride of Virtue, when he Saw and felt these Marks of Disrespect. You are not sitting here as Statesmen or Politicians, you have nothing to do with the Injuries your Country has Sustained. The Town is not concerned. This Cause has awakened the Attention of this whole Continent if not all Europe. you ought to be careful to give a Verdict, which will bear the Examination of Times, when the Pulse which now beat shall beat no more do nothing w h shall hereafter bite like a Serpent and Sting like an Adder, all the Colours of the Canvas, y e Pictures the Publications. -- every Thing y 1 could possibly Stimulate and in flame. our high Water Slack, y e Passions, so high that the[y] can go no higher The Fact of Killing has not been proved with Regard to Some of em and others are left in doubt. a Person producing a Witness is never to discredit him. a Per son Swearing a Positive is to be believed caeteris paribus rather than one Swearing a Negative. Persons upon Guard have a Particular Habit. [therefore] probably, C. Marshall, mistaken in y 1 Temper of Minds y 1 frame of Dispositions, which prevailed thro the whole Continent these Persons were upon their Duty, and their Lives in Danger if they moved from their Stations [B. Burdick] 65 who pushed at me, and had I Struck 2 or 3 Inches further, I shd have left a Marck / / c d have Sworn to. this was before the firing. I struck the Cock of the Gun the Man I struck was y e 4th Man from the Corner, ab* the Middle / Saw but one Thing thrown that was a Short Stick, ab* 2 or 3 foot long. I heard a rattling, I took it [the]y knocked their Guns together [the]y were continually pushing at Peo ple, and it was pretty Slippery. -- I went afterwards to take up the dead and they began to present & cock their Guns y e officer came before & knocked up the Guns -- and Said dont fire any more. 65 A page of the MS. beginning thus abruptly, Kidder, p. 152. 18 cant ascertain the Number of Guns believe 5 or 6 I Saw no Blows Struck by others, for I had not time, to see before I drew my own Sword. Robert Williams. 66 in Dock Square it was Said there had been an affray Some went to y e north, some one way, some another I went to K[ing] Street People there Some huzzaing, whistling, Some leaning over their Sticks. Somebody Said dont press upon the Guard, I re peated the Words. y c People Seemed to be pressing as I zvas to get among the thickest of them - I heard a flash of a Gun. It made a noise like a Pistol, a Small Report another Gun went off, at the right a Man fell. y e 3 d Gun was fired I Saw y e flash and heard y e Report on my Knees. The People ivere running away and the Guns Seemed to move after the People. / Saw People jumping upon the Backs of others trying to get in as I had been. Saw Some Snow Balls no Sticks I caution d them not press, upon the Soldiers least [the]y sh d press y e People upon the Points of the Bayonetts [the]y were within two foot I was not there above a Minute. Saw no Blows. Bartholomew Kneeland. 67 I lived at M rs Toreys by the Town Pump ad 1 a 1/4 after 9. y e Bells ringing, I went to the Door and Saw a Number of Soldiers one came up to me, d n you w* do you do there He put his Bayonet at my Breast and put it there Sometime. Mr. [Nathaniel] Thayer 68 a terrible Swearing Cutlasses & Clubbs were going, y e Soldiers came from y e Town House without any Coats on like wild Creatures. damn them where are they cutt them to Pieces, a little after 9. 1 cant Say who they were. y e People below cryed fire. Soon before I took it for a signal for the Soldiers to come to help the others. y e Cry of Fire was by Justice Quincys. M r Nath 1 . Appleton, 69 a little after 9. -- it was said at my Door the Soldiers and Inhabitants were fighting, a Party of Soldiers came down from y e Southzvard, 10 or 12, Short Cloths on white arms I Stood I Saw y e Course of the Soldiers began to bend towards Us, and w n [thejy got about half a rod off they lifted up their Weapons I retreated They rushed on with uplifted Weapons and I thought my self, in danger, if I did not retreat. John Appleton. 70 abt 9 o clock, I was sent of an Errand, in [King] Street, I was going home. at Jenkins ally about 20 Soldiers, one came to me with his Cutlass, I cry d Soldier Spare my Life, no damn you we 1 1 kill you all and Struck me upon the Shoulder, I dodged or he iv d have Struck me on the Head. [Lieut.] Coll Tho s . Marshall. 71 -- no Body at Dock Square, no Body in Kings Street at 9. K[ing] Street never clearer. I Some time after heard a distant Cry of Murder, a Party from the Main Guard came out, & damn em where are they? by Jesus let em come. I went in and came out again, and another Party came out of Quaker Lane I Saw their arms glitter. - - and heard much such Expressions as before. 68 P- 153- 97 p. 154- 68 P- 155- %. 155. 70 P- 156. 71 p. 156. Jos. Crosbey. 72 Kilroys Bay one tt appeared to be covered with Blood 6 or 5 Inches, next day. James Carter. 73 The next Morning I observed Kilroys Bayonett to be bloody. I am satisfyed it was blood. I was near to it as to M r . Paine. Jon a Gary. 74 4 of my Sons, Maverick & another Lad were at Supper in my Kitchen, when the Bells rung & I told em there was fire; [the]y said y d eat a few mouth fulls more and go. Jn Hill Esq r . 75 was Struck at at y e Ropewalks. M rs . Gardiner. 76 Mr. S. Quincy. 77 It is my Province to apply the Evidence, it is complex and in some Places perhaps difficult. 2 Things I must prove y e Indentity and the Fact goes over all the Names & men tions the Witnesses who Swore to each of them. c d . wish y i y e fa tigues of yesterday & y e Circumstances of my family w d have allow d me to have arranged the Evidence more particular, to have extracted the most material Parts of it. considers J. W. Austins Testimony. then Eb. Bridgham s y e last Man aim d at a running Lad. did not apprehend any Danger. Dodge. Clark. Langford. as particular as any Wit. on y e Part of y e Crown. Boys were damning y e Sentry, told him y e Boys w d . not hurt him. Gray came up wt s here? I dont know but Some thing will come of it by & by. Gray with his Hands folded. He leaning on his Stick. He spoke to Kilroy. d n you you are nt a going to fire K. presents at Gray, & Shoots him dead upon y e Spot and then pushed at Langford with his Bayonet. Here is Evidence of an Heart desperately wicked bent deliberately bent upon Mischief - - compared with the Testimony of Hemenway, This is Malice, a Distinction bet. Malice & Hatred Keyling 126. 3. Inst 62. Mawgridges Case. Envy, Hatred and Malice - - He y* doth a cruel Act voluntarily doth it of Malice prepensed tho upon a Sudden Occasion. Assault upon the Sentry. Letters to the Committee of Boston: From Catharine Macaulay. 1 London May 9 th 1770 Gentlemen I think my self much honored by the Town of Boston for the compliment of transmiting the Narrative relative to the massacre per petrated by the military on the fifth of March "For Joseph Crosswell, Kidder, p. 157. 73 p. 158. T4 p. 158. 75 p. 158. 7G Probably Mary Gardner, of Akinson Street, whose deposition is printed in Kidder, p. 101. " Notes on the closing by Samuel Quincy, of counsel for the Crown, Kidder, p. 158. 1 Though no address is with this letter, it was probably written to the same Committee as is mentioned in the letters of Pownall and Bollan. 20 In condoling with you on that melancholy event your friends find a considerable alleviation in the opportunity it has given you of ex hibiting a rare and admirable instance of patriotic resentment tempered with forbearance and the warmth of Courage with the coolness of Discretion Believe me Gentlemen there is not a Bostonian the spectator of the bloody scene who feels more sensibly than my self the horrid tran saction Every service which is in my power to perform the Town of Boston may command and may depend upon a faithful and ardent exec[u]tion I am Gentlemen Your very obed And very Humble Servt Catharine Macaulay From William Bollan (then Colony Agent). Fludyer street, Westm r . May II th . 1770 Gentlemen, Your letter relating to the late military massacre at Boston, which I had the honour to receive by express, was accompanied with such ample proofs, considered in point of number, matter, candour, propriety & fairness of caption, that I flatter myself they will in time prevail, and establish the truth in the minds of all honest men, maugre all the attempts made with art & sollicitude to represent the inhabitants as the aggressors. I had some hopes of geting the authentic copies laid before the house of corhons for consideration in this session, with the other papers laid before them ; but they are vanish d, and the par liament will rise in a short time. From what was openly said not long since, I understood the troops wou d be removed ; but the times abound with uncertainty as well as difficulty. I have the honour to be with great respect, and the sincerest wishes for the welfare of the town, Gentlemen, P. S. Your most obedient Capt n . Gard ner staid here, by my humble servant direction, til this day, in order to W. Bollan promote the public service by his examination in the house of com mons, or otherwise, as occasion shou d require W Bollan Ja s . Bowdoin Esq r . & others a Com ttee . of the town of Boston 21 From Thomas Pownall. London Albemarle Street May n, 1770. Gentlemen I duely rec d by Cap 4 Gardiner y r letter dated March 23 :d 1770, written & address d to me in Consequence of an Appointment of y e . Town of Boston. I did not want the bloody proofs w :ch y e Narrative you have com municated to me gives, of the danger & destructive consequences that must necessarily arise from a Military establishment posted within the heart of a Civil Jurisdiction, under such Arrangements of Command as were attempted to be fix d in time of Peace within y e Colonies. I had only wonder d that some thing of this Sort had not happen d sooner, & am now only happy that y e mischief has not gone further I hope it is not only at an end but that Like some of those Momentary Shocks of Nature w :ch endanger y e very being of the Region where they happen, while in the Convulsion it may purge away this Mis chief that was y e Component Cause of that Danger. It is a Common thing with Bodies of Men as well as Individuals standing towards each other in a State of Irreconcilable variance to Apprehend from each other mischiefs w :ch neither are Capable of Effecting to Impute to each other Evil designs w :ch neither ever har- bour d This state of Mind leads them by way of Prejudgment, Exculpation & Recrimination into representations w :ch take their Colour rather from imagin d than existing Facts But as on Occa sion of the late shocking events at Boston, there has been I hope, less of this than on former occasions, so I do not find People here so much dispos d to enquire who were the Aggressors, What were the Occa sions, what the Mutual provocations in the late Affray, What y e state of this particular Eruptions, as attentive to learn what is y e State & Cause of y e Fever in general w :ch they see brought to this height of Malignancy & what may be the Remedy. I had long ago given notice, without being much attended to, that I wou d lay before Parliament what I thought to be y e unconstitutional state of y e Military establishment in America. I took advantage from y e impressions made on Mens Minds by y e late Events to bring forward y e Consideration at this Time, by Moving that an Humble Address be presented to his Majesty, stating the Necessity of some Remedy in this Case, & praying that he wou d be pleas d to give directions w :h the Advice of his privy Council, that these Matters might be revis d & examin d into, to the End that they may be explain d, corrected & Amended, where they interfer d or Clash d w :h each other, or contained any Matters contrary to Law & the Constitution. 22 The Ministry mov d the Question of Adjournment upon my Mo tion, but Allowing that the Ground w :ch I had taken of Doubts in point of Law & the Constitution, of Confusion in the Execution & of Danger in the Consequences not only to the Political Liberty of the Com munity, but to the Franchises of the People was good & sufficient, & did call for some remedy in the Case, & having declar d that His Majesty had given Directions to have the Question of Law laid before the Crown Lawyers, & the Matter to be revis d & Amended upon that Foundation that shou d appear to be right & legal ; & that in General every thing that the Address did or cou d desire wou d be done in Consequence thereof. Upon this our friends, tho they did not think fit to withdraw the Motion for the Address, yet did not think proper to divide, as considering it best to hold the Ministers pledg d by their Declaration & our Acquiescence under it. & I own I think, as do many of your Friends here, w :h whom I have communicated upon this Occasion, that it wou d be wise in you in Point of Policy to give Credit to this Declaration, & to suspend all Opposition on this Point as Considering the Ministry having pledg d themselves to rectifye it according to Law & the Constitution ; especially as you are now free from all Danger of any evil Consequence arising from it, as the Minis try have declared that as the Troops are now withdrawn, so they shall never be sent back untill the Civil Magistrate, shall call for & employ their Aid in Support of the Civil Government w :ch I shou d guess is never likely to happen. As I have said before that there was no Disposition Amongst people here to enquire into the particular Actions & transaction in the late Catastrophe at Boston So you will find that no Notice has been taken either by Ministry or Opposition of any of the Events w :ch have arisen on this Occasion, otherwise than to look to the Cause in General & the remedy Yet one Obser vation I think it just to make to you, that One Sentiment has unani mously arisen in the Minds of all express d in a wish & Hope from all Quarters that no Prejudice, Resentment, or party Consideration what soever may Operate in the unhappy Case of Cap :t Preston & the Sol diers, but on the Contrary it wou d do more Honor to the Spirit & Temper of your People to shew Mercy than to exact Severe Justice. I beg you to mark my respects to y e Town & to assure them of my readiness in all cases & upon all occasions to engage in their service I beg you Gentlemen to accept my particular respects I am Gentlemen Y r most Obed & most humbly T Pownall To the Hon le James Bowdoin Esq r To Sam 1 Pemberton Joseph Warren Esq rs Committee of y e Town of Boston. JAMES COGSWELL. James Cogswell to Levi Hart, "Bishop of a church in Preston," Conn. Camp in Roxbury 15 th June 1775. Dear Sir: In much confusion & noise I set down to answer your very wel come favour which I received this morning. The news of M rs . Wood- bridges death was very affecting; but the pain much alleviated by the thoughts of her mingling the holy society above, leaving this dreadfulf world, this guilty land, dressed in all the horrors of war full of all kinds of impurity, for the pure peaceable fruition of the liberty of the sons of God. I will proceed to answer your queries as well as I am able, tho I must be but brief. As to the moral state of the Camp it is bad; I see no kind of seriousness; but on the contrary my ears are filled with the most shocking oaths, & implications; & the tremendous name of the great God is taken on the most trifling occations. The principle part of the Troops that are here belong to this & Rhode Island Government; ours are not so bad as theirs but we are far from having anything to boast of. As to the preaching I am not able to judge, I heard M r . Gordon last Sabbath & have not attended to our Chaplain ; but from what I can guess, from his conversation &c I shall be disappointed if it is of the best kind. M r . Spring & M r . Fish of Upton are here ; indeed the 1 Camp abound with Clergymen, many of whom are very boon com panions; I have not consulted the general yet about the expediency of your coming; his mind is full of more important matters, (if I may be allowed to say so) he is wholly taken up with his business as a Soldier. We expect every day a visit from our Neighbours and we are not in circumstances to give them that reception which we wish. We are going to open intrenchments to day in some places out of the view of the enemies camp & to night upon Dorchester neck, I sup pose that will provoke the enimies fire. As to the numbers killed on Noodles Island I can get no satisfactory accounts, it has got to be an old story here & little is said about it, I do not think there was more killed than 40 or 50. M r . Pitkin from Farmington came into Town last evening. I hope to see you here this Summer, tho I be lieve it not best for you to come at present. D r . Elliot came out of Boston the day before Yesterday, he went over Charlestown Ferry, so I am not able to say what intelligence he brings. There was an exchange of Prisoners last week. The soldiers that returned to Bos ton told their comrades of the kind treatment they met with from us, 24 it made some disturbance in the camp but they were hushed by the officers, -- General Gage has published a manifesto offering pardon to all the Rebels except Hancock & Adams, I have not been able to procure one to send to you ; it will likely be in the public papers. General Spencer sends his regards to you. I am dear S r . by a thousand obligations Yours James Cogswell. Mr. Hart. EZRA SELDEN. Ezra Scldcn to Nathan Hale. Roxbury Camp June 25 th 1775 Sir I just have remembrance of my engagement to you as well as to Numbers of others which I cannot fulfill We came into Roxbury on Sunday about Five o Clock they have been firing upon Roxbury a great Part of Saturday killed one Man June 24 have been firing upon Roxbury Saturday afternoon and killed two Men with small arms which through presumtion attempted to set on fire their guard house supposing that they had quited their house but they ran in great numbers from behind the house fired upon them both of which were taken one of them was run throng with Bayonets and carried of in that manner none others hurt they made sume shingles fly and some dust & a small matter of Dust with their Bums though our people fear d . them but tryfling one inarched up and pulled out the fuse carried the Bum to head Quarters the chief of the Ball would be taken up before they had done roling The Inhabitance have done comeing out of Boston almost The number of those Slain in the Battle between Putnam and the Gagites is uncertain By Letters from Gentlemen in Boston Gage has his Army Sixteen hundred worse than before the Engagement Putnam by the Doctars Account has and will lose 150 Men some number of those Provintials that were taken Prisoners have sent out letters by way of the Guards both ways The Contents if any I cannot Procure further than that they are very well treated Sunday night June 25 th A number of Rode Hand Men under took to set on fire their Guard house upon Boston neck but were prevented some fires were exchanged on both sides but I dont learn as any were hurt on either side The Soldier live in houses as many as can & more also But are not so healthy as those in Tents of Which number we are I dont learn any thing worth mentioning our fort upon the hill near the meeting 25 house contains about i & Y$ acre of Land we have another Batery where the rodes part that comes out of Boston have also two more upon the neck one of them against the Burying Yard Ezra Selden N. B. Cap* Ely s & Clefs Companies came in on Sunday To M r . Nathan Hale New London in Connecticut GEORGE ROSS. Circular Letter from Governor Ross. Friends & Fellow Countrymen. My Knowledge of your Zeal and Affection for your Country, & your animated Resolution to defend every thing dear & valuable among Men, induces me at this Period, when all is lost, without vigor ous Exertions of the Power & Strength of this State, to call on you without Delay to step forth into the Field, under Confidence in God of the uprightness of your Cause, which will insure Victory over Enemies glorying in every Act of Outrage & Impiety, & debauching your Wives & Daughters in the Face of the Sun, as if they were cursed of the Lord. The ravish d Maiden, the insulted Parent, the buffeted hoary Head whose feeble Arm cannot resent the Injury; nay, their God & your God call on you to drive from this once happy Land, those bold & impious Invaders of your Place. Our worthy Countryman General Mifflen, at the Request of Con gress goes to Lancaster on Saturday, to assist you in forming such Measures, as to enable you to exert your whole Strength at this Time, therfore let as many of the Officers & privates of every Battalion as conveniently can go & be useful, report there on that Day, & in the mean Time inform the whole Battalions of the Business, that they may be enabled immediately to execute, whatever may be determined on in that meeting. I am with much Esteem Y r Friend & Ser 1 . Geo. Ross. To Col. James Burd & the Officers & privates of his Battalion. Reading i6th Decem r I776. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.34] . 26 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. Continental Board of War to the Governor of Maryland. War Office Jany i; th 1778 Sir I have been duly honoured with your Favour of the II th instant. The Committee to whom I communicated it feel themselves happy in the Anticipation of the Supply they shall acquire from your Exertions the Necessity whereof still continues & Things yet bear the same un favourable Aspect. Pork can be procured here at 4. .10^ hundred but Salt is not to be had for curing any large Quantity. The Com mittee will not prescribe Price or any other Matter to you as they are so perfectly satisfied of your better Judgment in the Business arising within your State. The Seisures & Certificates in Consequence of them were intended to be levelled against & given to Engrossers & Specu lators great Numbers of whom abound in the State of Maryland equal at least to Persons of that pernicious Cast in any other State. They extend their Purchases & Influence into this State wherein the Board of War have had repeated Information they have purchased up great Quantities of Provisions & every Article wanted for the Army. These avaritious & dangerous People had raised the Expectations of the People so high that no reasonable Price would command their Como- dities. This consideration induced the idea of Seisures & Certificates & the Comittee cannot but think that the severest Steps would be justifiable with People whose sole Motive was Gain. Any Loss they may sustain will be but a proper Punishment. As to the Persons who grow or raise Provisions on their Farms the Case is to be sure dif ferent. The Comittee are Sensible of the Justice of your Excellency s Observations as to the Bay Navigation. They shew too the Necessity of forwarding everything we can during the Winter when the Men of War do not venture so high up the Bay. Your Sentiments as to the Necessity of building Boats of a proper Construction have been laid before the Marine Comittee who have had some such Measure in Contemplation & will no Doubt immediately take Steps for having them built. Mean time if your Excellency can have Tobacco Flatts Shallops or other Craft fitted for temporary Purpose all Expences in hiring buying or repairing them will be borne. The Treasury Board will take Care to furnish the necessary Supply of Cash & either trans- mitt it to you or pay your Drafts as you shall deem most proper. I enclose the Information herewith sent for your Excellency s Consider ation & Enquiry & have the Honour to be Your very obed Serv* Francis Lightfoot Lee. His Excellency T Johnson Esq Gov r of Maryland. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.is]. 27 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. William Whipple to Josiah Bartlett. Philadelphia y e 21 st May 1779. My Dear Sir My last I think was y e II th inst since which I have not been favored with any of Yours, I have been some time in expectation of a Colleague to supply the place of M r : Frost, who I suppose must have been at home some weeks. My Task is really arduous, but my anxiety to see a determination of some important matters now under con sideration prevents my pressing a speedy relief. The State of the currency is truely deplorable, but not so alarming in my judgment as the failure of public Virtue, the former may possibly be assisted by human means, but we must depend on him who alone can control the hearts of men to establish the latter; We are now about trying once more what can be done to save the sinking credit of the money, the prevailing Opinion is that nothing will do but (I was going to say) excessive Taxes, but I will soften the epithet, & adopt the words very high if a sufficiency can be raised by Taxes to support the war, farther emissions will be unnecessary, this is part of the plan now under con sideration , a consequent Resolution past this day to raise 45,000,000. to be paid in by the I st of Jan^. I must suspend giving you my Opinion of this measure for the present, let it suffice to say there was a great Majority in favour of the question, & but a small Majority against the Question for 60,000,000. this is a bold political stroke, and I hope will be carried into effect, as to all appearance nothing else can save us from destruction, the People in this part of the Country are every where clamerous for heavy Taxes, the greatest difficulty appears to me is, the levying it on the proper persons, if the whole sum could be drawn from those speculating miscreants, who have been sucking the Blood of their country, it would be a most happy circumstance and I hope the assessors will be particularly attentive to those people, He who increases in wealth in such times as the present, must be an enemy to his Country, be his pretentions what they may. If the Connecticut mode of collecting Taxes, was adopted the business would be much facilitated ; In that state five or six Taxes are collected in a Year by that means they collect very large sums without produceing the least uneasiness among the people If the people are duely impress d with the advantages they will derive from paying in their money while it is at the present low state they certainly will do it with chearfulness. Spirited measures with the Property of the fugitives, as well as with the persons of the resident enemies, to the Revolution, would in my Humble Opinion have an exceeding good effect, at this particular crisis. The Enemy seemed determined to carry on a predatory war agree able to the threats held up in the British Commissioners Proclamation 28 last Summer, their conduct in Virginia is an evidence of this, for the particulars I must beg leave to refer you to the new papers Time only can inform us of the events of the present Campaign, but this we may be assured of, that nothing is so likely to give us success as vigorous & decisive measures both in council & in the Field a M r Hamilton Gov of Detroit is taken prisoner (by Major Clark of Vir ginia) with his Garrison at a post he held on the Ohio, this vipers nest has been exceedingly troublesome to our frontiers, Whether our troubles in that quarter will be soon ended, depends on the success of the expedition into that Country under the command of Gen 1 Sulli van. Whether we shall have any naval assistance from our ally (depends in my judgment) on the Chapter of accidents but this is not the Opinion of many others ; but Mum ! I want every State in the Union to feel the importance of Sov ereignty, & I wish the United States were fully sensible of their Importance among the powers of the Earth; we should then under Heaven depend on our own strength, & banish from among us every Idea of servility, which now like the Tares among the wheat, prevents the growth of that virtuous republican pride so essential to the happi ness of America. You have several times mention d to me the Flagg that was de- tain d by order of Congress & as I know the importunity of the people must be very troublesome I heartily wish Congress could be prevailed on to decide on that matter but from various causes nothing has yet been done tho several reports have been made & recommitted, on the whole I think it will be best for the executive authority of the State to act their own judgment in that matter M r : Emerson of Durham who was a Commissioner of acc ts : died here last week of the small pox after three or four days illness. I shall get what information I can of his affairs here, for the satisfaction of his Family, with whom I most heartily sympathise. I am very sincerely Your friend & Hum e . Sv*. W m : Whipple Honble Col. Bartlett. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.g.46]. ADDRESS OF MASSACHUSETTS REGIMENTS TO MAJOR GENERAL WILLIAM HEATH. S r From your well known Attachment to the Interest of your Country, and you being the senior General in the State to which we have the happiness to belong, we are induced to address you on a subject not only of the most serious Importance and lasting con sequence to the Army; but as we conceive, of great weight to the Country at large - Indeed the Idea of being under the necessity of recapitulating Grievances is truly painfull and distressing. But the necessity is real and indispensible. While we view the rapid progress of those Measures which tend not only to the Destruction of the Army, as a Body : but the utter ruin of the Individuals who compose it, we should be lost to every Sense of Virtue, Honor, Justice, Hu manity & Patriotism to be silent You cannot be insensible, Sir, of the Terms upon which the Troops of our State engaged in the present Army, Terms the most distant from any Degree of Parsimony and replete with the most generous Emoluments The Resolves of Court of the I st November 1776 are perhaps the most generous and liberal to be produced on the Continent ; Having the public faith thus plighted to us, well might we suppose ourselves and Families secure from the Evils attendant on even a vastly de preciated Currency: But unhappy for us, we speak it with Pain and reluctance, the salutary effects of their Bounty have never reached us the liberal diffusive streams of State Generosity with which we have been amused have never been opened to us, or at best have flowed in so scanty and feeble a Manner as hardly to be perceptible : and at those Moments when the most adequate supplies have been expected, our hopes have been defeated, and we have found ourselves immersed in Disappointment and want. Had public promises been fulfilled to a tittle, the Depreciation of the Money alone would have afforded ample foundation This must have been a Burden of itself almost insupportable, but both Evils who could bear? What could more readily and effectually awake our Resentment than to hear from our dearest connections at home, that 30 the Necessaries of Life were monopolized and withheld, their Currency refused and despised, their distressed Situation ridiculed, and they suffering every Evil incident to the meanest Slaves, and most abject Dependents What can Men engaged in the service of their Country promise themselvs for a Virtuous perseverance in its Difence when Instances of Neglect and Ingratitude are daily exhibited towards them Can it possibly be right in the Eyes of that God, to whom America has appealled for the Rectitude of her Intentions and the Justice of her Cause, to reward those who have stepped forth for the Defence of the Rights of Mankind, with abuse, poverty and Raggs or is it possible any Man ever attached to the Interest of his Country should be thus dead to every sentiment of Justice and Propriety forbid it Virtue, Honor and" every virtuous principle of the human heart. We find, Sir, in answer to the present Complaints of the Army that frequent mention is made of the Resolve of the Court of the 4 th of February last, by which the Money is to be made good at the close of the present War, and certain Sums granted for the present Relief of the Army. However good this Resolve might have been in itself it must be very apparent to every one that the benevolent purposes of it have been Defeated in one Instance by the rapid Depreciation of the Currency from the Date of the Resolve to the Time the Sums granted became payable. This disagreable Circumstance prevented us from experiencing that Relief from the Act we at that Time expected With regard to the Money being made good at the close of the present War we would observe, Sir, that Period indeterminate un certain and perhaps at a distance that if we could even subsist .without it, we conceive we should be wanting to ourselves to risque it upon so precarious a footing: But this is not the Case, we cannot subsist without a part of it, not to mention many obvious Reasons the possi bility of Artfull desining Men gaining ground and wresting the mean ing of Laws to answer the purposes of Interest and Ambition ought to put us upon our Guard and make us insist upon the Matter being precisely fixed and indisputably sure. Our Pay, Sir. is our property and the Moment it becomes due we can demand it as a matter of Right - If this be true it must be unjust to deprive of it against our Con sent. We would ask what Men there are in the State who have trusted the public upon similiar Terms with the Army Upon examination we believe there will be found none Sureties have been ever given where Money was concerned You must be sensible, Sir, those who ingaged in the present War, did it under every disadvantage, they put every thing to the Hazzard. Had the Country fallen they of all Men must have been the most miserable, the fury of a relentless Conqueror would have been wreaked with double Vengeance upon them however the Consideration has not been sufficient to deter them from the Glorious pursuit, despising and resolutely incountering Difficulties they have been so happy as to prove themselves superior to both The Idea of raising ourselves above our fellow Citizens at Home, has been of all others the most distant from our Minds as we have embarked on the same Bottom with them our only wish has been to rise or fall with them, and as on the one hand we never entertained the Idea of exalting ourselves above our Brethren so on the other Hand it has been and still is our unalterable Determination never to be depressed below them Common Honesty dictates that Men who leaving their private concerns devoting their time to the service of their Country like all other Servants should be supported The Question then is, Sir, what that Support should be we think it clear, it ought to be such as to preserve ourselves and Families from Distress and Want, and render each officer in proportion to his Rank capable of discharging his Duty with Reputation to himself and advantage to his Country - We very readily acknowledge the Adequacy of our Pay with the other promised Emoluments at the Time of our Contract with the public for the purposes of our support: But our Emoluments have been so small and the real Value of the Sums we receive for our Pay so perfectly trifling, we think it a direct affront upon the common Understanding of any Man, should we attempt to prove their utter insufficiency even for the sole purpose of our personal subsistence in the Field ; Was this a necessary Consequence of an Inability in the Country we might bear it patiently in Silence ; but when we see our Country-men almost universally basking themselves in the Sunshine of Affluence Wealth and Plenty not even denying themselves the Luxuries of Life, we must certainly be divested of the Sentiments of Men of Spirit and the feelling, of Human Nature not to murmur - the more as we conceive this to be one of the great Sourses from which our present Evils have Originated If we may Judge, Sir, from the General Conduct of Men we shall be justified in the Suspicion that a Neglect and Inattention will soon take place in our fellow Citizens in General towards their Brethren in the Field But does the public good require that we should be marked out for special Ruin - - Is this the Price for which the Liberties and Independence of America are to be purchased We please ourselves it is not. We conceive that Life Health Property and Reputation too, perhaps are too great Sacrifices to be made by any one Class of Men whatever does Reason Justice or Patriotism require it does it accord with that Patriotick and disinterested spirit That mutual regard and warm Attachment to each others Interest which so richly distinguished America from the rest of the World at the Commence ment of her late Revolution Invain, Sir, do we look for that Sympathy for the distressed, that regard to Justice and enthusiastic Love of Liberty which at the begin ning of this War possessed and fired every feeling Breath and with as little effect do we seek that determined Spirit of Resolution which 32 gave Energy Force and permanence to every public Measure Not withstanding what may be said of Individuals, the People at large and the present disagreable Aspect, we can assure you of our full Con fidence in the Wisdom Justice and public Spirit of the supreme Legis lature of the State and we doubt not that upon an impartial view of our suffering Situation suitable Means will be adopted for our Relief, at least we presage this from what has already been done and their Native regard to Justice and Equity And here, Sir, we beg leave to question the possibility of supplying the wants of the Army till a more liberal Taxation takes place than has hitherto been adopted - - We conceive that the Value of the Money will be inhanced nearly in proportion to the Quantity taken out of Circulation and at the same Time that it increases the Finances of the State it renders the Situa tion of the Army more easy, however we are sensible this must be a work of Time. Wherefore to remedy the Evil we now feel, And relieve us from the present Anxiety, can it be though [t] unreasonable to suggest that such Sums might be immediately granted as shall be necessary to relieve the present Exigences of each Officer according to his Rank, and that such Sums may be continued from time to Time so long as the state of the Currency shall render it necessary ; and the Sums so granted to be charged to the Account of each Officer re spectively. Unless something of this kind takes place we must confess, Sir, it appears not at all difficult to determine the Consequence, the many and daily Resignations of Officers most clearly point it out In Justice to noncommissioned Officers and Soldiers who are un married we must think them entitled to something annually or oftener, than barely the nominal sum to which their Pay amounts, and cannot but wish as they are the Flower of the Army that some consideration may be made them for their faithful services, and further incourage- ment in the service of their Country Next to the immediate Relief of the Army we would propose, Sir, that at least by the first day of January next an adjustment be made of the Accounts of each Officer and Soldier and that security be given by the State for such Sums as shall be found due on such Adjust ment. And that in future an Annual settlement be made by a Com mittee from the Honorable Court, which shall confer with a Committee from the several Regiments and the adjustments of those Committees shall be laid before the House for Approbation, and when approved by them securities given for such sums as shall be found due In order to prevent the Officers from being under the Necessity of Leaving Camp for the purpose of procuring for themselves Clothing, and the Soldiers from the dangerous necessity of being without shoes, Hose and Shirts, a considerabe part of the Year (which has ever been the case) we think it highly reasonable, and necessary that the former be furnished with a suit of Cloaths compleat ; and the latter two shirts, two pair of Hose and four pair of Shoes annually and be charged to their respective Accounts and settled at the Annual Adjustment 33 With Regard to the Sums to be advanced we conceive, Sir, that this in a great Measure depends on the Resolve of Court of November I st 1776 in which Ample Supplies of certain necessaries were ing-aged to us, and on which we ingaged being impartially and liberally com plied with We would remark here for the comfort convenience and Health of the Army the absolute Necessity of a liberal Supply of the Articles innumerated in the Resolve as without them we are confined to the use of Animal Food at all times, the ill consequences of which have been no oftener lamented than felt in the production of putrid, Billious, and other dangerous and mortal Disorders We would observe also that Tea by Experience is found to be much cheaper than Coffee as this Point is of great Moment to the State we flatter ourselves it will gain the particular attention of the Honorable Assembly As we think it our Duty to point out whatever appears to us calculated to promote the Reputation and good of the State and as Recruits are now inlisting; we take the Liberty to ask what possible Objections can be given against these Men who are now engaged for three years only (and whose times will expire with the present Year) having the same Bounties and encouragement given them for inlisting for the War after the Expiration of their present Term as those who are now out of the Service. We consider the Arguments in favor of this to be powerfull and the probability of Success in recruiting promissing, and doubt not should the Encouragement be extended to them, the greater part, if not the whole of this Class of Men would immediately engage We apprehend, Sir, should this take place it would be highly necessary that some suitable Person be appointed as Commisary of Musters either for the whole, or one for each Brigade, who should muster the recruited Men, and whose Certificate of their having passed muster together with that of the Col. or commanding Officer of the Regiment into which they shall inlist shall be sufficient to draw a Warrent from Council for their Bounty, in the same way we propose all new Recruits from the Country be Mustered We would beg leave further to observe, Sir, that we think it would greatly tend to the well being of the Regiments and Satisfaction of the Court to have some Persons appointed by that Honorable Body to correspond with the Officers of the Army as they shall think proper; by which the Cir cumstances Wants &c of the Army may be fully known to the Court, and the Prospect of Supplies &c. known to the Army. We are led to believe this would have a happy Tendency to prevent many Com plaints Uneasinesses and Jealousies which may take place both in the Army and Court Painfull as the task may be of complaining of the Expense Vexa tion loss of time and Delays which have attended our frequent appli cation for supplies granted by Courts yet we are compelled to the Measure as the whole of the Articles in some Instances would scarcely 34 defray the necessary Expences arising from such Attendance of In dividuals, we complain not without a Cause, the Facts are well known to every one, all we wish is a Remedy - We are constrained also to mention the Neglect of some Agents in not forwarding the state Donations so early as was the Intention of Court, by which Means (and the State Commissaries not having Shirts, Shoes and Hose to sell them) the Soldiers have often been disheartened and rendered unfit for Duty High Lands August th . 1779 The Hon le . Major Gen 1 . Heath Jn. Bayley Col. Jon. Gr[e]aton Col. Rufus Putnam Col. Mich 1 . Jackson Col. Thomas Marshal Col Committee PHILIP MAZZEI. Philip Massei to Thomas Jefferson. Paris, April 21 st 1780. Sir, The first time I Spoke, according to my Instructions, to D r frank lin on the purport of my mission, he observed that so many people had come to Europe from every State on that kind of business, that they had ruined our credit, & made the money-men Shy of us. I said that Virginia should not partake of the blame on my account, as I would not let them know my business, unless I was pretty well Sure of Suc cess. Having Since taken the opportunity of mentioning the Subject several times to him, he never failed giving Some marks of disappro bation & displeasure. About 3. weeks past (that is to say about a month Since I had first mentioned the matter to him) his reflections induced me to observe, that while Congress called on the Several States to Supply their men in the Continental Army with things, which must be got from Europe, it became a necessity for them to Seek for credit & money ; that the person Sent by the States on that errand may perhaps have not proceeded with all the discretion re quired in Such cases ; but as to the dishonour & discredit, which you think, Says I, that they have brought upon us by Spreading Such an idea of American poverty, I must beg leave to differ from you, Sir, Since all Europe knows, that we want a great many things from home : that we have no Species : & that we cannot, during the War, remit enough of our produce to pay the debts. The only 2. points to gain are, I continued, the persuading them of the Solidity & resources of the States, & that we are firmly determined to keep our Independ ence ; & then mentioned the reasons I have to expect that I Shall be 35 believed particularly in Florence & Genoa. We have tried in Genoa, he said, without effect. As I had informed him of my views there from the beginning, his defering So long to acquaint me with that un lucky trial made a Sudden & disagreable impression on my Spirits for a double reason. But that was nothing in comparison to what I have felt to day. He has at last Signified to me that 6 P. cent was offered. But, Sir, Says I at the very first conversation on the Subject I informed you that I was impowered to give only 5; had I known this at that time I could have given notice of it by Marquis la fayettc, & the Assembly could have been informed of it in the Spring Session. "I din t think of it," said he with a true philosophical indifference, "it never came into my head." I have lost no time, Sir, to come & write you the intelligence, with which I have been most disagreably Sur prised this day, knowing that there is at Nantes a Vessel ready to Sail, & I heartly wish that you may receive one of the 4 copies before the Assembly rises. You will, I hope, excuse my blundering more than usual, as I am really disconcerted. In coming from the Doctor, who lives 3. miles out of the Town, I was a thinking what to do. I have resolved to proceed on my journey as Soon as I can raise money, & to go & lay a foundation for executing the orders I may receive hereafter. It is requisite to observe, that however great my Success may be in infusing notions of our Solidity & resources, & a desire of entering into our views, I cannot with any degree of prudence men tion the terms expressed in my instructions, as D r Franklin s offer is certainly known every where, the Experiment have been tried by the medium of public Bankers. The offering less than it has already been offered, would be ridiculous, & perhaps injurious to the credit of Congress. If the State should not like the terms, I might act for Congress, & probably succeed, although others have failed. I intend to mention it to the Doctor, & if I Should meet with more philosophy than Zeal, I have a mind to explain the whole matter to M r . John Adams (if he affords me an opening to do it) & avail myself of his advice & assistance. The established character of his great abilities & patriotism all over the Continent would, I hope, Sufficiently war rant my Step, besides what I know of him from the late Governor, & still more from yourself. I hope soon to entertain you with some favourable accounts of European affairs, & I have the honour to be most respectfully, Sir, Your Excellency s most Obedient & most Humble Servant. Philip Mazzei a 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.ao]. JOHN JAY. John Jay to Silas Dcanc. Madrid I Nov r 1780 Dear Sir I have just rec d . your letter of the 16 Oct r . T How happens it that you do not yet know me? Time and opportunity have not been wanting I suspect you sometimes seen double If my Regard for my friends be measured by the Length of the Letters I write them, I confess they have often Reason to complain, especially as a constant attention to matters of public Concern, leaves me little Leisure for that pleasing method of employing ones vacant Hours. Not many Days have passed since I wrote you a Letter of more than moderate Length, & if I could indulge my Inclinations, you would read much of my writing. There are many Subjects both in teresting and otherwise, on which I should be glad to converse with you either on Paper or in person, but the former is seldom in my power, for the Reason I have mentioned My Question about D r . 5[ancroft] and M r . Cfarmichael] was not with his knowing or by his request nor shall I make the least mention of your Remark on that Head It is a matter about which I have little Curiosity, and could, if explained, be no further useful to me, than as the Circumstances which gave Rise to it, might explain Characters. Could I transport myself for a few Hours to Passy, we should find ourselves in a Situation similar to those we were often in at M rs . House s in 1775 Letters cannot effect this - - a multiplicity of Circumstances must necessarily be stated and combined besides I perceive that you neither know my Situation respecting certain People nor I yours. I am convinced that we have the same regard for each other as before. You will be of the same opinion if Providence should again give us an Occasion of meet ing. These are no Times to bid adieu to Politics while you can be useful in them, dont restrain your Pen from those Subjects. If ever you and I should talk over these matters, yon will think my Let ters less reprehensible In my last I told you that Spain wanted Mississippi A Sheet could not convey more to a Person so well acquainted with the Subject as you are. I could tell you that Spain delays, does little &c &c but these would be only useless Comments on the Text. The Capt. of a Vessel lately arrived at Cadiz from N. Carolina says our Paper was appreciating there. The King of Spain has offered us his Responsibility to facilitate a Loan, and I am in a fair way of having some Cloathing for our army. These Circum stances will give you pleasure I am sure. If I am not much mistaken the Enemy will attempt to incline Hfenry] Lfaurens] to their views. The Resolution you mention or 1 Printed in "The Dean Papers," iv., p. 244, Collections of the New York Historical Society. Words in italics are translated from Jay s cipher. 37 rather intimate would have great Consequences. Instances of the like have happened. This matter deserves much thought. As to the Edi tions &c. of A. Lee no very great Effects will follow them in my opin ion, but tho Facts cannot be altered, they may be misrepresented, and sometimes sunk, unless Care be taken to do them Justice. The State of America I admit to be a serious matter, but I still think it will termi nate well, tho it may be scorched by the ordeal thro which it is to pass. Of this you know more than I do, and therefore can better Judge. F. 1 had better be cautious. I believe firmly the old adage, nil utile nisi quod honestum, and therefore before Politicians or others deviate from Integrity, they should well consider the Consequences. I see very clearly that in the Instance alluded to, Repentance would soon follow, and not only prove ineffectual but severe In a word my friend, as to all these matters I believe that a wise & good Being governs this world, that he has ordered us to travel thro it to a better, and that we have Nothing but our Duty to do on the Journey, which will not be a long one. Let us therefore travel on with Spirits & Chearfulness, without grumbling much at the bad Roads, bad Inns or bad Company we may be obliged to put up with on the way let us enjoy Prospwrity when we have it, and in adversity endeavour to be patient and resigned without being lazy or insensible. I cannot approve of your refusing to reflect on certain Subjects. The more you reflect on them the better in my opinion, upon the same Principle that it is better to meet and reduce one s Enemies, than sub mit to their Bondage, or remain exposed to repeated Injuries. M rs . Jay & the Col. [Livingston] desire me to make their Com pliments to you I am D r Sir very truly Your Friend & Serv* John Jay The Honble Silas Deane Esq r 2 John Jay to Jeremiah Wadsivorlh. New York 13 Jan y 1789 Dear Sir M rs . Jay having been informed by a Gentleman who lately passed thro one of your Towns, (I think Wallingford) that good Silks were manufactured there, desires me to request the favor of you, if there be any for sale, to procure a Pattern of a Gown and Petticoat, of some grave quaker Color, and send it to her. I am persuaded that the same motive which induces her to wish to have it, will also induce you to excuse the Trouble she takes the Liberty of giving you about it. I find the Cloths are arrived. Tomorrow I purpose to see them, and take a suit. If it should become fashionable to prefer our own Franklin? 3 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.6.66]. 38 manufactures, their Progress will be greatly advanced by it; espe cially if we come to consider whatever is american as our own; which notwithstanding State Prejudices, I hope will daily be more and more the Case with great Esteem & Regard I am Dear Sir Your most ob*. Serv 1 John Jay Col. Wadsworth. 1 WILLIAM CARMICHAEL. William Carmichael to Harrison. Aranjuez i8 th June 1781 Dear Harrison I acknowledge that I am become your Debtor for a Letter from S*. Lucar & I am become still more so by troubling you with the Inclosed which you will forward by Captn Robertson under Cover to the President of Congress, to whom it [is] well to write the actual State of the present armament My Time has passed exceedingly disagreeably here & I have envied you your S 1 Lucar friends I have some ap prehension of an Embargo at your Port that may retard Robertson Push him off therefore, if He should not be gone I have sent a Copy of these Letters via France But am anxious that they should get out from your Port I should send you the List of officers to Com mand the present Expedition, but it is so public that you have un doubtedly have seen it Address your letters for me to Madrid as I leave this on Satur day If this Expedition should go to Charles Town, what would you think of Spain then? I would worship the King & He should be my S*. Carlos I have no news for you & am as Dull as an English man in December, If I continue long in this way I shall beleive my self in Love of which I have some Symptoms Adieu give me all the minute particulars in your power of this Armament Yours. W m . C. Compliments to Robertson who I beleive knows me, & Desire him to mention me to all Friends, Particularly to Mr Morris & family to whom I have written frequently without a line in Return There is no hopes of obtaining 1 permission to send Vessels in Droiture to the Havannah 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.G.yo]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.6.72]. 39 THE MOSQUITO SHORE. Lord NortJi to the Governor of Jamaica. Whitehall 3<D th . Sept r . 1783. Sir, It having been stipulated by the 6 th . Article of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, between His Majesty and the Catholic King, signed at Versailles on the 3 d . Ins 1 , and exchanged by the Plenipotentiaries of the Two Crowns on the 19 th . That a certain District comprized between the Rivers Wallis or Bellise, and the River Hondo, particu larly described in the said Article, shall be allotted to the Subjects of Great Britain, for cutting, loading and transporting of Logwood, and that Commissioners shall be appointed to determine upon suitable Spots within that Territory, for the erecting such Houses and Stores as shall be requisite for themselves, their Families and Effects, re serving, nevertheless, to His Catholic Majesty the Right of Sover eignty; and it being further stipulated, that the Subjects of His Britannic Majesty, wherever dispersed, whether upon the Spanish Con tinent, or upon the Islands dependent on the aforesaid Spanish Continent, shall collect themselves within the Canton above limited, within the Space of 18 Months after the exchange of the Ratifications of the said Treaty, and that if there shall be any Fortifications within the said District, His Britannic Majesty shall order the same to be demolished, and prohibit His Subjects from erecting others. I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a printed Copy of the said Treaty, together with Duplicates of Orders given by the King of Spain to the several Governors of the Provinces of Yucatan, Guatamala, the Island of Cuba, and the Havannah, for the purpose of the several Evacuations and Restitutions, and for marking out the Limits of the District allotted to the Logwood Cutters, and Labour ers by the said Treaty, and I am commanded to signify to you the King s Pleasure, that you do, as soon as may be, in concert with the Spanish Governors to whom His Catholic Majesty hath addressed His Instructions, appoint proper Persons to be Commissioners for the purpose of marking out the Limits of the said District, and for fixing upon suitable Spots for the erecting of Habitations and Store houses for His Majesty s Subjects who may intend to remain upon that Coast; giving them Orders at the same time to collect them selves within the District before mentioned, and affording them every possible assistance in your power to facilitate their removal thither. You will, also, give directions, That the Fortifications which may have been erected by His Majesty s Subjects, within the Dis trict allotted to them by the present Treaty, be forthwith demolished, 40 and that none be in future erected by them, and that they shall exer cise their Fishery upon the Coast, agreeably to the Stipulations of the said Treaty. You will receive herewith Two Passports from the Court of Spain to prevent from interruption, or molestation, any Ships, or Vessels, which you may think proper to employ, in consequence of the Instructions and Orders which are necessary to be given by you upon this Occasion, a like number having been transmitted from hence to the Court of Spain. I am, with great Truth and Regard, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant North. Governor Campbell. Private. Whitehall 3 d October 1783. Sir, In addition to my Official dispatch of the 3O h of September, I think it right to inform you that I have received a Memorial from the Agent of the persons concerned in the Logwood Trade, desiring me to recommend to You M r . James M c Cauley, M r . James Bartlett and M r . Richard Hoare, in conjunction with Lieutenant Colonel Des- pard, to be appointed Commissaries on the part of His Majesty for marking out the District allotted to the Logwood Cutters and Labour ers by the late Treaty of Peace, and for fixing upon proper spots for erecting Habitations and Storehouses. If you see no reason to object to the abovementioned Gentlemen, You will, probably, think it right to gratify the wishes of the Memo rialists; But, the whole of this nomination is left to your judgment and discretion. With respect to another part of my Letter, which relates to the withdrawing such of His Majesty s Subjects as shall be settled on the Spanish Continent, or the Islands dependent thereon. It is neces sary that I shou d inform you, that by the words Spanish Continent, His Majesty s Servants understand that part of the Coast of Hon duras v/hich is not included in the described limits, and such other parts of the Continent of North America, as have been, and are acknowledged by us, to belong to the Crown of Spain. I have the honor to be, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant Governor Campbell, Jamaica. North. 41 Most Secret and Confidential. Whitehall 3 d October 1783. Sir, I have thought it right to send you, in addition to my official dispatch and private Letter, this most secret and confidential note, that you may be clearly and explicitly made acquainted with our sentiments respecting the expression Spanish Continent, in the De finitive Treaty. His Majesty, in His Negotiations wit the Court of Spain, most certainly never meant to affect the rights of any third person, and, consequently, did not include the Mosquito Shore, (which has never belonged to the Crown of Spain,) under the name of the Spanish Continent. If, therefore, there are any British subjects settled on the Mosquito Shore, You will not understand, that you are required by your Instructions, to withdraw such Settlers from the places where they are established. I have written this Letter to you for your own direction, and justification, and have sent it under separate cover, that you may, if you find it necessary, shew the other Letter, without disclosing the contents of this. If, for example, any person on the part of His Catholic Majesty, shou d require of you to recall the Settlers from the Mosquito Shore, as being a part of the Spanish Continent, you may, in that case, shew him my Letter, mark d private, maintain the contrary interpretation of the Words, refuse to withdraw the Settlers, and refer him, if he still persists, to Europe, for the decision of the point in dispute. I have the honor to be with great regard, Sir Your most obedient humble Servant, North. P: S: You will perceive that my reason for not mentioning the Mosquito Shore in my other Letter, and for wishing that this may be kept secret, and considered only as intended for Your direction is, That, whatever interpretation the Court of Spain may affect to give to the Treaty, We wou d not have it appear that we think it possible that the Mosquito Shore, can, in the opinion of any person what soever, be comprehended under the name of the Spanish Continent. N. Governor Campbell, Jamaica. Secret & Confidential. Whitehall. Nov r : 7. 1783. Sir. By my letter of the 3O th . of September last You received his Majes ty s directions for the conduct you were to hold in consequence of 42 the Definitive Treaty with the Crown of Spain and by my two letters of the 3 d . of Oct r . You will have learnt in what sense his Majesty s Ministers understand the words, Spanish Continent, &, that, in their opinion, The British settlers are not to be withdrawn from the Mosquito Shore. I now inclose to you a Copy of a memorial from the settlers on that Shore, in which they apply for protection, & I am directed by his Majesty s servants to convey to you their opinion, that they ought to be supported. The manner of supporting them, & the force to be employ d in that service, They leave to your discretion in which they put intire confidence. This Support, however, should be afforded them in the most inoffensive manner, & with the least parade possible : It would be disadvantageous to enter into a fresh quarrell with Spain upon this point, in the moment of the return of peace when the Nation, from their aversion to war, may be inclined to yield too much for the sake of preserving the public tranquillity. It is to be hoped that Spain is in the same sentiments, & that when she sees our settlers in a condition to resist, She will not use force at the hazard of producing a fresh rupture between the two Crowns. I inclose likewise a Memorial from the Logwood cutters, which I submit to your consideration, & wish to have your opinion upon the proposals contain d in it, before I take any step in consequence of their application. I have the honour to be, with the greatest respect, Sir, Your most faithful humble Servant, North. JOHN BROWN. John Brown to Simon Perkins. Springfield Mass 24 th Nov 1847 Simon Perkins Esqr Dear Sir I write to give you an idea as well as I can of the state of matters here First I will give you an account of our outstand ing paper as near as I can from memory ; being at a neighbouring office while it rains very hard. At the Agawam Bank we have $18,500, at Springfield Bank $7700, Patterson & Ewings Draft accepted for $2300, & we are entitled to receive during the balance of the month from Burlington $27500, & from the house of Perham Sewall & Co some $5000, or $6000, more. I do not believe I shall get the whole in by the time it has been promised us ; but I think I can manage with our paper 43 notwithstanding the money matters are tighter (all through this coun try) than Kids Chest. The effect of the English news has produced an alarm amongst wool holders, & we are getting consignments from Philadelphia, New York, Vermont, & are expecting a lot from Hart ford soon ; besides some large lots from different parts of the country. If we could in any way so manage while the pinch continues to keep up making moderate advances I think we could double or treble the nett proceeds of the seasons business, as all we can now get, will be clear gain. I do not wish any upstream measure taken to supply funds for further advances; but if it could be fixed conveniently it would work fine ; as our sales have drawn the attention of the whole country, & other commission houses, & even manufacturers are disposed to avail themselves of our help to effect sales of fine wools. We have graded, & sent off nearly half the amount of the contract with Burling ton, & have delivered no faster than they have paid us as yet. Before I seal this will try to give the exact amount of all our in debtedness. Want to hear from all on the hill verry much. John is quite sick with a fever but think he is better a little today. Have not heard whether you got the $3000 Certificate sent you, nor how the trip to the River with Bucks went off. True amount of Debts to pay from now to 7 th Feby is $29,300. Most of our customers have got the greater part of the money for their wool. Yours truly John Brown Simon Perkins Esqr Akron Summit Co Ohio Springfield Mass I st May 1849. Simon Perkins Esqr Dear Sir Your ever welcome favours of the 6 th & 24 th April are both received. I have not been as punctual for a while past as I intended, in writing you, but you will (I trust) be able to excuse me ; as in addition to a constant press of business we have been again visited with a good deal of very poor health in the family, & the death of our youngest child ; x which has been unwell all the winter, & Spring. My wife has also been very poorly for a long time ; & is yet so. She has become quite thin & poor, but I am in hopes she is mending a little. The money pressure has been quite severe again ; so much so, that some prettey large cash contracts with us, have not been met by taking the wool as agreed. I have been able to meet the disappointment to the amount of between $30000. & $40000, but have not been able to 1 Ellen, born at Springfield, Mass., in May, 1848. 44 get your State Stock clear yet; as I had expected to do. Money is now becoming easier again, & I hope to be able to do it soon. We made a small cash sale of No I long wool to go to France as sample Bales ; they intimating that they wanted all our long fibred fine wool if the Bales sent suited their work as well as they believed they would. The men who bought it are Thirion Maillard, & Co. New York for their own establishment in France. They do not profess who are here ; to be first rate judges but were willing to take at our prices (less the transportation to New York from here) all that we would put up as being fully equal to sample fleeces upon honor; not to exceed some 13000 Ibs. We let them have on those conditions something over 1,000 Ibs. they finding Sacks. Price here $0,54-1/2 per Ib. (a little over) I did not think best to make a heavy business of it; they de pending solely upon my judgment & honor; I am very [certain] that if once we can get our best wools fairly introduced to the acquaintance of the best foreign manufacturers that the great difficulty in regard to fine wool, & fine sheep in this country will be cured : & that nothing short of that will ever give stability in any good measure to the busi ness. I shall despair of our superior flock unless; European manu facturers come to our relief. The fine wool manufacturers here lately got up a subscription in order to send to Europe for fine wool which cannot cost less than 75 pr cent above our prices on purpose to break down at all events the price of fine wool here. The information is from Mr. Hammond of Vernon Ct; & others who were urged to go into the measure. I enclose you a sample of German cloth worth at the worst time $6. per Yard in the hands of the importer. They send cloths worth $8. per Yard with the importer, during the worst time past; but I could not find a piece on hand with the importers last week, while in New York. We have wool that would make as good cloth as ever was imported. I am thinking hard of taking the fine wools of such as are willing to send it at their own risk, & going over with it ; closing up the sale of the balance as well. & as fast as it can be done right. I have done all & everything I could consistently do to get off the fine wools, but when I see manufacturers go elsewhere, & pay from 25 to 75 pr cent more than we ask rather than buy of us in order to get back the full controll of the market it looks dark. What would you think of my doing so? I really think it probable that no other means short of an Auction sale ; will enable us to sell the fine wool out so as to close up ; & that would be an unconditional surrender; not only of the wool on hand, & the business, but of the fine flocks of the whole country. What I think of is to begin packing in earnest for shipment, selling in the meantime whenever I can, & continuing to do so as long as I can. I have kept still about quitting the business as long as it would do ; on account of the buildings we occupy, or untill within Two or Three days past. What effect the news of our quitting will have can not say. I am hinting that I intend going to Europe to make permanent arrangements in regard to the wool trade; which is strictly true if I 45 go [at] all. Our friends must hold off a few days at all events before we can help them to money on their wool as we cannot create money. (Hope to keep Midling cool). Your friend John Brown Simon Perkins Esqr Akron Summit Co. Ohio Troy N Y 26 th Jan? 1852 Simon Perkins Esqr Dear Sir I improve with pleasure another opportunity of reporting our progress here a little further. We adjourned on Sat urday the 25 th to Tuesday morning the 27 th inst. Warrens witness B Buck (the one to whom I referred in my last) swore very stiff in his direct testimony. We have progressed a little in cross examining him, but are not done. We have proved by him some important facts such as identifying a letter written by Warrens Doctor to him giving him in Warrens name instructions about the disposal of the wool after the date when Warren swears it was sold to us. This letter Buck had placed in our hands at the time, & it perfectly conflicts with his own, & Warrens statements. Buck spoke of getting such a letter of his own accord, & pretended to give its contents to some extent before it was shown him. When he had read it the Starch was taken out of him nicely. We have proved by him his own full authority to act for War ren, also his own letters he not being allowed time to read them ; also that Flint one of Warrens witness fes] (by the way) acted dishonestly in grading, & that I corrected the wrong ; also that I was a disinter ested man in grading & selling, but another interesting circumstance is that A J Richardson has been here Logrolling for Warren like a hero. It so happens that he cannot serve the Devil in Two different directions at the same time ; & he has already sworn in direct contra diction of his affidavits at Boston. As he is sensible of the difficult task he has on his hands ; & does not quite thoroughly understand all the bearings in Warrens case ; we have already draged out of him some first best testimony in both cases; & have no doubt of having a rich time if we can get him on again. He was allowed to return to Boston by the Court uppon his own, the Counsels, & Warrens assurance that he would return. He is so slipery a fellow that I fear we shall not get him again ; but I was obliged to submit. We have learned by his statements what he, and his Co. are going to rely uppon in their suit ; one thing of which is that he now in this case denies the Contract he ad mits he wrote himself. He says it is only part of the contract which 46 was a verbal one, & was previously made. This is in keeping with his swearing there had been no settlement made with us; & that he paid the last money to us under Protest. I should be exceedingly glad of your presence here; would your engagements allow of it; but as every thing about getting through is so very uncertain, I dare not advise it. I will only say further at this time, that I know of nothing unfavourable but that the business goes on slow; but we have made better progress last week than before. Would like to hear from you ; & all at home. Please say to my folks to write. Will write as often as I have any thing. Your friend John Brown Simon Perkins Esqr Akron Summit Co. Ohio John Brown to Dr. Jesse Bowen. Springclale, Cedar Co, Iowa, 3d March 1859. Dr Jesse Bowen Dear Sir I was lately at Tabor in this State where there is lying in the care of Jonas Jones Esqr. one brass field piece fully mounted; & carriage good. Also a quantity of grape & round shot: together with part of another gun carriage of some value. Also some twenty or over U. S. rifles with flint locks. The rifles are good and in good order, I have held a claim on these articles since Jan 2 1857 that is both morally & legally good against any & all other parties: but I informed Mr. Jones that I would most cheerfully; and even gladly waive it entirely in your favour: knowing the treatment you have received. I should think these articles might be so disposed of as to save you from ultimate loss : but I need not say to you how im portant is perfect and secure possession in such cases: & you are doubtless informed of the disordered condition of the National Kansas Committees matters. I left with you a little cannon & carriage. Could you, or any one induce the inhabitants of your city to make me up something for it; & buy it either to keep as an old relic; or for the sake of helping me a little? I am certainly quite needy; & have more over quite a family to look after. There are those who would sooner see me supplied with a good halter than anything else for my services. Will you please write me frankly to John H Painter Esqr or by bearer whether you think anything can be done for me with the gun ; or other wise? My best wishes for yourself & family. Respectfully your friend John Brown. 47 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER THREE. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER THREE. : BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND TWO. The Public Library of the City of Boston: Printing Department, April, 1902. CONTENTS. JOURNAL OF A SURVEY IN 1791, FOR A CANAL ACROSS CAPE COD. BY JAMES WINTHROP 53 MARTHA WASHINGTON. To , Jan. 29, 1790 71 To Mrs. Richard Montgomery, April 5, 1800 72 JAMES MADISON. Draft of a Message to Congress submitted to President Washington, on the First United States Bank, Feb. 21, 1791 73 To General Horatio Gates, March 24, 1794 74 To James L. Cathcart, April 18, 1802 75 WILLIAM COCKE. To Governor Sevier, June 25, 1796 78 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. To William Plumer, Oct. 6, 1810 78 JOHN ADAMS. To William Plumer, Dec. 16, 1812 82 To Same, Dec. 4, 1814 82 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. To William Plumer, Jr., June 24, 1827 84 To , Sept. 9, 1831 84 ROBERT SMITH. To Thomas Jefferson, August 28, 1803 85 WILLIAM EUSTIS. To Nicholas Gilman, Jan. 12, 1808 86 To Henry Dearborn, April 10, 1808 88 in PAGE WILLIAM PLUMER. To Nicholas Oilman, March 28, 1808 88 To Salma Hale, Dec. 28, 1818 90 JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN. To Charles Harris, June 13, 1810 91 JONATHAN RUSSELL. To Joel Barlow, Jan. 14, 1812 92 SAMUEL LATHAM MITCHELL. To Henry W. Dearborn, Feb. 14, 1812 93 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. To General Meigs, Sept. 20, 1812 94 To Langdon Cheeves, Nov. i, 1819 95 JAMES A. BAYARD. To , Jan. 24, 1813 95 HENRY DEARBORN. To H. A. S. Dearborn, March 21, 1812 96 To Same, April 10, 1823 97 To Same, Oct. 25, 1823 98 To Same, Nov. 4, 1823 99 Address of his Officers to Major General Henry Dearborn 102 THE COUNTERFEITING OF COLONIAL PAPER MONEY, 1735-1739 104 IV JOURNAL OF A SURVEY IN 1791, FOR A CANAL ACROSS CAPE COD. BY JAMES WINTHROP. Thursday 12 May 1791, at I P M. set out from Cambridge to survey Sandwich neck accompanied by M r . Henry Parker as assistant. Miss H. a lovely girl of eighteen, was polite eno to take this opp. to visit her Barnstable friends, & rode in the chaise with me. My apparatus consisted of a Theodolite, 2 barometers with a vernier to each, a spare tube, a chain, a Gunter scale, a pocket case of instruments, a penta- graph, a small achromatic telescope, pens, ink, paper, pencils, & Hol lands small Map as printed for Thomas s Magazine. Oated at Bracket s in Braintree for io d . 13 miles from home, lodged at Cushing s in Hingham 23 miles from home. Well accomo- dated for horse keeping & victuals, but bugs in the bed. Friday 13, after Breakfast, reckoning io/. for the company, set out for Plimouth; soon begun to rain, but got to Kingston to dine, 41 miles from home, put up at Beal s, accomodations good but people slow. Rained very hard. I walked over to see Judge Sever in the afternoon & spent an hour with him. He was very polite & invited me to keep at his house, but I returned to my company. He did not seem to favor the canal much. Rained heavily all night. Saturday 14 th . Rain. After breakfast, the storm intermitted. Company reckoning 17/8. Rode into Plimouth by 9 o clock, introduced Miss H. to Gen. Warren & Lady, & put up at their house proposing a friendly but early dinner with them. Storm renewed & held till toward night. Sabbath 15. Attended meeting, drank tea at M rs . Winslow s. Two agreeable & pretty daughters both amiable. In the evening Major Thomas & Lady, the Miss Winslows, Miss Gorham, & Miss Burr came to see Miss H. all the young ladies about her time of life. We had an agreeable evening. Monday i6 th . After Breakfast rode to Ellis s in Plimouth Woods where we dined in company with the Supreme Court as they were returning from Barnstable. Reckoning for company 5/2. Afternoon rode to Sandwich, put up at Fessenden s, deposited Miss H. at Rev. M r . Burr s. He has a very handsome & agreeable wife. Spent the 53 evening at General Freeman s. Capt Allen & Major Williams & Rev. M r . Burr spent an hour with us at Fessenden s. Tuesday 17 th . M r . Parker carried Miss H. to Barnstable & left her & the chaise at M r . Bourn s the federal Representative for this election district. M r P. returned in the afternoon. I spent the day in riding with Gen. Freeman, his son, & Major Williams over to Buzzard s bay to view the ground. I breakfasted with the General, dined on Cohogs, a very coarse shell fish at Perry s near the Buz. Bay, & drank tea at M r . Burr s. Wednesday i8 th . Wrote to my brother by a coaster, enlarged Hol lands map of the isthmus, making one draft 8 & another 16 times as large as the printed copy. 19 May 1791. Begun the survey at Agawam point in a line from the point to the N E corner of Sam. Bourne s house at the shore of Buz zards, angle between that line & Little p*. at high water mark 138. 55 distance of the station from S. shore of river at Agawam point I2 ch . 4O L course S. 44^ E From this Station toward N E corner of Sam. Bourne s house, same course, dist. 29 ch . o 1 . on the bank of Back harbor. New Course to Back river S. 723/3 E. distance to 3 d . station in the way to bank of Back river 7 Ch . o 1 . From 3 d . station to bank of river in same course 5. chains at high water. 3 d . Station distant from shore of harbor i ch . iS 1 . Course N 41. E toward a stump, distance from 3 d . station to off set in way to stump I2 ch . o 1 , offset to river i ch . 90*. Easterly. At 8 ch . more from 3 d . station new offset E 5 ch river ab l . 10 or 12 rods wide, shoal & rocky at 28 ch. from 3 d . station course lay on W beach of river 2 rods below high water mark. Whole dist. from 3 d station to stump 32 ch . 2I 1 . Stump makes 4 th . station, course to a pine tree between back siver & fresh marsh swamp. N 72^ E, 2 chains to beach of a small cove in W side of river. 4 th . station on upland ^2 rod from bank. This course all marsh to 5 th . station, river makes a sweep to S. we crossed the neck of the peninsula at 6 ch . from station 4 th offset W to upland 3 ch . 93 1 . (abt middle of neck which runs S from from offset Whole distance from 4 th to 5 th . station I 4 ch - 33 1 - This last station about a rod from the river Pine tree 5 th . station. Course from thence to a rock on the north side of a clump of pines E 2 l / 2 S. distance to the rock 7^2 chains, the same course 4^ more to a small knoll which is the 6th station. Whole distance from 5 th . is 12 chains all but I st . on marsh which is not any where more than a dozen rods wide till we come to 6 th . station range from 6 th . station thro fresh marsh swamp to Zaccheus Hatch s house N 41 ^2 E, station distant from N bank of river 5 ch . o 1 . from Station Northerly toward Hatch s house in same course 6 chains to edge of swamp, 4 chains more on skirt upland W side of swamp 2 chains more over a point into marsh + i ch . to upland, swamp 30 rods wide to east of our course. + 3 chains over marsh to where the marsh is three chains wide, course abt middle of swamp near the river. 4 chains more to E side swamp in our present course. This completes 2 tallies from 6 th . station & 2 l /z from 54 river. + 6 ch . swamp 54 mile wide & we abt 50 rods from W side, + 4 ch . same width & abt 5/3 of it E of us. + 8 ch . to p*. upland W side swamp + 5 ch . to ditch in clear meadow & low Upland + 4 ch to meadow again over low upland + ich - to upland, + i ch . to top upland, & pretty sharp ascent, + ich - to heap of stones on the high upland near landlord Perry s in Monimet village. This makes 5 tallies from 6 th . station & 5^2 from the river. A small branch of the river flows thro the swamp, & on the east side of our course to two tallies from station. Then we crossed & had it on our left, it was then not more than 6 feet wide & 6 inches deep At four o clock adjourned after 6 hours march after dinner filled a new barometer & hung it with other in Perry s chamber with the old one. The new 29.50 inch ; old 29.72. returned to Fessenden s at dusk. M r . Davies of Plimouth arrived, one of the Committee 20 May, foggy & wet. Could not proceed. At 3 P M. set out to shew M r . Davis the country under survey & also our progress. Observed Barometers at Perry s. New one at 29.24; old 29.45. returned to town. 21 st . fine morning, rode to Perry s to renew survey. Barom. new, 29.25 ; old 29.46. At 6 th . station left a stake & stones, & steered toward SE corner of blacksmith s shop, toward bridge on Monimet river course N. 27^ E 6ch to road before Perry s, 6o ! . to corner of shop, abt NE of Perry s house & abt 8 rods dist from it. 23 d . May, ioj^ AM. Old Baro. 29.74, new 29.52^2 Renewed survey, course from 8 th . station up the river From 8 th . Station offset to road opp. to John Blackwell distance n ch . < with course up river 89. 20 . hill beyond road. From 8 th . Station up river course N 72^ E (4^4 ch . ranges with bridge. Major Bournes appears above bridge.) I st . tally ends on level upland near i l / 2 ch. from river & nearly opp. SW corner Th. Bourn s barn, at 9 ch . river turns toward Tho. B - The tongue of land on this side is marsh & on the other side the marsh runs y 2 way to Maj B. & ends ag*. Edw d . B. 2 d . tally ranges with middle river where it runs tow. T B. barn- 4 ch . ranges with Step. Swift to right & T Bourne to left. < between line to Bourne s house & our course 87. 30 dist. from < toward B. 5^ ch . to edge upland & 6 ch more to river I5 ch . 25 1 . to Steph. Swifts at road. Course resumd. 3 d . tally ends at bank of small creek running from swamp into river at edge of brush land 4 th . tally ends on brush land at bank of river, land generally level & bank a dozen feet high at least 3 chains end at edge marsh opp. Ray monds Marsh narrow not more than i chaine wide, hills half mile from river on this side, swamp between us & road 5 th . tally ends in a soft marsh abt I chain from river, close to upland which runs between swamp & us about 8 feet high, 4 th . chain across p*. of island in swamp just by edge marsh. 6 th . ch across a bog part of sw 55 & marsh. 7 th . across another island, offset i ch . to bank river 36 links more to new station on S. bank of pigsfield creek From io th . station course 9. 15 more northerly, by west N. 59. E. I chain across creek. 2 ch . more to top upl d . of pigsfield point in way to the road, nearest part of road abt y* mile to right of creek s mouth. 8 ch . to bank river 9 or 10 feet high ground, swamp on our right I tally ends behind Elisha Bourn s S W corner, 2 ch . to behind E B s house by road, 3 times as far to right as river to left, narrow swamp on right of us. offset to river 4 ch . So 1 , from end 6 th . chain of course 3 ch more to end swamp. 2 tally ends in high level field or interval y$ of way from river to road & as far from river as at offset. 9 ch . end at a watering place 2 /$ way from river to road 3 d . tally ends at end watering place 4 tally ends one chain from road & 5 C . 9I 1 from river hills come down to road. 5 th tally ends near road i. e i ch from it, foot of hills reaches to river 4 ch. from river. Whole range from 10 to n stat. 51 ch left stake & stones at n station Old Barom. 29.75. New, 29.51^. very fair w E. 24 th . May. Old Barom 29.90. New 29.68 fair but dim w. S W. 9^2*. AM. From II th . station io th . bears S 65 W. Course from II th . station N 47^/2 E. Co-angle with last course 17. 15 toward river I st . tally ends in brush land abt i ch . from road & foot of hill at edge swamp, at end of 7 ch . more, offset + to river, 9 ch . o 1 . offset to right 3 chains to road, hills sweep away from road *4 mile, brush upland 2 d . tally from i I th . station ends in flat brushy upland + 7 ch - So 1 , to middle of road which is 12 th . station whole range from II th . 27 ch . So 1 hills runs l /4 mile from road, land flat. New course 27. 30 E. co < new & last course 26. toward river, 4 th . chain goes out righthand of road. 5 th . leaves road. i tally ends in flat brushy upland E of road & mid way from hills on E & W side river *4 m ile from each, abt- at 5 ch . more ground begins to rise, road about 3 chains to our left & perhaps river 6. 2 d . tally ground still rises. 2 ch . more to brow of hill as road approaches us. At 7 ch . of tally offset + to river dist. from stake to road, 3 ch . & from stake to river 8 cb . desc. to road quick, afterw d gentle; bank of river high mark left by road ; 3 d . tally ends on side hill pretty steep ascent, 2 ch . come to road, over foot hill, descent sharp, 3 d . ch. in mid-road, turn sharp where road mounts hill @ 2 d . chain. 4 th . tally ends abt i rod W from road & abt 5 ch . E from river hills slope to river, 3^ ch more to bank river whole of this range 43 chains to 13 th station bank about a dozen feet high to < 22. 25 tow d . road, course N 41. E to 2 small oaks, marked stone on right hand side road. Whole range to middle road 5 C . 4O l The 14 th . station in middle road before white oak mark d . New course N 3iE. Co < toward river with last course 11. 30 course along middle road, 7 ch . carry us to W side road 56 in line for chimney of Ross, D r . Bourne s tenant in the intervals road high, turns to right I st . tally end in field to left of road & here fixed 15 th . station in same range to Ross s house & took three observations with Theodolite, < J s round 15 th . station from Ross to D r . Bourne s to left 28. 12 from Ross to Foster on Herring Brook to left 24. 28 . Fosters barn ranges with D r . B s house from Ross to Philip Ellis to left, across the meadow, Ellis lives on Wareham road 7. 40 The base is toward Ross s chimney in the course from 14 th . to 15 th . station continued 7 ch . o 1 at end line & makes i6 th . station < from Ross to Ellis to left io.5o d. Foster s house 33-3 d barn 35.50 d. Dr. Bournes house 53-2O 1 6 th . station 2 chains to corner of Ross s house From Foster s for Herring pond N 3. 30 W. J l /2 ch to top hill co- angle to left for new course 14. 30 new course N 17. 30 W. distance 8c h . to a knoll New course N 4. W thr. thick brush to another hill keeping S side river, I st . talley ends between very steep hill & river, country broken & rough 2 d . tally ends at side swamp as rising steep to open field i Chain more ends range near Indian house New range N 19 W. to 2 apple trees I st . talley ends on side hill broken land 2 d . tally ends descending an hill near mouth of pond 3 chains end on side hill about I chain W from it, the pond is 2 l / 2 miles long & half mile wide & said to be 5 or 6 fathom deep in places mouth about a rod wide & about 6 inches deep high hills round pond. 26 May. < at D r Bourne s, Base to Philip Ellis. 3 d pt. a rock in road on the hill E of road, overhang* a swamp that begins at Ross s 68. 37 - At Ellis s < from Bourne s to rock 37. 10 Station 50 links from Ellis s chimney, measured from Ellis 2 ch . & 6o l for 17 th station, course along N side of swamp for Wareham road makes an < of 52. 25 to the right with a line from D r . Bournes to Ph. Ellis course E 5 ch . into Wareham road then along road at foot of hills I st . tally ends in a small plowed field just within fence at right of road, swamp between us & Back river road, hills close to us, whole vale not more than y mile wide + ich - brings into W. road 2 d . talley ends in W. road, hills close on our left brush on right & then swamp 3 d . tally ends in W road all the way level in the road right brushy descending to swamp, left hills, offset to right + to Back R. road dist. to edge swamp 6 ch . to road 5 C . (So 1 , more whole offset to pine tree marked n c . 6o ! then along Back R. road toward Scussett. land flat dist to meeting of road, at 4 ch . road turns 15. to left at 5 ch more as much to right, 5 ch . more meets W road 5 ch . return in W road bring us to NW 57 side turn abt 20 to left 4 ch . more to middle road, then sweeping round to end offset to left 5 ch . finishes circuit course resumed 5 ch . in 4 th . tally leave road on our right, hills spread from left 4 tally ends in brush flat land about 3 ch . from foot of hills on left, road lies on the right. 5 th . tally ends in a cleared field near Tho. Burgess house hills on left y* as far as road on right, offset to road at i ch . of 6 th . tally 9 chains & 34 1 to road land begins to rise on right of road offset to foot hills on left 6 ch . Whole line I5 ch . 34 1 from foot hills to road, Reuben Gibbs barn on Plimouth road visible from both ends of it. We are now distant from head of Scussett river 4 chains < at foot hills with station in road & R. Gibbs barn 83. 35 . at same place with T Burgess & road 48 45 . < with corn house near Back river road 51. 20 . with station in road Angles at one chain short of S end of offset laid off to right of base which is I4 ch . 34 1 . long. Gibbs 83. 35 . to Burgess from base to right 58. 20 < to right of base with road at end of offset in road for top hill called Cut hill 84. 20 by needle E 3^ S - i tally ends abt 2 rods S of road in clear field ground rising fast, 3 ch. more into road. at 7 C . 60 1 . of 2 d . tally on top hill. R. Gibbs barn bears N 78^ E, angle to left with our course 17. 25 . 2 d . tally ends at wall on left side road near Ben. Ellis s offset 4 ch . to road on right, 3 d tally ends a little beyond line from B. Ellis to Covel s house on hill at N At road between B Ellis s house & barn Course along road to Mor- decai Blackwell s E 22. S. < with S end offset to right 112. 15 is*, tally ends left of road in clear land, swamp on our left 4 ch to road by Sam Blackwell 2 d tally ends in middle road pretty high but gradual 8 ch in third ranges Elisha Burgess house on left with R. Gibbs s barn. 3 d . tally ends in middle road. 2 d . ch. at cross Road 4 th . tally ends at meeting Plirn . & Back river roads at house for merly Sam. now Reuben Gibbs j r . What was called Reuben G. s barn is Reuben Gibbs sen. 27 May 1791, From Reuben Gibbs j r at fork of Roads, Elisha Burgess bears N 36^ W. < to right of last course 28. Course to Mor. Black 1 . E 28^ S. from fork road. Station for Theodolite in rail fence in the range for Mordecai Blackwell s 7 ch . o . to left of road distance from fork of roads to station 4 ch . oo 1 . < to right of course retrospective bearing old Reuben Gibbs house & barn in range 49-3O N. io .| W 16} 2 d . Jabez Gibbs barn 6o.3o N. 2. W 3 d . Solo. Gibbs house 112.50 N. 49. E 4 top round hill PL Neck 1 15.55 N. 57^ E 58 5 rock at low Plimouth neck 128.40 N 64^ E 6. mouth Scussett river I 4343 N 79^ E 7, very large apple tree 150.0 N 85^ E Mem . 6 first articles W of river grounds slopes gradually I chain from fork road to fence on right, 4 ch . with in fence 6 th . ends in road, 9 th . end at N side cross road & i ch . from corner 4. 92 1 . to S side Back river road, course resumed I st . tally ends in Plirn . road W. Gibbs left of road, I ch. more to E. Burg garden on left of road, 6 ch . of 2 d . tally and in y d . between E. Bur gess well & house offset to road on right 4 ch . o 1 . New Station in Burgess s yard, Co-angles with last course laid off to our right bearing R. Gibbs Sen r . barn 42. 50 N 10. E d. house 48.0 N. 15^. E Jab. Gibbs barn 66.20 N 33^/2 E Sol. Gibbs house 109.15 N 76^2 E Rock noted from I st . station J O9-37 N 76^ E Jos. Bodfish s house in Tupper s lane bay Town neck 14145 E 70^ S (Mem . Plirn . round hill hid by Gibbs s high range N of Scussett river 4 ch . from this last station to E side PI. road 3 ch . 6O 1 before coming to Scusset river, Co < last course & middle bridge 40. 40 . along road 3 ch . ob 1 to middle bridge river 30*. wide & 6 inch, deep 4 th . chain goes to N side bridge Co-angle with course to left for R. G. Sen rs . barn 22. 30 , station N end bridge in the road N 5 W 6 ch . to upland N of river & W from road I st . tally ends in rye field behind R. G. sen. house & 2 rods from it. 2 ch . 9O 1 . more bring us to R. G. sen. barn whole of this range I2 ch . 90*. < of last course & Jab. G. barn laid off to left & retrospect. 58. 10 . course E 30 S ground pretty high distance to Jabez s barn 8 ch . offset to side Meadow on right 4 ch . Angles & bearings at Jabez Gibbs s barn, R. Gibbs sen r . barn W. 13 N. The following from I st . station this morn* laid off to left bearing Sol. Gibbs 74 45 S 77^ E Rock at PI. neck invis Jos. Bodfish 59. 20 S 58^ E I st . station bears S. 3 E Tides commonly rise at Spring tides to lower end swamp never unless in a storm to the bridge ; perhaps once in half a dozen years to head swamp I st . tally toward Sol . Gibbs ends on upland steep abt 6 ch . from meadow 8 ch . to offsett which is 8 ch . to swamp & 3. 40*. to river, tide flows at full & change abt. 4 ch . above offset. Course resumed. 2 d . tally ends on sidehill abt same dist from rivers hills on S side bearing away 3 d . tally ends at S W corner Sol. Gibbs house slope gentle we are now near foot hill rises sharp behind house 59 Angles at Sol . Gibbs j ch from house in range for first station Angle of house & rock 28. laid off to right N 77 E d. & mouth Scussett 40. 40 . to right bears E i. N I st . tally ends near foot hill abt 4 ch . from marsh opp. island in marsh S. side of river 5 ch . more to edge marsh which runs up be hind Plim. neck. 2 d . tally ends near creek, island appears to be part of Plim. neck, 3 ch . to creek, I over & 2 to upland 3 d . tally ends on side hill in way to the rock 19^2 chains to rock Angles at the rock base the last range from S G top of round hill on Plim neck to right retrosp. 69 N 26 W Mouth of river ad vancing co. < to right 20. 10 E 8^2 S Joseph Bodfish s house Co < 65.2o to right S 31. E tally 4 th tally ends j chain forward 8 chains to edge marsh 5 tally ends in marsh 3 ch more to river which is abt 3 chains broad. 6 runs abt middle marsh sea bank The river runs between Sol. Gibbs & us, round N end neck, then round E side neck within sea bank & so to beach southward of the neck The neck about J^ mile long from N to S. & abt % mile marsh toN. Sea bank about % mile wide & abt 30 feet high 28 May 1791 Morning drew plan afternoon went to Monimet Harbor bears from Cut Hill E 2, N by N end needle E by southend 28 May at 35^ h . PM. Perry s in Monimet New Baro. 29.45. old 29.70 wind whi S & fair At 2 d . Station S E p t . Mashnee S 43^ W, whole island subtends 2i.2o S E & first course 87. to left retro < Wenormuck p*. & I st . course 91. 40 S. 37^ W. < Rocky pt. & I st . course 97. 45 S. 30 W W p . Tobey s island 108.20 . S. 20 W E p*. d. i30.25 . S. 13 W. Back river E p*. I4O.2O / , old Barom. at S. Bourne s house hight of 2 d . Station 29, 69, at high water mark 29, 70. Retrospective angles with this course round Station 3 d . laid off to left S E p*. Mashnee 61.50 Rocky p . 63. 45 Wenormuck neck 68.40 W Tobeys Island 81.25 On hill Barom. 29.68^ E d. 103.25 Back R. E p . 90 At Station 7 on Perry s hill 29.68. Top hill at left of canal 29.67^ 29 May 8*/2 A M, at M rs . Fessenden s in the chamber 29.70. S. very fair & calm, at the ground 29.71^, diff. o, 01^=12 feet From the parting of the Plimouth & Back river roads the way is generally level & sandy, going between the swamps & the hills, the 60 intervals gradually slope to the Herring river & the vale from Thomas Bournes to the Gibbses is seldom more than a quarter of a mile wide. Where the land has been plowed the sand is turned up, tho the ground is generally covered with green. The swamps have a bottom of black loom & generally so soft as to require very careful walking where the brush is cut off ; but the brush is generally so thick that we were obliged to have a man precede with an ax to cut the boughs for us to see the length of a chain. & the same process was continually repeated for near a mile together in two places. Tho the hills on the southern side of the river are generally like the level grounds that have not yet been cleared, covered with pine, & no large beds of rock appear, yet there are many loose rocks especially on the southern side of the road. The quantity of stone wall toward the river will in part account for the apparent difference between the surface on the different sides of the road. This was the side of the river, which was subjected to the present survey, as it was the only part in which a canal appears to be prac ticable. On the other side the hills rise suddenly from the river to a great hight & tho the banks are more generally cleared yet they are very narrow. At the fork of Plimouth & Back river roads we turn & to the left crossed the Scusset river, which here inclines to the southward. & the land on the northern side is drier & more fit for digging- The river rises in a swamp near a mile above the bridge, & it is said that in very violent storms the tide has been felt quite to the head of the stream, but the rising was not by a direct current for that it is said always sets downward at the bridge, & for about a furlong below it. This account is corroborated by the appearance of the ground which on both sides of the river proper salt marsh till within a furlong of the bridge, & above that the banks are covered with brush, & the bottom of the same kind as the other swamps for fifteen or twenty rods from the river. On the northern side, the range of upland continues in our course for about five furlongs to the Marsh, which there turns to the northward The soil generally clay & the hills rising gradually but pretty steep. Till this turn the edge of the marsh is generally between twenty & thirty rods from the course of our survey. We crossed the marsh & Scusset river after the turn northerly, & the whole distance to the upland was forty four rods, four of which may be considered as the general width of the river in this turn. The marsh is in many places of so soft a texture as to render it dangerous walking. It quakes like thin ice to a several feet distance at every step; but this is more especially observable near the skirts of the upland. The rising ground or rather hill at which we came next in course is called Plimouth neck by the neighbors to distinguish it from another hill nearer to the town of Sandwich which is com monly called the Neck, or town neck. Plimouth Neck notwithstand ing its name lies wholly in Sandwich & is an high hill upwards of half a mile in length from north to south & nearly three furlongs wide 61 where we crossed it. This part may easily be distinguished by a large solitary rock, the land of this neck being clay & commonly so free from stones, that the fences are almost wholly of wood. The northern part of the neck is easily known by a very handsome, round, high hill. This ridge is joined to the rest of the upland by a low neck over which in very severe northeast storms the tide rises, but not at the common spring tides. Went to meeting. 30 May; Old Barom. at Fessenden s @ 7 AM. 29.75% New one at Perry s 9 h . 29.50. A fine day. At 5 h % PM. at Perry s New B. 29.42% Being disappointed of a boat I was obliged to defer the soundings till the morrow, & rode to Poocasset, the south parish in Sandwich, to Scraggy neck, which is a parsonage land of the first parish & contains about 400 acres. I was to have met the rest of the company there, & gone by water myself from Back-river the distance from Perry s being across the bay five miles & an half & by land about seven miles. As it was I had the happiness to ride with M rs . Burr the whole way Reckoning 6/. Returned to tea at Sandwich, spent part of the even ing at home with Rev. M r . Hawley. 31 May Wind S W fair, old Barom. 29.70% at 6% h & 8% h & 29.77%. At i h . PM. at the ground 29.84. The two first obs. in chamber - begun to rain as we had our horses at the door to go & take the sound ings at Backriver, which delayed us. Raining steady now we are going to Scusset river to measure tides & bank & take elevations. old Barom. Scusset seabank at the foot next marsh 29.84% 84 Top of Bank 29.81 80. Top of Bank 81. Springtide high water mark 29.83 82 d. low water (not down by an hour 29.85% Reuben Gibbs j r at fork of roads 29.82% Round hill opp. 29.79 Scusset Bridge 29.84% Jabez Gibbs @ road 29.83% d. barn 29.83% M rs . Fessenden s door returning 29.83% d. chamber 29.82 showery all afternoon M rs . F. chamber io h . eve, thick & showery 29.85 i June 7 AM. same place, cloudy 29.88 8% h . d clearing away 29.88% at the ground 29.90 9% h . R. Gibbs j r . fair wind Em 29.89% Ben. Ellis road 29.89% d. Well 29.90+ 82. 83. 62 Cut hill at road 29.80 d. bot m . at bottom swamp 29.90^ d. Top hill 29.84^ Offset at Tho. Burgess in road 2 9-9 J Hill near D r . Bournes in road from his house to Sandwich meeting house 29.88 Road at D r . Bourne s 29.90 Bourne s bridge, Herring river 29.91*4 d. house 29.90%- % mile from Elisha Bourne tow d . Back river 29.89 Middle field 29.89% Edge swamp at same place, wet 29.90 Capt. Elisha Perry s house at ground 29.88% At station 7 th . in field 29.88% At top hill 29.86% At head swamp 29.90 In Perry s chamber 29.89% At fence behind Sam. Bournes j 29.91% 2 d . obs. of same ( 29.90% At bank Back river 29.90 highwater mark 29.91% low w d 29.92- Slope gradual from Station 3 d . to back river- At I2% h went aboard to take the soundings & left a pole standing at low water. General depth in the bason at low water 7 to 8 feet, off back river E p*. tow d . Rocky p f . 9 feet a little to east of the line 2 fathom, just off Rocky p*. 11% feet, without the point, ranging with S B. house 13 feet, on bar between Rocky p*. & Mashnee abt half way between 7 & 8 feet runs across channel -- soon deepens to 16 feet, bar lies from Hog island toward N p*. of Tobey s island, in line from W. Tobey to N Mashnee 14 feet. Mid-channel from S. Tobey I. to S. Mashnee 18 feet S. Mashnew to head Wenormuck 13 feet. Shoals to 12 ft, to n, to 12, 13, E Mashnee & for Wenormuck, head Wenorm. & Ware- ham great hill 12%, 12, shoal or Middle ground from W. great hill, course for Wenorm. 11%, n, 10, 9%, 9, 8%, 8, 7% range from Mash nee to Wenormuck Rocky p 1 . open, deepens to 8, 8%, 9, 7%, channel lies between us & the neck, 9, 12, at % m il e from shore, 24, channel lies nearest the SE side Wenorm. lies abt SW from Back river, Rocky pt to be kept in sight to avoid middle ground. In returning from Wenormuck a vessel should keep Rocky point between Mashnee & Tobey s Islands, when they come against Mashnee may keep Rocky point just clear of TolTey s island & after that steer directly for the point. In that course there is about 10 feet at least At 4% h . landed on our return. This completes our survey. Dined at Capt Perry s New Barom. in Morn. 29.73. Now 29.70, window open all day Sprinkling in the evening. Settled the plan of a ride to Falmouth with M rs . Burr & M r . H. tomorrow. M r . Burr to come down on Friday. The Scussett Beach & Bank sandy. The latter is between a furlong & half a mile in width at the base & ends in a sharp ridge of unusual hight. It is all a loose sand but the side toward the marsh has a little straggling beach grass not enough to bind the surface. The beach pea is also found mixed with this grass & is an esculent vegetable both stem & seed. The grass is like the other plants of that kind much esteemed for cattle. Tho it is heavy traveller on that side of the bank toward the marsh yet the beach is infinitely worse. An horse will sink to his fetlock, & upon taking up his hoof the sand flows in so as nearly to fill the track. The sand runs nearly as easy as ashes. It is said on good authority, tho I did not see them myself, that the hills on both sides of the vale near D r . Bourne s have large beds of rock. I saw only detached ones. The wood is chiefly pine & no heavy timber within sight of the road. Where the pine has been cut off it is mostly replaced by a young growth of oak, but no walnut. In some places the pine shrubs fill the place of the former growth. The price of pine is said to be one shilling & four pence a cord standing. 2 June. Rode to Falmouth in the chaise with M rs . Burr, & left the sulkey for M r . Burr to come to morrow. M r . Parker & Miss H. rode in my chaise. After three miles pretty uneven & woody way came to a very level, handsome, but narrow road thro the woods, which reaches 15 miles to Falrn . At eight miles from Sandwich, Mashpee pond lies on our left. It is a fine pond. The eastern side only is called Mashpee where M r . Hawley s mission lies. Falmouth lies ten miles further, in a flat country, & is a pleasant town but as it is out of repair cannot vie with Sandwich tho M rs . Burr was with me. Got to M r . Parker s dine. He lives nobly at Woods s hole which is the name for this end of the cape. His house is large & handsome within a few rods of the water of little harbor. Nobska point separates the little from great harbor. There are only ten dwelling houses round the former but with the shops & outbuildings, & the irregularity of the ground, it appears like a considerable settlement. There are more houses round Great harbor, but the ground between is so high that we do not see both setlements at once. In the afternoon we went across to Nannimisset the nearest of the Elizabeth islands. It is about a mile across & as much from the cape. The channel is rocky & of difficult navigation, & the tide is rapid. The current in the Vineyard sound is at half tide estimated at four miles, between the Elizabeth islands at six or seven & at the head of Buzzards bay only one mile in an hour. From Rhode island up the middle of the bay, it is said there is no difficulty of navigation. The bay is from the W side of the cape five leagues across to New Bedford & about six up to Monimet. From Nannimisset we could see the land all round & easily distin guished Wareham Great hill. In severe winters the whole bay freezes. The last season no water was to be seen on that side. In 1780 & 1786, the winters beginning in those years were so severe that loaded sleds passed over between Woods s hole & New Bedford on the ice. But in moderate, open winters the whole Bay remains clear, as in those that begun in 1788 & 1789. Nashon the second & largest of the Elizabeth islands as well as Nannimisset belong to the estate of James Bowdoin Esq. of Dorchester, son of the late Governor. They are estimated at about 10,000 value, but the rent not in proportion. Martha s Vineyard lies about 5 or 6 miles from & parallel to the cape. The houses & trees are seen distinctly across the sound, which is of easy navigation. 3 June. The Spring tide rises in Woods s hole between three & four feet. The course for Holmes s hole in the Vineyard is Southeasterly. One mile clears us of Little Harbor, six to the West chop of H. hole which is one mile wide & two inland to the landing. About a mile from the shore in the sound is a middle ground about 3 or 4 miles long, & about as many feet below the surface at low water & two feet deeper at high water. At H. hole the tide rises about 4 feet. The country round the bay is generally cleared, & rises gently. About forty houses, some in clusters & others scattering, give it a pretty appearance. The fare for a man & horse is 7/. We drank tea at Dog- get s & having borrowed a saddle of M r . Abraham Chase, who was exceedingly civil & obliging to us strangers, we set out for Edgar town, at the east end of the island. Just at dark we reached the Rev. M r . Thaxter s where we were cheerfully received & hospitably treated. The road was tolerably level, & mostly cleared, but some large groves of oak. The soil light but green, & the houses small & neat. The passage across was very rough. 4 June, A fine rain all the morning prevented us from riding. Dined with M rs . Thaxter. After dinner We went to see the harbor which is easy of access & secure, between Choppaquiddic & the Vineyard. About 70 dwelling houses were in sight in our walk, & two windmills. The town is pleasantly situated, & the country round rises into mod erate hills, the soil light, but well covered with green. The land is rather sheep pasture than fit for hay, or feeding large cattle. 5 June Rode to Chilmark in the morning. A fine day. The road is generally very level for the first nine miles to Tisbury. This part of the town is pleasantly situated in a valley with a considerable brook running thro it into the sea on the south side of the island. Two grist mills stand upon it. The situation of the houses is such as to give the appearance of a town. The land in the valley is fertile, & the regularity of the fences as great as it is near the Capital. The plain that we rode over to get here is covered with oak brush, & small bay berry bushes, & in some places the brush crosses the road. But from Tisbury to Chilmark the ground is more unequal, & at the latter place rises into large hills. The distance between these two towns is about 3 miles. We put up at Rev M r . Smith s & attended meeting. Near the Meeting house, which stands on an high hill, the red ochre appears at the surface of the ground. The land in this town is said to be as fertile as any in the State, but the inhabitants are exceedingly negli gent of manuring it. The whole town contains 82 houses, exclusive of the indian settlement, as Edgartown does 130 in the whole extent of it. 6 June. A clear morning. Rev. M r . Smith [] Bassett Esq. & D r . Matthew Mahew, & M r . Allen politely accompanied us to Gay Head, which is the West end of the island, & receives its name from the variety & vivacity of its colors. In our course we crossed Nimsha creek, an inlet from the sound, by fording it. It was there about a furlong wide, per haps a little more, & up to the horses bellies, the tide being down. The spring tides rise about three feet, & are three hours later than on the south side of the island. The creek nearly cuts the island in two. A sea bank like that of Scusset both for hight & texture. Gay head is an indian settlement, not incorporated, & known to the islanders by the appellation of the Constablerick of Gay head. In several places the soil is discolored. It is a clay soil, & the ochres that appear in many places when wet resemble colored clay, when dry & pulverized feel unctuous to the finger. The colors at the head are red, white, brown, orange, flesh color, & black. The red & white are ochre, as the flesh color is a mixture of the two. The brown is the tobacco pipe clay which burns, & is found here & at Chilmark, but has not yet been found in any other part of the state. It burns white. The orange color is a coarse gravel, & the black pulverized coals. Among the speci mens which I brought away is a piece of wood taken out of the cliff, one side of it burnt to a coal, & on the other the fibres of the wood remain. But a large quantity of the coals is pulverized, & shoots crys tals of the allum taste, which detonate in burning. We found them in various states, some complete, & others apparently forming from the coal. The same place yields a strong smell of sulphur, & the stones appear some of them to have been in a state of fusion. Specimens of the spunge we also brought away. The cliff is very steep & about 70 or 80 feet high on a rough estimate. From the top of it we could trace the shore to Rhode island & round Buzzards bay & the Eliza beth islands. This head land is what is known in Gosnold s journal as a land of many colors, which he passed after leaving Martha s Vine yard, it being agreed that what is now called Noman s land or Nor man s land in the maps, originally bore the name of Martha s Vineyard. After passing Gayhead he describes the sound, & his fixing his colony on an island with a pond & an islet in it. It is said that some remains of his fort are still to be seen & fix the description to Cuttahunk, the outermost of the Elizabeth islands. In Gay head is an indentment, much in this form [] where the black line represents the steep cliff, open on the side toward the sea. It is known among the Indians as Mawshup s oven, where he baked the whales to feast his children. This Mawshup was the indian God. The english inhabitants call the place the Devils den. The indian tradition & the form of the place will fix this for the crater if ever there was a volcano here. We returned by the beach on the south side. The sea washes up the black sand used for writing. & on the part be- 66 tvveen Nimsha Creek & the sea the wind has raised an hill as much as 20 feet high of loose sand free from stones or herbage. About a mile from Chilmark meeting house is a long flat rock balanced on another so accurately that a man may easily vibrate it. At Gayhead we visited a wigwam, & it corresponds very well with the drawing that have been published & was pleasantly situated in a valley near a small stream of fresh water. The Indians have now generally framed their houses in our fashion. We dined again with M r . Smith, whose polite ness induced him to accompany us six miles on our way to Holmes s hole, where we parted. We drank tea once more at Dogget s, & a passage of an hour & twenty minutes carried to the landing in little harbor. M r . Burr & Lady had gone about three hours before to Sandwich. We had once more a polite reception at M r . Parker s. 7 June, A fine day, Rode to Mashpee & dined with Rev. M r . Hawley, & then to Sandwich. At M r . Hawley s went to see the Trout an indian antiquity. It is an artificial mound 55 feet long & 27 wide, gradually rounded over the top & tapered at the ends in some resem blance to a fish. The story is that the fishes chose a Trout for their king, to open a passage to a pond about two miles from the sea. He effected it, & upon his return died & was buried here, & hither the indians resorted annually to honor his memory, & repair & augment his tomb. Three or four trees of about 10 inches diameter are growing up on it. A flounder twisting his mouth in contempt of his king, it be came fixed in that form & stamped on all the species. The Trout brook, tho it abounds much more in Herrings, is at this place about five feet wide & shoal. The banks are pretty high & the trees meet over the stream, & form a romantic situation. At Sandwich I met M r . Davis of the Committee, who brought the additional resolve of the General Court for further surveys ; but as no order had passed the Committee, we agreed to view the proposed ground at Barnstable tomorrow, & report the expediency or inexpe diency of a survey. Drank tea at M r . Burr s. After tea walked with the Ladies to General Freemans & Col. Williams s. 8 June, Rode to Barnstable with M r . Davis to view the ground between B. Harbor & Hyannus; having fitted out M r . Parker & Miss H. for Boston. Our road was much more sandy & heavy than any between Boston & Sandwich, but the fields on each side were covered with grass, while the road was so loose that the wheels in many places sunk two inches, & some times over the rim. At about 4^4 miles on our way, Scorton neck is an high ground at the left with a body of marsh between that & the road. Tho the hills where plowed did not give by any means an advantageous idea of the soil, the houses & barns ap peared to be in good order, probably owing to the certain resource which the inhabitants find in their extensive marshes. A mile & half more brings us to Scorton hill on the road to Barnstable & chiefly in that town. The elevation of its summit enables us to trace the cape to Province town excepting a low part between that settlement & Truro. Long point, near the pitch of the Cape appears high & wooded, & the sandy beach is discernible without a glass. But toward Truro I was unable to distinguish it with one. We stopped at Barnstable at Brigadier Otis s who politely went down to the other parish & dined with us, as did Rev. M r . Mellen, & after dinner both of them accom panied us to the south side of the cape. From the meeting house hill is an extensive view of the harbor the country & the sea. This town contains a considerable number of houses along the road, & is the shire town. In crossing the cape the first mile is high, the summit being estimated by M r . Mellen at eighty feet high. This great elevation extends about a quarter of a mile, & there is no avoiding it the hill being part of a ridge which runs the whole length of the cape. A mile & a quarter from the Harbor brought us to tolerably level land, where a series of ponds begins. The first is Hatheway s pond & is of small extent & tho in some places the owner estimates it at upwards of twenty feet deep, he supposed that this & some of the other ponds are chiefly from four to eight feet in depth. Southward from hence & at intervals of a very few rods only lye two or three other small ponds between Hatheways & West s. This last is long & winding & has much the air of a river. A few rods only separate it from Great pond, which is of irregular shape & in some places esteemed at a league across. The general circumference is said to be three leagues. The country round these ponds is in general wooded but in some places we have good views of the farms across them. Various accounts are given us but none of them such as to afford a tolerable estimate of their depth. Great pond was set at 8, 18, & 36 feet, & these probably are only in small parts of it. Near the shores, lillies & rushes growing to a considerable distance indicate shoal water, & the islands which lie further off are low, & do not rise sharp. One man told us of his wading from one island to another. About fifty years ago a canal was made from it to Long pond & from that to a creek which empties into Lewis s bay near to Oyster island. It was made for the Herrings to pass up. But the country not being springy the ponds sunk to the level of the canal & disappointed the pro prietors. At present it remains a monument of useless labor. The greatest depth of the canal from the top of the banks raised by the gravel thrown out of it, does not appear to exceed fifteen feet, & that only for a short distance. The length of both cuts exclusive of the breadth of Long pond appears to exceed half a mile. This range of ponds is above three miles long & if deep enough would be of great service toward a canal. The inconvenience of this range is that it ter minates on an open coast where vessels cannot be sheltered from storms. The distance from Great pond or Long pond to Hyannus road is estimated at somewhat more than two miles. This distance added to a mile & a quarter from Barnstable harbor to Hatheway s pond, & the small necks between the ponds will make the land to be dug at least three miles & an half, & the whole distance across from harbor to harbor is estimated at five miles by the inhabitants. Hyannus road, so called from John Wyanno an indian sachem, is open to the south & 68 southwest winds, & is in a semicircular form. The distance across the mouth of the bay is about a league, & from the eastern point to the head of the bay where the harbor properly opens is about two miles. The harbor is called Lewis s bay & must be distinguished from another bay of the same name near oyster island, which has been already men tioned. This, which for that reason we shall call Hyannus harbor, is said to have n or 12 feet water near the shore & may be easily entred at any time by vessels of 8 feet draft ; & we were also told that pilots may at high water conduct vessels in, that draw 13 or 14 feet. We returned by the direct road to Barnstable. The country after one mile s travel from Hyannus is covered with pine wood chiefly, but inter spersed with oak, & is very flat. The slope is gradual till we come to the ridge which on that side is not remarkably steep. From the top of Kidd s hill we had a view of both seas. The tide is from 3 to 4 feet at Hyannus & four times as much in Barnstable Harbor. This remark holds along from Sandwich downward & the outside of the cape is three hours sooner in the tide than the inside & in Buzzards bay three hours & an half earlier than the other side. It is reckoned that in long strips they have on the south side of Barnstable 1000 acres of marsh, & three times as much on the north side, yielding annually a tun of hay to an acre. The upland is generally light & the sward thin. Where there is a clay bottom, it is coarse & mixed with gravel. Lodged at Sturgis s. A good house. 9 June. Breakfasted with Brigadier Otis, & dined with Brigadier Free man at Sandwich. Rev. M r . Burr & lady & other company present. After dinner M r . Davis set out for Plimouth & Boston, & carried my letter to the Secretary in answer to his which inclosed the resolve of the Gen. Court. I got my sulkey fixed for transporting the instru ments, packed up my things, & spent part of the evening with the Ladies, & took leave of Gen. Freeman & family. 10 June. Rev. M r . Burr, Col. Williams, & Capt. Allen called at Fessen- den s to take leave. Saw M rs . Burr at home. Three weeks residence here has attached me to the place & I should not do justice, if I omitted to remark the friendship & politeness of the families that I have men tioned. This is the pleasantest town on the cape. The houses near the meeting house have been repaired & painted. The goodness of the soil, the moderate inequalities of the ground generally, & some pretty steep hills at a distance from the road, with a pretty large pond form an elegant variety of prospects. The town is said to contain in its whole extent above 3000 souls & to be a little above Plimouth in popu lation. My acquaintance urge my coming down with the Committee, but I must for the present leave them & journey to Plimouth. Seven miles from Sandwich is Ellis s tavern. After passing Scusset river the country rises into high hills over which we ride thro woods, at 4^2 miles on our way from Sandwich we see Herring pond, at the left & about half a mile from the road. We evidently look down upon it. At Ellis s is an artificial harbor made by opening a pond. The roots of trees found there prove it to be artificial. They 69 give me this account. For about twenty years the passage was be tween two hummocks which at high water are islands. They were then obliged to clear the inlet 8 or 10 times in a year by digging. At last a violent storm choked the mouth of the harbor & made a new inlet about a quarter of a mile from it toward the south west. The in habitants endeavored to keep this passage open by wharfing the sides of it, & as the sands accumulated they continued their wharves for about twenty rods on each side, & dug a canal from it to the little creek that winds thro the marsh in the harbor. After about six years from the opening of this inlet by the sea, the wharves were so broken by storms, that a great tempest filled the mouth of it, & opened a third channel near the upland on the northeast side of the harbor. This was made commodious for boats, but now after five years use is so choked that the salt water stagnates upon the marsh. The last year the whole of it was mowed. To morrow is fixed for clearing it. The low water of spring tides is about ancle deep & at Neap tides not higher than a man s knee. At high water in spring tides it is about four feet deep at the entrance, but the low water mark without the harbor is 12 or 13 feet below the highwater mark. This shews the elevation of the bason. The beach or sea bank is of the same kind as those of Scusset & Barnstable. The harbor extends near half a mile from the shore to the Plimouth road, & as much along the coast. At one o clock set out for Plimouth. The first six miles thro woods where there only three houses & two of them new ones made of logs. The road is generally level & sandy. The remainder of the way is cleared. Two miles along Eel river bring us to the bridge & three more to the town of Plimouth. The country is uneven & affords a good view of the sea. The houses thicken fast for a mile & half from the courthouse, & the town is large. Tho by much the greater part of it is wood land, owing to the poverty of the soil, The whole town contains near 3000 souls & that part near the harbor is populous & shews several hundred houses, mostly in good repair. Lodged at General Warren s. M r . Davis made me a visit & engaged me to break fast. ii June. Breakfasted with M r . Davis. Set out for home. My horse so tired that he can only walk. In two hours got to Kingstons only four miles. At half past two reached Loring s in Pembroke only 9^ miles from Plim. He let me have a poor horse to relieve mine as I had been obliged to walk four miles. This relief costs 4 dollars in the whole including the return of the horse. Travelled to Cushing s in Hingham after dinner, & put up there for the night. MARTHA WASHINGTON. Martha Washington to To Philadelphia January the 2Q th 1790 Dear Madam I must trust to your goodness to receive the apology I shall offer for this late acknowledgement of your letter of the 26 th of October, I received it but a few days before I left Mount Vernon, and you will readily conceive that my time and mind were so fully occupied with and about my friends there as to afford me little opportunity for writing; and since my arrived in this place the business of settling in a new habitation returning visits have left me no time for my selt while in health ; and for some weeks past a very severe cold has ren dered me incapable of doing any thing I am thank God now recov ering. Having offered the reason for this delay in answering your letter permit me madam to congratulate you upon your safe arrival in your native country and to the arms of your friends, none but those that have been as long absent as you have, and at so great a distance from their friends can conceive of the sensations which are experienced upon meeting them again ; I dare say your feelings on that occasion were not to be described and that you returned from Europe with all your prejudices in favor of America I have no doubt; for I think our country affords every thing that can give pleasure or satisfaction to a rational mind, and I never apprehended that your good sense would be so far overcome by the splendour and hurry [luxury?] which you might see abroad as to make a return to your native country un pleasant. I beg you will be assured that I have a greatfull sence of the affectionate terms in which you express your regret at not finding us in New York I have been so long accustomed to conform to events which are governed by the public voice that I hardly dare indulge any personal wishes which cannot yield to that But wher ever I may be my friends may always rely upon a greateful and affec tionate remembrance ; and and altho I will not give up the expectation of seeing you again ; yet in any event you will be remembered with friend ship and will have my best wishes. I beg you will present my kind regards to your mother and sis ters The President unites with me in congratulation on your return and presents his complements to you with very great regard I have the honor to be Dr Madam your most obd t & Hb e M Washington 1 Martha Washington to Mrs. Richard Montgomery. Mount Vernon April 5 th 1800 My Dear Madam I have received with deep sensability your sympathizing letter of the io th of March - To those only who have experienced losses like ours can our distresses be known words are inadequate to con vey an idea of them and the silent sympathy of Friends who have felt the like dispensation speak a language better known to the heart than the most expressive eloquence can communicate your afflic tion I have often marked and as often have I keenly felt for you but my own experience has taught me that griefs like these cannot be removed by the condolence of friends however sincear If the ming ling tears of numerous friends if the sympathy of a nation and every testimony of respect and veneration paid to the memory of the part ners of our hearts could afford consolation you and myself would ex perience it in the highest degree but we know that there is but one source from whence comfort can be derived under afflictions like ours - To this we must look with pious resignation and with that pure confidence which our holy religion inspires. I pray you to offer my best wishes to your good mother and as sure her of my affectionate remembrance That we shall not meet again in this world is almost certain but as you justly observe it is certainly a consolation and flattering to poor mortality to believe that we shall meet here after in a better place. With sincear thanks for your good wishes and prayers for your happyness I remain My Dear Madam yours sincearly Martha Washington. 1 From the Barton Collection. JAMES MADISON. The First United States Bank. Draft of a Message to Congress, submitted to President Washington. Feb y 21. 1791. Copy of a paper made out & sent to the President at his request to be ready in case his judgment should finally decide ag st the Bill for incorporating a National Bank, the Bill being then before him. Gentlemen of the Senate Having carefully examined and maturely considered the Bill en titled "An Act I am compelled by the conviction of my judgment and the duty of my Station to return the Bill to the House in which it originated with the following objections : (if to the Constitutionality) I object to the Bill because it is an essential principle of the Gov ernment that powers not delegated by the Constitution cannot be rightfully exercised; because the power proposed by the Bill to be exercised is not expressly delegated ; and because I cannot satisfy myself that it results from any express power by fair and safe rules of implication. (if to the merits alone or in addition) I object to the Bill because it appears to be unequal between the public and the Institution in favor of the institution ; imposing no conditions on the latter equivalent to the stipulations assumed by the former, [quer. if this lie within the intimation of the President] I object to the Bill because it is in all cases the duty of the Gov ernment to dispense its benefits to individuals with as impartial a hand as the public interest will permit ; and the Bill is in this respect unequal to individuals holding different denominations of public Stock and willing to become subscribers. This objection lies with particular force against the early day appointed for open ing subscriptions, which if these should be filled as quickly as may happen, amounts to an exclusion of those remote from the Government, in favor of those near enough to take advantage of the opportunity. 1 [James Madison] 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.37]. 73 James Madison to General Horatio Gates. Philad a . Mar. 24. 1794 Dear Sir Your favor of the 13 th has lain by me unanswered till I could give you the result of a proposition for an Embargo discussed for several days with shut doors. The decision did not take place till friday after noon. The measure was then negatived by 48 ag st . 46 votes. Those who took the lead in opposing it are now for transferring the power to the Executive even during the Session of Congress. You will find in the newspapers the havoc made on our trade in the W. Indies. Every day adds new proofs of the ill will and con tempt of G. B. towards us. Still I do not concur with those who see in these proceedings a design to make war in form. If she can destroy the branches of our commerce which are beneficial to her enemies, and continue to enjoy those which are beneficial to herself, things are in the best possible arrangement for her. War would turn the arrange ment ag st . her by breaking up the trade with her, and forcing that with her enemies. I conclude therefore that she will push her aggressions just so far and no farther, than she imagines we will tolerate. I con clude also that the readiest expedient for stopping her career of depre dation on those parts of our trade which thwart her plans, will be to make her feel for those which she cannot do without. I have nothing to add to the newspaper details with respect to events in Europe. The campaign seems to have closed as trium phantly for the French Republic as the fears of its enemies could have foreboded. If that in the W. Indies should not exhibit a reverse of fortune, the public attention may possibly be called off from the French to "the British Revolution," you may then renew your pro phetic wishes which have created a millenium under the auspices of the three great Republics. I have forwarded your letter to M r . Jefferson. Present my best respects to your very amiable lady, and accept the affectionate esteem with which I remain D r Sir Y r obed . friend & serv 1 . Js. Madison Jr P. S. The enclosed letter to M r William Morris son of the General is on business somewhat interesting to me. It was to have been handed to him yesterday, but he set out for N. York sooner than was expected. Will you oblige me so far as to have him enquired for, & the letter delivered to him? * 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.27]. 74 James Madison to James L. Cathcart. Department of State, April i8 th 1802 Sir, In a letter with which Cap*. Sterrett was lately charged for you and of which a duplicate has been since forwarded, it was intimated that your services might be called for, and that it would be advisable for you to be prepared to embark at a short notice. I hope that this letter will have reached you, and have had its effect. The disposition to peace expressed by the Bashaw of Tripoli, on the appearance of Commodore Dale before that place, with the impression which it is hoped has been made on him by the course and circumstances of the War, have led the President to conclude that the time is come when negotiations may advantageously take place. In order to make them more efficacious it is intended that the whole of our naval force des tined for the mediterranean under the command of Cap 1 . Morris, should rendezvous before Tripoli; and the Adams frigate being the last that is to sail for that purpose, Cap 1 . Campbell will be the bearer of this dispatch. The President confiding in your capacity, experience and faithful regard to the interests of the United States, has thought proper that you should accompany this expedition, and be charged with the nego tiation, which is to be combined with it. You are accordingly in structed to embark and attend under such arrangements as Cap 1 . Morris shall provide, and to proceed, as circumstances may invite, to the execution of the trust. As it is evidently desirable that the first overtures should come from the Bashaw, you will wait a reasonable time for the effect of his disposition on this subject, or of the awe inspired by a display of our forces before his eyes and his capital. Should no advances be made on his part, you may open a communi cation by referring to the wish heretofore expressed by the Bashaw, than an accomodation of differences might be brought about ; and by observing that the President on being informed of it, had instructed you to let him know that notwithstanding the causeless and provok ing declaration of war; and the force which is prepared and preparing by the United States to carry it on with full effect; yet from a love of peace in the United States, they are willing to receive him into friendship on the proper terms, which he may be told will include some indemnification for the expense which he has occasioned to the United States. This is a condition, however, which if not likely to be yielded, need not be pressed farther than will shew the high ground taken in the negotiation, and than will consist with a dignified release of the demand. But you are in the most peremtory manner to stifle 75 every pretension or expectation that the United States will on their side make the smallest contribution to him as the price of peace. To buy peace of Tripoli, is to bid for war with Tunis ; which having now received all the tributes due to her, would immediately look to war, as the expedient for renewing them. In case a satisfactory disposition for peace should be manifested, you may proceed to arrange a Treaty, subject to the approbation of the President, and to the constitutional sanction. The Treaty of the 4 th Nov r . 1796 of which a copy is herewith sent, and may also be found in the laws of the U. States Vol. 4 p 44, may be taken for the basis and the body of it. You will omit however so much of the first article as makes Algiers the guaranty, and of the last as makes the Dey the Arbiter and expositor of the Treaty ; it being understood that a stipu lation of this sort gives to that Regency an embarrassing connection with our affairs at Tripoli, and by wounding the pride of the Bashaw of the latter, adds the force of another passion to that of cupidity, in slighting his engagements. At the same time umbrage to Algiers ought to be avoided, by letting this change in the Treaty with Tripoli, be the act of the Bashaw, rather than of the United States, and be made so to appear to the Dey. No other part of the Treaty seems to be objectionable. But if there be any other which has been found inconvenient you are at liberty to omit it. As your residence and experience may have suggested also regulations which did not occur when the late Treaty was formed, but which may be useful in pre venting impositions or disputes, the defects may be supplied. It seems particularly proper that the forceable use of american vessels by the Bashaw or his subjects, and the liability of the United States for the property of Tripoli, taken out of American vessels by the enemies of Tripoli shall be guarded against. The good disposition which Sweden has shewn to unite her measures with those of the U. States, for controuling the predatory habits of the Barbary powers, and particularly for bringing Tripoli to proper terms of peace, requires that in the negotiations for the latter purpose, there should be some understanding with her officers and Agents, if they are so disposed ; and that the negotiations should even go on hand in hand, if their objects and arrangements be favourable to the plan; keeping however the Treaties which may result, as ab solutely unconnected and independent both in the view of the Bashaw and of Sweden, as if formed without the least understanding between the U. S. & Sweden. A joint appeal to the fears and interests of the Bashaw, by extinguishing the hope of dividing his enemies, will drive him to better terms with both. In any course of things it is desirable that you should avoid the appearance of turning the War of Sweden to any unfair advantage of the United States in making peace for themselves ; a policy of such evil tendency in every respect, that noth ing could advise it, but a discovery that Sweden was playing such a game against us. It is expected by the President that you will cultivate the best understanding with Cap*. Morris the commander of the Squadron; and that you will communicate with him with confidence and frank ness in the conduct of your negotiations. Should peace be established you will make with the Bashaw the arrangements for his receiving an American Consul as soon as one shall be provided. But you will have it understood that as the Con sulate was interrupted so unjustifiably by himself, the reestablishment of it will give no title, even in point of usage, to presents of any sort. Should it be deemed expedient to send any little gratification along with a Consul, it will in that case have the advantage of being unex pected by the Bashaw, and the merit of proceeding from generosity and good will. Until a Consul shall be provided, you cannot do better than engage a continuance of the good offices of M r . Nissen, if he retains the confidence hitherto put in him. The President is sensible of his past services to this Country, and wishing him to have some recompence for them, will be glad of any explanations you can give as to the form and amount of a proper one. It will be best that no particular expectation on this head should be raised in M r Nissen ; but you may let him know generally, that his friendly care of the affairs of the U. States has attracted the favourable attention of the President. The Commission herewith transmitted will inform you that the future destination given you, is to the Consulate at Algiers, which will be opened for you by the resignation of M r O Brian, and the per mission given him to retire on your arrival. The President having thought proper to discontinue the superintendance of that Consulate over others, your duties will be reduced accordingly, and therewith the salary to the standard of $2000. per annum. It being the Wish of the President to discourage on all occasions the venal and expensive customs with which Barbary now taxes the intercourse with civilized nations, it will be an agreeable circumstance if you can make your self the Successor of M r O Brian, without the presents exacted from new Consuls. The attempt however must not risk the good under standing with that Regency. And if you deem the chance of success so slender as to require that you should go prepared to meet the de mand, it may be most convenient for you to return from Tripoli to Leghorn, in order to provide the articles to be presented. For this purpose it is meant to lodge a fund there in due time. Were the Dey willing to accept in cash the value of the customary presents, the change would coincide with the general wish to simplify all our en gagements in Barbary into a pecuniary form. I am with consideration Sir, your most Ob* Ser. James Madison. James L. Cathcart Esq. 1 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.sg]. 77 WILLIAM COCKE. William Cocke to Governor Sevier. Mulbery Grove 25 June 1796 Dear Sir I Wrote you from Colo Kings Iron works & inclosed you a letter from my Coleague Mr Blount, but Supposing that it is possable you may be at Knoxville I have Sent you inclosed the proceedings relative to the State of Tennessee & Mr Roulstone has the report of the Secre tary of War for publication respecting your Campaign I have no doubt but we shall be able to have that expedition paid you must see that it is absolutely nessessary to Call the Assembly Immediate to Alter the Law for appointing two representatives & to have Our Senators reelected & Our electors again appointed to elect a president I think we are able to give alone to the politicks of the Union for I take it that Our Votes in Senate will be able to deside in favour of the eastern or Southern politicks I thank you most Sincearly for the repeated and use full information you gave me while I was in Phila delphia & beleave me to be your real friend W m Cocke 1 JOHN ADAMS AND JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. John Quincy Adams to William Plumer. Hon ble . William Plumer. President of the Senate of New Hampshire Epping S*. Petersburg 6. October 1810. My dear Sir. I received with the greatest pleasure a few days since your favor of the i8 th of May which is one of the latest that I have received from America Although a great number of vessels have arrived in the Russian Ports from the United States this Summer, my friends in America appear not to have been aware of the frequent opportunities which occurred, of writing by them We have been tolerably well supplied with newspapers; but excepting your obliging letter, one or two from D r . Mitchell of New York, and as many from M r . Jos : Hall 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. C. 8. 19]. 78 of Boston, I have scarcely received a line from private sources, out of my own family since I left home I ask therefore with earnestness the continuance of your favours, which will be transmitted by the Secretary of State, or by M r . Gray if you will enclose them to him. The issue of the late New England Elections had been indicated to us early in the Spring by the example of New Hampshire taking the lead of recovery from a delusion which for the two preceding years had given me great anxiety and apprehension The infatuation of that political party in our Country, with whom you and I had hereto fore generally been accustomed to act and think their degeneracy from the just and honourable principles, which alone could ever have attached us to them -- the glaring absurdity and hypocrisy of their professed veneration for the policy of Washington, while they were aiming a fatal blow at the Union, the great foundation of his political system, and while they were openly using for their purpose all the means which he had most solemnly deprecated, their blind and stupid servility to a British Ministry which was heaping insult upon outrage on their Country, the profligacy with which they were endeavouring to make Religion an engine of faction, by the mountebank trick of their solemn fasts, and by goading into the pulpit, every ignorant priestly fanatic that they could employ as a tool to pollute with the filth of personal malice and detraction the sacred desk of God these were appearances and practices which I had witnessed for two years, accompanied with so much success, and against which I had during great part of the time seemed so ineffectually to have struggled, that the great changes of public sentiment manifested by the Elections of this year throughout New England was accomplished earlier than I had expected The violence of the last Winter s Massachusetts and New York Jacksonite Resolutions so congenial with measures of the former Winter Sessions, which had been countenanced by intervening popular elections, had led me to believe, that the public nerves were still in a disordered state, and still mistaking the cause of their own disease Though long experience had taught me, what you and I have often remarked together, how unskilful the federalists were in their attempts to adapt their measures to the state of the public pulse, yet as unlucky contingencies had thrown into their hands a majority, which two years of madness had not sufficed for them to lose, I did suppose that they would not have disgraced themselves by such base prostrations before the insolence of a foreign emisary, and such shame less inveteracy against their own Government, without being very sure that the agitated feelings of the People, at least in New England, still went along with them. I was therefore most agreeably dis appointed in the issue of the Elections It has given me the cheering hope of internal tranquility in our Country, and of permanency to the Union, which for the two preceding years was certainly in the most imminent danger. You tell me that I am often and much reviled in certain news papers ; and that the clumsy animals who still earn their sop by howl- 79 itig at me, have not yet instinct enough to forbear coupling your name with mine in their yell of slander As you are a historian I can give you a historical thread to consider and meditate upon at leisure In the month of July 1787 was published in the Boston Centinel, I believe the first piece of abuse, of which I ever had the honour to be the object, in a newspaper And what think you was the occasion of this attack ? It was because, on taking my first degree at Harvard College, I had delivered at Commencement an Oration, which happened to suit the public taste, and had obtained marks of approbation beyond the usual average In the form of a critique upon the performances at Com mencement a shaft dip d in venom was hurled at me, on my first ap pearance before the public view of my Country The author of this Critique was a person who had himself been a much admired Com mencement Orator, but who thought it advisable to balance the par tialities of public indulgence in my favour, by casting the heaviest of his weights into the opposite scales The public did not sympathize with his criticism, nor did he ever think proper to avow it - The editor of the Centinel was allowed and took it upon him to father a production the features of which too loudly disclaimed the descent from him ; as the Duke of Orleans when he took the name of Philip Egalite, only stigmatized his mother, by pretending to be the son of a Coachman. I will not fatigue you with a tiresome detail of subsequent occur rences derived from this one It may suffice to say that this anec dote will give you the key to all the ribaldry which from that day to this has appeared in the Centinel, pointed at me The temper which first dictated that effusion has sometimes been suppressed, but never subdued ; and I have too long known the general character of human nature & the particular hearts of the individuals, to expect that it will ever be appeased The two years which preceded my departure from America had furnished ample materials for the exercise of that tem per - - But they had brought my own temper to the trial of a higher test By adhering to my principles I had been deserted and sacri ficed by my friends I knew that the ground I had taken was not to be shaken under me, by friend or foe But the example of such men as yourself and M r Gray, gave a countenance and sanction to my con- duct which at the most critical moments gave me the greatest satis faction, and made me take a pride, instead of feeling pain at the over flowings of malice and envy which were so copiously streaming down upon me - Hatred has a keen eye; but its feelings impose upon its vision They whose purpose it is to blacken me, could not more effectually defeat their own object, than by shedding a portion of the same invective upon you I now please myself with the hope, that you and your associates in our public affairs, will now preserve by moderation and wisdom the ascendancy which you have obtained But if our Country has ex hibited a new example of the instability of popular sentiments the 80 giddy habitation of the vulgar heart, it has still more forcibly proved to me the difficulty as well as the duty, of maintaining ones self free from the shackles of dependence upon any party And yet as the Government of a State and still more that of the Nation must consist of a systematic combination of measures it is certainly necessary and even indispensable that individual members of a party should on most occasions, perhaps on all, sacrifice their individual opinions to those of the majority, whenever this acquiescence does not involve a derelic tion of principle. It was natural enough that the ardent spirits, who felt indignant at the outrages still continued of Britain and France upon our Com merce should be disatisfied at the issue of the last Session of Con gress But you who consider things coolly, have very justly judged that the measures adopted were far better than others which indicat ing more resentment might not have had more real energy The Non-Intercourse, ineffectual, as a weapon, to hurt either of the of fenders, had operated only to exasperate both Its repeal has at least been taken by both in good part, and has been followed by cor responding relaxations on their side France indeed has availed herself of it with the most address, by seizing upon the occasion to abandon the whole system of anti-neutrality if England will do the same England will not give it up entirely ; but will probably yield to some further modifications, which may leave an extensive and pro fitable field open to neutral trade We have escaped, providentially escaped the scourge of War with either of them, and you may be assured that in the estimation of all Europe, our national character is continually rising in the scale of power, and of moderation, and wis dom, without losing any in that of genuine spirit. The politics of Europe are still extremely complicated, and the prospects of the future are gloomy The new relations between France and Austria are not yet fully unfolded to the world Their harmony with Russia is yet uninterrupted, though Circumstances have occurr d which might occasion a coolness between them Russia is now carrying her victorious arms into the heart of Turkey, but her exhausted finances are clamorous for Peace The object on my Mission has I believe hitherto been completely accomplished But you cunning politicians who knew so well, and told the People so positively what that object was, like M Fingal "saw what was not to be seen" If you will compare the conduct of Russia towards American Commerce, with that of all her neighbours, not even except ing Sweden, you will easily perceive the object of my mission and thus far, its success. I am with the greatest esteem and regard, My dear Sir, your friend & humble Serv*. John Quincy Adams. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.78.2]. 81 John Adams to William Plumer. Quincy, December 16 1812 Dear Sir I thank you for your eloquent and masterly speech which I read with much Satisfaction. There appears neverthelefs, by the late Elections, to be a great change in the Sentiments of all the five States of New England, of New York and New Jersey ; to go no further, which I am not able to explain. Has it been produced by difsatisfaction with the Principle of the War? By disgust at the conduct of the War? By a disapprobation of the opposition to an augmentation of the Naval Establishment? Hull, Jones and Decatur have done great things. They have made an Epoch in the History of the World. By a resentment of the long Continuance of a disproportionate Superiority of Power in the State of Virginia? By an Aversion to the Invasion of Canada? By a terror of the Taxes that are expected ? Or By the ordinary Inconstancy of the People, so frequently im patient for Changes? Though I know little of the real Character of M r Madisons Com petitor, he can have no Pretentions to equal Experience or Learning: and great Changes in such critical times are very dangerous. If you can find leisure to give me a few hints upon these subjects, you will much oblige your Friend John Adams. His Excellency Governor Plumer. 1 John Adams to William Plumer. Dec r . 4. 1814 Dear Sir Chicanery has been so often concerted in nocturnal caucufses in this Country by both parties, that there is nothing very novel, how ever surprising and disgusting it ought to be, in the corrupt Election of one of your Councillors. A fortunate Scruple of Conscience which finally turned the Majority in favour of him whose right it was, may have important Consequences. Many a Nation has been saved and many destroyed by such small causes. My Friend for forty years and the Friend of his Country for Seventy, is gone to relate to his Co-patriots who have gone before him, the degeneracy of the Nation they formed. And the time cannot be long before I who am now left alone shall follow him to carry informa tion still more humiliating. M r Gerry was the oldest Statesman in America except Governor Mackean of Pensylvania. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.s]. 82 The Convention at Hartford is to resemble the Congress at Vienna; at least as much as Ignis fatuus resembles a Vulcano. Already We are informed that M r Randolph and M r Harper are at New York on their Way to the grand Caucus. The Delegates from your Chester will meet Philosophers Divines Lawyers Physicians Merchants Farmers, fine Ladies, Pedlars and Beggars, from various parts of the World not excepting Vermont, or Canada, as well as the legislative Sages from Massachusetts Connecticutt and Rhode Island. You see, I cannot write soberly upon this Subject. It is ineffably ridiculous. As an Electioneering, a canvafsing, or more exprefsively, a Parliamenteering Intrigue it is a cunning device, but even in this View it is the Cunning of the Ostritch. Do you mean to declare New England Neutral? New England Neutrality has been the Cause of the War. New England Canvass, New England Seamen, have excited British Jealousy and allarmed British Fears. Britain had rather Spain, France Holland or Russia should be neutral, than New England. Britain dreads a Neutral more than a belligerent, Canvass and Seamen are the Ennemies that Britain fears more than all the Armies of Europe. Do you mean to erect New England into an independent Power? Let me See ! New England is a Nation, a Souvereign, a Power, at War with Nova Scotia, Canada, fourteen States to the Southward and Westward of her, and Great Britain at the same time. This new State which has taken its equal Station among the Nations of the Earth, Sends Ambassadors to London and to Washington to make Peace and Solicit Neutrality. What will be their reception? Will they make their publick Entry like Venetian Ambassadors? Their Ambassadors are received at St. James s or Carlton House. They demand Neutrality. "What do you mean by Neutrality? Says the Minister? Do you mean to fish and carry your Fish to France, Spain Portugal and Italy and to the French Spanish Dutch Danish Sweedish and English Islands in the West Indies? Do you mean to trade to China India and Carry your Cargoes to all Europe and all the World ? Even to Canada Nova Scotia and your own Southern States? Or do you mean to unite with us, become loyal subjects and go to War with all our Enemies? I wish I could pursue this Conference in detail. But Forces fail. I have not been very conversant with Voyages and Travels. I recollect no Island, discovered, without human Inhabitants Except Robinson Crusoes. Even the flying Island of Lagado was not destitute of them. My Compliments to my ingenious young Acquaintance, your Son, and when he comes to Boston again I hope he will not not forget his and his Fathers humble Servant John Adams Governor Plumer. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts 83 John Quincy Adams to William Plumer, Jr. William Plumer jun r Esqr Washington 24. June 1827. Dear Sir I received with great pleasure your obliging Letter with a printed copy of Governor Pierce s Message to the Legislature. The Message itself is a judicious and discreet public document and in the notice which it takes of my father and M r Jefferson, my personal feelings were highly gratified, considering it as a mark of individual sympathy, not less than a tribute of patriotic Spirit. An explicit declaration of friendly sentiment, or of approbation towards the Administration of the general Government, would have been acceptable and encouraging but unless it had been perfectly voluntary and spontaneous, I prefer the silence which indicates at least no unfriendly Spirit. That very unjustifiable means have been used to excite prejudices in the mind of Governor Pierce as well as in those of all the people of New Hamp shire I well know, but I trust they will prove abortive, with regard to both I beg to be kindly remembered to your father, and shall be happy to hear from you, at your leisure and convenience ; as well during the Session of the Legislature, as afterwards remaining ever your faith ful and unvarying friend J. Q. Adams. 1 John Quincy Adams to . Quincy 9. Sept r . 1831 Dear Sir. Your two Letters of 22 d . ult. reached me here upon the morning of the day on which I delivered at Boston, a part of the discourse, a copy of which is herewith enclosed, and of which I ask your accept ance. The facts related in the longer of your Letters were not alto gether unknown to me, but I was not before receiving it so much acquainted with them in detail. You will observe that there is no reference in the Eulogy, to any of the Circumstances which rendered M r Monroe s Life uncomfortable after his retirement from the public Service. They appertain to a train of reflections suitable to a formal biography, but which it seemed to me might with more propriety be dispensed with on this occasion. The erroneous doctrine, of despotic Sovereignty, assailed in my Oration, is indeed a butterfly "Yet, let me slap this bug with gilded wings "This painted thing of dirt, that stinks and stings the Memory of the Stamp Act Stings, in the threats of nullification the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.88]. which will not evaporate in empty menaces I believe the warning voice was needed ; and pray that it may not share the fate of the warn ings of Cassandra You will see that in the enclosure I return the historical view of the origin of the Union The preservation of the Union is to me, what the Destruction of Carthage was to Cato the conclusion of every Discourse. Very faithfully yours, J. Q. Adams. 1 ROBERT SMITH. Robert Smith to President Jefferson- Baltimore Aug. 28. 1803 Sir, Your favor of the 23 d enclosing Mr Simpson s letter to Mr. Madi son I have received. I am extremely sorry to find that the plan of having made in Europe the gun Carriages for the Emperor of Morocco cannot take effect. I am yet satisfied that the plan was at the time proper. Subsequent events, it seems, have rendered it impracticable. I am also much distressed that Mr Simpson did not deem it expedient to Offer the Cash. I believe that the Emperor would have been well satisfied with a sum of Money much less than will be expended by us in procuring and transporting the carriages. Among the diffi culties that have heretofore presented themselves in this business the Means of ascertaining the size and the kind of carriages have never been communicated to the Secretary of State. And Mr Simp son in his last letter only informs him that they must be "perfectly complete for land service" with iron axle trees" &c &c without speci fying the Caliber of the gun and without stating whether they are to be for Battery or Field service. It is to be presumed from circum stances that they are to be for Batteries. Be this, however, as it may, the gun carriages of our frigates will not answer. They not only do not answer the description in Simpsons letter, but they are not at all fit for either battery or field Service. When it was under stood that the Navy Dep* "would see to the execution of the busi ness," it was believed that the Navy gun Carriages would be accepted. But Simpsons last letter informs us explicitly that they are wanted for land service. Possibly the War Department may be able to supply the demand immediately. We may probably have this number of carriages constructed for embrasures; and as the embrasure con struction is now exploded, the Secretary of War may substitute in their place the modern approved plan of carriages. If this should be 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i], 85 the case the advantages will compensate for any temporary incon veniences. But at all events I know of no other mode of sending on the carriages in due season. To build them would require many probably six months. And the building of them would call for the careful superintendence of a skilful Artillery Officer. As these car riages are wanted for land Service there is not an Officer nor an Agent of the Navy Dep*. competent to the undertaking. They must be constructed upon principles well established and well known to scientifick Artillery Officers, but not professionally to the Officers of the Navy. If the War Dep 4 . cannot immediately supply this demand and new carriages must be made, I would submit to consideration whether they could not be made with the least expence under the Orders of the Sec ty of War by his Corps of Artificers or at Washing ton under the superintendence of Col Bearbeck [Burbeck]. In case it should be inconvenient to the Secretary of War to have any agency in this business, I will most willingly and without delay undertake it, if he will have the goodness to give me the services of Col Bearbeck or of some other skilful Artillery Officer. Without such a superin tending Officer it would be utterly impossible for the Navy Dep*. to accomplish it. But with all the advantages that could be thus afforded me, it must be obvious that Gen 1 Dearborn is much better qualified than I can be. The occasion however is very pressing and our exer tions ought to be united to promote dispatch. I have some appre hension that this disappointment to the Emperor connected with the Capture of the Ship by our Squadron will provoke a disposition to hostility. And therefore I am the more anxious that the War De partment should immediately furnish the number, which can be re placed at leisure. A copy of this letter I will send by this Mail to Gen 1 Dearborn in order that he & I may be progressing in the business and may be the better prepared to act promptly under the instructions which you may be pleased to give either to him or to me. 1 [R. Smith.] WILLIAM EUSTIS. William Eustis to Nicholas Gilman. Boston Jan: 12. 1808. Dear Sir, Your favor of the 2 nd instant is received, and I am very much gratified in hearing you are with my old friend Mrs. Beckley (to whom & to her mother & little Alfred if there) I beg to be kindly re membered. For the good things of the house you will have no want. Our wiseacres begin to draw in their horns since the news of the 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.44]. 86 british blockading decree an Embargo never fails to beget dis content and grumbling in the sea ports as you well know the necessity of that or a worse measure however developes itself every day and as far as I can judge it will be endured with as much patience as can be expected. Some 80 or 100 Sailors called on W m Parsons for employ or relief he advised them to go to the Gov r they did so and behaved very peaceably & very decently asking for employ or that he would take off the Embargo in peace they dispersed Gen 1 Eaton (a member of the Legislature) moved a set of resolutions grounded too apparently on this proceedure and made a set speech but no harm will come of them it is probable the consideration may be postponed a week or two the ground is frozen and it is hard digging just now Already it is whispered the Em : will be of short duration but this must be conjecture I never have abandoned my hope of peace may it be realized The story of a certain gentleman s losing partly the confidence of his party will in time be explained the fact is directly & strongly the reverse Sullivan & Gerry when they recommended W. did really & honestly believe this gentleman to be intirely out of the question but as they did recom mend W. and not E. perhaps it is presumed they gave W. the prefer ence the truth is had E. consented to it, he would have been recom mended by every Rep: in the State and by the whole of all other parties - - I could explain (but not at this moment) the whole mys tery I now know every circumstance and am fully satisfied of all If to have half quarrelled with J. for his versatility & c & c & c if to have incurred the resentment of the fed party in a particular manner & if to have the thanks of our friends in proportion be losing then indeed have I lost part of their support & c but this is an idle theme It has lately transpired that W. has openly & repeatedly ridiculed J-n & C. n-n & G. -- in short the whole of them and they have paid him for it within ten days he has said he likes J. better than he did now look for a moment at the Metropolis name the public officers in your own mind and ask yourself is it possible for any thing to rally round these men. Independent of all this W. will be a standing reproach for he is now known to the Adm n "is he honest" is he capable" D him & all this thing Let us go to something better Rose will come & offer peace and you will take it and we shall have good times again you will tell me so in your next In the mean time (for I am interrupted and cannot go on) may the blessings fall upon you Yrs truly W Eustis North is an honest & feeling fellow he will be very much delighted to receive your remembrance in the woods of Duansburgh of a cold winter s night when the heart of an old soldier is ready to meet that of its brother Adieu To Mrs Smith & all those I am always well inclined. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.4g]. 87 William Eustis to Henry Dearborn. (Private) Boston April io lh : 1808. D r . Sir, (when I speak of the Senate I mean Cumberland C & fear for York I wrote you the other day that we were safe so we are con fident we are in the choice of Gov r . but we have lost the Senate those documents came too late the feds flatter themselves that Cobb will be Lieu 1 . Gov r . but I think not Gore will have more votes than I had calculated on : great use was made of P - s * letter & the Embargo and we had nothing to counteract A s Letter could not be published in season : & Madisons able and candid expo sition with the unanswerable offer to give equal date to the rescinding the proclamation & to the acceptance of reparation for the outrage on the Cheaseapeake was too late it now has its influence the ground taken by the Essex people is found untenable some of the respectable federalists have never gone with them & the last election proves that their influence is declining but they will get together again unless prevented by the state of the country or some cause which I do not see. Champigny s 2 Letter has come - this would have ruined us a fortnight before but it is a compleat justification of the Embargo as you will see in Marcellus to morrow for the house of Rep s we are now to strive sometimes I think a war with some foreign nation preferable to this perpetual conflict at home farewell W Eustis. 3 WILLIAM PLUMER. William Plumcr to Nicholas Oilman. Epping March 28 1808 Sir By the mail of to day I received your much esteemed favor of the 17 th & am much gratified with your attention to our post road. I regret that you have not a fairer prospect of establishing one from Newbury Port to Exeter. Such an establishment would much more effectually promote public interest than many roads now in use in the southern and western States. As to documents, any that you can spare will be acceptable ; but particularly those which relate to the revenue, exports, imports, militia, & our affairs with other nations. 1 Timothy Pickering. * Champagny. From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.5o]. 88 I fully concur with you that we have an interest in protracting the commencement of hostilities ; and in the interim ought to adopt efficient measures to meet such an event. I never had so much con fidence in the militia as to think it would be safe or prudent to trust the defence of the country to them. I do not despise the militia ; but I most sincerely wish our s were better armed, officered & disciplined. In arms, in officers, & discipline, they are, in general, shamefully de ficient. I have taken much pains to be informed of the actual state of the militia in New Hampshire; & I assure you the result is un favorable. Some of our divisions & brigades, many of our regiments & battallions, & more of our companies, are commanded by men, who in point of talents, information & courage, are vastly inferior to many who stand in the ranks. Good officers, are infinitely of more im portance than a numerous army without them you can never have good Soldiers. And as to our arms, I think I am correct in saying, that the militia in this state, have not on an average, one hundred fire arms to a regiment, fit for an action. On musters they borrow from other companies & regiments; this exagerates the returns from the Inspectors. I regret that our State legislature should content them selves with passing laws to subject towns to the payment of the trifling expence of militia officers on muster days. They ought to appropriate a certain sum to be annually expended in the purchase of arms. To such an object I would cheerfully pay my quota. A good militia, I know, would afford aid in defence of the country. But every man personally acquainted with war, or with its history, knows that the ultimate fate of a nation depends on regular troops well officered & disciplined. Tis to the officers, the arms & discipline of troops, that victory & conquest submit more than to numbers. And considering the great probability of war, I am astonished our Govern ment has not acted with more vigor & promptness on this all im portant subject. Their marine & Select militia will assuredly fail them in the perilous hour of battle. I abhor that love of popularity that shrinks from the responsi bility of measures necessary for the defence & security of the nation. I wish to see an Administration that shall give, not receive, the tone from the populace. These were my sentiments & feelings when in office, & they are mine in the shade of retirement. I feel little of the opposition to M r Jefferson that is too common to federalists, & still less of that undistinguished approbation of all his measures, which governs his partizans. I have, for sometime, endeavored to forget the feelings of the moment & the spirit of party, & view his official conduct in the same light in which impartial history will present it to posterity. In examining it through this medium, I own I am sur prized that he has not communicated more information to the Senate, the supreme council of the nation, of the actual state of our foreign relations. From my knowledge of M r Madison, I have long since formed an opinion, that he was too much of a closet politician, too anti-commer- 89 rial, to be elevated to the presidency. I wish our president to be a man of business, and not exclusively attached to either agriculture or commerce. Both should be protected, for they mutually depend on each other; & the depression of either will essentially injure the best interest of our country. Did any of the gentlemen from this State attend the Madisonian caucus and will any of them support his election? I did expect M r Monroe would be the other candidate. I am told you are to adjourn the 15 th of the next month; but I think the state of public affairs forbid so early a recess. If you have leisure write me; & be assured, that I am with respect and esteem, Dear Sir, your most obedient, William Plumer Hon. Nicholas Oilman Senator Washington. 1 William Plumer to Salma Hale. Epping (NH) December 28 th 1818 Dear Sir, The last mail brought me sundry papers & a letter of the II th from you ; for which I am grateful. I am glad to hear you are learning the Spanish language. I be lieve you have heard me several times express a decided preference to the living over the dead languages ; & regret that our literary in stitutions should so effectually devote their time & that of their stu dents to Greek & Hebrew as almost totally to neglect those of French, German & Spanish. Our Universities, colleges & Academies are better suited for priests, than for statesmen or active useful citizens. Should the University, of which we are trustees, succeed in her controversies at law, I shall expect little from her. She appears to be following the old track & is more anxious to please the priesthood, than to shape a manly independent course to fit men for the business & duties of this world. The conduct of Gen. Jackson has been that of an arbitrary soldier exceeding rightful authority. In war such a man is useful; but in peace, at the head of an army, he is dangerous. His conduct will aid the project of those who wish to reduce the number of our army, & particularly its officers. That project has my entire approbation, & hearty wishes for its success. I hope the army will be reduced. In a state of peace we are in danger of being too martial. Tis that spirit that too often produces wars, the scourge of man. In peace, the best preparation for war, that we can make is to pay our debts, & not have our revenue & taxes in war swallowed up by then having to pay the interest & principle of claims we ought now to discharge. Money is the sinew of war tis the one thing needful. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.4<>] . 90 Tis a poor compliment to the providence & economy of Congress, to hear the officer at the head of the Treasury department say, That from the state of our currency, it may be necessary, in the course of the ensuing year, to have authority to emit treasury notes or resort to loans to meet the demands on the treasury. Apropos of currency The report I mentioned in a later letter of the failure of banks in Maine was I believe unfounded Coos bills are again current; but bills of those banks are received with distrust & fear. Write as leisure & inclination permit, & favor me with such Na tional Intelligencers Documents as you have to spare. And be assured that I am truly your friend & servant William Plumer Hon. Salma Hale Member of Congress Washington x JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN. John Macpherson Berrien to Charles Harris. Bulloch 13 th June 1810 My dear Friend M rs . Berrien, Miss Collier & myself arrived here on Monday Morning without accident, & are now enjoying a quiet repose, in which if your affairs inclination had permitted, I should have been happy to have had you participate. If still you should determine to make it the summer residence of your family, they will of course com mand my services in any way in which I can be useful to them. If you have yet laid your hand on the 4 th volume of Goldsmith pray send it by Annock, and as I saw in your office a sett of Boswell s life of Johnson which would not be injured by the transportation, if you can spare it, pray send it also. I endeavored to purchase it but could not get a copy At the moment of my leaving Savannah a circumstance was stated to me which was productive of unpleasant feelings until I had resolved to communicate it at once to yourself. It was stated that you were not only unfavorable to my election as Judge of the Eastern District but that you expressed yourself in such a manner as to induce a belief, that you would actively exert your influence to oppose it. It is on this subject that I wish to give & to ask some explanation. In the early part of our acquaintance your friendship was extended to me as the son of a friend. I have been for some time past believing 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.24]. 91 that I had some claims to it on my own account. When therefore I had determined after repeated solicitation to make the sacrafice of money & of feeling incident to this contest, I naturally thought of announcing it to you. But I perceived a subsisting intimacy between yourself & the present Judge which I thought would render such a communication unpleasant. I believed too that you would justly appreciate the motives of my silence, that you would decide impar tially between our respective claims, but that when this was done you would not actively interpose between us. Independently of any sug gestions of friendship, I thought the motives under which I manifestly acted, would support me in such a claim, since if the sacrifice I should make did not render it sufficiently obvious, I am at all times ready to declare that nothing short of a conviction of indispensable duty could induce me to hold up my name as a candidate. Will you allow me then to ask if I am to expect an opposition active or otherwise from you in this contest and if so will you do what is more im portant to my feelings, will you enable me to explain such opposition to those who may enquire about it, in a way not inconsistent with the friendship which has hitherto subsisted between us if which I hope is the fact, such explanation is consistent with the truth of the case. I have thought it advisable under every view of the subject to explain to you my feelings in this regard and I have not been deterred from any apprehension that you would ascribe such a measure to any motive unworthy of yours very truly Jn. Macpherson Berrien P. S. Pray let me hear from you by Annock. 1 JONATHAN RUSSELL. Jonathan Russell to Joel Barlow. London 14 th Jany 1812 Dear Sir Your letter of the 19 th & 22 nd of Dec r were highly welcome as the first which I have received from you since my arrival in England but most welcome on account of the hope which they inspire that your mission will be triumphant - The fair promises held out to you I sincerely hope will be performed and I pray, for your sake the sake of the administration and the country that your success may silence the clamours of all adversaries Here the favourable indication given a few weeks since have not resulted in any thing beneficial towards us and I begin to dispair of any relaxation in the present system until some great national disaster shall drive the present ministry from power At present the war 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.4g]. 92 in the Peninsula is the object paramount to all others and a kind of compromize appears to have grown out of it between the Prince, the ministers & the people Yet this very war which preserves the existence of this very ministry, so hostile to us, is fed & pampered by our supplies & without us must be abandoned I fear that a rupture between Russia & France will do us harm here I hardly know how to reconcile the list of vessels which you say have been released to you with what the French government an nounced to me while at Paris The Two Brothers & the Star were liberated in July last and have been so represented both to this gov ernment & our own As to the Pocahontas there was no charge against her but she as well as the Star were merely prevented from leaving military ports on account of a local embargo. You will see all this in the correspondence left with you copies of which have been sent to the American Government. Your dispatch for America has been forwarded agreeably to your request and I shall take particular care of the letter for Gen 1 Regnard I beg leave to trouble you in the same way with an open letter from Admiral Linois & I have given him cause to hope for an answer through the same channel I find that the French locks do not answer for our Portmanteaux as they shake open I have therefore been obliged to procure others of a different kind I am very sincerely and respectfully yours Jon a . Russell His Excellency Joel Barlow &c. &c. &C. 1 SAMUEL LATHAM MITCHILL. Samuel Latham Mitchill to Henry W. Dearborn. Wash". 14 feb. 1812. Sir I thank you for the letter and mineral specimens which you sent me by the hand of Judge Story. You are, as appears to me, right in your conjectures about them. One is unquestionably the sulphuret of antimony; but it has strong evidence of having undergone fusion, and consequently of not being a natural specimen. Another is evi dently pumice-stone, but it looks so like that from the Lipari islands, that I hardly know how to consider it an american production. The plumbago resembles other samples of that mineral. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.83]. 93 Mineralogists must be cautious. The ignorance of some persons & the cunning of others, constantly expose them to imposition. I have catched the collectors of samples, and the makers of experiments so often in their tricks, that I have grown wary by experience. There is a sett of fellows who are watching all opportunities to deceive the credulous. I have been so long acquainted with them, that I can generally detect them when they call upon me personally, by their physiognomy, and frequently know their character at a dis tance, by their specimens. The lawyers say "caveat emptor" ; the naturalists say caveat investigator, let the inquirer look sharp. And as you are become a scientific observer, the sooner you begin to examine with scrupulous accuracy, the better it will be. M r Gibbs is here. He starts tomorrow for Newhaven, to arrange his Cabinet of Minerals, for the benefit of Yale College. We tried to get that superb & extensive collection for New York. But could not succeed. Your Bostonians were equally unsuccessful and Connecti cut is the child of good luck. Adieu ! and be happy and in the distribution of your friendly sentiments bestow a portion upon me. Sam L Mitchill. 1 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. William Henry Harrison to General Meigs. S fc Marys 2O th : Sept r . 1812 Dear Sir I have only time upon a dirty piece of paper to inform you that the number of horses procured for mounting the Infantry falls far short of what was expected Indeed they do not exceed 130 or 140. A number of Kentucky companies also have been diverted from this quarter by the information of the danger at Vincennes. I must ab solutely have some hundred men more I have determined to give up the Wabash Project & make a stroke Directly at Detroit Via Fort Wayne River S*. Josephs, River Resin & c . this is the shortest route But it must be kept profoundly secret. Can you not by an exertion send me one or two hundred mounted men to follow me so as to be here in five or six days Y r . friend Will m . H. Harrison Gen 1 . Meigs 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.64]. * From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.8o]. 94 William Henry Harrison to Langdon Cheeves. Cincinnati I st . Nov r . 1819 Sir It was my intention before I knew of the dismission of M r . Worth to resign my Situation as Director of the Branch Bank at this place. Because, having been recently Elected to the Senate of the State I did not wish to subject myself, (for the course which I intended to take in relation to the dispute between the State & the Bank) to the imputation of having my mind biased by my Connection with the Institution But the conduct of the Bank by the Dismission of M r Worth would alone have determined me to withdraw. With this Gentleman I have no connection or intimacy but what has been pro duced by meeting him at the board But his indefatigable attention to the duties of his Station His unwearied Zeal in defending the Interests of the Bank & his general Intelligence have secured to him my Regard & Esteem. Little upwards of two years ago he was taken from a lucrative Situation at Albany & brought to this place. His removal occasioned the loss of the larger part of his property. He is now turned loose upon the world without even knowing the Sin which he has com mitted. From the greater qualities both of the Head & Heart which M r Chives is admitted to possess I cannot persuade myself that he has had any other agency in a transaction so wantonly cruel & unjust than what his official Station imposed upon him. He will be pleased to inform the board of my Resignation of the appomtm*. which they conferred upon me And accept for himself the assurance of my High Consideration W. H. Harrison L. Chives Esq r Presid 1 Bank U. S. 1 JAMES A. BAYARD. James A. Bayard to Washington 24. Jan?. 1813. Dear Sir I received by the mail to day the letter you did me the favor to write on the 22 d . ins*. M". Bayard has also received the letter you were kind enough to address to Her. The occurrence relative to our child has caused to both of us much affliction 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.75]. 95 The punishment inflicted for a first transgression appears to me severe, but I may not be acquainted with all the circumstances of the case, or with the necessity of the example in relation to the condiion of the Institution. I am persuaded however by the sentiments grow ing out of our early and intimate friendship, that a measure so nearly affecting me passing under your sanction would not have been adopted without sufficient cause. The Boy I know is not without faults, but I believe he is exempt from any depravity of heart or prin ciple. I could wish him restored to the college if it can be done con sistently with the rules of the Institution and without too great a debasement on his part. I should wish to see him penitent, should be satisfied to see him humbled to any point which would allow him afterwards to redeem his character. My cousin M r . S. Bayard has proposed his being sent to Bruns wick during the remainder of the present Session, where he states to me he will have the means of prosecuting the studies of his class. M r . Lata whom you mention does not reside in Wilmington and in fact my house in that place is at present shut up. If you approve of M r . Bayard s project I hope you will advise its execution. And I cannot help feeling confident that you will allow me to expect in behalf of the child on the ground of our ancient friendship and my partiality for the College whatever may be compatible with the duties of your situation. I am Dear Sir with great respect your ob*. Ser 4 J. A. Bayard * HENRY DEARBORN. Henry Dearborn to H. A. S. Dearborn. Washington March 21 1812. Dear Henry I enclose a report of the Committee on Henrys communications with the testimony of Count Crillon, when he mentioned the name of Perkins, he was asked if he heard his Christian name, he answered in the negative, he was asked whether he observed any thing unusual in his face, he said he had a strong natural wine mark on outside of his face. not withstanding all that has been said about the names of those more immedi ately concerned, at Boston, they will appear in due time, or I am much mistaken. I am still confined, but am recovering, and hope to be out in a day or two. Yours affectionately H Dearborn 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.84]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.n.ig]. 96 Henry Dearborn to H. A. S. Dearborn. Lisbon April io th 1823 Dear Henry, Your letters of Novem r & Decem r with lots of Newspapers have been received with great pleasure, and also your letters of i6 th & 19 th of January, for which I thank you. I have likewise received one from your Son Henry R. which gave me great pleasure, I shall answer it soon. I find the Portugees talk quick, and move & act very slow, both in the civil and Military Departments, the insurrection in the Northern province has not yet been put down, which I impute to the tardy movements of the National Troops Negotiations move as tardily as the Army. the King informed me the last evening that he had received information of the Arrival of the Duke De Anguleme and several General Officers at Bayonne, and that the French Army had probably entered Spain befor this time. I observed to His Majesty that I thought it not improbable that the King & Government of France would ultimately have reason to repent of the invasion of Spain, he appeared to acquiesce by a smile, but said nothing, he complained of the slow movements of the Troops in the North, acting against the Insurgents the delay of the French army has given Spain the means of cuting up a very great part of her Insurgents, and of organizing her Army & Militia, but it yet remains to be seen whether they will act with the firmness & bravery they ought to, or not. the re moval of the King & Cortes to Savill is a great point gained by Spain, every kind of intrigue was practiced to prevent it late accounts from France speak loudly of simptoms of General Mutiny in the French Army near Spain, that several Gen 1 and Field Officers have been Arrested or dismissed, and that a general disposition pervaded France which indicated a convulsion, and that the French Government had applied to Austry & Russia for Aid, but I presume that the writers have painted things in strong colours, for which large allowances are to be made. I think from all that we hear, the invasion of Spain is extremely unpopular in France, and may produce serious consiquences, if persisted in, especially if Spain does her duty. we have had plenty of green peas & shel d beans for the last fortnight, our garden looks as beautiful as possible, we have now a strong South Easterly Storm of rain, which appears like our North East rain stormes in June. I am going up the river in a Steam boat to Villa Franka, about 17 miles, I shall go on Saturday & return on Monday. A Steam boat, or Ship, is now plying between this city & Opporto, she makes a passage in 22 hours, distance about sixty leagues. I intend to take a trip in her in about a month. I have been informed that in England & Scotland an improvement has been adopted in their Steam boats, called a safety valve, which is so large and certain in its opperation as to prevent intirely all resque of bursting the boilers, no quantity of fuel can raise the steam above a certain degree of force, there is a small pipe goes up near the main funnel, which conveys off the steam from the safety valve, the pipe is six or eight inches in diameter, but how the valve is constructed I 97 do not know, but it must be of immense importance to the steamboat sistem. It is also said, that a man in England has lately discovered an improvement, which will save three fourths of the fuel now used, and diminish the weight of Machinery about one half, without diminishing the present force. at the adjournment of the Cortis on the last day of March, we had the usual parade, at the Pallace of the Cortes and at the King s Palace, an extraordinary meeting of the Cortis will probably take place the first of May, by a summons from the King. There has been a large number of Nobility, Clergy, and others taken up in this City and other parts of the Kingdom, being suspected, or known, as being concerned in the Insurrection, and when the Insurrection is finally put down, there will probably be some shooting & hanging. I begin to long for some good cider, if an opportunity should occur, I wish you would send half a gross of old bottled cider, and one or two barrels of good sound old Orchard, in clean iron hooped casks, with three quarts of brandy in each barrel. I hope to have a good assortment of Grape vines with roots, properly put up this season to send you in the Autumn or winter. we shall have a plenty of fine grapes, and some fine cherrys & pears, in our garden, as well as a great profusion of flowers. I have three horses, they are now feeding for one month on green barley cut every day, and raised as a substitute for hay, sowed in September, and now beginning to head, it is a universal practise here to feed the carriage & saddle horses & Mules on the green barley one month at this time of the year and not give them any grain, or work them, until the end of the month, many Gentlemen in the mean time ride a boozer, Alias Jack Ass. or Donka, the best kind of these little fellows carry a moderate sized man or woman very well and easey, my horses are all black Stallions, one is called a poney, but he is a very good sized horse. Laury rides him, and I have rode him once, he goes very well, he is our market horse. we have very frequent small Evening parties in our immediate neighborhood, very little expence attends them. Your Mother & Laury unite with me in the most affectionate Saluta tions to you, your Dear Hannah and Julia, Henry R. & William L. and our Cousins Ann & Charlotte. H. Dearborn P. S. we all agree that Cap* Oxnard is no great things or he would not again so soon leave his wife & Children. H. D. 1 Henry Dearborn to Henry A. S. Dearborn. Lisbon Octob r 25 th 1823 - Dear Henry, Your very entertaining and agreable letter of the i 1 & 4 th of Septem r has been received, and perused with peculiar pleasure I send this with the enclosed dispatch by a vessel from S* Ubes for Boston, I will 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.zi.2z]. 98 thank you to put the enclosed into the post office. I have requested the President to permit my return home as early as May, June, or at farthest, July next, and I trust that the reasons I have offered, will induce the President to comply with my request. We are all in good health, to morrow will be a Grand Gala day, the hopefull young Prince, will be 21 years of age, nothing new has occurred since my last, prescription & persecution is the order of the day in Spain, the King has appointed his principle Confessor his prime Minister, the Duke, the heir of S* Louis, and the other French Gen^s are said to be opposed to Ferdinands measures, and advise a General Amnesty for all that is past, but Ferdinand & his Ghostly Advisers reject all such conciliatory measures, what steps the French Government will next adopt is very uncertain, after having pro duced the present storm, they are not allowed to prescribe bounds, beyond which its ravages shall be staid. Great Britain will be satisfied with such a perminent occupation of Cadis by the French Army, as seems to be contemplated Ferdinand has ordered a strong Naval expedition to be immediately prepared, for Lima, and the Merchants are to furnish the necessary money, we receive no information from Brazil or any other parts of South America except what we obtain from the American U. S. & British papers. I have not yet tasted the Cider, but shall as soon as it has had sufficient time to settle, when you have read my last long omnium Gatherum letter I wish you would send it to Julia, if you think they will consider it as worth the postage. we send greeting our most affectionate Salutations to you your Good Hannah and dear Children, to include Cousins Ann & our Good Charlotte & her little ones, and also Col Lee & Family. H. Dearborn * Henry Dearborn to Henry A. S. Dearborn. Lisbon Novem r . 4 th . 1823. Dear Henry, By the Brig Ant Cap* Lane, I send to you three newspapers in which you will find some good reading. We have had a Grand Gala at Queluze about seven miles from the City it was very splendid. I got home at 4 oclock pretty hungry, but in fine spirits, the ride effected me very favorably, all things, go on here as they have for several months past, as whim, or caprice, or passion dictates, without any responsibility, or regard to old, or new, formes and usages, whether the King has any direct agency in the measures pursued, or not, is very uncertain, or to what extent the influence of the different foreign Ministers opperates is likewise uncertain, there is now no appearance or indications of any alteration for the better. Spain is completely prostrated, and subjected to the cruelties of unrelenting barbarities of the most brutal bigotry & superstition, the Court of Great Britain has been, & still is, playing an under part to the measures of the Holy Alliance, how far the overbearing 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.65]. 99 ambition of France may opperate towards producing a change in the policy of the British Government, such as might occasion a dispute among the members of the Holy Alliance, is doubtfull. nothing short of a strong & direct interference with the Commercial interest of Great Britain will probably induce her to change her late & present policy of adhearing to the measures & principles of the holy Alliance, however displeasing to the great Body of the Nation. M r Child was to have sailed this day for Eng land but the vessel got under way before he could git ready & he was left. he will go by the first opportunity, he intends spending a few months in England and what next is uncertain, he returned from Spain as soon Cades was taken possession of by the French, and is now on the world at large, I will give you a short sketch of the history of this Government, the present King had an elder Brother, Joseph, who was carefully edu cated under the direction of the then great prime Minister the Marquis of Pombal, who placed around the young Prince the most able & liberal Pre ceptors. Joseph arrived at the age of manhood possessed of an uncommon share of the necessary qualities both native & acquired for forming a great & good King, but was unfortunately carried off by the small pox, uni versally lamented by the Nation, the education of John, the present King was very much neglected, when on the death of the late King the Queen came to the Throne although amiable she was very superstitious, and by the Influence of the Clergy and other intriguers, she was induced to dis miss the Marquis of Pombal and to appoint Ministers with no other qual ities but an overweening passion for inriching themselves & their friends out of an overflowing Treasury which the good management of Pombal had produced, the Clergy prevailed on the Queen to erect very expensive Churches & Convents, with the money which Pombal had collected for the improvmt of the Navy, the Harbour and other important public purposes, one Church & Convent near where we reside, called the Heart of Christ, cost the enormous sum of six million of dollars and by such mismanage ment and peculations of all kinds, the Treasury, in a few years became empty, and the Ministry were compell d to have recourse to a paper cur rency to a large amount, which is yet in circulation, at a depreciation of 33 p r cent, under such circumstances the present Don John the VI first came to the Regency, and then to the Throne, under very unfavourable cir cumstances, as well on account of his neglected education, as by the com parison that every one drew between him & his late Brother Joseph, who was the Idol of the Nation, but if John could have had such a Minister as Pombal, he, with such qualities as he possessed, might have done very well, but as it has been, with such Ministers as he has had, all the improvements, in the Finances, the Navy, Army, Manufactories, and Commerce, have dis appeared, and all is Chaos, or as M r Fingal says of our old paper money, has all turned back to rags again, some years back the Government raised the nominal value of Gold & Silver coins, to bring them nearer to the paper currency, the gold was raised 17 p r cent & the Silver 20 p r C. but it only produces higher corresponding prices on all Articles for sale, the paper is still 15 p r cent below metal. Bills on London sell nominally for 17 or 1 8 p r cent advance, but as the payment for the bills is in money 17 or 18 100 p r cent above its real value, there is nothing gained on the sale of the bills, nor is there anything lost, what ever is purchased must be paid for in the present currency as much higher as the money is above its intrinsic!-: value, the pretence of the Government for raising the nominal value of Gold & Silver coin, was to prevent its going out of the Country, notwithstand ing the immense Commerce of this City in former times, and the number of vessels even now owned here, there has never to this day been one wharf, all vessels must take in & discharge their cargoes at anchre from thirty rods to half a mile from the shore, the shore the whole length of the City is as good for erecting wharves as could be desired. Pombal had deter mined to build a strong wall as far out as low water marck from Bellens to the upper end of the City about 4 miles, and to fill up the whole with stone & gravel, & had provided fund for the purpose, but the money was used for very different purposes after he was dismissed, wharves could then [have] been very easily erected at proper places, with a small expence. but it is to be feared that it will be a long time before an other Pombal will appear in this Government or a King with information and firmness and industry and virtue, enough, to manage his own affairs in his own way, and for the public good. It is very evident that little or nothing can be reasonably expected from the exertions of the People, the intire corruption of the higher & midlirig Classes, with the degraded, debased and ignorant situation of the lower classes, appears to have doomed the whole mass to slavery & retchedness, beyond redemption. From the papers you sent to me it appears that M r Calhoun will be one of the highest if not the very highest candidates, for the Presidency. Crawford s friends must I presume rely only on no choice by the people and then on the Representatives, and from the number of candidates I should presume that there can be but a small chance for an Election by the people. Crawford, Calhoun, Jackson and Clay must if they all are con tinued as candidates, carry more than one half of the whole number of votes, and of course some of them must cease to be candidates, or there will be no choice by the people, which would be a very great misfortune, no other circumstance will in my opinion so much tend to a disunion of the Confederacy as contested elections of President by Congress. I there fore dread such a case, and yet hope that in the course of the next Session of Congress measures may be pursued by the Members from the different parts of the Union that may reduce the numbers of candidates and produce a probable chance of an Election by the people, and I most ardently wish that such an Amendment to the Constitution may be proposed and adapted [adopted], as will more effectually secure the Election of the President in future by the legitimate Electores, the People, and of course, prevent the necessity of a choice by Congress, either the friends of M r Calhoun must unite with those of M r Adams or as a last report, the reverse, or I fear there will be no election by the people, and I should prefer either of the alternatives, to an election by Congress. If I could be sure that Crawford would not in any event, obtain the Election, I should feel more at ease, but if it must be decided by Congress there is no calculating on what may 101 be effected by all manner of management, that the occasion would most probably [illegible] On my own personal account, I have nothing to hope or fear, but others have, and the Country with its best interests are dear to me and will continue to be, I hope, the few remaining Days, or years I may live, the present situation of a great part of Europe, renders my own, Country more & more dear to me, and a continuation of its happiness more & more interesting. You will perceive by my long letters, that age never fails to produce garrulity, which young people bear with more patience from a presump tion that they may live to shew the same effect of old age. many of the Ladies here endeavour to flatter me by assuring me that they should not think me more than fifty years old, when I tell them I am upwards of seventy, but their flattery does not reduce my real age, one tittle, or diminish my affections for you & my other dear connections, to all of whom I tender my affectionate Salutations. Henry Dearborn Gen 1 Henry A. S. Dearborn. 1 Address of his Officers to Major General Henry Dearborn. Fort George, July 15 th . 1813. To Maj. Gen 1 . Dearborn, Comms. &c &c &c., Sir, We the undersigned General and field officers of the army who have served under your orders in the present campaign hav ing heard, with regret, that it is your intention to retire from your present command, beg leave respectfully to address you upon the subject. We are far from presuming, sir, to interfere with arrangements made by authority when announced ; but humbly conceive the present circum stances of this army are such, as will, when taken into serious considera tion convince you that your longer continuance with us is of the first importance at this moment if not absolutely indispensable to the good of the service. We are now iri a hostile country & in the immediate neighbourhood of a powerful tho beaten enemy an enemy whose strength is daily recruited by the arrival of reinforcements. In our own numbers too we have strength & confidence ; our position has been well chosen for defence and the moment for advancing upon the enemy may soon be expected to come. But to operate with success it is necessary that we should have our complement of officers. But two Generals now remain whereas our num bers would give full employment for three. If you too, unfortunately, should be taken from us, (at such a period as the present) the deficiencies cannot be soon supplied and in the meantime the enemy & the period for the renewal of operations are at hand. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.y.ig], 102 Sir, we are far from distrusting our own ability to execute the com missions with which we have respectively been honoured by our Govern ment; and have no design of converting this address into one of mere personal adulation. We know your averseness to flattery & as soldiers we are unaccustomed to flatter. But the circumstances under which we address you, oblige us to say that the knowledge we possess of your numer ous services & merits in the ardent struggles of our glorious revolution not to speak of more recent events in which we might be supposed to feel too warmly as participators has given us an infinite higher confidence in your ability to command with energy & effect than we can possibly feel individually in ourselves or generally in those who will be placed in sta tions of increased responsibility by your withdrawal from this army. As soldiers, we trust we shall be found equal to our duties in any event; but as soldiers & lovers of our country we wish to perform those duties under the most favourable auspices. Therefore we do most earn estly entreat you to postpone the resolution we understand you to have taken & to continue in the exercise of that command which you have al ready holden with honour to yourself & country, and with what is of less consequence the approbation of those who now address you.. If, how ever, contrary to our ardent wishes, & contrary to what appear the exigen cies of this army, you should still feel yourself bound from any cause whatever to withdraw from this frontier ; in such event we have to beg that you will please bear with you whithersoever you may go, the recollection of our great veneration for your revolutionary services; our respect for your political constancy & virtue, & the high sense we unanimously enter tain of the benefits your country has already received at your hands since the commencement of this present war. With these sentiments & the best wishes for the speedy & perfect restoration of your health We have the honour to be with the highest gratitude & respect Yr. most ob. Servants Abr m Eustis Major L* Artl* Jn. P. Boyd B. G. Thornton Posey Major V th . In- M. Porter Colonel Light Artillery fantry James Burn Colonel 2 d Reg*. U. S. Jn : V : H : Sluyck Maj r 13 th Reg* L . Dragoons I nfy : H. Brady Col. 22 d Infy N. Pinkney Major 5 Reg 1 Cromwell Pearce Col 16 Infy R. Lucas Major 22 d . Reg*. In- James Miller Col 6* Inf* fantry. w ScQtt Col & Ad - T. Woodford Ma^ 2 d R. U. S. L R Beebe Asgt Dragoons R y ^^ ^ ^ J. Johnson Major 21 Inftry u W Cumming Majr 8 th Infy John Chrystie Colonel 23* Infy. John E. Wool Major U. S. Inf* J ames R Preston U Col I2 Willoughby Morgan Major 12 th . Reg 1 - Inft y Commd-. Infantry Joseph L. Smith Lieut. Col. 24 th Benj. Forsyth Maj. U. S. Infy H. M. Malcolm Major 13*. Infy * G. A. Mitchell. L 1 Col. 3 d Artillery. From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.8i]. I0 3 THE COUNTERFEITING OF COLONIAL PAPER MONEY, I735-I739- The Declaration of John Davis. The Declaration of John Davis of Boston Coaster, made the i8 th Sep r . I735- That about Twenty Two months ago he met William Pattin of Wells, Blacksmith at his Shop who told him That as he was a Coaster & frequently us d that Town, he had something to tell him which might be of Advantage to them both if he would be Secret, he promised Secrecy & askt him what it was : upon which he shew d the declarant a Bundle of Twenty five Shilling Bills in Imitation of the Bills of the province of New Hampshire, Ten of which Bills he deliver d him, telling him he should have half of what he put off: the declarant askt him where he got them, who answer d it was no matter, but if he could put these off, he should have more of them, & after Some other talk on this head, they parted : a few Days afterwards the declarant saild for Boston, putting in at Piscataqua where he heard some talk of the 257 Bills being coun terfeited, which occasion d him to keep them by him ; after he had been to Boston, he sail d for Wells where he met Said Pattin who askt him whether or no he had put off said Bills, who answer d he had not, be cause of what he had heard at Piscataqua: s d Pattin then told the De clarant that John Macdonnell was gone to Ireland to get Some Five pound Bills made & when he arriv d here, that the declarant should have some of them, paying him one Half of what he put off as he had before promis d with respect to y e five Shillings Bills : That sometime the last Fall the declarant met said Pattin in Boston, who with said Macdonnell & One William Mortimore came to the declarant s house & askt a passage for said Mortimore to Wells, who accordingly went with him carrying Two Chests & a Bale or Two of Goods which he landed at Wells ; four Days after their Arrival there, said Mortimore desir d the declarant to lodge with him at the house of David Littlefield where he had carried his Chests & Goods, telling him the declarant, that he would acquaint him with Something for his Benefit if he would be secret : In the morn ing he shew d him a Bundle of Five pound Bills to the value of One hundred pounds in Imitation of the Bills of Connecticut which he said he brought over with him, telling him the declarant that if he would put 104 off those Bills it might be of Service to them both he having enough of them : Sometime after in the same Day, the declarant met with the aforesaid William Pattin who told him that what he zvas telling him of, some time ago, was come, meaning that the Bills were come, & if he would receive them he would give him some, upon which he gave the declarant to the Value of Forty Two pounds in Five pound & Ten Shilling Bills telling him that it might be of Service to them both to put them off, injoining him to Secresy. Some days afterwards the Declarant met with the aforesaid John Macdonnell in the Street at Wells, who told him that he understood he was acquainted with that Matter, meaning the Affair of the Bills, offering to give him some if he would accept of them, but the declarant told him he had enough of them already, more than he could well tell what to do with, however he accepted of Twenty Two Five pound Bills : Two Days afterwards the declarant came to sail for Boston & tarried there untill the Spring of the Year, keeping the Said Bills in a wigg Box in his Cabin, he then went to Kennebunk, where he heard that Macdonnell had hid some of the same Sort of Bills in a Sack of Corn or Meal which was discover* d by David Littleneld s Wife, upon which the aforesaid Pattin went to her & obtained said Bills of her, giving her something to keep the Matter Secret as he was inform d by the said Pattin, who at the same Time ask t this declarant whether or no he had put off those Bills he had of Him & whether he had brought him the Barrell of Molasses he desir d, who told him he had not: After he had laden his Sloop with Boards at Kennebunk he came to Boston & tarried Twelve Days where he had bought a Cable & then sail d for Rhode Island & Sold his Boards atNarraganset : That he met the afore said Mortimore at Rhode Island who told him that he had put off some of the Bills there, & that said Mortimore ship t by him, three or Four hhds of Molasses which were sold to M r . Johonnot at Boston & that Mortimore came with him to Boston : The declarant further saith that after his Arrival in Boston he offer d one of the aforesaid Five pound Bills to Mr Brewster & another to Cap*. Winter both which were re- fus d as not being good, That about the month of July last he went by Land in Company with S d . Mortimore to Wells to pay some money he ow d there, where he tarried from Satterday night untill Monday morn ing & then return d alone to Boston, upon his Return home a man at Cape Neddick told him that one Bragden of York a miller had a con siderable Quantity of these new Bills: That about the beginning of August past he sail d for Rhode Island & a little beyond the Light House he threw overboard all the aforesaid Bills tied up in a piece of Bunting & a Brick to sink them, except Six Five pound Bills which he put off at Newport : The declarant farther says that he saw the afore said Mortimore put off Two Bills of Five pounds each, one at Mr AYhiting s & another at Burden s Ferry on Rhode Island, also a Ten Shilling Bill to M r . Howard at Newport, & another to Mr Jackson on the long wharf e in Boston: he also saw him put off another Five pound Bill to a woman who kept a public house at the Sign of the White Horse between Newbury & Hampton, all which Bills were of the same Sort of those he receiv d of Mortimore & Macdonnell. The declarant further 105 says that about the month of July last he receiv d of sd. Mortimore Five Twenty five Shilling Bills of the Same Sort of those he had from Pat- tin, which he carried with him to Rhode Island the last Trip, where he put off one of them all the others he tore in pieces at Sea in his return to Boston: The declarant adds that he askt Mortimore how he got those Bills made, who answer d There were those in Ireland who could do any Thing, & that Macdonnell had carried Home a Bill of each Sort to get them made by ; That said Mortimore seeing the Declarant have a New Three pounds Rhode Island Bill in his hands, he desir d him to let him have it, telling him it would be a good Bill to carry home but he refus d to give it him. John Davis Suffolk Ss Boston Sept br . i8 th . 1735 Present Habijah Savage Sam. Sewall Samuel Adams Jus. Pac. Jn. Fayerweather Joshua Winslow In Court of Assize &c at York 21 st June 1736. John Davis made Oath to the truth of the afore written Declaration by him Subscribed. Att d . Benj a . Rolfe Cler > The Declaration of Isaac Martin of Chebacco. Boston Sept r . 21. 1739. Suffolk Ss Isaac Martin of Chebacco in the County of Essex being examined upon this Day Sais That he lives at Chebacco, has formerly followed the trade of a Shoemaker, but of late has kept a Tavern in Said Town Sais that about a Year & half past he received of John Webb Jun r of Salem a Five pound Bill of the Colony of Rhoad Island and gave him back in change three pounds, & the remaining Forty Shillings he paid s tl Martin for one Garteron Gennings a Poppet Shower who had kept at s d Martyns house about a week, That Sometime after he had occa sion to pay away s d Five Pound Bill with other money but it was refused he then making Inquirey of Several whither it was a Counter feit or not, & was told by some it was a good Bill & by others that it was a bad one, but after en devouring to put it of to one and another dis- coverd at last that it was a Counterfeit Bill, but that he had no mistrust of its being so when he receivd it of Webb. He Then sent to Salem to Webb to desire him to change s d . Bill, he sent him word not to be un easy that he would change it and s d . Martin Sent Several times after wards but he sent word he had not money to change, but desird he would be patient and he should loose nothing by it Said Martin fur ther Sais that soon after he had receivd the Bill from Webb, he heard 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.x.42]. 1 06 that Webb was apprehended and put in Goal on Suspition of being con- cernd in the counterfeit Bills, but he was soon after out of Goal on Bail and it was after this that he sent to said Webb to Change the Five Pound Bill Martin further declares that sometime after s d . Webb was out of Goal, he went to Salem to him to see if he would Change the Bill, he answered he had not TwentyShillings about him & then gave s d . Martin a Note of Hand for five Pounds Value receivd to be paid on Demand which note he has now by him and that M r . William Gott and David Glover was witness to said note The note was Signd and given at the House of the wid. Pratt in Salem, and after it was signd said Webb and Martyn went into another Room, and Webb told him he ought to deliver him the five Pound Bill which he pulled out of his Pocket and gave him, but told him withall he had not been Ingenious with him to keep him so long out of his money Said Webb answered, Since you have been so ingenious as not to endevour to hurt me Relating to this Bill, it shal be a Thousand Pounds in your way, Said Martyn further sais that while they were (alone) together in y e Room that he told Webb that by all the Circumstances that appeard he verily believ d s d . Webb was concern d in the making of those Counterfeit Bills; his answer was no matter, for that you shall be the better for your Generosity, but Say nothing to M r . Gott about it That Sometime after this He the said Martin was at Salem and met y e John Webb at the house of M r . Gillingham the Goal Keeper and askt him to pay him his promisary note, Webb said he had not so much money in the world, but desir d Martin to be patient, it should be no loss to him, & at the same time Said as he did also Sundry times afterwards that in a little time he should have money enough that would be very good both for himself and Said Martyn, and that if Martyn desir d it he should have a Thousand pounds of it, and he intimated to Said Martin that what he meant by good money was that It would be done so well off the Plates as that it would not be discovered, and that by the First of May he should be very full of Six & Eight penny Bills, he also gave said Martyn to understand that he had a Three Pound Plate of the Bills of this Province but that they had struck off but ten Bills of s d . Plate to prove them, and that they were so well done, that no one ever mistrusted them. The said Martyn further sais that he then ask d him where he got his Plates made he answered at Rhoad Island by the Ingraver who made the Government Plates and therefore they were very good and exact, but that they cost him deer viz. Fifty pounds a Plate, Said Webb further said that the Six & Eight penny plate would be ready in a fern 1 , this he told Martyn the Latter End of march last, and that he had rec d . Such advice from y e Ingraver at Rh d . Island by Letters, and He further added, that if the letters were broke open, there would have been no discovery for that the Letters were worded after this manner, that when Said Webb wrote up to know if the Plate was done it was in these Terms to know if them goods were sold he left with him & if they were to send the money or Send word when I can have the money, ana when the Ingraver wrote back, he was to write, If the plate was done then to say The goods were sold if they were not done then he was to write 107 the goods were not sold, but had a prospect of selling them by Such a Time Martyn further sais that about the 17 day of april last he went down to Daman s Cove on a fishing voiage and returned again about the 25 th of may following, and that Soon after his arrival he met y e said John Webb again at Gillinghams house in Salem and askt him if he had got none of the Six & eight penny Bills ready, he answered no, Martin Replyd how so you told me that would be ready by the first of may, he said the reason is there has been some stir Since you went, and Sanders who had kept out of the way had sent word to y e authority, that if they would admit him Kings Evidence, he would discover y e whole affair, which alarmed one Lewis Guaties of Salem, So that he went off to Cape Bietton and added that this Lewis was the man who Printed off the Bills and that he was an accute cleen hand at it, and was to have struck off the Six & Eight penny Bills, but his going off, put a Stop to that affair but that he Expected him every day home and that when he arrived everything would soon be got ready, S d Martin further declares that he saw Said Webb Sundry times afterwards and ask d him whither Lewis was arrived from Cape Bretton, he said no, but was daily ex pected. Martin then askt him if they could not be done without him, he Said no one could do them so clean & well but that he expected Him Every hour Martyn further Sais that Sometime in the month of August last, he was coming thro Beverly to go to Boston and that he met with John Webb & Robert Gray of Andover Taylor both a Horse Back Gray said to Martin that he and Webb were going to his house to discourse him about those matters, Martin askt him what matters, he answered on y e old Story you & Webb have Talkt of, you know what. Both Webb & Gray then Urged that Martyn should turn back with them as far as the Sign of y e Ark in Beverly he answered he must proceed to Boston, his Business was Urgent, Gray & Webb replyd that the main Chance ought to be minded as well as his particular affairs, and that therefore they ought to stop & Consult about them Martin then Said that if they would go back as far as y e Sign of the Sloop which was about a mile, he would Stop Some time with them, they then desired him to go there, and they would Soon follow him, which they did & came to him in about a quarter of an Hour when they came in they desired Martyn to step into another Room, accord ingly they went up into a Chamb r & were together about 4 of an Hour and for Some time nothing was said, each waiting for the other to Speak at last Martyn Said Gentlemen what is your Business because I am in a Hurry and what is to be done must be brief, Then Webb an- swerd, what need we be so Strange ! why may we not talk freely about the matters, and then ask t Martyn if he had a plate to Strike off Bills by him, for sais he, if you have, Gray can use it very well, Martyn an swered that he had none, nor knew of any, but told them he believed they had & that they were concerned in the Root of the matter, and that they could have what money they pleas d, and doubted not they could let him have what he wanted and desird them to be Ingenious with him, and to tel him whither he should have any or not, they 108 answerd but coldly, Webb & Gray then ask t Martyn to let them se what money he had about him, which he did, the whole not being more than four or five pounds, but none of it Counterfeit, to his knowledge, he y n desird of them to shew what Money y^ had, they then each pulled out a Cleen new Five pound Bill Rhoad Island, which said Martyn apprehended were Two Bills they were Concernd in the making of Webb said to Martyn Gray can show you something done acute & cleen. Grey then pulls out a piece of paper and throws down on the Table with four names wrote on it which he Took to be a pattern lor Signing the three Pound Bills of the old Tenour of this Province, and they askt how Martyn lik d the writing, he answerd it was very good writing Gray then told Martyn that if he would come up to Andover, he could help him upon which Webb took Martyn aside, and urged him not to have any thing to do with Gray, for altho Gray has all mat ters by him, yet I shall have such a Supply from him my Self as will be Enough for you or any one else After this we parted, & as Martyn was going Gray carryd him to his Horse and showd him a Bundle done up in his great Coat, which Gray said ivas Paper he had been to Boston for, and that it was for that Use and at Parting Martyn Promist Gray he would come to andover in four or five days & then Martyn proceeded on his Journey to Boston. Martyn further declares that in about a week afterwards he made a Journey to Andover and went to the House of Joseph Parker the Under Sherriff and discoursing with s d Parker about the affair of Bills, I asked him who had got the Plate he said he could not very well tell. Martyn then said, dont you think Gray has got them, he said he believed not, Then Martyn said, dont you think Fry has got them he said he believed not, Then said Martyn have you got them or do you know who has, he answerd I cant tel very well but you are going down to Gray s and there you will know. From Parkers after Dinner Martyn went to make a visit to Grey s but he was not at home, but in the Evening came home, Martin told him, he was come up ac cording to Promise and Askt him if he had got any thing ready, he then askt how much he wanted Martyn then said according to its goodness, if it was very good he did not care if he took 500 . Gray then said, if you will Stay til the morning, I will conclude with you on some Terms or other. Martyn said he must go home that night. Gray urged him to tarry all night which he did, and in the morning Martyn askt Grey if he should take any money what was the Terms, he answered I can have two thirds of the Value of them for as much as I will. Martyn said it is too much, then Gray said it should not be under half, Martyn then told him it would not Do at that lay He then said what if you Should take ioo first & se how that would do - - Martyn Answered, them terms would no wise do, but askt him to let him se the money, he said he had none by him but could have Sum at any time when he would, He further Said he would come down to Martins House in a few days and bring one hundred pounds with him, & Gray was to take Goods for his pay. but that he would have one halfe of the Value, but that i( any of the Bills were refused he would change them. S d . Martin s d . if he did come and the s d . Martin liked the Bills he would take them, 109 but s d . Gray never did come to him. afterwards nor did the s d . Martin re ceive any from Him. After this Grey and Martin went to M r . Parkers, & Parker and Gray went together into a Chamber, and were there about an hour but while they were together Martin heard Parker call to *:. man out of the Window to come up to them, and the Man went up to them Some time after Grey came down Stairs to Martin, and left the other Two together, Martin then ask d Grey whether he intended to come down to Chebacco and bring the money as he propos d, he answerd yes. Soon after Gray goes up Stairs and Parker comes down Martyn then dis courses Parker of what had past betwixt Gray & him about the 100 - - Martyn then asks Parker who was the man that printed off the money, he answerd you have seen him Martyn Said is it the man whom you cal d in & is up Stairs he answerd it was Parker y n s d Gray talked of Going next [ ] to Rhoad Island to Get a Couple of Plates and Parker further Said he was his Neighbour and Shew d Martyn the house where he liv d, he was a thick full fac d well sett man. and Martin understood Since his name was John Peters. Parker then said to Martyn, he could Purchase a 3 Plate, and in discourse he said, George Gray was under a 1000 Bond to M rs . Harrison of Marble- head to return her a 5- and a 5/ plate and that he the Said Parker had a Promise of them together with the 3. Rh d Island Plate when Gray had returnd the 5 & 5/. Plate. Parker And Martin then went together to the house of one Fry a Retailer and soon after George Gray came to them and while they were Sitting and discoursing together, a man came into the Room whom they cald M r . Fry, who Staid some time and afterwards went away, then Martyn proceeded on his Journey home and as Parker was at y e same time going to Salem they rode together about 5 miles and on y e way he told Martin, that that Fry who came into Fry the Retailers House while they were there was the man who signd the 5- Rhoad Island Bills, he further said that since he was going to Salem, he would go over to Marblehead and See if he could not get the ? Rhoad Island Plates and then they Parted Martyn further declares that Soon after this, he being at Andover went to the house of M r . Joseph Parker Early in the Morning, and in discourse askt if any of the Bills of the 3 plate was ready, because he had said there would be some of y m ready by that day, he answerd he had none, for y t he had not yet got y e Plate, and that he the said Parker begun to mistrust whither the woman Harrison had Such a Plate Soon after this, Martin saw the said Parker walking with the man whom Parker had before told him was the Printer of the Bills, and when Parker returnd to his own House, he gave a Jogg to Martyn to goe up Stairs with him & when they were in the Chamber Parker puld out of his Britches Pocket a Bundle of Papers which when opened was a number of Rhoad Island 5 Bills Stampt on Square peices of Paper not Signd but lookt fresh and the Edges not Cutt He told Martyn there was 100 of them and then threw y m into a lower Draw of A Chest of Drawers, Martyn said you are very careless of them, he answerd they should soon be taken care of. He then askt Parker if they could be signd that Day, he said they no could not be done so soon. Presently after when Parker was out of y e way, he Martyn went up Stairs Opened the Draw and took out y e same Paper of Bills and told them over, and found there zvas exactly the Sum of one Hundred Pounds unsignd as Parker had told him. he put them again into y* draw, and some time after Parker went up stairs and when he came down said he had got them and would go and get them Signd, and further added that the Evening before nothing of y m was done but y y zvere Printed off that night and the said Martyn further sais he saw no more of y m or receiv d any of them but took leave of him & went home to Chebacco. S d . Martyn further adds that quickly after this abt. Con cord Court last he was ag n at andover and arrivd there in y e Evening, and w r ent to M r . Parkers House, but he was not at home, but in an Hour or two after he came in and presently after George Gray. Martyn said to Parker how do you do but he took no notice of him. Y n S d . Parker took a Candle & went up Stairs with s d . Gray and was there some time, And came down & took Martyn into another Room and desired him to Stay there til Gray was Gone, for he did not desire he should know there was any concern betwixt him and the said Martyn and Parker had some time before told Said Martyn that altho Gray had the Command of the Plates, and had Employd John Peters to Strike y m off And had the disposall of the Bills, yet Parker Said he was so in with his Neighbour the Printer, that he could now and then get a Parcell from him unknown to Gray, and further adds that while he was in the Evening at Parkers House waiting for him one Jos: Fry came in to borrow three or four Candles, which was the Same man whom Parker told him was the Signer of the Bills, and Said Martyn apprehended the Candles were borrowed for that Use, and afterwards told Parker he tho t they were for y 1 use who answerd him you are right Enough Martyn says y f after Gray was gone, Parker told him that Gray said he had found out where the 3 Plate was & that M r . Gauties zvife had it in her Posses sion and that he Gray was going down next morning to fetch up both the woman & Plate to andover and that the Plate would be put in Use that night Early next morning by y e Dawning of the Day Sd. Mar tyn Lodging at Parkers, below arose and found Parker coming down Stairs who went out of doors & was gone some time & then returnd and went into the Barr with a Candle and lookt over a Bundle of Papers which he had in his hand, Martyn drawing near perceiv d they were Rhoad Island 5 Bills Signd Sais to Parker pray can I have 50 or 60 of said Bills Parker put him aside & with a low voice told him y* he could not- for y t there was a man in the House who had been there Several times for y m of whom he had bought a Yoke of oxen & must oblige him Martyn then proceeded on his Journey home to Chebacco and when they parted Parker told him he was to come along in a few days to Mackrell Cove to Serve a writt returnable to Newbury Court and that then he would call at his House with some of the 3 Rh d . Island Bills but the said Martin declares he has not seen him since Martyn further declares that John Webb of Salem told him if any one y t knew in of those Secretts and did discover y m he would kill him if he lost his life by it. Isaac Martin The foregoing declaration was Taken before us y e Subscribers y e 21 Sept. I739 Sam Sewall Samuel Adams Juss. Pacs. Dan Henchman Boston Sept r . 27. 1739 Isaac Martyn adds to what is before declared, That the first time that He was at andover after Gray had Invited him there, Going out with Parker with a Bridle in his hand in order to catch his Horse Parker told him he was going to Boston that afternoon Martyn askt for what? he said what business is that of yours, but on repeating the Question he told him twas to get paper Martyn answerd did not Gray bring Paper Enough y e other day, Parker said how came you to know any thing of that affair. Martyn answerd, when he Parted with Gray at Beverly he carryd him to his Horse and that he had been at Boston and had got Paper Enough and that Martyn felt of a Bundle on his horse and according to the best of his Judgment he tho t it to be paper as Gray had said. Parker then replyd there is none of it yet come to the Plate the next day he saw Parker and said to him he thought he had gone to Boston for the Paper, no said he I am not gone but have sent one for it, and have given a Three Pound Bill to Purchase it, and that he had Sent to one of y e best Stationers in Boston And therefore should have the best for that Use The above declaration was taken before us y e Subscribers y e day above Sam Sewall Dan Henchman Just ce Peace * 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.z.43]. 112 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON, NUMBER FOUR. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND THREE. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON, NUMBER FOUR. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES, A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND THREE. The Public Library of the City of Boston : Printing Department, October, 1903. CONTENTS. JEREMIAH SHEPARD. To the Church of Christ at Rowley, Dec. 2, 1674 117 DEED OF SALE. John Ayer to John Stevens, both of Salisbury, 1675, 1693 119 TAVERN LICENSE OF THOMAS DIAMANT ON ISLES OF SHOALS, 1684 (?) 120 "CONTEMPTUOUS AND BASE WORDS" AGAINST THE KING, DOVER, N. H., 1685 (?) 120 PRIVY COUNCIL, 1689. Action on Petition of John Usher, Treasurer and Receiver General of New England 121 BOSTON FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL, 1710 122 PETITION FOR RENEWAL OF TAVERN LICENSE, BOSTON, 1714 ( ?) 123 A BUSINESS CUSTOM IN BOSTON, 1719 124 HENRY NEWMAN. To Samuel Penhallow, Oct. 3, 1720 125 AN INDIAN AS PROPERTY. William Little to Samuel Tilley, Sept. 29, 1721 126 HAULING OF MASTS AND TIMBER, 1730-1731. Ellis Huske to Cornelius Waldo 127 IMPRESSMENT OF EDWARD MAYLEM, BOSTON, 1758. Deposition of Thomas Dawes 128 GEORGE WASHINGTON. To George William Fairfax, Sept. 29, 1763 130 ISAAC BACKUS. To Benjamin Wallin, Nov. 16, 1764 131 CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTERBURY, CONN., 1768 135 CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTERBURY, CONN. ( ?), 1768 135 HAYLEY AND HOPKINS, OF LONDON. To John Hancock, July 7, 1770 136 To Same, July 24, 1770 139 IX HARRISON AND ANSLY, OF LONDON. To John Hancock, Sept. 6, 1770 140 WILLIAM TURNER MILLER. Seven Letters to his Wife, from the Camp before Boston, 1775 HI WILLIAM BANT. Five Letters to John Hancock, Rehoboth and Boston, 1776, 1777 147 "RAISING" OF BILLS OF CREDIT, 1776. Confessions of James Roby 153 HENRY KNOX. To Henry Jackson, Aug. 20, 1777 155 NATHANIEL APPLETON. To - - Lovell, April 28, 1778 157 WILLIAM DONNISON. To D wight Foster, July 20, 1779 158 BOUNTIES TO SOLDIERS AND DEPRECIATION OF THE CONTINEN TAL CURRENCY, 1780 159 SAMUEL COLEMAN. To Dwight Foster, March 19, 1780 161 OLIVER WOLCOTT. To Topping Reeve, Jan. 16, 1781 163 RICHARD HENRY LEE. To Arthur Lee, May 13, 1781 164 ABIEL FOSTER. To M. Weare, Oct. 23, 1783 165 JOSHUA BARNEY. To Robert Lewis, Aug. 9, 1789 166 HENRY BATES. To Ephraim Prescott & Co., Aug. 20, 1795 167 ANDREW JACKSON. To , Feb. 24, 1797 168 From his Wife, April 5, 1813 170 ROBERT MORRIS. To John Nicholson, April 22, 1799 171 JOHN LANGDON. To Joseph W hippie, March 9, 1800 172 JEREMIAH SHEPARD. Letter of the Rev. Jeremiah She par d to the Church of Christ at Rowley, 1674. December 2. 1674 To y e Church of christ at Rowly Beloved friends. It is now two years since I was solicited by the reverend M r Philips (he being an Agent as he informed me) In your names and behalf to Assist himselfe In communicating gods message to this Ch. and towne. I was really sensible of my Incapacity for soe high and divine a calling, and theirfore upon mature deliberation I was utterly averse from enter taining such a motion but the Reverend M r Phillips (who being allto- gether unsensible of my unfittness for soe difficult an undertaking) Im- portund me once and againe both by word of mouth and writing to afford him Aid and Assistance, modestly pleading his own Inability to maniage soe great a work : and though he might have Applyed himself to many others who were more suitably qualifyed to Answere his expectations, yet he was pleased to expresse a more earnest desire to close with my self then Any other; whose love & Affection I did gratefully Acknowledg; And with-all y e R d M r Phillips Acquainted me with the unanimity of your selves In giving me a call declaring how desireous you were to Accom plish your Aimes herein, which Importunity of yours I coold Imagine to be nothing Else but a Zeale without knowledge, I feared that your affection for my self did transcend your reason, you having by good experience found the benefit of my brothers labours, I Imagined that thatt might enduce you to expect the like benif [it] and blessing from my self, or at least somewhatt Answerable theirto, but being conscious of my Incapacity to Answere soe high expectations, and alsoe fearing that which I now feel and find here, vid. that your selves being frustrated of your too too high expectations this woold be a meanes to diminish that pretend [ed] love, and overflowing Zeale and affection, and by this meanes I shoold be de prived of a lively hood elsewhere, and soe left In a worse Condition then you found me In : But yet Imploring direction from the wise orderer and disposer of all events, my heart was enclined to dedicate my self to his service among yourselves, sundry rationall considerations theirto me moving, tho I had an Invitation at the same time to another place whose 117 promises for outward Accommodations were higher than my deserts, soe that I came heither no wayes to enrich my self but to be Instrumentall under god to promote his glory, and your edification and salvation, and my own eternall comfort and glad Account at thatt great daye. Having lived and laboured thus long amonghst you dissatisfaction by particular members hath soe far manifested It self as to the blasting of credit and blunting the edge of my ministry and preventing my desire In enjoying god In all his ordinances amonghst you. I coold not but take notice of gods humbling providence therein, their fore my humble request is (that, as I have been allwaies ready to manifest my love and service upon all occasions) soe there may be such a retaliation of love as to grant me leave to vindicate my Innocency wheir I am wronged, and to give glory to god by Acknowledgment wheirin I have transgressed, that if their be any thing that is a real Scandall, and ground of offence, I might have cogni zance theirof that there might be amendment for the future ; that soe as I came to you In love soe I might be lovingly dismissed from you ; I am not Ignorant that their be many false and scandalous reports Hatched in the brests of unkind Neighbours, wheirby Satan woold make me utterly uncapable of serving god In my generation, but being fully perswaded of my Innocency, especially with respect to any known breaches of Rule, I can the more confidently stand up In the vindication of my self against all unjust Accusations ; I desire with paul soe to exercise my self as to have a conscience void of offence towards god and towards man, and if offences are unjustly taken up by men I shall make it my study to please god Instead of men. I desire to presse after truth and peace ; that the Answers of those prayers that have been poured out for a good success upon my weak endeavours may redound to the rejoycing of all our soules In the day of the lord is my earnest request ; the lord of truth and peace, who is love It self, reduce us all to truth and peace, and love, and maintain the Integ rity of those who are yet stedfast, and keep us all guiltlesse of the scandalls and divisions of this Age, that we may enjoy the comfort of Unity and Amity as on earth, soe more perfectly In heaven, soe I hartily pray who am an unfeigned desirer of the promoting of your faith obedience and salvation. Jeremiah Shepard. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.A.2]. DEED OF SALE BY JOHN AVER TO JOHN STEVENS, BOTH OF SALISBURY. These presents wittness that I John Ayre of the Towne of Salisbury in New-England, planter have sold unto John Stevens of the same Town, planter, my new dwelling house : & house lott, containing by estimation Four Acres more or less, lying betweene the house lotts of the above sayd John Stevens & Danniell Ladd : more over, i have sold unto the said John Stevens all my right & interest of comonage w th in the bounds of the above sayd towne of Salisbury : all the above sayd premises convey to him & his heirs forever. Wittness my hand this : John Ayer Wittness Thomas Whittier. I Thomas Bradbury did wright the above bill of sale as wittness my name Tho. Bradbury. Entered & recorded in the county Records of Norfolk (lib r y e Pa : 15 :) ye io th of June 1675, as attest Tho Bradbury. The deposition of Thomas Whittier aged abought 73 years, who sayth, he being at the hous of John Ayer of Salsbury, said Ayer sold John Stevens, same standing between thayr two houson, caled me to them and Ayer totilcl me he had sould his hous and hous lot, and all his common- rights tharunto belonging in Salisbury to John Stevens, and desired me to set hand as a witnes to this instrument which I did and I saw John Ayer sign and deliver it to John Stevens as his act and deed and do know it to bee my own hand writing which is there Reten and this was 46 years ago or upward. Thomas Whittier Sr made oath that w* is above written is y e truth, taken June 16, 1693 before me Nath : Saltonstall, Justice of Peace. 119 TAVERN LICENSE OF THOMAS DIAMANT ON THE ISLES OF SHOALS, l68 4 (?) New Hampshire Memorandum, That the 15 th Day of September in y e 35 th year of the Raign of our Sover Lord Charles the Second &c. came before me Edward Cranfield Esq r His Ma ts Lieuten*. Governour & Commander in Chief of this His sd. Province, Thomas Diamant of the South half of the Isles of Sholes, And acknowledeged by way of Recognizance to ow & be indebted to y e same our Sover Lord the King y e sum of Ten pounds of lawful mony of New England upon y e condition following viz : That he the sd Thomas Diamant shall well behave himself in the Tavern to which he is licensed by a writing under my hand & seal bearing even date herewith; Without suffering unlawful games or meetings or other disorders, & without selling any strong liquour to any Indian what soever ; & that he shall put in every barrell he shall brew two bushels of good malt; during the sd License, Which sd Ten pounds he is content shall be levied on his lands tenements goods chattels, if he shall happen to make default in the premisses. Edw. Cranfield 1 "CONTEMPTUOUS AND BASE WORDS" AGAINST THE KING, IN DOVER, NEW HAMPSHIRE, l685(?). New Hampshire Memorandm That the Fifteenth day of September in y e 36 th year of the Reign of our Sover Lord Charles y e Second King of England &c. came before us Walter Barefoote, Richard Chamberlain, & James Sherlock Esq s . His Ma ts Justices of Peace for y e sd Province, John Roberts of Dover in y e sd Province yeoman ; And acknowledged to ow & be indebted to our sd Sovereign Lord y e King His heirs successors y e sum of Five hundred 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.u.g]. 1 2O pound of lawful money of New England, upon condicon That he y e sd John Roberts shall make his personal appearance at y e next Quart 1 " Ses sions of the Peace for y e sd Prov ce & to answer for his contemptuous & base words, in saying, That if he had Maior Waldrons Warrant, he would imprison y e King, & such other matters of Misdemeanour as shall be obiected against him on His Ma ts behalf, And not depart without leave of y e Court : And in y e mean time to be of the Good behaviour toward His &, all His Subiects. Walter Barefoote just-P. R. Chamberlain Just P. James : Sherlock Just : P. 1 ACTION OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL ON THE, PETITION OF JOHN USHER, TREASURER AND RECEIVER GENER AL OF NEW ENGLAND, 1689. Att the Court att Hampton Court the 26 th of September 1689. By the Kings most Excellent Ma^ : & the Lords of His Ma ts : most hon ble : Privy Councill. Vpon reading this day at the Board the Petition of John Vsher, setting forth. That the Pet r : being Treasurer & Receiver Generall of His Ma ts : Revenue in New-England, severall Persons there in a tumultuous manner (after having seized & imprisoned the Governour, & many of such as acted by Comission under him) have taken the Governm t : into their own hands, Called the Pet r . to account for all the money received & dispursed by him by vertue of his Commission, that the Pet r . not thinking their Authority Legall is come to render an account of the said Revenue to the Lords Comm rs . of his Ma ts : Treasury : and that since his arrival he is informed by Letters from New England, that severall persons who have debts Due to them from the Publick Revenue have Comenced suits against the Pet r . Whereupon the Courts of Judicature Errected by the pretended Magistrates of Boston have given Judgem 1 : against him, & that he dayly expects to hear that Execution has been issued against his Estate, & that others have also comenced severall suits against the Pet r : upon the same 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.ii]. 121 Pretence whereby his Estate will be Lyable to above three thousand pounds debts, which were Contracted by the Government in defence of the Coun try against the Indians, & French, and wherein the Pet r : was not any wayes concerned; By which Proceedings his Estate during his absence may be torne in peices, & he at the same time accomptable to his Ma ty : for all money received by him, without regard to the unwarrantable Proceed ings of the Present Authority in New England, And therefore praying that his Ma ty . would be pleased to give Orders that he may not be molested in his Estate or Person, for any such Debts contracted upon the publick account or for moneys received or paid by him in the Execution of his office for which he stands accountable to his Ma ty ; in his Exchequer, he being ready to abide his Ma ts . Determination therein, and give Security for the Ballance of His Accounts ; His Ma ty : in Councill was pleased to order, and it is hereby ordered accordingly, that the said John Vsher be not molested or troubled in his Person or Estate upon the account of his Being Treasurer and Receiver Generall of his Ma ts : Revenue in New England untill his Ma ts : Pleasure be further knowne, Whereof the Magis trates at Boston in New England and all others there whom it may any wayes concerne are to take notice and yield due obedience to this his Ma ts . Royall Will & Pleasure. Cha: Montague. 1 BOSTON FREE GRAMMAR SCHOOL, iyiO. Boston, 9 March, 1709/10. In pursuance of a Vote of the Town of Boston, Appointing Us a Com mittee to Consider of the Affairs relating to the Free Grammar Schoole in the said Town. We have discoursed with M r . Williams the present master, of whose Qualifications and fitness for that Imploiment, we take for granted, everybody must be abundantly satisfied. He Expresses a good Inclination to the Worke, and his Resolution intirely to Devote himselfe thereto, If the town please to Encourage his continuance therein, by allowing him a competent Salary, that he may support his Family, and Granting him an Assistant. He is very sensible of the Advantage of the Assistance lately afforded him, both with respect to his Health, and also as to the schollars. We are of Opinion the Worke of that Schoole do s, necessarily re quire the Attendance of a Master and an Usher, and it seem s Impracticable for one person alone, well to oversee the manners of so great a number of Schollars (oft times more than a hundred) To hear their daily exer- 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.isJ. 122 cises, and Instruct them to that degree of profiting, which otherwise may be with an Assistant. We Recommend it to the Town to Encourage M r . Williams s Con tinuance in the Schoole, by Advancing his Salary to the Sum of one Hun dred pounds cj)9 annum, which we thinke to be a Modest Demand, and to Grant him the Assistance of an Usher, at the Towns charge. In which we have the concurrent Opinion and Advice of y e Rev d . Ministers. We further Propose and Recommend, as of great Service and Advan tage for the promoting of Diligence and good Literature, That the Town, agreeably to the Usage in England, and (as we understand) in some time past practised here, Do Nominate and Appoint a certain number of Gentle men, of Liberal Education, Together with some of the Rev d . Ministers of the Town, to be Inspectors of the said Schoole, under that Name, Title or Denomination, To Visit the Schoole from time to time, when and as oft as they shall thinke fit, To Imforme themselves of the Methods used in Teaching of the Schollars, and to Inquire of their proficiency, and be present at the performance of some of their Exercises, the master being before notified of their coming; and with him to consult and advise of further Methods for the Advancement of Learning and the good Govern ment of the Schoole. And at their said Visitation, One of the Ministers, by turn s, to pray with the Schollars, and Entertain em with some Instructions of Piety, specially adapted to their age and Education. The Inspectors also, with the Master, to Introduce an Usher, upon such Salary as the Town shall agree to Grant for his Service. All which is Submitted to Consideration. By the Unanimous consent of the committe and in their behalfe signed by Wait Winthrop. PETITION FOR THE RENEWAL OF A TAVERN LICENSE, I7I4(?). To the Worshipfull her Ma** Justices of the Peace for the County of Suffolk and the Selectmen of the Town of Boston. The Humble Petition of John Wallis Vintner and Henry Whitton Wine Cooper both of Boston SHEWETH That Whereas your Petitioner John Wallis Somtime Since Arrived here from London was Favoured with a Licence to keep a 123 house of Common Entertainment in Boston aforesaid, but Some disorders hapning in his house his Licence is laid aside. Now thus it is your Pet rs : Served an Apprenticeship of Seven years to a Vintner in London of which Comp a he is made free & he has no other way for a livelyhood ; Who has also been at very great Expence for hous- hold goods & all other Necessarys for the Carrying on his Trade & busi ness here. And having an Aged Mother who is unable to help her Selfe in the least her whole dependence being upon him for a Support The Denying of which Licence (in the present Circumstances he is under) will inevitably bring Ruine & Misery upon him For what disorders have been your Pet rs : cannot in any manner Justify but are really Sensible of the Evil and in Conveniencys there of And for the Future Resolve with all Strictness to Observe the good and wholsome Laws and Orders of this Province & Town Especially those relating to Publick houses Your Petitioners Humbly pray the premisses being Duly Considered that they may have Licence granted them to keep a house of Common Entertainment as heretofore. And yo r Petitioners as in Duty bound Shall ever pray &c a . John Wallis. * A BUSINESS CUSTOM IN BOSTON, 1719. Boston November 4 th 1719 The Subscribers - - do each for themselves Severally declare that they are Well Acquainted with the Method and Order of Book-keeping & the usage & Custom of Merch ts . & y t in Such Cases where two Shop keepers buy Goods of a Merchant (he knowing them to be Seperate Shopkeepers & Traders) the Custom & usage is not to Charge y m jointly but each person with his or her Proportion, unless they are told by the Creditor y* he expects y m to Stand Security for each Other ; and 1 Henry Whitten was admitted by the Selectmen as an inhabitant of Bos ton, July 21, 1712, and John Wallrs, one year later, July 14, 1713. On the same day the Selectmen s Records show that "Robert Rudgate and John Wallise in partnership are allowed by the Selectmen as an Inholder at Some convenient House where the Selectmen Shall approve" About a year later, July 26, 1714, the Records contain this entry: "The Reasons given by the Sel. men of their Objections agt the Renewall of Robert Rudgate and John Wallises Lycence, the S d Rudgates being gon, and the S d Wallis his not keeping good Rule and order, and not being Sutably provided as the Law directs." There is no record of the renewal of Wallis s licence and Henry Whitten s name is never asso ciated with that of Wallis. The date of the petition is thus determined to be 1714. 124 always where the Entries are made in the Creditors books Jointly or in Comp a . there the Receipts for Payments given should mention For Goods sold in Comp a . Otherwise such Receipts will Imply they are made Debtors separately and are sufficient Grounds for the Debtors to conclude they are Charged Seperately in the Merch ts . Books. And the Depon ts . farther Say, y 1 is not usual in such Cases to read the Entries to the buyers out of the book at the Time of Sale; But the usual Method is to write out the bill of parcell and Send it home with the Goods that So the buyers may Compare & See that the Goods agree therewith. and as to bills of Parcell in Such Cases nothing is more Common than to make them out sold such & such Jointly & yet make each Person Debt 1 ". For his or her particular part thereof in the Books & farther these Depon ts . Say not. William Clark The Substance of what is above written is y e Usual practise among Merch ts . and Shopkeepers here. Wm. Welsteed James Leblond W m . Harris Peter Luce Henry Guionneau W m . Clark Thomas Wroe David Jeffries W m . Franklyn Philip Burger Oliver Noyes Jacob Wendell Theo Lillie Stephen Minot Jun r . Samuel Keeling Jn Wheelwright John Colman John Ellis Sam 1 . Sewall * Philip Hodman Richard Bill HENRY NEWMAN. Henry Newman to Samuel Penhalloiv. Middle Temple London 3 d . Octob r . 1720 Sir I receiv d the Letter of Instructions of the 22 d of July last sign d by your self M r Jaffrey, M r . Peirce, & M r Sherbury as a Committee of the General Assembly of N. Hampshire, and have wrote to His Excell cy and Col. Went worth what I have done thereon which I doubt not but they will acquaint you with, and I shall conform my self to the Directions therein as to other matters recomended to me with all the fidelity & skill I am capable of. As to the 100 1. which you inform me is voted by the Governm*. as an Earnest of their respect to me on this occasion, pray make my thankfull 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.n8]. 125 acknowledgem ts . to the Assembly for it, and be pleas d to let 10 1. of it be apply d in the following manner viz. 6 1. as Col. Wentworth & the Com- itee shall agree in wishing Prosperity to the Province not forgetting our most Gracious Sovereign & Gov r . Shute : And the other 4 1. to M r Wal- dron as a gratuity for his trouble in passing my Comission, but if that be short of the Fees usual in such Cases pray advance what you think fit, it shall be thankfully allow d. The remainder I have no Prospect at present of drawing for, but shall be obliged to you if you can get a Bill on as good Terms as you can by the first opportunity, for I find it as difficult to meet with People here that are willing to take up Money in N. Engl d . upon Exchange as it can be there. Pray assure the Comittee of both Houses of my most humble respect, and be assur d that I am Sir Yo r most humble Servant Henry Newman x AN INDIAN AS PROPERTY, I 72 I. William Little to Samuel Tilley. N. Carolina Sep*. 29 th . 1721 S r . Your lett r . 14 th . April last which you wrote to Gov r . Eden by order of the Super 1 ". Court he rec. and answ d . but desir d . me to Inform my Self in the matter & give a fuller Answer ;Col : Moor lives in Bath Town and when I was there last Winter I heard severall people talk of the Indian you wrote of and they all condem d . Coll . Moor in the affair & by what I rember & then heard even if the Indian had been made a slave att So. Carolina of which I am able to say nothing yet M r . Stone that Coll . Moor had him of had no right to him but by an unfair practice the Indian also having then a master in the Country who he told Sev 11 . people ho was Coming to viz M r . Will m . Badham a merch*. here but was kidnap*, as I may Call it by them from whom he escap d . to N : Engl d . 1 have been going into that County all this Sum r . but hitherto diverted where I w d . have Inform d . my Self particularly in the Affair which when I was there y e matt r . not Concern^, me And y e Indian got Clear I did not so fully Charge my memory with it as to pretend to give an Exact Ace*, of the matter & your Court draw g . near I would not Omitt Writing someth*. to you on y e affair & I do the readier to take An op portunity of recomending M r . Badhams Case to the Consideration of the Court which I begg you d . in a proper manner Show them M r . Badham paid a Sum in Boston for this Indian to redeem him out of 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.27]. 126 Goal which he was to Serve out as you l see by y e lustrum*. M r . Allin will produce nor will y e Indian deny it Accordingly he Came in his Service but in a Short Time was taken by y e Pirates & Carry d . to S. Carolina & when he Came back he would have come to M r . Badham to have serv d . his time out but Cap*. Stone & Coll . Moor pretend d . to make a slave of him & if he be freed as in Justice he ought & I doubt not but he will it will be but Justice & reason ble . he sh d . repay M r . Badham & if the Judges mov3 him to it I believe he will which will prev 1 . further Charge & trouble on him I am S r . y r . humble Serv*. W m . Little. Addressed to "M r . Samuel Tilley, Clerk of y e Supe r . Court, Boston. Reed March 7 1721 of M r . Allen" 1 HAULING OF MASTS AND TIMBER, 1730-31, Ellis Huske to Cornelius Waldo. Portsm : Feb r y: 8. 1730/1 M r : Cornel 8 : Waldo. S r : This ins 4 : rec d : y rs . Thursday last I came down from the Mast- country where the Success is as follows. Maj r . Gerrish has 28 trees hawl d to the Water side. 20 of em are small Masts under 29 in c . diam tr : 8 Bowsprits 2 of w ch : about 32 in c . Diamt r : y e rest small ones from 26 in c . downards : M r . Chestley has to the water side 5 Masts from 29 to 33 in c : diam tr : & 2 large Masts hawl d 1/2 way so that they can be sumer hawl d one of 36 y e other of 34 in c : diam tr : these are w* : I ve seen, w ch promise to be sound, the sudden thaugh I me afraid will, put a stop to their winter bawling for this Season, especially for the great trees so that you needn t be under a very great concern for the extra prize they ve a hard Bargain I perceive in bawling y m 18 miles 5 of w ch . a new way to each large tree he has a sufficiency of oxen men &c a . & had the Season contin d 10 days longer in all probability there w d ve been gott out 3 : 37in c . Mast. I purpose to see Maj r . Gerrish in a day or two & shall Know w 1 supplys s wanting I can furnish him w th : any thing but money, I do Ashure I shod be glad I could comply w th . y r Request but haven t taken but 307 since I leavt you last, so I ll leave you to Judge y e Scarceity of money in these parts alltho. I ve Sold 600 of goods. I ve supply d M r . 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.22J. 127 Chestly w th . Rum & Molasses value 51. .9.9 & Slade 100 in Rum &c a . & wants daily for his Timber chop 8 . There s hawl d down to y e River side 300 tons of Oak timb r ready convert d & plank sufficient likewise, (w ch : I think without fault), tis M r . Slades opinion that s much better to ship off this ; y n that w ch is all- ready down (it being far better.) M r . Hope s ship is not lanch d; as we daily expect the Rivers to open shall be ready to supply y m faster y n they can load, it wou d be considerably for y r interest to put this Clause in y r . agreement for his ships Comp a . to fetch y e timb r down from y e Landing place w ch : they are to take in it s what s been y e practice in this River, there ll be wanting shortly 3 Coils of 2-1/2 in c . Raft rope twice Laid, for y e Timber. The weather lately having been severe there s but little done further to y e ships y n w" I wrote you last. I note w* you say in Respect to Tafferill & Lyon. I remark likewise y e Hint you give me about Masts being gott so Easy to y e Southr d & Colin 1 . Westbrooks success, I hope t will prove so. You forgott y e Tabby <($ post w ch is on a speciall occasion else shou dn t be so Streneous. There ll be timber enough ready to Load anoth r ship of 60 or 70 Tons (or thereabouts) w ch : offers if you approve of it will strike on the same terms as you ve done w th : M r . Hope. Collnl D bn making his Exit incog is no surprize I hope s for good & all. w ch : would be a generall good to the Country. I ll acquaint Cap 1 . Bowen of w 1 you desire. I am S r . Y r : Humb e . Serv*. to Coiriand Ellis Huske P. S. M r . Labloom talks of Setting out for Boston Wednesday next. Cap*. Wippill is arrived from Barbadoes. Y rs . ut Supr a . E. H. 1 IMPRESSMENT OF EDWARD MAYLEM, 1758. Deposition of Thomas Dawes of Boston. I Thomas Dawes of Boston of full Age Do Certify, that on Tuesday morning the 2i st : Instant, Information was Given me that Edward May- lem that has liv d . with me for some years, was with the Hallifax Officers att M r . Ridgways House in Royal Exchange Lane & that the S d : Edward Desir d . Me to go to him which I did, and Ask d , him how he came there, to which he Answer d , that after School was done the Evening before, he was going down Royal Exchange Lane to see the Usher of the School who was 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E. 11.37]. 128 Indispos d , & that att M r . Stones Corner he see two or three men a Jangling one of them he knew, who was very glad to see him, and would have him go with him to M r . Ridgways to drink part of a Bowl of punch for Old Acquaintance Sake, which Maylem refus d , saying he had no Occasion of drinking, But his Old Acquaintance And w : White Insisted so much that he went in to M r . Ridgways ; one of the men says Maylem was dress d , in Blew who I Imagine d , was an Inhabitant, & did not suspect him to be a Soldier till some Time after. I think says Maylem that I drank twice and then got up to come home it being about 10 OClock, But after I got out of M r . Ridgways h s . Andrew Ventrum said I should go to his house, and drink part of a Bowl of punch with him, which I denied, & said I would not, but he Insisted I should & said I should not go home till I had been to his house, all this Time I never suspected the afores d . And w Ventrum to be a Soldier, not knowing what to do, through fear & with the Solicitations of And w . White, I went to a room in a house about the middle of Fitch 5 , Alley, where their was a woman that And w . Ventrum Call d , his wife, & And w , White, & another, where they made a consider able Quantity of punch & other drink, which I Imagine was to get me drunk, tho they mist it much. But after some Time And w . Ventrum took me by the Sleeve of my Coat, & Laid hold of my hand with one of his hands, & with his other hand, put a pistereen in to the hand he then held, & told me I was Inlisted a Soldier in his Majesties Regiment, to which I answer d . that I would Lay down, & have my head Cut of, or be Cut in two before I would Be a Soldier, and desir d him to take the money again, which he refus d . I had not the money in my hand more than half a min ute, and Imrnediatly told him I was no Soldier, neither would I Be one, and threw the pistareen away, Immediatly upon And w . Ventrum taking his hand from mine, and was a Comming home. But he said I should not come home, then I told him to Lett me see his Captain, to know of him what way he had to Inlist men, and after some time the Captain Came & told me I must stay all night with his men, & in the morning he would see about it, then the Captain ask d , me wether I was willing to go a Soldier, I answer d , no, & told him I would give him Ten pound if he would Lett me go home, for that I had an aged mother that I did a great Deal for every week, & could not go on any Account, then the Captain told me he would Release me, if I would Gett another man. I told the Captain I was not fairly Inlisted, and turn d , my Self to And w : Ventrum the person who put the money in my hand, & said you know it is not Treating one fairly, & that I never took the money, to which he Answer d never a word. But after the Captain was Gone the Afores d . And w . Ventrum threatned to Cane me, & would Carry me out of Town, Immediatly if I was not Easy, and Directly remov d , me to M r . Ridgways house, were he Detain d , me all night till now. about 7 O Clock next morn^. after the Deponent had taken advice, I went to the Captains Lodgings, where I was Treated by the Captain in a very Civil genteel manner, the Captain Desir d , I would sit down, and told me he suppos d , I came about Maylem, I told Him that was my Business with him, why says the Captain the poor fellow Look d , Develishly scar d , Last night when I see him. I thought he was some 129 harmless fellow, & such like Conversation, and then the Captain told his Servant to go and Call the Serg 1 . to him, and after the Servant was Gone to Call the Sergeant, the Captain said he must go to Breakfast to M r . Wetherheads, so the Captain And my self Came out of M r . Wheitleys house were he Lodg d , togeather and when we Got some way up the street the Sergeant was Coming down to meet the Captain, then the Captain in my hearing told the Sergeant to dismiss Maylem, and then the Captain Turn d . to me & told me he had told his Sergeant to dismiss Edw d Maylem, and I Return d , the Captain many thanks for his kindness, And he went to M r . Wetherheads and I with the Sergeant to M r . Ridgways house, when the s d . Sergeant told Maylem he was Dismiss d , as I did after him, then I took a Dollar out of my pockett and gave the Sergeant to drink, upon which the Sergeant said it would not do he must have smart Money, I ask d , him how much that was, he s d Sergeant Replied & said a Guinea a Crown, & Expences, I took 5 or 6 Dollars out of my pockett and put them on the Table, & the Sergeant said that was not Enough, I replied & said I would give no more to which some of the Soldiers said you fool take it, But the Sergt. did not seem dispos d , to take it, I put the money in my pockett, and told Maylem he was Dismis d , & he might go to work, Maylem went home to my house, and to work every day as Usual, and Every Night to School, and as the Captain never s d any thing to me about any Smart money I Imagin d , the Soldiers was minded to Extort money from me in a wrong & Unjust way, But as to my taking Maylem By the Sholder, and Shoving him out of Doors or doing or Saying, any thing that Tended, to what the Soldiers Call Rescuing Maylem out of their hands, I Absolutely Deny & say it is false. Thomas Dawes. Suffolk ss: Boston Feb a 28 th 1758 Personally appeared & on Oath declared that the within declaration was true. Before W m Stoddard Just : pac. 1 GEORGE WASHINGTON. George Washington to George William Fairfax. Thursday Morning 29 th Sept r 1763 Dear Sir, We are very sorry for M rs . Fairfax s indisposition, and hope it is slight and will soon be removed. M rs . Washington untill the arrival of your messenger, was in hopes of seeing M rs . Fairfax this morning, altho h . 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.74]. 130 it woud have been out of her power to have accompanied her in the intended visit ; for she also was siezed with a severe Ague about noon yesterday and has not got clear of the Fever yet and again my Sister Austin and her two eldest daughters came late in the Evening. If you have had time to examine our Mississipi Scheme, and have come to any resolutions in consequence, I shoud be glad to know them, for I was desired (in case you Inclined to be an adventurer) to get you to sign the articles and transmit an Account thereof to the next meeting of the Committee which happens now about, the better to know when our number is compleated. You will be so good also as to propose this mat ter to Doct r Cockburne if you conceive it will meet his approbation. Otherwise it will be unnecessary. My Sister presents her Compliments, and gives M rs Fairfax joy of her safe return to Virginia and M rs Wash ington joins in Complim ts to both Families as doth D r Sir Y r Most Obed*. Serv* G. Washington 1 ISAAC BACKUS. Isaac Backus to Benjamin Wallin. Rev d . and Beloved, Your obligeing & very welcome epistle of the 6 th of April last, with the parcel directed to me, I recieved y e 8 th instant : and I most chear- fully improve this oppertunity that presents to express my gratitude & obligations to you for your Kindness to such an unworthy tho hearty friend. I had concluded that my Letter did not reach you, and expected never to hear of it more, but Gods time is always the best. Your faviour comes in a time when I am furnished with a variety of the best pieces of intelligence that one mortal can communicate to another in this world : I mean of y e advancem*. of the Redeemer s Kingdom and the conquests of his grace in various places of late. Indeed so noble a Subject requires an abler hand to set it forth ; but according to what ability is given to me I will inform you of some of Gods wonderful Works to the children of men in these ends of the Earth : and tho my narratives must be short, yet I shall pay the most conscientious regard to the truth of facts knowing that I must not talk deceitfully even for God. Had I time and room it would give you a juster idea of the late wonderful displays of divine grace to make a few remarks upon the former state of the Countery. New-England I suppose you know consists of four governments, (formerly of Seven) 3 of them viz. the provinces of Massa- From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.746]. chusetts-Bay and New-Hampshire, and y e Colony of Connecticutt were planted principally by Christians of the Congregational persuasion, & many of them were eminent for religion in its life and power; yet they had their mistakes, among which this may be reckned, a great one namely that they were not content with establishing their religion by the civil law, and taxing the inhabitants in general to Support it. But they also under took to keep out errours by the civil Power, and therefore many that appear d . to be of different Sentiments from themselves were disciplin d . by their Courts & at last banished, which gave birth to Rhode Island colony where many Baptists, Quakers & others repair d . & obtain d . a Charter from home. Such treatment you may easily imagine laid the foundation for stronger Bars between them than the Colony lines, and which have been handed down to posterity even to this day. And as there were two Schools or Colleges errected one at Cambridge & the other at New Haven to edu cate persons for the ministry so by degrees it got to be a receiv d . point in general with the pedobaptists that none might be admitted into the ministry but such as were educated there, while all [of] them in general might be if they wou d . and as many people were compelK to Support such ministers conterary to their minds : it caused strong prejudices in the minds of great numbers of the conterary party against learning and ministers Support, so that a great part of the Baptists ministers that have been in y e Countery have had but little either of learning, or Support from the people. The consequences of human learning s being set up as the principle thing in a minister, on the one hand, or of being prejudiced against it on y e other, you may well think have been very melancholy. Indeed we were reduced to such a state that our Lord s charge against the church of Sar- dis Rev. 3. was eminently true of New-England in general. In such an awful state we lay, when He whose tho ts and ways are not like ours, in stead of destroying us with his vengeance, appeared in the latter part of the year 1740 in a marvelous manner to pouer out of his Spirit for the conviction & conversion of great numbers, & the Work prevail d . in a glo rious manner thro the following year in various parts of the Land. But the instruments that were used therein being near all of them paedobaptists, against whom y e Baptists had such a dislike, most of y e latter were very much bar d . against the Work. Further it may be observ d . that a number of ministers of the common denomination were much used in that work while many others of them bitterly opposed it and call d . it a delusion : The work also was greatly promoted by private meetings for prayer exortation &c. And in process of time some gifted Bretherin were mov d to teach and expound y e Scriptures frequently to the Satisfaction of many but this was soon called an intrudeing into the ministerial office : and the former sentiments being held that none should be rec d . into the ministry but such as were educated for that purpose, the ministers in general both those that had faviour d . & those who had opposed that blessed revival of religion united their power and endevoured to stop all such proceedings, which caused many struggles & contentions among us, which issued in a 132 Separation of many from the established ministers & churches : to reclaim which the civil authority exerted themselves considerably but this only made the breach the wider, and it would weary your patience to hear of the many effects which these things produced. Many said that the state of religion was worse among us than before the revival. Well in the year 1749 the pure doctrines of grace in the power of them gaind considerable ground in Several places in Rhode Island colony, where ignorance and irreligion had terribly prevail d . About the same time the doctrine of believers baptism got footing in several of our seperate Con gregations in the other governments, among which ours was one : tho the hot disputes that ensued seem d . as if they wo d . have eat out all the life of religion. And to add to our other calamities a number of persons appear d in some places as zealous advocates for that doctrine who evidently were corrupt in many things, and assum d . the power without any ordination to baptize some number, and some of them got so far as to declare in express terms that they were perfect and immortal whose folly has since been mani fested to all men. From these hints you may form some conceptions of the mountains of difficulty that God s people seem d . to be encompassed with on every side ; and we might well say By whom shall Jacob arise for he is small ? Yet he who makes the mountains to flow down at his preference has of late appear d . indeed to work like himself Things have been gaining among us for this seven years and 2 or 3 years ago there were several remarkable seasons of conviction & conversion work in sundery places, and so at times since ; and it seems like Ezekiels waters to rise higher and higher. I have had many direct accounts of a revival which begain at Ipswich about the begining of last winter, and has prevail d . so that tis thought that near or quite an hundr d Souls have been savingly converted there since; and the work has Spread to Newbury & other neighbouring places that lie 30 or 40 miles north eastward of Boston ; and also into several parts of the province of New-Hampshire where I have had very late intelligence that tis a very good time. We have not been without some Sprinklings of this Spiritual Shower in our Society, & hope for a great rain: O that it may be hastned! But I have not only heard but also seen great things elsewhere. In the Town of Providence that lies 46 miles S. W. from Bos ton, (which is very populous, and has also been a place of much profane- ness and irreligion), a revival began about the middle of last winter, & increased thro the Spring, and has affected all sorts of people, some deists some leaders in gaming, & many profane ones as well as others that were more civil have been hopefully converted. I have been among em sundry times, & O ! the joy of seing such a marvelous change in the Town is better felt than exprest ! To hear profane ones turn d . to praise Jesus : to see the irreligious throng to y e place of divine worship so that many hundreds have often been convened at an hour or two s notice to hear the word upon an occasional opertunity. and to discover such a heavenly temper and language in many, surely was enough to fire a cold heart with love and praise. They told me in June that above 40 had join d . with the Congre- 133 gational church there in about three months upon a satesfying relation of a work of grace in their Souls, and tis believ d . that many more have expe rienced such a work in that time, numbers of which are of our persuasion about baptism : And the same work spreads ; in many towns near Provi dence, and in many other parts of the Countery which I can t be particular upon ; yet I must riot omit the place of my nativity. Norwich in Connecticutt an 100 miles S. W. of Boston, & 80 from my present dwelling westward I was there about a year ago and the face of things apear d . the most meloncholy in that part of y e town where I was born as to religion that I had known them this 20 years. But a revival began soon after & has increased to a very blessed degree. I was there to see a dying brother in February, & the sates faction that I had from what apear d . of y e work then quite over-balanced y e sorrow of y e parting with a very near friend. Yet much greater things have been seen there since. These glorious visitations have not been confin d . to New-England, I have seen 3 written acc ts . from Mr. S. Buell a presbyterian min r . at East- hampton on Long Island in y e province of N. York of a work y t began there last winter y i has exceeded what has been in any of y e above nam d places, & among y e rest he says there has been a Jew remarkably converted among them ; & I hear y t y e work spreads over a great part of y* Island. And Mr. James Manning (a young min r . of our persuas". who was edu d . at y e College of N. Jersey & came from thence last Sum r . to Settle at a place call d . Warren in y e nthr. part of Rhode Island governm*) inform d . me last week y i he had very late intelligence of a very great work of convict 11 , and conversion y 1 now is going on & increasing in various parts of N. Jersey & also in y e city of N. York : & a great deal of it among people of our denom n . ; and many particulars that he gave me were exceeding de lightful, but I must omit em ; for I have already gone far beyond my first design ; but I am got into such a copious field y i I hardly know where to stop, & therefore if I have not kept to my promise of short narratives I hope you will forgive me, as well as over-look the imperfect manner of them. The truth of facts is what I have mainly aimed at, & I trust have kept strictly to thro y e whole. O for a heart ever to glorify our God for these astonishing wonders to y e children of men ! dear sir I hope you & y e people of God with you will help us to praise & pray too, for indeed a great & effectual door is open d . unto us and there are many adversaries. An old Saint y i formerly came from England, but died in my native place, once said y* She never went to God for another but y* she got some thing for herself. May King Jesus go on still from conquering to con quer in these ends of the world : & also return with increasing displays of his glory to our mother Island! which is y e unfeigned prayer of your younger brother in y e gospel of Christ Isaac Backus Middleborough Nov. 1 6. 1764. 134 CASE OF THE CHURCH AT CANTER BURY, CONNECTICUT, 1768. The Congregational Chh of Christ at Middletown Writes to the Con- gregatinal Chh of Christ at Canterbury. Wishing grace mercy. & peace to be Multiplyed to you through y e knowledge of Jesus Christ as King in Zion our ondly Lord & Savour. Beloveds we have wated near a year with expectation to Receive some answer to our Letter we sent you in answer to your Confession. But hear nothing. We did not know but your Confession was according to y e Gospel. But we wanted further meanes to get y e evidence of it. But your neglectting your duty. Begets fears in our minds wether you have under stood y e true state of y e matter of difficulty. So as to make a gospel Satis faction, for your very Rong practice. We have had a great deal of heart acking Labour with you. the paines & charge which we have taken for several years past in y e Use of all meanes we thought scriptural, to help you to see your Rong practice hes not bin small. Now you say you see your mistake. & Renounce it. & are pardoned for it. But you leave us without Sufficient meanes to get the Evedence of your pardon. True Repentance brings forth f rutes sutable to witness y e truth of it. We all a low a Confession should be as publick as y e transgression. We have never heard that you have made any Retraction to y e Society that you sined before & with, or Confessed y e Ingurey you have dun to Christs Kingly goverment. before y e General Assembly, in your unscriptural Me morial predecated upon that Voate. that you take up. Christ sayeth a Corrupt tree Cannot bring forth good frute. So that if you Retract your Vote your whole practice upon that Voat must be given up. and by y e date of your Letter you have past by two oppertunityes in which you might have adressed y e General Assembly, with your Retraction of your former memorial, and Humbly asked them for that Liberty which is according to the Gospel. Exalting Jesus Christ as y e a Lone King in Zion & Lord of Conscience But we heared nothing of you of this nature, it apeares to us that if you mean to use a proper meanes to Repair y e Ingury that, you have dun to Christs Cause in this Reformation, the path in providence is very plain, to adress the Assembly with your Retraction, of your former proceedings, with y e Society, and go to them as Christs Chast Spouse asking the Liberty Christ your ondly Head hes given to you in y e Covenant of his grace &c. Brethren In as much as you Confess that you was out of y e way in Joyning with y e Society in going to y e Assembly in form and manner, as you did. Therefore it properly belongs to you to move forward in all Scriptural measures to deliver us from y e Great burden that your prac- 135 tice hes brought upon us. So we remain your agreaved Sister Chh. Wishing you happiness in a frutfull Subjection to Jesus Christ as your ondly Lord and King. Ebenezer Frothingham ) in behalf John Johnson Sen. ) of y e Chh. Middletown January 28. 1768. 1 HAYLEY AND HOPKINS OF LONDON, TO JOHN HANCOCK OF BOSTON. London 7 th July 1770. John Hancock Esq r . Dear Sir Since our last respects of which the above is a Copy We have been favoured with yours of i8 th & 25 th May, the former of w ch came by Capt. Scott in your Ship Lydia. We now enclose you Mess r Harrison & C. Rec* for 3000. paid them for your Account as mentioned in the Postscript to our last. We also enclose Acco 1 of Sales of your Cargo consign d us by Hall for Nett Pds of which shall credit you 1872.12.11, the latter end of this month, when we are to receive the money, & shall then pay Mess rs . Harrison & C. about the Ballance of what will be due from us to you, their receipt for which shall be transmitted you. We observe you had reed our several Letters in the Spring with your Acco 1 . Curr*. & that you would examine it the first opportunity & inform us how it was found, for which shall be obliged. The Goods you are pleased to consign us by Capt. Scott are all safely landed. The Oyl we have sold at 21. io/ ^. Ton & the Ashes at 427 P r . T. The Bone is not yet sold nor any present prospect of Sale till after the success of the Green land Fishery is fully known : We have had several reports respecting it, some that it is good & some bad, but we dare not yet depend upon either ; Three or Four Ships are arrived, & they have been pretty successfull: We are ourselves rather inclined to think that it will not prove a bad Fish ery, but rather midling You have certainly been misinformed by who ever told you that Whalefins were gott up to 400 We have not known anything like that price given thro all this year, We mean for American Bone. Dutch Fins which pay a Custom of 80 P. Ton & always sell greatly beyond any others, we believe has been sold for 400, but indeed there has been little, very little American Bone imported, which has been 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.Sg]. 136 the principal cause of the price advancing to what it did in the Month of March & April last ; Just before we sold your Bone last Winter our Let ters & those reed by the other Houses here all agreed that the American Fishery had been large, & that a large quantity of Bone might be expected. This Acco* added to the Knowledge we had of the great success of the Greenland Fishery, induced not only us but every holder of American Bone to think it adviseable to sell. The Quantity then here was about 25. Tons & the whole of it to the best of our knowledge was thereupon sold, & not a Ton of it for more, but some for less than we sold yours, it afterwards turn d out contrary to our expectations, that very little Bone was sent from America, the bulk of it having we understand been bought up, & kept back, which made a very material difference & occasioned an advance of price here, w ch . it was impossible to foresee. There is not about 20 Ton here which arrived in Scott & Johnson, & no price offers for any of it. The desire we have to render every part of our conduct approved to you Sir has induced us to lay these particulars of the reason which induced us to sell your Bone before you, & we trust to that candour we have always experienced from you that you will think us not much to blame. It was a measure taken upon the most mature con sideration, & what appeared to us at the time most probable to serve your interest. Scott had a very quick passage, & is now unladen, & shall be dispatched before the end of the Month, with an exact conformity to your instructions, but we are greatly doubtfull whether we shall be able to gett much Freight for him, We will most certainly give him all we have our selves, & procure for him all we can from others but the whole we fear will be but inconsiderable. White is also here and shall not be sold /agree able to your instructions/ but returned with the Ten Tons of Hemp you order for him, & we are sorry to say we fear that will be near, if not quite the whole he will have on board. We shall only wait the arrival of Jarvis who is daily expected & then if we see no room to expect any advantage by keeping him, We shall dispatch him immediately. We have Debited you & credited Cap*. White s Acco 1 . 100 according to your directions, & have credited you 2.2 for the P e . of Dutch short packed in Bale N 3. P r . Scott. The getting liberty to land the returned Goods was attended with a great deal of difficulty, but after a constant attendance upon the Custom House for 10 days, we at last were permitted to land them into a Warehouse under the King s Lock, where the whole of [them] now lay; This was permitted as a great favour & indeed is so, for the bringing back the India Goods & some others, is directly contrary to Law, & makes not only the Goods, but the Ship liable to Seizure. We once thought the only terms they would grant us would be to return the whole to Boston without unloading them, but we are happy in their being now on shore, & out of danger of seizure. We are greatly indebted to your Friendsship for any service done us thro your influence, but we own ourselves greatly at a loss to know in what we can possibly have offended the Town ; We are per suaded we have been as much if not more steady in our endeavours to serve the Town than any house here. We are sure we have greatly to our own prejudice, discouraged the 137 Importation of Goods & we cannot conceive how it can be thought that we had shipped the greater part of the Goods that have arrived at Boston this Spring. The Fact is not so. In Scott alone we shipp d almost the whole in value of what we shipp d in the whole Spring. What we sent in Free man was inconsiderable in value : We know that in that Ship one person here shipp d more value than we did for Boston in all the Ships together, & we believe another House here shipp d in Cap*. Burnett much larger value than we did in the whole Spring. In Davies, Bryant, Lyde, Skilling, Dixey, & all the rest we shipp d nothing worth notice, & yet several of them were quite full, however Sir we believe from some Misrepresentation we were fallen under unmerited Censure, for which we cannot account, but we must not omit to acknowledge how much we think ourselves obliged by your good offices upon that occasion. We desire to be considered as the warm Friends of the Town, instead of Enemies, & in that light you may easily judge how much any Censure must have hurt us, & of course how much we think ourselves indebted to your friendship for preventing such a measure. As to what you mention about the freight of the returned Goods, We desire you would yourselves determine upon that matter in any way you please. Scott tells us he brought in the whole about 100 Ton of Measurement, the Freight of which would be 100. Sterling any part or the whole of which shall be placed to your credit. We cannot possibly at any time object to whatever you may think reasonable. Please mention how you think it ought to be settled, & we shall cheerfully conform thereto. We would cheerfully sacrifice a very large Sum to the restoration of Trade upon a solid footing, & can very seriously affirm that if the determination of our House not to send a pennyworth of Goods more, would be the means of producing that happy Event, We should not a moment hesitate to take such a determination, but as our doing it alone could not answer the least good purpose, We can only say that it must be accomplished by some other means ; If non Importation is to produce it, that can only be effected by an absolutely general forbearance to send orders, for while orders come, & there are a thousand people ready to receive & execute them, our refusal, & that of other principal Houses engaged in the Trade would be of no effect. The Goods would still be sent if the orders came ; That measure therefore cannot be effectual unless there is an absolute & general for bearance to send for Goods. We shall soon have another opportunity of paying our respects to you, & in the mean time are very sincerely (Copy) Orig 1 . P r . Derby. [Hayley & Hopkins.] We have omitted to mention in the foregoing that Cap* White has delivered us 70 Dollars w ch . we have sold for 16.16 for which we credit you He has also delivered us 3 Hhds & a Barr 1 . of Sugar which shall dispose of, & transmit the Account Sales in due season. x From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.i.94]. 138 24 July 1770. Dear Sir: We confirm the foreoing for Copy of our last Respects & have now to acknowledge rect of a Letter from M r . Palfray of 13 th June in which he informs us by your directions of Your having chartered the Pratt for S Carolina Houses, but refers us for the particular terms of the Contract to your next We dare say you have done what appeared to you for the best & shall rest well satisfied with what ever that is The Certificate for M rs . Billings s pension for 1767 we have reed, but before that came to hand we had settled for her up to Dec r 1769 & have credited M r . Tho s Grays Acco* for the produce of it, & youll please either settle it with him or if it is more agreable we will debit him & credit you for the amount of one Year This will we hope be delivered you by Cap 1 Scott of your Ship Lydia, who now returns with a better freight all things considered than we expected ; We shall beg leave to refer you to Cap 1 Scott for the particular difficulties just now attending your Ships; We have made a point of giving Scott all we were able, & if he had done as all the rest of the ships now here do, except yours, there is no doubt he would have been quite full ; but after the clear orders given us in yours reed by him, We did not dare lett him take on board any but licensed Goods. We have paid him 1 60 as cjp his rec* enclosed for 100 of which he has directed us to debit you in Acco*. Curr*. & to charge the other 60 in the ships Acco*., to which we conform & youll please note it accordingly We have agreable to your orders shipp d on board him 20 Tons of Hemp for your Ace* Invoice & bill of Lading for which You will find enclosed amounting to 525.14.7 on which we have made 530 Ins ce . P re &c being 13.7.9. As the Letters reed by Jarvis have brought some orders & give us a prospect of obtaining some licensed Goods for White we have resolved upon keeping him a fortnight & we hope we shall find enough to make it worth his while to stay that time, at the expiration of which we intend to dispatch him The money for Halls Cargo falls due the end of this Week when have no doubt but we shall receive it & we will then pay Mess rs Harrison & C. as men tioned in our last whose rec*. our next will enclose you. The Whalebone rec d by Scott remains unsold & no prospect of its selling till the full Success of the Greenland fishery is known which still remains uncertain. Oyl & Ashes are much the same as in our last, but Whale Oyl will certainly be low; The Seal fishery both in Greenland & New f d Land has been very successful w ch . will reduce the price of Whale Oyl We are w th the truest esteem D r . Sir Your most obliged hble Servant Hayley & Hopkins 27 th Cap*. Scott not having taken away his Boy till this Evening gives us opportunity of enclosing Mess" Harrison & C their Receipt \ for 1500 pd them this day 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.z.95]. 139 HARRISON AND ANSLY OF LONDON, TO JOHN HANCOCK OF BOSTON. London 6 Septem r . 1770 John Hancock Esq r . Sir, We refer you to our last of 24 July, since which we have been favord with yours of 29 June and 12 July the first cov^ a second Bill of Exch a . on James Stuart for 250 the first we have advis d you was accepted. Agreable to your Commission for a few articles we have Ship d the same on board Cap 1 . Hood. Invoice & Bill of Lading we herein inclose, amounting with Charges of Shipping & Insurance to 58.76 which Sum we shall in course pass to your Debit. In future we sho d be glad if you would say, whether Insurance must be made. We sincerely lament that our ministerial Men here will not see the reall interest of this Country, but it cannot be any wonder whilst places & pensions seem to be the only objects in view to the ruin of this Country as well as America, therefore so long as the present Men continue, you must not we fear hope for conciliating measures, you may rely upon it, that there will be no clamour raised here for want of Trade, we have not of late had any complaints & the New York measures will make matters quite easy, my sentiments are naturally against arbitrary oppressive measures, but I fear it has been long a deep laid Scheme, yet I am not without hopes a formidable opposition will be made the next meeting of the Parliament. From our own knowledge, we are certain great quantities of Goods find their way to many parts of America, tho not openly, therefore all things consider d, will it not throw trade out its respectable usual channel into smugling hands not answer the end propos d to distress the manu facturers here & greatly prejudice & breed ill blood amongst you ; I just throw out these few hints, yet be assur d do not wish to have any Trade to America, if not for the Benefit of the whole, yet when good Paymasters offer here, we may as well supply them as others. I am much pleased to hear you say G. H. is universally respected with you (notwithstanding he may find the Weather with you too hot) your kindnes in giving him your countenance & protection I thank you for. I will alway endeavor to be grateful for it. I beg you will accept my thanks for the Fish ^ Cap*. Hall w ch I rec d : safe. with regard to Oil there was no Buyers for a long time & even when they want only one appears, however I have at last sold the same at 24.57. & the whale at 19.10. I fear this is not so good a price as you 140 expect, but no more conld be got. we shall deliver it in a few days, & will advise you the Neat proceeds, the compleating Commissions on your side for y e Oil Men here will ever make it a poor Trade the Success in ours & the Dutch Greenland Ships this Season is much greater than at first reported tho we have sold American Finns at 370 within this Month the small Galicia at 1/2 that price, but of these small sizes the market is full, you may be assur d we will in future give your Ships the preffee- ence in freight but unless a partial Importation take place with you, we shall have but trifles, we have at present only time to add, that we remain with the greatest respect, Sir Your most obed*. Serv ts Harrison & Ansley. 1 WILLIAM TURNER MILLER. Seven Letters from Colonel William Turner Miller to his Wife, from the Camp before Boston, 1775. Rhode Island Camp in Roxbury May 29 th . 1775 Dear Wife we were yesterday and the Night before last under arms which was Occasioned by an Engagement Colonel putnam With about 250 Men had with a Thousand Regulars the Engagement began at about half after nine Oclock on Saturday Night and Lasted till Day Light when Coll putnam Returned to the Head Quarters at Salem having Burnt : n Armed Schoner and Taken 16 pieces of Small Cannon Kill d 13 of the Horses that Lately arrived from England said to be for the Light Horse and Taken 17 More Co 11 , putnam had not a Man Killed and only three Men Wounded Howmany of the Regulars were Killed we Cannot Learn only that there were Discovered in the Action three Regulars Killed and it is thought Numbers more were Slain The place of Action was at Chelsey near winnysimmit ferry Sixteen Miles from this place (by Land) when we first Heard the firings which was very Brisk I mustered my forces which were about 240 at the first Alarm Not Knowing but it was a General Attack and Sent off Expresses forward toward the Enemy Sent out Several Companies to Reconoiter who went forward untill they were In formed where the fire was and were Sattisfied their Help was not wanted (some went Down Head Quarters) & in the morning the Fire Renewing I Marched Down with all My men but a few who I Left behind to Guard the Incampment & Magazine went to Head Quarters for Orders to go forward were within Sight of the Ennemies fire but the General thinking 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i]. 141 it best for Me to Return and Refresh my Men and hold My People in Readiness and Soon after my Return Co 11 . Hitchcock Co 11 . Cornel arrived Here and Took the Chief Command and toward Night Major Sherburn Arrived Here Since which Several Companies are Arrived we heard a Number of Cannon fired toward Chelsey Last Evening but have not Learn what they have Done I should be glad if you would Send me Some Lin- ning Such as Shirts &c when you have them Ready if you want to Send any thing to me Such as Shoes or any thing Else you will pleas to have them Bundled up and a paper pasted on the Bundle and a Letter Wrote Ready I am your Loving Husband William T Miller l Rhode Island Camp June 26 th : 1775 My Dearest Lydia it is with Pleasure I take up my Pen to wright to you I Sent you all the Letters that I could find by M r . Thompson and an account of the Battle at Bunkers Hill with a Letter of my own Writing to you my dear you wrote me Concerning your Coming Down and Wanted my advise in the matter the three Rigiments are Now Chiefly Here and we are in about as Good order as I Expect to be in this Cam paign (I mean in Regard to my Station in the House) I have a Room that I Live in in Company with Co 11 . Church Major Shearborn Adjutant Bradford and Adjutant Box all in the Same Room we are Very well Suited for Company but my dear you know that is not Like having a Whole Room to my Self I want to Se you and if you Can at Some Convenient Time for your Self Come down I hope Either Here or at Some Neigh bouring House Enjoy y r Company if no Alarm prevents but if you Come down you will be able to Keep out of Danger as Great Guns are heard a great ways and if there is any Battle you Can Keep out of the Reach of them you will Speak to Doctor Bradford to Carry on the Suit against Jesse Saunders and Shew him your Power of Attorney that I gave you we have had an alarm Last Saturday the Ennemy Fired a few Bombs and Carcases in order to Set the Town of Roxbury on fire but through the alertness of our Soldiers the Town was prevented being Set on fire Such was the Courage of our Soldiers that they wold go and Take up a Burning Carcase or Bomb and Take out the fuze all is peace now and we are in High Spirits & through the Blessing of God I Enjoy a Very Good State of Health you will please to Send them Cloaths as soon as they are Done Oliver Eddy is in a good way to be well Soon of his Wound M r . Dimond & Ensign Child are well M r . Whitakcr is Likewise well and all the Sol diers. My Dear I am y r Loving Husband William T Miller - 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.io]. 142 June 28 th . The Ladies come more or Less every day to Visit the Camp Cap* Olneys and Ensign Blacks wives were here to day Co 11 . Varnums wife will be here soon I have Inclosed an Account of the Forces on Both Sides and we have Two Fine Entrenchments in Roxbury to Stop the Eennemy Com ing over the Neck besides one to Stop their Landing up Charles River and one on Dorchester Neck with a Redout Just at the going on of Dorchester neck the New Hampshire People have an Intrenchment on the Hill Just on this Side of Co 11 . Royal s Farm in Mistick beside the Entrenchments that the Massachusetts forces have in Cambridge. Your loving Husband William T. Miller l Prospect Hill Cambridge July 26 th : 1775 Dearest Lydia I arrived Here yesterday with the Rhode Island Forces and am in Good Health and Like the Scituation of the Place very well but we are not so well Suited for a Place to Live in as at Barnard House but we have got Boards which in a few Days we Can build Barracks of and then I think we Shall be as well accommodated as ever Soldiers were I have no News to wright you Except that our Regiment is so Healthy that there was not one in the Hospital but what was turned out fit for Duty when we marched away from Roxbury one of the Regular Granadiers Deserted Last Night from Bunkers Hill and Came into our Camp with all his accutirements I have not Heard the particulars he Relates my Dear Excuse my Short writing as we have not got Setled here and the wrighting this Letter is Like Shooting flying I am your Loving Husband William T Miller 2 Camp Prospect Hill July 29 th : 1775 Dearest Lydia It is with pleasure I Imbrace this Oppertunity to wright to you I wrote three days ago A short Letter by Amos Fish but I fear your paper is gone now or you would have wrote by Doctor Shearman and Martin Eastsbrooke I am in Very Good Health and am pleased with the Disposition of the Army that we have to Defend the Breastwork on this Hill where there is an oppertunity for an Officer to Shew himself I had the Honour to be field officer of the Day here yesterday and as I was Visiting the Out Gentries which Stands within half Musket Shot of the Ennemies Centeries the Regulars Came out with a party and began 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i2]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i2]. 143 to Cut Some Trees and Remove some fencing Stuff which was between the Centeries I Beckned to Two officers who Commanded there one of whom I took to be Major Bruce of the Regulars who Came out and met me between the Centeries when I told him that his Conduct in felling the Timber so near our Gentries Created a Jealousie and Desired him to Desist from any farther Encroachments when he told me he thought the trees &c which they were gitting were as near their Lines as they were to ours and that they had not Interrupted our Men in Cutting Hay Close to the Lines and he promised me he would advance no farther I Immediately Returned and Reported what had happenned to Major General Lee who thanked me for my Conduct I also Saw a Gentleman that Came out of Boston yesterday who Says the people of Boston & the Soldiers are Very Sickly and Much Dejected that General Gage had given Orders for all the Inhabitants of Boston that have a Mind to depart by Water to Return their Names and they Should have Liberty to Depart. We have three Deserters from the Regulars come into this Camp Since we Came here one of whom found his own Brother here in the Camp their Meeting was Very affecting one hath Deserted by way of Roxbury who its thought will prove a Very Servicable Man to our Army as he is able to give a plan of all the works & fortifycations in Boston and Knows all their Plans he Says he car Direct the Army to Storm .Boston with the Loss of Very few men that It has been in Contemplation among the gageites to Set Boston on fire and withdraw all the Troops & Ships but we ought not to Catch at Such Shaddows as that we have nothing under God to Depend upon but our own Strength Since I wrote the above I Received yours by Simon Burr with the Greatest Sattisfaction I have got the Sheete you Sent me there is no Mistake in the order given by Manning he had Some Cloaths & Gave an order for them and the Same Day afterward had More we are Now on prospect Hill in Briga- deer General Greenes Brigade under the Command of Major General Lee and our Duty is to Defend the Breast work that you was in when you was here the General Lives in a Hutt on the Hill in the Rear of the Incamp- ment M rs . Greene Stayed a Week after you went away and Part of the Time we was Poorly. I am Glad to hear of your Health and any time when you have an oppertunity you 11 . Please to Send me a Bunch or Two of your Onions. I am your Loving Husband William T Miller l Camp Prospect Hill August 13 th : 1775 Dearest Lydia I Receved your Kind Letter by M r . Burr as also the Inkstand Corn & Cucumbers you sent, Every Letter & Present from you is Like a Cordial to me in my absence from you my Heart is delighted 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.n]. 144 in Reading Your Letters Especially when on the Countenance of them you appear to be in Health and when you appear by your Letters to be in Trouble I Long to participate with you we are at present Very Peac- able Here there hath been one Regular Deserted from Bunkers Hill Last Night and two to Day by Swimming a Cross Mistick River to Maiden and 2 Boats that were armed from Bunkers hill were Sailing up Mistick River and were Drove back by the brisk firing of Some field pieces from Maiden this day which Caused them in a Very great Hurry to Retreat and Run ashore on Bunkers hill Shore Please to accept this with a Kiss and the best wishes from your Loving Husband William T Miller * Camp Prospect Hill Sep r . i8 th : 1775 My Love It is with Pleasure I Imbrace this oppertunity offered by M r Bradford for the Conveyance of a Letter to my Dearest I some what Expect this will meet you on the Road I am in Good health and High Spirits I Receved yours wherein you Expressed your Joy in my Not Going to Quebeck my Love I fear you think I am Safer here than as though I went to Quebeck Remember the Psalmists Expression, if I take the wings of the Morning and fly to the uttermost Parts of the Sea behold Thou art there I doubt not but where Ever I am god will be there and be my Stay and Support my Love I had it under Consideration whither to offer my Self to go to Quebec and had so far Concluded upon the Matter that If I had been Requested to go I should not have Refused though I think it Carries the Appearance of a Desperate undertaking there was Officers in my Station that appeared Earnest for going and it being my Disposition not to Enter into a Dispute for a bad Bargain never oposed their going by People who came out of Boston the day before yesterday we are informed that General Gage has began to Pull down the Houses at the South End and Intends to Pull down all the Buildings from the forti fication to the hay market in order to fortify the Town Stronger we have had one or two Deserted from Bunkers Hill who Say they had about Twenty one Hundred Men on Bunkers Hill Last week and that there was three Companies more Just Come over who Arrived a few Days ago that the officers talk of Coming out but are hindred by Continuall Alarms of our Going in things Remain very Silent in Regard of Firing Guns if our Vessels were Kept all into port in all Parts of the Continent they must Starve in Boston for want of Bread as they have but Little and the Last Ship load that Arrived came from Great Brittain and Cost a Guinea p r Hundred there which when it arrived in Boston Was so Intirely Spilt that it Could not be Eat the Jacket I mentioned to M r Hill to be turned I 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i4]. 145 would have done with Very Narrow Silver Lace this with the best Wishes of your Loving Husband William T Miller PS I hear you talk of Coming with M r . Burr I fear if you Should Come with him he would be for going away so Soon I sould not have a Chance to be with you as much as I want to I should be glad to se you Come so as to Stay or go when and as you Please without Consulting any body but me W m TM My Best Respects to Cap* Whiting & Lady M r Saunders & Lady Doct r Peter & Lady and All Enquiring Friends * Camp Prospect Hill Nov r io th : 1775 My Dearest I Receved your Kind Letter by M r . Whittaker this Morn ing I am in good Health and have mentioned it thus Early in My Letter for fear I should forget to mention it my Love I am intirely willing to be at home without any Military Imployment since it is the will of Heaven it Should be so I have put my trust in God and I am sure he will dispose of me in his own way which is the best way for me and for his own Glory my Love there was about 200 Regulars who Took the Advantage of an uncommon high Tide and Landed on Leachmore Point between this Hill and Boston Common Close by the Man of Warr, the Tide was so high that it flowed over the Mash and Bridge betwen the Point and this Hill so that it Made an Intire Island of the Upland on the Point as Soon as they were Discovered the Alarm was Given the Lines all Manned and About 500 Men sent Down to Drive them off and upon the Approach of our Men the Regulars Ran off with their Booty which Consisted of about Eleven Head of Cattle Chiefly Belonging to one M r Ireland the Tide was so high that our Men was obbliged to wade up to their Middles to Get on the Point what Loss the Ennemy met with we Cannot Tell but our Cannon from this Hill that Two Shot went in among the thickest of their Boats as they were Landing the Loss on our Side in one Riflemen Killed & one Mortally wounded my Dear please to accept of a Kiss and this as a pledge of my Love I am your Loving Husband William T Miller 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.a.is]. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i6]. 146 WILLIAM BANT. Five Letters from William Bant to John Hancock, 1776, 1777. Rehoboth March 25. 1776. The Hon. John Hancock Esq r . Dear Sir, I suppose before this will reach you, that you will have received a full account of the disgraceful retreat of the Troops from dear Boston. I congratulate you on the event, and also that your domestic Affairs are left in good Order. Our friend Nich. Bowes has escaped without the loss of a quill. I was in Boston last Tuesday, the Town appears much better than I expected to see it, yet the Villians have done great damage. I wrote you the 6 th . Ins 1 , in which I inclosed you E Jones Account current and informed you that he had paid me the Ballance. I have lately received 800 Dollars, which together with the above I shall forward as soon as possible. I also informed you of my intention to move to Groton, but the deliverance of Boston will alter my plan, and I have already released my farm and hope to return to Boston in about a month. I received yours of the 6 th instant yes terday. The whole that I said in the Letter you refer to, arose from this cause only_ I could not bear the reflection that I had given you, Sir, reason to think that I am regardless of the obligations I am under to you. I wrote to Col. Athearn this morning. I told you, Sir, when I see you at Worcester that I was intirely at your service and should be happy to be employed by you. I am now ready to go to Dartmouth, Martha s Vineyard, and any, or every, where else that you may want on your Business I will not engage in any way whatever if I can be of service to you in the settling your Accounts and collecting your dues. Dear Sir, my heart has indeed often bied for you on account of your troubles as knew they all proceeded from virtue, but I hope, I more than hope, I think I see the dawning of a bright and joyful day, that will return you sevenfold for all your sufferings into your own bosom which may God grant to be the Case, and that speedily. M rs . Bant joins me in the most respectful Regards to your Lady & self, & grant me the freedom further to Subscribe myself with the greatest Sin cerity, Your ever Obliged and most ready & Obedient humble Servant William Bant 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.i8]. 147 Boston October 19. 1776. The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq re . Dear Sir, I wrote you the 5 th . <($ M r . Taylor, and inclosed the Second Bill of M r .Cushing s Draft of the 2 nd . Ins 1 , on you for 300.0.0 Since which I have received your Letters of the 27 th . September and of the io th . Instant. I have had the pleasure of a Visit from Col. Athearn, inclosed you have a Letter from him, by which you will see that he has received of Cap* Kendrick (who is gone on a Cruize against the Enemy) for your Account four Province Notes, as they are called, amounting with the Interest due on them to 482..2..6. which he has paid to me. The Money for the Oil Bone Vessel &c amounting he supposes to about 770.0.0 he will forward me immedi ately upon his getting home, I expect to receive it in about three Weeks, he tells me he has wrote you fully what prospect he has of selling the other Vessells. M r . Harris, who has Coffin s Notes, called at my House last Week, I was not in Town, I shall write to him by this days Post that I will pay him in three Weeks. When I shall have received the above Money of Col. Athearn, and Coffin s demand is paid, suppose shall have upwards of 500.0.0 in my hands. I observe your Orders, Sir, not to remit any more Money to Philadelphia at present. I have purchased for you a hogshead of choice Sugar, and am in treaty about a Cask of old Madeira. I observe in your Letter of the io th . which I have just received that I may expect to see Cap* Cazneau soon. You may depend upon my doing every thing in my power to fullfill your expectations. I wish, Sir, for your particular Orders about the Wharff as Cap*. Matchet says he has your express Orders for what he does, and seems not very inclinable to give up his trust or settle Accounts without your particular directions. As to the Cards, Captain Cazneau bought them when I was confined in the Country, he had a hundred Dollars of me for that purpose, and I did suppose he had given you an Account of them, I do not know what they Cost, but will inquire and inform you in my next. As to News, Sir, we have none that we can depend upon. Foreign Affairs there is a thousand Reports about. Domestic matters continue much as they did, our General Court is yet puzzling about a Consti tution, I hear they are exceedingly divided. Our Town Matters begin to wear a better face, many of the Inhabitants have lately returned; Our Militia is getting into some Order, though it will be nothing Grand unless it will be better Officered than formerly. All friends are well, M r . Burr & Lady are here. In your last Letter I observe that your Town & State are not to be favored with a Visit this Season, for my part I begin to fear, if we are to wait untill you are at leisure before we see you here, that both you and your Boy (for I suppose he cannot be parted with) will stay in Philadelphia untill the War is ended, though I hope the young Gentleman will in due time become more visible than he has lately been, or than M rs . Bant supposes he is even now, unless the happy Genius of his Pappa has push d him into place, rather sooner than he was expected, if so, I give you Joy, Sir, and hope that Madam is comfortable. M rs . Bant is very 148 anxious to know how it is with M rs . Hancock, and prays you Sir, to be so kind as to give us a Serious account as soon as circumstances will permit : She joins me in the most respectful Regards to you Sir, your Lady & Miss Quincy, and believe me in particular to be worthy Sir Your ever Obliged & most Obedient & most humble Servant William Bant. PS. I shall go to Salem on Monday with M r Sharp to take a view of your Ship there. By my freinds here I find that several Letters for me were sent to Philadelphia, which did not get there till after I left it ; shall be much obliged if M r . Taylor when he goes to the Office would be so kind as to inquire for them, and if they are there forward them to me. I will pay him the Postage the first Opportunity. * Boston October 21, 1776. The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq r . Dear Sir, I wrote you the 19 th . Since which I have made inquiry & find that the Cards cost 72/cjj} doz. both sorts, the case 6/. I this day was told that M r Saunders who lives in your House had, sometime past sold a quantity of Tar that belonged to you. I ask d him about it, he says that before the Troops left the Town there was about 30 full barrells of Tar in one of the Stores, that he had often been told by the Soldiers that it would certainly be seized for the King because it belonged to you he therefore very prudently sold it for 10/8 cj$ barrell. The Money he has applied to his own Support and says he will account with you for it, and also that his Stock is almost out & he shall soon want more Money. Your Negro Woman, Agnis, is in Town, and has desired me to mention to you that she begs you would be so kind to her as to give her the Bed & Bedding that she used while in your family, which is in your House. Nothing new has turn d up, Sir, since my last except the Account of the Engagement on the Lake, it is said our Men behaved gallantly. The new Arangement of the Army engages the whole attention of the General Court and I hear by one of the Members that they have resolv d to raise the Men s pay to 3. ^ month if it is not done by the Grand Congress. I am exceeding happy to hear that the Congress is about taking measures to prevent the further undervaluing of their paper Currency by opening Loan Offices and giving an Interest. Unless something is soon done to stop this growing Evil, it will throw us into the greatest Confusion ; People here don t mind giving the most extravagant prices for Goods and seem uneasy untill they have exchanged their Oacum & Issinglass, as it is called, meaning the Conti nental Money, for Articles which in their Opinion are of more sure worth. This Conduct must have a fatal tendency in every department unless 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.ig]. 149 Speedily prevented by some hew Measures that shall be sufficient to keep up the Credit of the Currency to the full value. The General Court will soon move to Town. All your friends, Sir, that is to say, every Man I meet, are frequently inquiring after your health & wellfare, and since the Report that there is a prospect of an important addition to your family I have many questions ask d me, that are of a new & particular kind, as they respect you, Sir, and more especially by the Ladies, I hope soon to be able to answer them in a more positive stile than at present I am able to do. M rs . Bant joins me as usual, in most respectful Regards to you, Sir, M rs . Hancock and Miss Quincy. I am, more particularly, worthy Sir, Your Ever Obliged & most Obedient & most humble Servant William Bant. 1 Boston December 16. 1776 The Hon ble . John Hancock Esq r . Dear Sir, I wrote you the 2 nd Ins*. Since which I have received 450. Sterling of Deacon Smith for the Ship. You may remember, Sir, that I wrote you I sold her for 475. Stg. When the Sails & Rigging were put to the Masts & yards, a considerable part of the running Rigging was missing, the Sails were in a much worse condition than I apprehended. Some of her plank are rotten, her standing Rigging is not sound, the Cap tain was obliged to borrow considerable Rigging to bring her here, many of the Braces & small Ropes broke in the hands of the Sailors in working the Ship, most of her small stores are lost, her mainmast must also come out. Upon the whole the Ship was in so much worse Condition than M r Smith apprehended that he began to talk of not taking her : But after a good deal of Altercation I agreed to take 450 Stg. and represent the matter to you and if you should think proper to make the abatement of the remaining 25. Stg. it is to be allowed, if not, it is to be paid upon demand and I took his note of hand for it accordingly. The Ship is dear to Deacon Smith considering how Vessells are sold here at present, he might have bought one much better found than yours for less money, however Sir in common times I apprehend she would be thought a cheap Vessell at ^475. Captain Cazneau in his late excursion Eastward rec d . of Dan 1 . Bragdon of old York 24.67 Lawful Money and his Note of hand for the ballance of his Account being 45,6.7 1/2. He also received of Nath 1 . Allen Esq r of Dover 30 L M : and took his Note for 172.15.8. M r . Allen was charged in his Account with some Hemp which was did before he failed while he lived at Cape Ann, and he says you rec d . fair dividend of his Effects and it was so settled, he gave his Note for the Ballance of his Account except the Hemp. He received of Nath 1 . Wells of Wells his Note of hand for 277.2.2. being the amount of his Account. Also of 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.2i]. 150 Jeremiah Hill of Biddeford his Note for 9.3.6. and of John Wheelwright of Wells his Note for 316.3.10. all upon Interest. Interest was charged on all these Accounts after 9 Months from the delivery of the Goods. I have let Cap 1 . Cazneau have 36.187. Since your Orders to supply him. Inclosed you have a Letter from Cap*. Hood, I have let him have 84 L Money, being near the amount of the Ship s Portledge Bill, and as I had not your Orders so to do, I took his Note of hand for the Money, he was so polite to you, Sir, as to threaten to stop the Ship if I refused to let him have it. I have received 100. of M r John Winthrop who promises to make payment of the whole of his debt in a short time. The M r . Brown, I mentioned to you in a former Letter, as one of Scott s hands, is in such necessitous circumstances that I have been persuaded to pay him. I wrote you, Sir, in a former Letter that I had let your House that M r Penney lately occupied, to M r Pierpont for Six Months on Condition that he would thoroughly repair it, and he begun, cleaned the House, and he has done many things about it, but the Fleet and Troops getting to Newport has so intimidated M rs . Pierpont that she does not chuse to come into Town, and he is sollicking to be off the bargain. M r . Thomas Cotton of Pomfret, Administrator on the Estate of his Brother Samuel Cotton deceased, which is largely in debt to you, sent to Town, by one of his Neighbours 143.7.5 3/4 as the second and last Average, as he calls it, that you will receive, he brought a Certificate from the Register of Probate for that District wherein your whole proportion is made 373.7.5 3/4. The above sum of 143.7.5 3/4> together with 180 you received in Sep*. 1771, and your Order upon the Administration in favor of David Force in December following for 50, make up the Sum mentioned in the Register s Certifi cates. I gave him a Receipt & rec d the Money. I am endeavoring Sir, the Settlement of all your Accounts, those who cannot pay the Ballances due I propose to take their Notes of hand on Interest. The foregoing Sir, is a general State of your Affairs since my last, you may depend upon my utmost endeavors to settle your accounts &c. in the best & speedi est manner I shall be able. I shall [have] enough for Cazneau to do, he has two Journies in Contemplation that will nigh be a Winter s Campaign for him. All things remain in very good Order at the Mansion House, Saunders & Spriggs take very good care of every thing intrusted them. M rs . Campbell the Widow of your late Servant Campbell, is exceeding importunate for money pretending that considerable is due to her for her Husband s Wages, I have not paid her any, nor shall not without your Orders. News, we have enough, Sir, and more than enough for we know not what to rely on for truth, the Accounts we have lately had from the Westward are daily contradictory, and we are held in a most disagreeable suspence how Matters really are in your quarter. The Recruits for the Army are marching daily, and most that go from this Quarter, are much better Men taken in general, and are better Officered than have yet engaged in the Warn I am without your favors Since Cap*. Cazneau came. All freinds are well. Excuse haste Sir, and believe me to be with the greatest Zeal & Sincerity, very dear and worthy Sir, Your Ever Obliged and most Obedient & most humble Servant William Bant P S. We hope that M rs . Hancock is well abed and has blessed you with a fine Boy, if so M rs . Bant begs the favor of his Mama to give him a thousand kisses of wellcome, and charge them to her Account. I just hear that the Alfred Man of Warr is got in to Nantasket. Cap*. Cazneau, this minute coming in, desires his most respectful [ ] to you Sir, M rs . Hancock & your family. * Thursday Boston March 2O th . 1777 The Honorable John Hancock Esq r . Dear Sir, I wrote you the 13 th . p r post and informed you of the proceed ings of the Corporation. Tuesday the Board of Overseers mett. Doctor Cooper tells me that your Letter to the Corporation was laid before them, with information that I had delivered them the Bonds & c , sent by M r Hall. After some Conversation they thought proper to choose a Committee upon the Matter to report at their next Meeting (Tuesday next) the Commit tee are M r . Greenleaf, M r . Phillips & M r . Dana of the Council, with M r . -Gordon & M r . Lothrop of the Clergy. I suppose Sir, that Congress will by this post have a particular Account of the Grand Supply of Arms Powder Cloathing & c . received from France, I congratulate you Sir on this event, and also on the very important Intelligence from that Quarter. I have during the whole War hoped that we should not be conquered by the Brute of Britain, I now begin to settle down into a sure and certain hope that our Salvation draweth nigh. O Britain what has thou lost. The last Evening we had the pleasure of seeing two fine Prizes safe moored in our Harbour. One is the Royall George taken by Cap*. Stevens, her Cargo was mentioned in last Weeks paper. The other is the Ship taken by the Lady Washington Privateer, they were both carried into Falmouth, and were ordered here. Your old freind Joshua Blanchard has a 32 th in the Royall George Jos. Barrell has an 8 th , the remainder is owned in Marblehead. I have received of Mess rs . Dutton Isham & Day 470, since my last, they promise to pay their Ballance soon. The Town con tinues in a most deplorable Condition with respect to Provisions, many People cannot get a joint of fresh Meat once in a fortnight, and to make the matter compleat our fishermen are as bad as the Country folks. The Court are about remedying this Matter and I hope they will effect it. All things stand well and in good Order at the Mansion House and around it, 1 From f he Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.23]. 152 and I have a particular pleasure in hopeing soon to see it again in the actual possession of it s right Owner. M rs . Bant joins me in most respectful Regards to you, Sir, M rs Hancock & Miss Quincy. I continue dear Sir, with the most unreserved Offers of Service Your greatly Obliged most Obedient & most humble Serv 1 William Bant * it- " THE "RAISING OF BILLS OF CREDIT, 1776. Confessions of James Roby. I James Roby of Hollis in the county of Hillsborough, now a prisoner in Salem goal, do of my own free will, without any compulsion, confess & declare, that I have repeatedly altered the bills of credit of the colonies of New-Hampshire & Rhode Island, increasing the denomination of such bills, particularly to forty shillings, thirty shillings, twenty shillings, & once to ten shillings ; & two three shilling bills I altered making each of them three pounds, one of which I passed to M rs . Higginson in Salem together with another false three pound bill which I received of Joseph Kelley of Nottingham West, in the said county of Hillsborough gentle man. - The aforementioned bills by me altered I also passed away, ex cept such as were refused to be taken, & the ten shilling bill which I think said Kelley took to pass away. I also declare that Samuel Britton, (who has been for some time past roving about the country, & whose last residence that I have heard of is at Tewksbury) Joseph Kelley aforenamed, & Thomas Cummings of Hollis aforesaid yeoman, have in my presence altered and put off the bills of New-Hampshire and Rhode Island, increasing their denomination, and making them into forty, thirty, & twenty shillings. Said Kelley I have also seen alter two eighty penny bills of Massachusetts-Bay making each of them eight shillings. Said Cummings did in my presence at Hollis aforesaid, in June last, put off two false and altered bills to M r . Green- leaf a merchant or shop-keeper in Hollis, one of said two bills was altered to thirty shillings the other to ten shillings, & said Cummings I think al tered both in my presence he told me he altered both. I also saw said Kelley pass a Rhode Island six penny bill, which he before told me he had altered to six shillings, to a tavern keeper in the center of the town of Haverhill, whose name I understand is Greenleaf. I saw said Kelley put off a false twenty shilling bill at a tavern keeper s in the way between Haverhill & Newbury, his name I don t know, a young woman received it. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.26]. 153 I saw said Britton put off a false Rhode Island twenty shilling bill to one Bowers a tavern-keeper in Billerica, which bill I saw said Britton alter at a tavern situated at a point between two roads, in the way between Cam bridge & Watertown. Said Kelley told me that he had altered bills for Samuel Danforth of Tewksbury in the county of Middlesex yeoman, & that said Danforth put them off. I saw Thomas Senter of London Derry in the county of Rockingham in New-Hampshire yeoman, put off a false forty shilling bill to a merchant in Cambridge, which bill he said Thomas told me he & his brother Samuel Senter of said London Derry yeoman altered from fourteen shillings. I also at the same time altered for said Thomas a twelve shilling bill, making it twenty shillings. Not long since I also delivered to said Thomas Senter two false forty shilling bills which I altered, & if he passed them he was to give me one half ; but I have not seen him since. Said Samuel also told me that he altered bills & gave them to his said brother Thomas to put off. He said Samuel also shewed me a New-Hampshire bill of one shilling & six pence which he said he had altered & made nine shillings and six pence. Said Kelley since the last spring repeatedly told me that there was a press in Salem for counterfeiting Rhode Island money, & that he should have a quantity of it. Said Samuel Danforth also told me there was such a press in Salem, & that he was to have some of the money there counter feited, thro Kelley. Said Samuel Senter also told me the same thing, and that his uncle James Taylor of Merrimack in New-Hampshire was to have a share of said forged money, & if he had that he said Samuel was to have some of his said uncle, to whom he said he had lent seventy dollars to be applied towards setting up said press. Said Samuel also told me that his said uncle had sold his farm at a place called Pine Hill in Hollis aforesaid, that in case people should take notice of his having a good deal of money, it might in that way be accounted for. Said Thomas Cummings also told me that he passed a false six pound bill, to a hatter in Boston which I think he said Cummings told me he altered from six pence; also that Daniel Farnsworth of Groton in Middlesex county was present when he passed it ; and that he rec d . for said bill a hat valued at forty shillings, an eight dollar continental bill, and a guinea. Dated in the Goal at Salem the fifth day of August 1776. James Roby Essex ss. The foregoing confession of James Roby was made before me the day & year above written. Tim. Pickering jun r . Justice of the Peace The further confession of James Roby. I James Roby, now a prisoner in Salem goal, do of my own free will confess and declare that I have at divers times since the last spring in formed John Holland of Amherst in the county of Hillsboro gentleman, that I altered the bills of credit of some of the New England Colonies or States, that are now & were then current, & twice shewn him bills so al tered, by increasing their denomination ; & often asked him to pass them, 154 but he always refused, saying he could live without it, & that they (mean ing the people at & about Amherst) had such a spite against him, that if he should be found out, they would kill him ; and once added "and damn it, it does not look honest." He was never present when I passed any false bills. Afterwards I was once present with said Holland at the house of Samuel Cummings Esq r . of Hollis, where said Holland was then unwell; and I then & there altered divers of bills of credit now current, and said Holland came to the table & said he would try if he could alter them, & took two words, cut out of a book to scrape them thin, in order to paste on to the bills, & I told him how to go to work ; he scraped them a little while, and returned them to me, saying, I cannot work in paper as you can ; and then laid down on the bed & laughed, & said "this is a droll way of making money". - - Some time after this said Holland told me he had tried to alter a bill, & pulled it out & shewed it to me : I told him he did not know how to work very well : I know it, says he ; & then twisted the bill up & said he would destroy it ; and I swear, says he, I will never alter another. This I think was a Rhode-Island bill, & altered from two to ten shillings. James Roby Essex ss. August 29. 1776. The aforegoing confession was made before me, Timothy Pickering jun r . Jus. o Peace. NB. S d . Robie recognized in Court at Salem Feb^ 4. 1777 in the Sum of 50. for his appear 06 at next Term to answer for the above offence. 1 HENRY KNOX. Henry Knox to Henry Jackson. Camp Bucks-County 2O th Aug* 1777 my Dear friend I received yours of the 7 th instant, and am much diverted at the ridiculous exhibition of the money makers on the suppos d appearance of the enemy in the Bay. poor devils, they are very like to the hardned Sinner who never thinks of death untill he Seizes him & then alls horrror and confusion. I am shock d at your representation of the want of patriotism, and am willing to beleeive the warmth of my friends Ideas has led him to draw conclusions, which a dispassionate survey would not warrant My God is it possible that the people who two years ago were the fore- 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Chazn.F.2.i7]. The document is in the writing of Timothy Pickering. 155 most in the noble cause of Liberty should now shrink from the appear ance of an enemy ? - - after having suf f er d and brav d danger in a man ner that would have given additional Splendor to a roman, to meanly shrink from an enemy, who in many points of view is laughable - - tis too much. I am also surpriz d and shock d at the supiness shewn by the New England States on the untoward situation of our affairs at the north ward - The people in the southern states exclaim loudly at their non- exertions at the time when they are so much wanted - - I know the offi cers in that Department has been the objection, but that is remov d. Burgoynes temerity opens wide the door for his destruction, and it will be an eternal disgrace to the New Engand Colonies if it is not accom- plish d. What avails idle excuses at this time, such as "my business will not permit me to go" - "my wife expects to lye in" - "I shall lose a very good bargain" those people who make them are ripe for Slavery and I shall hope to have in my power to put them in to some mines for the ser vice of the public wretches who refuse to exert and expose themselves a little, that they & they [their] posterity may enjoy all the felicities & blessings of Liberty I maintain it that America is not safe untill the delegates of the people have power to Coerce the Lazy Disobedient and refractory at times of such imminent danger, all the people ought as one man turn out and save themselves from Slavery the time will come or thefy] must submit to be made the tools of an inveterate enemy. It is reported that M r Howe has gone to South Carolina which I shall be in- clin d to beleive except You know more of him at the time you shall re ceive this than I do. I am afraid the fear of the City of Philadelphia has led us into a snare time will shew how this is I believe their fear will subside and some vigorous measures take place in its room The General has repeatedly written to the State respecting your Regiments & if they will not exert thems [elves] it shews the weakness of the Govern ment indeed it has been my opinion for a long time that the representa tives themselves by doubting their own power, has communicated their doubts to their constituents who have refusd to Obey the impotence of a Resolve had a contrary conduct been resolv d upon all the Regi ments would have been completed by this time I am my dear Harry Your very affectionate friend H. Knox 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.7.84]. 156 NATHANIEL APPLETON. Nathaniel Appleton to Lovell. Boston April 28 th . 1778 Dear S r : Notwithstanding I have neglected so long to acknowlege your favours 14 th . Ult. inclosing M r Amory 8 . Letter, yet be assured it is with the greatest pleasure that I receive a Line from my much respected Friend Lovell whose suffering, & exertions for the Rights & Liberties of his Country intitle Him to the greatest respect, pardon me I had most for gotten who I was writing to The Letter you inclosed me is very similar to the Account he gave me of the matter while here, I believe it was in M r . A s . power to give such a colouring to the manner in which he took the Oath, as would have put him into the Class of Duress, but M r . A came hot from the glare of British power & could not suddenly bring himself to conceive the same reverence due to his own Countrymen, could not realize us Independant States, & so dare not in any respect vitiate his Denizenship with them, he put on a firmness to counteract the softer passions, while here, that he seems to have abated something of in his Letter to you. you know Johny is sud den in his determinations, he did not meet at first with that reception he expected, & suddenly determined not to attempt an accomodation in his embarrass d circumstances, which in my opinion shew more obstinacy than good judgement considering the peculiar situation of his family M r . A & many others may be compared to the Boys & Frogs in the Fable, as to their former conduct it might be only funn & sport with them to pelt & laugh but its effects if not suddenly quashed would have been death to us or the great serious Cause in which we were engaged ; I am heartily sorry that M r . A has fallen into this predicament, he certainly has many virtues for which I esteem him & had it not been for his connections he might now have been a vauable member of this Community I shew the Letter to Mr. S. A. agreable to your desire, whose opinion I need not mention as this goes by him who you will doubtless be glad to see. we are sorry to have him leave the Town but think it proper he should be active in a more import [ant] sphere at this most important time - - I congratulate you on the great & very seasonable News from Europe it gives new spring to all the true Independants, which I trust, are this way, Vastly the ma jority, I sincerely pray the Fountain of all Wisdom & Goodness to direct the Congress at this time when our Enemies are about to try to accomplish that by artifice which they cannot by force, it was always said of Britain tho she beat in field, but was beat in the Negotiations with France, now if we can beat them in both, we shall attract the admiration of all the World, oh the pittyfull shifts they are put to to send over an half begotten illbegotten Hemorphridite which is neither male or female Dependant or Independent not yet born, yet sent across the Atlantic to accomplish more 157 than 60,000 men could do, oh ! strange but where am I rambling to, it grows late just a word about home, I saw M rs . Lovell Sunday well, am sorry for your loss have not heard a word from M r . Walker for many months he has never wrote from Camp. Balch is up in the Woods making Hats & Hay, my family are all well, my Office constantly engages me tho to little proffit, M r . Adams will shew you my thoughts upon that subject money scarce, all sorts of goods fall tho home produce slowest Your sincere Friend, N. Appleton * WILLIAM DONNISON. William Donnison to Dzvight Foster. Boston July 2O th . 1779. Dear Sir Altho you require but a single line, in return, yet I will burthen you with many, notwithstanding the whole matter herein contain d might be comprized within that restriction You seem to fancy that it is the determination of the Enemy to carry on the Extremes of War, if so, how is it in our power to retalliate, by destroying our own Cities and Villages ? We are not capable of carrying the war over the atlantic, therefore in that respect they have the superior advantage, their fleet commands our Coasts and thereby accessable to their troops, we are wholly expos d and they in safety, this Metropolis may be taken at any time with 3 ships of the Line and 5,000 troops and further more, the half of the people wish their coming. We have just rec d . an Account from Gen 1 . Gates of the Reduc tion of a fort on the north river, but the people know the credulous dis position of the Gen 1 , so well that they place no confidence in any Account he may transmit hither. Our fleet Saild three days since, they are to touch at N Hampshire to recieve troops, to take under convoy some more transports and be joiml by some Ships of War and then proceed to the seat of opperation, their force consists of I frigate 10 Ships of 20 Guns & upwards, 10 Brigs & I Sloop of 12 Guns & upwards, land force uncertain - - believe to be about 2500 - must quit one lawyer to have to do with another I have a case depending at Court and must attend. I had rather have to do with the - - than with a Lawyer in their way of business. Am with friend ship and respect Y r Hble Serv*. William Donnison 2 Dwight Foster Esq r . Providence. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.2g]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.3o]. 158 BOUNTIES TO SOLDIERS AND THE DEPRECIATION OF THE CONTINENTAL CURRENCY, 1780. To the Honorable Council and House of Representatives in General Court assembled May it please your Honors. The Committee from the Massach. line of the Army would have been perticularly happy to have had it in their power to inform this Honorable Court at their first meeting that the Business on which they were sent was accomplished in such a manner as to have done that Justice to the Army which they had a right to expect not only from their long and patient ser vices under every disadvantage which could possibly attend them but also from the liberal promises made them by this State. Yet we feel a con sciousness that no exertions of ours have been wanting to accomplish this desireable purpose and that we have strained no point beyond the line of Justice and equity. Previous to the last adjournment of the Court we presented a me morial wherein we pointed out the reason which then Occured why Town Bounties and private hire should not be Considered in the present Settle ment. In addition to those reasons we would beg leave further to observe that the Resolve of Court passed last session which excluded those Boun ties being published by authority in General Orders was made use of as an inducement for the Men to reingage in the service. A very considerable number therefore viewing the matter upon that Generous scale and being fully convinced that the State was determined they should not suffer by the depreciation of the Currency reinlisted upon those considerations. Should these Bounties now be deducted and the soldiers who have reinlisted be deprived of that consideration which they considered them selves entitled to from the publication of a resolve we fear it would in some measure destroy that confidence which they ought to place in the faith of the Publick and will be attended with disagreeable consequences in the Recruiting service. On this head we would further observe that the principal part of those bounties were given to men who engaged late in the year 1777 and in 78 after the Currency had depreciated very con siderably and we find by Calculation that those sums received from Towns Added to the State and Continental Bounties are not much more valuable than the state and Continental Bounties alone were to those who Inlisted in the beginning of the year 1777. 159 Considering the matter therefore in this point of view those principles of equal Justice which we are perswaded influenced the Court in their last determination with regard to Town Bounties will be destroyed unless the Depreciation is made good in the Continental and State Bounties at the time of inlistments, and the Situation of those soldiers who inlisted late will by no means be so advantageous as those who first inlisted with out a Town Bounty. Another Difficulty has arisen in the Course of the business which we conceive (?) we had little reason to expect and that is the manner of valueing the Pay we have receiv d from the Continent. We cannot recon cile it to any principles of Justice and Equity to consider this pay more valuable than it was when the Army receiv d it from the publick. For had the payment been delay d these three years past and the Army receiv d no part of their pay till the present time we cannot Immagine that this Honorable Court would in that case thought it Just or reasonable to charge the Army with the full sum their pay would amount to if valued by the rate of Depreciation settled for each month during the whole time when in fact it would not be worth more than one eighth part of that sum. As the Currency has been continually varying and for the most part rapidly Depreciating we cannot concieve any other possible method of stamping the true value upon the wages received than by the rate of Depreciation at the time when the General Payments were made. We are fully persuaded the design of the Resolve which promised to make the Army good was to indemnify them for every loss they had sus tained on account of the Depreciation of the Currency. And it is evident this design will be frusterated if their Continental pay is valued by the rate of depreciation any number of months before it was received by the Army from the Publick and the value will appear proportionably greater as the Depreciation was less at that time when the payments were made and this loss ocation d by the Depreciation from the time it was valued to the time of payment wil not be made good. We were intitled by a Resolve of Congress to our pay at the Close of each month and if the Depreciation of the pay is not made good from the time it became due to the time the different payments were made by the publick we find by calculation it will deprive us of a considerable part of what would be otherwise due on account of the Depreciation of the Cur rency. And as it was no fault of the Army that the payments were not punctually made we cannot concieve that this Honorable Court will think it consistant with reason and Justice that they and they only should suffer the loss occationed by that delay especially as the Publick were in some measure benefitted by the measure seeing it kept the sums due to the Army out of Circulation during the periods they were deprived of it. But perhaps it may be objected that it was not the fault of this State that the payments were not punctual; but of Congress. In answer to which we would observe tho far from attributing any design of injustice tc them yet as the Currency was emitted by the authority of Congress and was distributed by their directions consequently the whole of the Depre ciation was owing to them and not to this state any farther than this State 160 makes a part of the Continent. So that the Objection of making good any part will equally apply as to making good the depreciation from the time that the pay became due until the General payments were made. But as Congress have reffered the matter to the several States to make good the losses their respective Quota s of the Army have sustained on account of the depreciation of the Currency we would therefore submit to this Honorable Court whether this matter does not fall within their province as we conceive neither the Recommendation of Congress or the Resolve of the State wherein they engage to make good the wages of the establishment of Congress will be fully complied with unless we are in demnified for every Disadvantage sustain d by the Depreciation. We have been more perticular on this head as it is a Claim the Com mittee of Court did not consider at liberty by any Resolve to admit though sensible at the same time that our pay wil not otherwise be made good and it will establish a precedent by which in case of appreciation of the Cur rency the State will in future receive an advantage tho the Army will have no more than Justice done them in case of Depreciation. We have the Honor to be March 9 th 1780 [No signatures.] SAMUEL COLEMAN. Samuel Coleman to Dwight Foster. Park of Artillery Near Morris-Town March 19 th . 1780. Dear Foster, Previous to my departure from Windsor I had for several Weeks, in vain visited the Post-office in Hartford for a Letter from my friend. A mortifying disappointment was what I always met with; I will, how ever, rather impute it to the severity of the Weather which no doubt pre vented the Post from performing his duty, than any neglect in You. This is a conclusion which perhaps my Pride has as great a share in as my friendly disposition towards you: but this is only a conjecture of mine; you may probably determine aright on the matter. Why I have not wrote you before now since my leaving Connecticut is owing to the unsettled state in which I have ever since been. The 12 th . January I left Windsor & after suffering eight days violent fatigue & very severe cold I arrived at Morris-Town where, the fatigue and cold I had suffered in the journey in conjunction with the old disorder which I have not yet got rid of, after eight or ten Days, made it necessary for me to take up my Quarters within the Viscinage of the general Hospital near Pluckemin, where I have con tinued ever since till within this day or two, but am now happily settled 161 in Camp tho not quite so well as I could wish, yet I hope in a fair way for a perfect recovery. The good News of importance in this quarter is an account of the present favourable situation of affairs in Ireland the particulars of which you no doubt have been & are now happy in the knowledge of. There is also a prospect of settling a Cartel for the general exchange of Prisoners, a circumstance I am happy in reflecting on as it will be the means of re storing some of our most valuable Officers to the generous use of their sword in behalf of their injured Country. There is many various conjec tures respecting what may turn up during the course of the ensuing Cam paign here ; Some very sanguinely flatter themselves with an early cessa tion of Arms by a general pascification. This however distant is most devoutly to be wished on our part that some effectual remedies may be applied to the many disorders too apparrent, from the present disposition of our People, in our Constitution. A considerable revolution must take place : The want of Public Virtue, or perhaps the designs of the intrigu ing part of the Community, will make it inevitable. Postponing the regu lation of Prices have given an additional stab to the Currency of which it will be with difficulty recovered and no doubt but something or other will constantly be apply d as a cure which will produce effects diametrically opposite ; in short I am out of all hopes that it will ever be restored to its much wanted vigour. The Provision issued to our Brigade is but very barely sufficient to support it, what remains of it is, however, pretty well cloathed, which I believe is the situation of the Army in general & I might add as is cust- tomary they are in pretty good spirits ; This in part may be true, but it is as certain that great part of the Pennsylvania Line is very much discon tented from a dispute between the Officers and soldiers respecting the in- listments of the latter, many of whom contend they were listed but for three years while their Officers insist on their being inlisted during the War. This dispute caused such frequent desertions while those troops were on Command on the Lines, that it was thought expedient to man the Line with the Troops from Connecticut alone. I shall conclude with again requesting you to pursue the subject of your first favour to me since my departure from Providence, which is all I have had the pleasure of receiving from my Friend Foster. I have re quested to be remembered to all my Acquaintance in a Letter to Joseph Rogers which accompanies this from your sincerely Affectionate friend Sam Coleman Dwight Foster, Esq . 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.32]. 162 OLIVER WOLCOTT. Oliver Wolcott to Topping Reeve. Philadelp 3 . 16 Jan r y. 1781. Sir The unhappy Disturbance in the Pensylvania Line is quieted Many of them are Discharged especially such as claimed to be dis missed as they had inlisted for three years or during the War. This Ambiguous Inlistment has been the occasion of much Difficulty be sides this the State hired Men lately at the Incampment of the Line to inlist during the War by a Bounty of Nine pounds in Specie These Circumstances attending such as have been common to the other Lines, Viz. the Want of Pay and proper supplies, seems to have been the principal Causes of the late Disturbance. The Line discovered their abhorrence of entering into the British Service by their rejecting Very alluring Offers and by their delivering up to be executed the Comissarys Sent out by the British Commander to Seduce them from their Allegiance. Every Principle of Justice as well as Prudence dictate the Neces sity of paying the Army And Congress have called again upon the States to enable them to Effect it. To Pay and Provide for the Army ought certainly to be the primary Objects in every deliberative Council. You will Perceive by the enclosed Paper that the Enemy have begun to Ravage Virginia We have no very late News Southward of that State But what you will probably see in your own Papers. The general State of affairs in Carolina and Georgia seems to be that the Enemy are exercising the greatest Severity upon the Inhabi tants And that the People especially in the Northern Parts of those States, are taking every Opportunity in which they are frequently successful, to repel the Violence. We have no very late Intelligence from Europe. The New Money of this State is but just coming out so that it cannot yet be Said, what will be the Degree of Credit which it will obtain But it will soon be in Circulation, whether the Tender Act of this State will Accelerate the Circulation, cannot now be ascer tained I receive no Letters from Litchfield Whether the Want of Opportunity to Write or the Apprehension of Letters miscarrying prevent, my having them I cannot say Altho I think that Letters will come by the Post with tolerable Safety - - My best Compliments to Mrs. Reeve who I hope enjoys better Health I am Sir With much Regard Your most Obed. Serv* Oliver Wolcott Tapping Reeve Esq :* RICHARD HENRY LEE. Richard Henry Lee to Arthur Lee. Epping Forest May 13, 1781. My dear Brother. You may observe from the place from whence I write that Chan- tilly is no longer our place of residence. Since you left us we have been taught to expect, and we have been vigorously preparing to receive properly on Potomac the hostile visit that has lately done so much damage upon James river. It seems more than probable that the enemy intended here after they had burnt most of the great Warehouses on James river, because they had descended as low as James Town, when meeting with dispatch vessels from below they returned with great quickness up to Hoods, landed, and proceeded southward the Marquis crossed James river and pursuing them, they have turned about and have again approached James river, that of Appomattox being between them&the Marquis who cannot cross the latter river without putting it in the power of the enemy to push up James River & destroy Richmond before he could recross Appa- mattox and arrive to prevent them this is the cruel mischief that attends our want of marine force with a tenth of our land power they can baffle and injure us most essentially having the command of the water. At this moment, if their water force in James river was put into our hands, their Army would be so likewise in a few days We understand that Cornwallis is at Hallifax in N. Carolina looking this way that Gen. Green has given a capital defeat to Lord Rodden [Rawdon] near Cambden, and that our affairs in the South wear a good aspect Can we not get a fleet to come here, it will produce most salutary consequences. Have Congress seen the very artful and dangerous proclamation lately published by Arbuthnot & Clinton? It is published at N. York the 29 th of december and is now most diligently circulating in these Southern States, whilst we have no Press & no means of counteracting its malignity Surely Congress 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts 164 will publish such an answer as it easily admits of and cause a suffi ciency of Hand bills to be printed for dispersion, especially in these southern parts where a want of Presses renders us in a great measure a prey to such artifices as this proclamation I think that no time is to be lost in doing this I inclose you now an accurate list of my Tickets in the 4 th class of the Cont 1 . Lottery I find that there is one Ticket more than I had in the third class and of a number different from any that I had in that Class. It was among the numbers! of those Tickets that my most worthy friend D r , Shippen the elder sent me when you came to Virginia the number is 13, 687 and it may be one of his own Tickets sent me by mistake Speak to him on the subject & let him know that the Ticket is here with me Be so kind as to inform me of the fate of my Tickets and get me the pamphlet commonly published by the Managers after every Lottery shewing the fate of all Tickets Pray bestir yourself, get us a french fleet here, and a good answer to this insidious proclamation God bless you and make you as happy as I wish you to be Our love to fourth Street & my respects to my old Whig friends in Congress Unalterably yours Richard Henry Lee. 1 I hope M r Izard is well recovered from his illness it will make me happy to know it. ABIEL FOSTER. Abiel Foster to M. Weare. Princeton 23 d . October 1783. Sir. I enclose a Copy of a Resolution of Congress for a second foederal Town on the Potomack, at, or near George Town; and for adjourning Congress to meet at Anapolis, on the twenty Sixth of November next. The reasons of this resolution were, the uneasiness of the southern Deli- gates at fixing the residence on the Delaware, at, or near the falls above Trenton; and the apprehensions of the Northern States, that no other measures would prove effectual to prevent the return of Congrdss to Philadelphia, for a temporary residence. An authenticated Copy of the provisional Articles, and of the rati fication of the same by Congress, is ordered to be transmitted to the the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. E.g.i6] On the back of this letter are some memoranda in the writing of Arthur Lee. 165 respective States: the desine is, that they may take no measures incon sistent with those Articles & which would render the fulfilment thereof impracticable. The Articles themselves do not seem sufficiently explicit. A question may arise, at what period are they to take place in America? Whither on the cessation of hostilities in consequence of the proclamation (which was no part of the preliminary Articles) or on the ratification of those Articles in America, or not untill the ratification of the difini- tive Treaty, in which the provisional Articles are to be inserted and to constitute part thereof. While we are waiting for the definitive Treaty (which will I hope remove these difficulties) every State will do well to judge in the best manner they can, on the sense of the provisional Articles, and endeavor to do nothing inconsistent with what is therein stipulated on the part of the United States. I have the Hon r . to be with great respect and esteem your Hon rs . very humble & most Obed 1 Serv*. Abiel Foster. Hon ble M. Weare Esquire. 1 JOSHUA BARNEY. Captain Joshua Barney to Robert Lewis. Baltimore Aug*. 9 th 1789 Dear Lewis, last night the appointments arrived, and you can easily guess my situation on finding R. P. preferr d to me, a man who never rendered services to his Country, nor a branch of his family, whilst I served it faith fully for nine years, and suffered every thing man could suffer, nor have I ever yet had a settlement from the public, they now Owe me more than I ever rec d which I paid out of my pocket but why need I now com plain, it is over, and I must make the best of it, if recommendations had been necessary, there is not a Merchant in this town but would have given it, but I built too much on my own merit I find there is no likelyhood of an arrangement in the Navy taking place, and if it did, I could not receive any appointment that would support my large family - - then what it to be done. Alas! I must leave this Country, and try a more Hospitable clime, this my dear Lewis is a cruel thought, for I must leave behind me, all my family and at the same time quit a Country that I so often have risked my life for; and is the place of my Nativity, but my family calls for my Assistance, and something must be done 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.4o]. 166 write my dear friend, and give me your advice on this serious business, for alas, I do not know how to turn myself, and if I go, it must be to join some power at War, and god knows I have had enough of that already for the Satisfaction I have received but I do not complain, of that dear, good man our president, he has done it for the best it is only my misfortune but if I once go, I never will see this Country again, that shall be my Country, that gives most for my Services O Lewis, if I was single, and had not a young family round me, I could smile on all the tricks that fortune could play me but it is far otherwise. I have three Boys and a Girl the Boys I hope will be an acquisition to any Country, but they shall share their fortune with their father present my dear Lewis, my best respects to that most amiable of Women, M rs . Washington] to Col. Humphreys M r Lear & our little travellers, Washington & Nelly and pray indulge me by return of post with a line, tell me how things go on, and your advice on the subject already mentioned, heaven s bless you, my friend and keep you from feeling these sensations that now dwell in the breast of him that wishes ever to be ranked among your friends Joshua Barney can you Obtain, and send me the Bill of the Judiciary as sent by the Senate to the other House M r J. Henry will frank it for me. 1 Robert Lewis Esq r . at the President s of the U. S. New York. HENRY BATES. Henry Bates to Ephraim Fresco tt & Co. Burmudas Aug 4 20 1795. D Sir. This is to inform you I saild from marigalantee the 27 th of July & on the 7 th of August being in Latt 32-07 & Long 60-10 was capturd by a Bermidian Privateer Sloop mounting 3 Carage Guns, Josiah Basden master, & brought into this port, & Schooner & Cargo is Libeld & to be tried in their Court of Admirality & will be condemd without the least doubt as they consider the Windward French Islands to be in a State of Blockade. Which is not the case, as the British Forces is withdrawn from them Islands 2 weeks before I arived there. By the advice of all the Americans at this place & the American Attorney I think I shall 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.F.2.4o]. 167 claim the Property & stand tryal in order to have the Priviledge of apeai- ing to the Court of Britain hereafter, if you should think proper. I have consulted all the principal men at this place that is Friends to the Ameri cans & they are of opinion that the French Islands will not be considerd as Blockaded in the Court of Britain when there is no forces there at Sea nor on shore. I think it will be 40 Days from this date before I shall be able to leave this Cursed place, as I judge from the detention of other vessels, & the Expence of the Business will be 5 or 600 Dollars. Which money I can be supplied with by Cap 1 Barr of Salem & shall draw a Bill on my owners for the same. I am in Hopes to Bye the Schooner for you again for 4 or 500 Dollars. I shall keep my mate & one man untill the vessel is condemd & then to git one more man at this place, which will be suffitient to bring the Schooner home. There is 15 Sail of Americans at this port, But not one in the same Situation as myself, for the most of them have Letters from their owners How to proceed in thier Business. But it will be impossable for me to git any directions from any of you before my tryal comes on. In which case it Renders my Situation very disagreeable for Fear I should Act in any Point that would not terminate for the Benefit of my owners. I shall however do everything that is in my Power. At the same time I suppose all I can say or do will not avail nothing, for this is a place where justice is not to be found. I shall have opportunities to write often & hope I shall hear from you. My Vessel is carried 15 miles in to the Country & I am obligd to take Lodgings in Town where my Expences is Extravagant. I should not have Room to tell you how many Insults we americans are obliged to submitt to at this place from your hum le Serv*. signd Henry Bates The foregoing is a true Copy, attest Eph m Prescott Benj. Wheeler. ANDREW JACKSON. From Andrew Jackson to . Philadelphia February 24 th . 1797 Sir Your letter of the 29 th ultimo, Came Safe to hand this morning, and is now before me I am Sorry to learn from your letter, the depredations that has been Committed, on the Indians, by our Citizens but am happy to learn, your Good intentions, of having them brought to Trial, for the offence Com- 168 mitted, an offence that may involve in it the lives of many of our Inno cent, Citizens and perhaps women and Children In you alone is Con stitutionally invested the authority and power of protecting, the State in Case of Invasion, and to bring to Condign punishment, (through the medium of the Courts of Justice) any person that may Commit acts, that may tend to Endanger the safety and peace of your Goverment these are powers, that Consistant, with the Sovereignity retain d by the States, properly belong to Each Individual State, which never ought on any account to be Surrendered to the General Goverment, or its officers and when, an attempt is made to arest that perogative out of the hands of the Executive of the State It ought to be opposed the Executive of the union has ever since the Commencement of the present Goverment, been Grasping after power, and in many instances, Excercised powers, that he was not Constitutionally invested with, the Moment, the Sovereign ity of the Individual States, is overwhelmed by the General Goverment, we may bid adieu to our freedom, let that be brought about, Either by a Legislative act of the General Goverment, or by the Executive of the union Excerciseing, those powers and the State quietly, suffering it The appointment of Healy (who is an officer unknown to any law that I can find) and investing him with that power, of Supperintending the Indian affairs, and Carrying on a trade with the Indians in the name of the united States, and Excluding from that Trade the Individuals of our State, without being Clog[ged] with Certain regulations are of this kind and ought to be Deprecated, I should have attempted to have brought about a i epeal of that law this Session had your letter reached me at an Earlier period of the Session but now it is too late. The Chickasaws appeared verry much displeased before the[y] left, this place, and in my oppinion not without good Cause, They beheld those that had always been inimical to the united States, better Treated or in other words, more attention paid to them than was to their chiefs and with propriety might piomengo, make use of the Expressions, mentioned in your Letter, when the Goverment, would suffer Watts under their noses to destroy and burn the beds furnished him and his men to lie on, whilst here (because he could not have the Liberty to carry them away) and pass over Such an act in Silence, and try to keep it a profound Secrete from the world, Such policy is calculated to Encourage those Indians, to hostile acts I intend to wait upon the Secratary at war and Converse with him on the Substance of your letter the post leaving this place at 2 oclock p. m. which prevents me from knowing his Sentiments, and transmitting them to you by this mail Indeed Sir I have to write this letter in the house, and Cannot, answer your letter so fully as I could wish, having to Depposit, it, in the post office at 12 oclock I now have the pleasure, to Communicate to you that, the Claim of Hugh L White has been acted upon and descided in favour of the Claim ant, which has Established, the principle for the payment, of your Bri gade It was referred to the Committee of ways and means to insert in 169 the appropriation bill for the military Established for the year 1797, which bill is reported to the house and I have no doubt but that item will be agreed to The next object, after having secured the payment due your Com mand in 1793, was Our Command and to bring it before the house, I applied at the office of the Secretary at war, for such papers as would be necessary, to acompany a memorial on that Subject But Sir notwith standing, the services were performed in the year 1794, and the order Issued by Gen 1 Robertson authorising and Commanding the Expedi tion forwarded to the Secrataries office, and laid before this house on the 1 8 th . of December 1794, the Secretary at War tells me he knows noth ing of the Services, and that there has been no papers relative to those Services, forwarded to his office, from which we may learn how far Col. Hanley has acted Consistent with the duty of his office, and I must Con fess had I papers to authorise an Enquiry, I would introduce it before this house, into the Conduct of Col Hanley but I am neither in possession of papers to authorise, such an Enquiry, or to bring the Claim before this house, I am Sir y r mo, ob, serv, Andrew Jackson * MRS. ANDREW JACKSON. Mrs. Andrew Jackson to Andrew Jackson. Aprile the 5 th 1813 My Dear Husband I received your affectionate Letter By Major Hines and Mr. Blackman 1 was very Glad indeed to See them it was the greatest marke of your attention and regard to me I was happy to Here you wer in good health that I Should Shortely Bee blest with my Dearer Self once more meete you In this Life never an other painfull Seperation But I Saw a Letter you wrote Ge nl overton Wherein you Expresst a wish to go to the North w Oh how hard it appeard and one to Colo W T arde of the same tennure how Can you wish Such a perilous tower but the Love of Country the thirst for Honour and patriotism is your motive After a feeble acknowledgment of the maney polite and friendly atentions I have received through your goodness by your Friends I shall Never forgit I have a melencholy peice of news to relaite how Shall I Express rny Simpathy for our Dear friend Johney his Policy is no more She Departed This life Last wednesdaye Evening the 31 of March Poor fellow was here on mundaye previous to her Death he was on his waye to Doctor 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i3.] 170 Newnon I Do not think he thought her Daingerous when he was here o blooming youth thou arte not Exempt from the tyrent king of terrors well may Thou be Calld by that Name I regret I did not See her before her Exit Poor Dear J when he bid me Farewell I saw he was much affected asked me Come up I promised him I would but it has raind almost Ever Since Creeks and river high No one to go with me I herd it Last Night I Could Sleepe o what I feel for our unfortunate Friend I wish to see him, shall I see you in twenty Days o God send Showers on Scorching withering grass will not be more reviveing Gladly will I meete you when Ever you bid me our farm Looks well I Could write you all Day Long but such a Pen I feare you never Can read it pray my Dear write me on the way home and may The Lord bless you health safely restore you to my armes in mutuel Love is the prayers of your affection ate wife Rawchel Jackson Mr. Andrew Jackson 1 ROBERT MORRIS. Robert Morris to John Nicholson. Monday Morning 22 d April 1799. Jn Nicholson Esq r Dear Sir Your two letters of the 2O th are before me and it was my in tention to have replied yester morning but I passed the whole forenoon very disagreably on subjects of distress first with M r Chalmers & then with M r Fitzsimons (C. Young did not come) and the afternoon was devoted to my family. I saw with regret what you write of your situation in regard to bail and shall as you desire keep my knowledge in that respect to myself, most ardently wishing in the mean time that your exertions may enable you to extricate yourself from that dis- agreable predicament, I perceive you need not depend upon any assistance from P. Key. I never saw that Gent n or knew aught of him untill he introduced himself into my affairs. The plan of liberation which I am pursueing is much against the grain, but my family are so unhappy at my confinement that they give themselves nor me any peace, and I confess I do not like the idea of dicing here (poor Duer is dead in N York and thereby another unfortunate is released) and as to saving property from being sacrificed I see plainly that it is impossible, one thing goes after another and so will 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.i4]. continue untill the whole shall vanish and none know what is become of it. I am but too sensible how disagreable it will be to be questioned by the Court & Bar, but as to criminal prosecution I think my conduct in giving up will be such as to render that impossible, but the most material consideration, as I shall give up everything, is how shall I afterwards subsist my family. Adieu Rob* Morris. 1 JOHN LANGDON. John Langdon to Joseph Whipple. Philad. March 9 th . 1800. Dear S r . Your favor of the 24 th (tilt.) which Inclosed a letter to C Evans I have received. I shall see that Gentleman, and with pleasure Comply with your wishes. I am happy to hear that the true Federalists; or rather honest, Republicans begin to discover the fatal mistake they have so long laboured under, this opinion greatly prevails thro the several states, from which one may expect, great and essential benefits : the present time is truely alarming ; and calls for the exertions of every honest man, to turn out, boldly, in defence and for the preservation of the True Principals of our Constitution, this may be secured by placing in all offices, both in the general and State Governments, Honest, Republican Characters; without this measure is carried into effect, we may go on Complaining to the end of the Chapter, and have no redress, but if the friends to liberty would make some exertion I have no doubt they would in a short time be successful, when we should enjoy the Blessings of our free govenment; without this we cannot expect it. I have no doubt that a most vile Vilanous, secret Correspondence took place, before your dismissal from office. I wish the fact could be come at and exposed, however all in good time, patience, perseverance a little exertion, and a little money spent, in printing and giving the people information will! undoubtedly put things right. My kind Respects to the Ladies of your House and Believe me Sincerely your mo ob*. St. John Langdon Joseph Whipple Esq. 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.23], 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.E.n.47]. 172 HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON, NUMBER FIVE. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES. A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FOUR. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS. HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS IN THE PUBLIC LIBRARY OF THE CITY OF BOSTON. NUMBER FIVE. BOSTON: PUBLISHED BY THE TRUSTEES A. D.: NINETEEN HUNDRED AND FOUR- The Public Library of the City of Boston : Printing Department, February, 1904. CONTENTS. PAGE DAVID HOWELL. To John Brown, Jan. 26, 1801 177 JAMES BOWDOIN. To Jesse Putnam, June 30, 1802 179 FISHER AMES. To Isaac P. Davis, Dec. 21, 1802 180 JOHN MARSHALL. Petition to High Court of Chancery, Richmond, Va., Jan. 28, 1803 182 STEPHEN Row BRADLEY. To Judge Royall Tyler, Jan. 27, 1810 184 JACOB BROWN, BRIGADIER-GENERAL. To Gov. Daniel D. Tompkins, on Battle of Sackett s Harbor, June i, 1813 186 AARON BURR. To Governor Joseph Alston, Nov. 15, 1815 191 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. To William Plumer, July 6, 1818 193 SAMUEL DELUCENNA INGHAM. To David Henshaw, Sept. 2, 1821 195 To Same, Aug. 17, 1830 195 To Same, Aug. 20, 1830 197 JAMES MONROE. To , Sept. 24, 1821 198 ELIHU CHAUNCEY. To Asbury Dickens, Sept. 7, 1824 200 LEVI WOODBURY. To William Plumer, April 23, 1826 201 IX PAGE BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. To John Bailey, Dec. 13, 1826 202 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON. To Captain P. P. Pitchlynn, Jan. 6, 1826 203 WILLIAM HARRIS CRAWFORD. To David B. Mitchell, July 9, 1827 204 GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS. To R. W. Meade, Sept. 29, 1827 205 To David Henshaw, Aug. 28, 1828 206 HENRY CLAY. To Col. Davidson, Dec. 24, 1827 207 To William Plumer, Jr., Feb. 23, 1829 208 JOHN CHANDLER. To David Henshaw, Dec. 27, 1828 209 ANDREW STEVENSON. To David Henshaw, Oct. 24, 1828 210 To George Ticknor, Nov. 18, 1840 210 AMOS KENDALL. To David Henshaw, Dec. 18, 1829 212 Card from Amos Kendall, Oct. 22, 1856 213 JOHN MILTON NILES. To David Henshaw, Feb. 22, 1830 2*4 DANIEL WEBSTER. To William Plumer, Jr., April 24, 1830 215 To Theophilus Parsons, Jan. 2, 1840 216 WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. To H. A. S. Dearborn, March 13, 1831 217 SILAS WRIGHT. To Edwin Croswell, Dec. 16, 1833 2l8 To William L. Marcy, Jan. 6, 1838 219 To A. P. Upshur, March 5, 1842 219 THOMAS CORWIN. To John McLean, June 19, 1834 221 To , Jan. 20, 1840 222 PAGE THOMAS EWING. To Peter Hitchcock, Dec. 28, 1834 223 JAMES BUCHANAN. To Asbury Dickens, Oct. 3, 1836 224 WILLIAM LEARNED MARCY. To General John Jackson, Jan. 3, 1838 224 CALEB GUSHING. To H. A. S. Dearborn, April i, 1840 225 ABEL PARKER UPSHUR. To President Tyler on case of Midshipman Cooper, Dec. 3, 1841 227 Endorsement of President Tyler, Dec. 6, 1841 227 MARTIN VAN BUREN. To William C. Bouck, Jan. 8, 1844 228 JAMES KNOX POLK. To William C. Beach, June 21, 1844 229 RICHARD RUSH. To Asbury Dickens, April 16, 1846 230 To Same, April 25, 1846 232 ZACHARY TAYLOR. To Col. Jefferson Davis, Aug. 3, 1846 233 FRANKLIN PIERCE. To James R. Rix, Dec. 21, 1846 234 JOHN TYLER. To Brantz Mayer, Aug. I, 1847 2 35 REVERDY JOHNSON. To Theophilus Parsons, May 24, 1848 237 JOHN VAN BUREN. To James , Sept. 17, 1864 238 XI DAVID HOWELL. Judge David Howell to Hon. John Brown, of Providence, R. I. Providence 26 January 1801 Dear Sir : You will know that I discharged the duty I owed to myself and my Country by writing as well as speaking and voting for M r . Adams. He has failed. It now remains that I discharge a Duty of Friendship which I owe to M r . Jefferson. You have heard me speak of him. We were in the old Congress together. He has since honourd me with Marks of personal Friendship. I have learned by Experience how incompetent my Judgment is to decide great and intricate Questions. Yet I cannot think that I shall have fulfilled my Duty as a Citizen on this momentous Occasion without suggesting a few Thoughts to your better Judgment. The People of this State are not acquainted with M r Burr, nor is it reasonable to suppose that the antifederal Ticket here, had it prevailed, would have included his Name. That Party voted for Jefferson. So that you seem to have the Sense of nearly half the Voters in this State on that Occasion for M r Jefferson and none for M r . Burr. If after this you prefer M r Burr, will not [you] be taking on yourself personally a great Weight of Responsibility M r Jefferson now fills the Vice Presidents Chair and seems to have a preferable Claim to be promoted on the Principle of Seniority, which all well regulated States greatly respect, and which is a good and safe Principle for the Peace and Order of the United States M r . Jefferson s Character is that of a Philosopher a moderate, calm and prudent Man. M r . Burr s Character as given by his Friends is that of Ambition Enterprize and Activity. It is for you to judge which is most likely to become dangerous to the Publick Repose as a leader of a Party. M r . Jeffersons Residence and Connexions are so far South that We are to presume that he will distribute the share of publick Appointments, &c, among the Northern States without Partiality for any one in par ticular; If M r Burr succeeds, will the Northern share of Loves and Fishes reach farther than in and about New York. Has Rhode Island more to hope for from M r Burr than from M r Jefferson who must view all the Eastern states with an impartial Eye. Perhaps it would not be 177 going too far to say that a dry Dock &c would be more likely to be established in our state under Jefferson or Pinckney, Southern Men, than even under M r Adams himself. For even he must be supposed to have local Attachments to Massachusetts, as M r Burr undoubtedly has for the state of New York. I speak now on the Ground of Principles which generally actuate all Men. The weight of Jeffersons personal Character has raised Burr to public Notice. The latter acknowledges this to be Fact in his Letter to General Smith which has been published He there confesses that the voters for the Antifederal Ticket intended Jefferson for President, and that in putting himself in Competition with him for that Place he should counteract the declared and known Views of the Electors which would be "an Insult to his Feelings" If M r Burr has attached himself to that Party from Principle, what hope can you have of winning him over by such a Preference. // not from Principle, what Confidence can you put in him when gain d to the Federal Side. The Members of Congress may Elect either of the Two; but are they not merely Organs of the Publick Will which has already decided in a very intelligible Language in Jeffersons Favour? Should Burr be imposed on the Antifederal Party as a President of their Choice might they not complain and say that they have been defrauded of their Favourite by Management, and if their Suspicions of improper Manage ment should rise high; if these suspicions should prove like Fuel added to their proper Fire of Discontent, if that Fire should blaze out and rage, if convulsions take place, who can tell where the Evil may terminate? I May here notice that Men of large Property, men interested in the public Funds have more at Stake, and should most cautiously avoid making an Experiment on the Feelings of a Disinterested Party. If Jef ferson is elected, I am confident he is too just a Man to favour Measures which may impair public Credit. His Circumstances in Life being easy and independent, he has too much to put at Risque in a general Scramble among Levellers. What Course M r Burr would take I know not. His Character is not known to Me personally. I am to presume that M r Jefferson deems him a Man of Honor. Should the Antifederalists be gratified in the Election of their Favourite Man, it is to be presumed that their Passions would assuage. When calm they would relax divide and dwindle But if irritated by such a vast disappointment their tempers would grow sharp and more bitter, their Exertions more indefatigable and when they shall have filled both Houses with Men of their own Views, Would M r Burr be able if inclined to thwart them ? I have great Hopes that the justice and Moderation of M r Jefferson would prove the surest means of checking and deranging the very Party which has supported him. For myself I revere the Hand which wrote the Declaration of Independence. I revere the Man who, after Twenty Six Years Trial in offices of the greatest Trust, has evinced an Integrity incorruptible and a Sagacity and Understanding equal to every Exigence. If M r Burr is his Superior, it remains for him to give Proof of it. He has 178 yet to convince his nearest Friends, the People of his own State, of that Superiority. I presume that you will do me the honor to consider with Calmness these Observations. They come not from a Party Man. Tis true they come from a Friend of M r . Jefferson and I may also add they come from a Friend of yours On no Occasion have I ever given Grounds to my Friends to say that I have not been true to the trust reposed in Me ; and I have written this Letter for your Consideration with no less View for your personal Advantage than for that of M r . Jefferson My Friend ! in Affairs of a public Nature Passion and Prejudice are apt to rise and blind our Eyes which should be always open and watchful for the real Interest, Welfare, Peace and tranquillity of our common Country so dear to us all I have only to request your Pardon for my long Letter and to assure you that I remain and always Your Sincere Friend & humble Serv* David Howell Hon John Brown. LIBRARY OF JAMES BOWDOIN. Letter from James Bowdoin to Jesse Putnam. Boston June 1802. 3O th ./ Jesse Putnam Esq r . Sir, I herewith enclose you y e second of a sett of exchange drawn in my favour by Nath 1 . Fellowes Esq r . on mess : Stroebel & Martini merchants of Bourdeaux; which I am to request y e . favour of you to invest in the following manner, viz: in a handsome fashionable black lace cloak for M rs . Bowdoin, not of the english patent net fabrick, but of real Lace, & the price not to exceed twelve Louis d ors : The residue I wish to be laid out in Books; any new publications, which may from their reputation, excite Curiosity; & after that, in y e best, & latest french translations of y e latin & greek Classicks : I suppose, Books of this latter sort will be found cheap in f ranee compared with like Books in engl d . : I am about arranging my Library, so as to include y e best french authors; I have already got y e . works of Rousseau, Voltaire, Helvetius, Mably, Abbe Raynal, Montesquieu, Condilliac, De la fontaine, Regnard, Moliere, Corneille, & several hundred other volumes; but as I wish to extend it further, I sh d . be glad to know y e . value of y e . following works: of y e . 179 latest & best edit 8 , of y e Encyclopaedia, both fol. q to ., & of y e dictionaire des arts & des metiers or of any other principal f rench works : or if y e . french Booksellers keep Catalogues of their Books with y e . prices an nexed, as y e . Booksellers in Lond. formerly did, I wish you w d . be kind enough to send me several of them. I am told before y e . last war, that english Books were printed in Switzerland & sold very low, much under y e . Lond. price; & to such an extant was this Business carried on, that all y e . best english literary works could be readily procured there. Please to advise me on this subject, & to acquaint me whether you shall be able & willing to procure me such Books as I may from time to time want from france & from Switzerland. The french System of Com merce, whatever it may prove, will be very important to y e . world in general, & in particular to y e . U. States. And I shall be much obliged to you for your opinion upon its subject ; & to send me any new publica tions, w ch . may from time to time be offered to y e . public in regard to it. I have a valuable work published in 1791, entitled De la Balance du Commerce &c a par M. Arnould. Your Brother & family are well: he is just returned from Naushan island ; where by the way I have a large quantity of excellent ship timber. What is its value in france? & w d . it be worth while to make a Shipment ? Hoping you are in good health, I am Sir, Y r most obed Servant James Bowdoin. 1 FISHER AMES. Fisher Ames to Isaac P. Davis. Dedham, Dec r . 21. 1802. Dear Sir I stay at home, instead of going into town as I had intended this day, as the rain and bad walking would probably imprison me at Vose s, if I should go. My design was to see and consult with your Committee of Arrangements in regard to the toasts. This has previnted my preparing a set. As it is prudent to guard against accidents which may hinder my going into town tomorrow, I hastily put down a few and would hammer out more, but the mail will soon pass Yr friend &c Mr Isaac P. Davis Fisher Ames I. A strenuous support to the liberty of law & the religion of truth. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham. C. 10.66]. 180 2. Such an Adm n . as will cherish virtue and such virtue among the people as ivould sustain and will restore such an administration, 3. Federal Justice, though now an exile, may it revisit our land. 4. Such a cure for democracy as will not kill. 5. The Company of the good at the feasts of the great. 6. A twofold warning from France once a f ireship, now a beacon. 7. New Eng d . here may republicanism ever be at home, and democracy ever an alien. 8. May our posterity be worthy of our ancestors. The principles and institutions of our ancestors our strongest (bul wark) safeguard our children* richest inheritance Federal principles may they never have better enemies nor worse friends. Such a navy as will prolong peace or protect in war, or thus . Such a navy as will make peace secure and war glorious. Our Sister Virginia : when she changes the three fifths of her Ethiopian skin we will respect her as the head of our white family. Our renowned ancestors may those who scorn their examples never inherit their acres. Liberty on fixed principles. May those who rose to power by asserting everything but the truth, hear nothing else while they hold it. As liberty rests on morals and religion may we never let the Jacobins pluck out that underpinning. The Clergy, (may they never be denied the praise of well doing nor denied by any but the Farmer all other reward Gov. Strong: may his example teach SOME other Chief Magistrates how power should be used. Our Militia may they keep their federalism as bright as their arms. The Federal minority in Congress, new triumphs to their eloquence. Such liberty as will make Gov 4 . stable, and such a Gov*. as will make liberty immortal. May those who affected (pretended) to dread the rule of an army, never succeed in their scheme to rule by a mob. The day like the path of the just may it continue to brighten. Some of the foregoing may answer best as Volunteers. I could wish to see you on any alterations in words or sentiment be fore you finally decide on making them. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C. 10.42]. 181 JOHN MARSHALL. To the Honble the Judge of the high court of Chancery sitting in Richmond orator John Marshall humbly showeth That some time in or about the year 1790 your orator purchased from Charles Minn Thurston a tract of land lying in the county of Buckingham, which the said Charles had before that time purchased from George Webb sen r . & George Webb jun r . The said Charles Minn Thurston George Webb sen r . & George Webb jun r . United in. a conveyance of the said land to your orator & the said Charles either jointly with the other vendore or singly warranted the title thereto against all persons what ever; all which will more fully appear by the deed of conveyance now of record in the General court of this Commonwealth. Your orator further shows that previous to the sale of the said land the said Charles Minn Thurston the said George Webb senior had conveyed a part thereof to John Pendleton either singly or jointly with some other person to secure a considerable debt due from the said George Webb Senior to Caron de Beaumarchais, with a power to the trustee or trustees to sell the same in such manner & at such time as is in the said deed specified. Of this incumbrance your orator had notice at the time of the purchase, but he felt no concern at the cir cumstance because the said Charles faithfully promisd to pay the debt & relieve the land from the incumbrance imposd on it, & because the payments from himself became due at distant times, and he relied on being able should it be necessary to appropriate a part of the purchase money to the discharge of the debt due the said Caron de Beau marchais. Your orator further states that he has now fully paid up the last shilling of the money contracted to be paid for the said land. The last payment was made in the year 1798. Soon after this payment was made he was applied to by John A Chevallie the agent of Caron de Beaumarchais & informd that a balance of between six and seven hundred pounds as well as your orator recollects still remaind due of the debt securd on the land purchasd as aforesaid by your orator. Application on this subject was made to the said Charles Minn Thurston who promisd to adjust the business so as to protect your orators property from the debt. This application was frequently repeated & your orator continually expected, & indued Mr. Chevallie to expect that the money would certainly be paid. At length Caron de Beaumarchais having departed this life his representatives who as 182 your orator is informd still continued the said John A Chevallie as their agent, requird, as your orator believes, that all their business under his management shoud be closd as speedily as possible. The said John A Chevallie applied to your orator, representing the absolute necessity of bringing this transaction to a termination & he promisd to see the said Charles Minn Thurston himself & know certainly what was to be depended on. In consequence of this engagement your Orator paid a visit to the said Charles Minn Thurston in the Summer of 1802 when he was informd by the said Charles that he contested the claim set up by the said John A Chevallie on account of the repre sentatives of Caron de Beaumarchais. On enquiry it appeard that there might be some trivial difference between them in their accounts but the material subject of controversy respected a house in the city of Richmond which had been taken on account of the said Caron de Beaumarchais from George Webb at between four & five hundred pounds & had been credited to the said Webb in account before the sale made by Webb to Thurston. After the sale made by Thurston to your orator, this house was recoverd as your orator is informd, from the person in possession in a suit brought in the county court of Henrico ; after which the credit given the said Webb on account of the said house was disallowd & the sum at which it had been taken rechargd. The said Thurston alledges that on the faith of an account ren- derd by the agent of the said Beaumarchais exhibiting the balance actually due, he made the purchase, & has retaind in his hands only so much money as woud satisfy the balance stated to be due, & has paid without suspicion of any further demand, the residue of the purchase money to the said George Webb Senior who is since dead insolvent & who was actually insolvent before he had any notice of the defect in the title to the said house, or any cause to suspect such defect. Under these circumstances he alledges that no claim can be made on him or on the land sold to him for the amount of the said house, since shoud he be compeld to pay it. it will be a clear loss to him occasiond by his confiding implicity to the amount renderd by the agent of Beaumarchais. He however promisd your orator ex- plicity to be in Richmond early in the month of December to adjust this difference with M r Chevallie. Your orator stated this promise to Mr. Chevallie who agreed to take no further step till December. The time has elapsd & the said Thurston has not complied with his promise to see Mr. Chevallie, nor has your orator heard from him. The said John A Chevallie presses for the payment of the money he claims & your orator does not think it reasonable that further delays shoud be practisd in bringing the controversy to a close. But he humbly states that shoud the land be sold under the deed of trust or shoud he pay the money without a sale & it shoud afterwards appear that objections made by the said Thurston to the payment of the balance now claimd are well founded he woud lose so much money & woud be entirely without remedy which woud be contrary to equity. 183 Your orator is therefore extremely desirous that the controversy between the said Charles Minn Thurston & the representatives of Caron de Beaumarchais by John A Chevallie their agent shoud be settled, & that the sum actually due from the former to the latter securd by the deed of trust before mentiond shoud be ascertaind To the end therefore that the said John Pendleton the trustee namd in the said deed, the representatives of Caron de Beaumarchais by John A Chevallie their agent, & Charles Minn Thurston may be made defendents hereto & may on oath true answer make to the premisses & that the said Charles Minn Thurston may be chargd to account with the said John A Chavallie & to pay him whatever balance may be really due to the representatives of the said Caron de Beau marchais & chargeable on the land sold to your orator as afore mentioned, or in default thereof that he may be decreed to pay the same to your orator, & that the said John Pendleton may be enjoind from selling the said land under the said deed of trust, & may be decreed to convey the same to your orator on the sum with which the same shall be actually chargeable being paid & that your orator may have such relief as is proper May it please your Honor &c. J Marshall City of Richmond to wit John Marshall appeard before me a magistrate for the city aforesaid this 28 th day of Jany 1803 under oath in due form of law to the fore going bill Geo Pickett The injunction is awarded on giving security in the penaltie of two hundred dollars 28 januar 1803. G. Wythe. 1 POLITICS IN VERMONT IN l8lO. Letter of Senator Stephen Roiv Bradley to Judge Royall Tyler. Confidential Washington Jany. 27 th . 1810 Hon. Judge Tyler Dear Sir How far the political arrangement in relation to the State of Vermont that I am now to suggest will meet your approbation must depend on your feelings and judgment should it strike you favour- 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.55-56]. 184 ably it will be of importance as you pass through the State in your cir cuits to feel the public pulse carefully and with much address you will easily suppose that I am tired of my seat in the Senate, and I believe my Colleague is sick of his, it is now above thirty years since I first had the appointment of Delagate to Congress independent of the deprivations of domestic and social happiness I have suffered in attending on Congress there is one consideration which has great influence to wean me from any further desire to continue therein those who were my social acquaint ance and most intimate friends but a few years ago in the Councils of the nation are now all dead resigned declined or gone so that I have new acquaintances and Friends to make every Session, and at my age of life the recollection of the past is by no means compensated in the enjoyment of the present I have conversed with Judge Robinson and M r Shaw and what I am now about to disclose, to wit, that I shall take Gov r G. place - that you shall take the place I now hold that Judge Robinson shall take the place you hold, and that D. Chase shall be placed on the Supreme Court vice Judge H. who may probably wish to retire to preach the gospel to the Baptists I flatter myself that it will be agreeable to you to serve a few years in the Senate and should the vacancy take place at the next Session of the Legislature I have no doubt they would give you the ap pointment not only for the remainder of my term but for the next Six years several precidents from other States may be adduced when in exactly a similar Situation I should be very much gratified with a line from you on the Subject and to know your feelings in relation thereto I can give you no more information in relation to our public affairs than the documents I sent you communicate with the aid of the news papers I have touched M T Low on the Subject of a donation to the Col lege at Burlington he has determined to present the board with books to the amount of $500 of the most modern and best collection that can be obtained in Europe or America and has given directions accordingly the Other affair which was mentioned between you and me and are con cerning L.L.D I have placed in a favourable train I think I shall succejed at one if not at two and nearly at the same time of this however I can give you more correct Information hereafter You will please to make my respects to your brother Judges and all our friends And accept the assurance of my most cordial respect & personal Esteem Stephen R. Bradley 1 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.67]. 185 BATTLE OF SACKETT S HARBOR, I8l 3 . Letter of the Commanding Officer on the American side, Jacob Brown, Brigadier-General of Militia, to Daniel D. Tompkins, Governor of New York. Near Quarters Sackett Harbor June I st 1813 Dear Sir You will have recieved mine of the 2Q th ult from the field of Battle. All that I have stated is so. I have now to add that on the 25 th ult I recieved a communication from Genl Dearborn desiring me to take the command of this Post I hesitated. Col. Backus was here an officer of experience in whom I placed the most implicit confidence & I could not do an act which I feared might wound his feelings. In the night of the 27 th Col. Backus wrote me by Major Swan desiring that I would come & take the com mand. I could no longer hesitate. Early in the morning of the 28 th I was here as the day opened Lieut Chancey the Brother of our worthy Commodore came in from the Lake firng alarm Guns. The signal Guns that had been agreed upon some days previous to rally the militia were fired in answer, and I sent out expresses in every direction to alarm the Country. As soon as Lieut Chancey came into Port he advised me that the Fleet approaching was the Enemys and with the Glass we could dis tinctly percieve that they had a very liberal supply of Boats. I then no longer doubted but that they were resolved to Land with a chosen Body of Troops & storm our works. The few Artillerists we had to man the Guns of Forts Tompkins & Volunteer prepared themselves for the worst & Leut Chancey did every thing possible to support & strengthen Navy Point, the Guns on which were altogather under his command & manned with his officers & men As Col. Backus had very recently arrived on this Station I invited him and others to accompany me in a thorough examination of the Grounds around our position and as soon as this had been done we settled a regular plan of defence with Lieut Chancey. I had ever been of the opinion that no military man would ever risque the landing men in the mouth of Sackets Harbor for reasons which it would be superfluous here to explain. I knew that there was a place where determined men could land with considerable safety under cover of the fire of thier small Flat-Bottomed Gun Boats that I also knew had recently 186 arrived from Montreal & were in all probability with the Fleet. At the Waters edge near Horse Island where I believed the Enemy would land I was resolved to meet them and with this view the plan of defence was settled between myself, Col. Backus, Col. Mills, Lieut Chancey, Major Swan & Major Brown. I was to meet the Enemy at the waters edge were I believd that they would land with all the militia that came in and the Albany Volunteers under Lieut Col Mills. At the alarm or order given by me Col Backus was to order a Body of Regulars to advance so as to meet the Enemy after they had broken or disposed of the Force with me. The Force with me being broken I was to rally them and fall upon the Enemy s right Flank so as to retard thier approach towards Fort Tompkins as long as possible always hoping that the Country would send forth all its means to our assistance & believing that to gain time was to ensure victory. If however the Enemy should overcome the assembled Regulars & militia and drive us the whole length of way from Horse Island to Fort Tompkins & carry that Fort, Lieut Chancey would then in that case see the stores on Navy Point destroyed, the new Ship burned & retire with his Schooners and the men he had left to the south shore of the bay, East of Fort Volunteer. The force remaining with me were to retire to Fort Volunteer, being the highest Ground as our dernier resort and if the Enemy should prove too hard for Lieut Chancey he was to land his men, blow up his vessels & join me in Fort Volunteer, when we would be governed by circumstances. This being our plan & the Enemy having first struck us as contemplated it remains to see how well our plan was executed. The wind being very light during the whole of the 28th and the Enemy having arrangements to make for landing, they moved slowly up the Bay but no doubt would have attacked us in the course of the afternoon had it not been for the approach of Boats from Oswego with reinforcements. This circumstance diverted them for a time, they attacked the boats, took of them and a number of our men with what loss to them or to us in other respects I am yet unin formed. In the course of the 28th & night of the 28th & 29th a consider able number of militia collected. They were as they arrived ordered to a small improvement on the main just within Horse Island and such pro visions as could be furnished for them was carted to the Ground where they all ate in common paying no attention to the ordinary mode of draw ing rations. Col Mills with the Albany Volunteers was on Horse Island In the Evening of trie 28th I joined the force assembled near Horse Island & explained to the leading officers my views as I feared a night attack it being of the first importance to the Enemy to be rapid in their movements to prevent the fatal effects to them, of the Force that would be assembled by morning and of those brave men as I supposed that would generously fly to thier Countrys standard, ambitious to have a name in the victory which I most firmly believed was certain. As the morning of the 29th approached I found myself with a part of three Regiments of Militia & the Albany Volunteers amounting altogether, say to five hun dred men, all anxious for the Fight, were you to believe thier professions. 187 The moment it was so light as to see an object on the Bay the Enemys Ships were discovered in nearly a direct line between the head of Horse Island & Stony Point and within ten minutes thirty three boats filled with men approached us from the south side of the larger Indian or Garden Island when the action in fact began as the Enemy immediately opened upon us with thier Gun Boats I immediately directed Col Backus to advance & ordered Col Mills to join me on the main. The moment Col Mills had joined me I ordered of the Albany Volunteers who had the command of a haveling Brass six pounder to open upon the Enemy. The Albany Volunteers under Col Mills w r ere then laid down on the right behind a small natural Breastwork on the beach all the Militia under Col Sprague behind the same natural Breastwork on the left & those under Col Tuttle to take a position that I pointed out about thirty rods upon my left Flank by the edge of the Woods near the Bay to prevent a surprise from savages that I apprehended would come in from that quarter. The Enemy by this time had landed a body of men at the Head of Horse Island who were advancing in open Column upon a line with the Enemys front Gun boats Every exertion was then made to inspire my little force witfi confidence. If they would but lay firm & restrain thier fire I was confident that every man must nearly kill his man. I then took my position in the center by the left of the men at the six pounder directly in front of the Column approaching from the Island and all was silent with me excepting this six. The Enemy rapidly approaching and keeping up as heavy a fire as possible from thier boats, not a shot was fired from the Column, the front approaching, charging Bayonets. It appeared impossible to restrain raw Troops so as to make them in any high degree usefull. Those with me did fire & would fire before I in tended. The Enemy were however pretty near and as I was attentively watching thier movements & the happy effects of our fire to my utter astonishment my men rose from thier cover, broke & before I could realize the disgracefull scene there was scarcely a man within several Rods of where I stood. Col Mills fell gallantly strugling to stop his men. I was more fortunate. I made all the noise I could for my men, put my handkerchief on the point of my sword & made every signal possible that they might notice me, but in vain. At a little distance however I had the good fortune to come up [with] Capt McNitt who had succeeded in rally ing a few men and they were doing all they could from behind some large logs by the edge of the field I complimented them & complained of those who had left me ordered Capt McNitt to stand fast and I would go & call up Col Tuttle from the Point where I had ordered him. I went but no Col Tuttle could I find or any other man. By the time I returned Lieut May, & a few others had joined Capt McNitt. I then ordered an advance upon the rear of the Enemys right Flank & I trust some execu tion was done, but as my party did not exceede one hundred and as I deemed it very important for me to know how things stood in front of the Enemy where the Regulars were most nobly contending I ordered a rapid movement forward to pass the Enemy and as we were advancing a fire came at some distance upon our right Flank. We halted, faced 188 about & McNitt was in the act of firing when I ordered a little delay say ing they must be our Friends. In a moment we saw the Redcoats ap proaching from the right of the path along which we had passed. McNitt gave them his best fire and we made a rapid retreat upon the extreme lett of the few brave men who had sustained the contest in front As I last turned from the woods upon the left of my Friends I saw an alarming flame arising from Navy Point the position that contained the spoils of York and some few of Commodore Chanceys effects. With all possible expedition I made my way into Fort Tompkins & found the officer Lieut Ketchum I had left there in the act of touching off the long thirty two at the Enemys Shipping I desired him to keep up as heavy a fire as possible and assured him that victory was ours. He replied Gen 1 . I can not discharge this gun again, the flame from the marine Barracks is so hot that my men cannot exist here. I felt the force of his answer & replied do the best you can & left him. Being alarmed for the Ship, the object of the Contest I hurried towards her & found Major Brown who assured me the Ship was safe and that what had happened was owing to the infamous conduct of those in whom Lieut Chancey had placed confi dence, that it was without his knowledge, that they had gone from Navy Point & informed Chancey that all was lost on upon the right of our line of Battle. I ordered Major Brown to send forthwith to Lieut Chancey and assure him all was safe on the right & that Victory was ours. In passing up to the junction of the Brownville, midale & Adams roads where I percieved some hundred of idle men assembled at a very respect- full distance from danger Major Swan rode up to me & informed me that the fixed ammunition was expended. I replied it may be so I do not believe it but if it is so tell no man. I then rode among these People & they tryed to impose upon me as they had upon the Major but I knew them better & could admit of no excuse. Many of them had drawn thier Boxes full the day before & never fired a Gun at the Enemy. With much ado I got them to move toward the right Flank of the Enemy in hopes of throwing them in the Woods behind Sir George should he presume further to advance. I then ordered Major Lucket who I knew would not hesitate to advance with his mounted Light Dragoons into the open space west of Judge Sackets old house & nearly in a line between the Enemy & the Ship. It was done. Hurrying then to where the American & British Regulars fought I very soon felt that victory was really ours and if Sir George had not been off with almost the rapidity of thought he would not have returned that day. The closing scene of this glorious day for the officers & soldiers of Regular Army who had the honor to be on the spot you have in my dis patch of the 2Qth ult. I have only to add that in relation to the officers Generally that they are men who do honor to thier Country & that they would do honor to any age or nation To Capt McNitt 01 the Militia I have presented the sword that I wore on the 2Qth as a testimony of my esteem & regard for his Gallant conduct & I should be gratifyed if you would cause him to be appointed in the Regular Army To Col Backus, who praised be God 189 still lives I have presented the sword taken from Adt Gen Gray who was killed not distant from where the noble Backus fell & by the side of Sir George Provoost. I have directed Major Swan, who had the Goodness to Volunteer his services as my acting Adjt Gen 1 . & to whom I feel myself under the greatest obligations for his attentions during the arduous scene through which we have passed, to make & transmit with this dispatch a return of the killed wounded & prisoners of Both sides & also of the parts of Regiments of the Regular Army engaged that you may have a correct idea of the amount of force on our side & that the parts of Regiments engaged may have the honor they have so fairly earned. The Enemy that landed were at least one thousand picked men & thier fleet consisted of the new Ship Wolf, Royal George, Earl Morven, Prince Regent & two Schooners besides thier Gun & other Boats. As 1 am closing this communication Commodore Chancey has arrived with his squadron & as I can be no longer useful here I shall return home in the morning. I must yet add in justice to a brave honorable man that Lieut Chancey stands higher in my estimation than he did before he was associated with me for the protection of this place. No blame can attach to him for what happened on Navy Point. He was decieved by the ma terials on whom he relied & nothing short of Divinity can guard against such occurrences. Lieut Col Tuttle of the Regular Army who was on the march to this place made every exertion that an officer or soldier could make to get into the action but came too late for the fight & 1 am confident that Lieut Col Tuttle & every officer under his command feels it as an indi vidual misfortune that it was not in thier power to get up in time. Your Excellency as Commander in Chief may think that I bear hard upon the militia. I do them justice Sir. Nothing short of a certain guarantee for my souls happiness after death could have given me such comfortable & gratefull feelings as to have obtained a victory over Sir George Provoost & the best men he could collect in which the militia under my Command should have had a principal agency. But Sir this is not the fact. The noble men both officers & Soldiers of the Regular Army & some few, precious few Citizen Soldiers who nobly resisted the Shock of the Foe men the Foe of Basswood Cantonment are the men who merrit the honor of this Victory & Sir they must have it. Of the precious few Citizen Soldiers who distinguished themselves Mr Channing stands conspicious. Respectfully Yours Jac: Brown Brig : Gen 1 Militia 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.68], 190 AARON BURR. Aaron Burr to his son-in-law, Governor Joseph Alston. 15 Nov. 1815. A Congressional Caucus will, in the course of the ensuing month, nominate James Monroe for Pres 4 of the U. S. and will call on all good republicans to support the nomination. Whether we consider the measure itself the Character & Talents of the Man or the State whence he comes, this nomination is equally exceptionable & odious I have often heard your opinion of these Congressional Nomina tions they are hostile to all freedom & independence of Suffrage A certain Junto of Actual and factitious Virginians having had possession of the Gov 1 . for 24 years consider the U. S. as their property and by bawling "Support the Adm n " have so long succeeded in duping the repub lican public One of their principal Arts & which has been systematically taught by Jefferson is that of promoting State dissentions not between repub. & federal that would do them no good, but seisms in the repub. party By looking round, you will see how the attention of leading men in the different States has thus been turned from general & State politics Let not this disgraceful domination continue Independently of the manner of the nomination & of the location of the candidate, the Man himself is one of the most improper & incompetent that could have been selected Naturally dull & stupid extremely illit erate indecisive to a degree that would be incredible to one who did not know him pusillanimous & of course hypocritical has no opinion on any subject & will be always under the Gov*. of the worst Men pretends, as I am told, to some knowledge of military matters, but never commanded a platoon nor was ever fit to command one "He served in the revolu tionary War" that is, he acted a short time as aide de Camp to L d . Stir ling who was regularly drunk from morning to morning Monroe s whole duty was to fill his Lordship s Tankard and hear with indications of admiration his Lordship s long stories about himself Such is Mon roes military experience I was with my regiment in the same division at the time As a Lawyer, Monroe was far below Mediocrity He never rose to the Honor of trying a Cause of the Value of an hundred pounds This is a character exactly suited to the Views of the Virginia Junto To this Junto you have twice sacrificed yourself & what have you got by it ? their hatred & abhorrence Did you ever know them countenance a man of Talents & independence ? Never, nor ever will 191 It is time that you manifested that you had some individual chaiacter Some opinion of your own Some influence to support that opinion Make them fear you & they will be at your feet thus far they have reason to believe that you fear them The Moment is extremely Auspicious for breaking down this degrad ing system the best citizens of our Country acknowledge the feebleness of our Administration they acknowledge that offices are bestowed merely to preserve power & without the smallest regard to fitness If then there be a man in the U. S. of firmness and decision & having stand ing enough to afford even a hope of success, it is your duty to hold him up to public view That man is Andrew Jackson Nothing is wanting but a respectable Nomination made before the Proclamation of the Virg a Caucus, and Jackson s success is inevitable. If this project should accord with your Views, I could wish to see you prominent in the Execution of it It must be known to be your Work Whether a formal & open nomination should now be made or whether you should for the present content yourself with basely denounc ing by a joint resolution of both houses of your Legislature Congressional caucusses & nominations, you only can judge One consideration in clines me to hesitate about the policy of a present nomination It is this, that Jackson ought first to be admonished to be passive for the moment he shall be announced as a Candidate, He will be assailed by the Virg a Junto, with Menaces & with insidious promises of boons & favors There is danger that Jackson might be wrought upon by such practices If an open nomination be made an express should instantly be sent to him This suggestion has not arisen from any exclusive attachment to Jackson The object is to break down this Vile combination which rules & degrades the U. S. If you should think that any other Man could be held up with better prospect of Success, name that man I know of no such But the business must be accomplished & on this occasion & by you. So long as the present system prevails, you will be strugling against wind & tide to preserve a precarious influence You will never be for given for the Crime of having Talents & independence Exhibit yourself then & emerge from this state of Nullity you owe it to yourself You owe it to me You owe it to your Country You owe it to the memory of the dead A B~ I have talked of this matter to your late Sec. but he has not seen this letter - Your Sec y was to have delivered this personally, but has changed his Course on hearing that J. is on his Way to Wash" If you should have any confidential friend among the members of Cong, from your State charge him to caution J. against the perfidious Caresses with which he will be overwhelmed at Washington ii Dec r Since writing the preceeding our project is wonderfully advanced as your Sec. will write or tell ou 192 It is now necessary that you and a few others (you alone if you please, but three names w d be more formal) announcing your intentions that Communications have been had with every State to the Northward re questing of him the Names of persons in all the Western States to whom you may address yourselves & requiring any that he would [illegible]. * JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. John Quincy Adams to William Plumer. His Excellency William Plumer, Governor of New Hampshire. Epping Washington 6. July 1818. Dear Sir. During the Session of Congress I took care, that the public docu ments which I thought would be acceptable to you should from time to time be forwarded, but I have had the pleasure of receiving Letters from you dated 17. Nov r 26 Dec r 13 March and 8 May which ought long since to have been severally answered; but that among the many valued Cor respondents whose favors I find it impossible even regularly to acknowl edge, I extend the omissions longest to those from whom, I flatter myself that it will be regarded with the most liberal indulgence. Very shortly after I received your Letter and that of your Son, respecting the publication of the Journal of the Convention which formed the present Constitution of the United States, a Resolution was offered in the Senate to the same effect, which in the course of the Session was adopted by both Houses, with the addition of a direction for the publica tion also of part of the Correspondence of the Old Congress during the Revolution. Presuming that this legislative provision would supersede the intention of your Son, I have forborne to take any further steps in relation to it. You have been kind enough upon several occasions, and upon various topics of public interest, to give me your opinions in the candour and sin cerity of friendship. Those opinions have always been much respected by me; where the measures of the President have met your approbation, it has given me as much pleasure as if they had been my own ; when you have censured, I have always perceived with new regret that it was not without reason. There have been however motives for the steps which you think objectionable, of which you have not perhaps been aware. The opinion given by the President in the message at the Commencement of the late Session, against the Constitutional power of Congress in regard From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.6o]. 193 to internal improvement was thus declared to avoid the complaint which had been made against his Predecessor, of having withheld his opinion upon the same question until Congress had matured an act for making such improvements, and then defeating the measure by his Veto. Many of the members of the former Congress had shewed dissatisfaction at this course, and had urged that it would be fairer, and save the time of Con gress and the Nation if the Chief Magistrate should explicitly make known his opinion, before-hand, so as to spare the Majority of the Legislature the necessity of coming in direct collision with his negative. These rea sons certainly have their weight; but in fact the exercise of actual con- troul by the President over the opinions and wishes of a majority of the Legislature, will never be very palatable, in what form so ever it may be administered. I hope the appointment to Russia, will prove more satisfactory than your anticipations. The difficulty of filling the foreign Missions well, is great and increasing. You are aware that the Compensation allowed to our Ministers at the principal European Courts is, not only inadequate, but to such a degree that no man can accept and hold one of them more than one or two years without sacrifices of private property, which few of us are able to bear. M r Pinkney, with the advantage of a double outfit has been driven home at the end of two years, by the excess of his expences as much as by the rigour of the Russian Climate. Our Countrymen and Congress are not yet convinced of the necessity of making further pro vision for the support of the Missions abroad, but men of the first rate talents have discovered that they can do better for themselves and their families at home. The Missions to England and to Russia were both declined, by men of whose abilities, you would have been fully satisfied. The state of things will be felt in consequences which may cost the Nation Millions for every thousand saved by their parsimony in this instance. I am no friend to profusion for the payment of public service. I am con vinced that it is just and politic in the People, to make all their offices of high trust and honour, rather burthensome than lucrative Real patri otism, will cheerfully bear some pecuniary sacrifice, and the appetite of Ambition for Place, is sufficiently sharp-set without needing the stimu ant dram of Avarice to make it keener. But in the Missions abroad there are expences, and a general Style of living which your Ministers cannot avoid without personal and national degradation. Men of affluent Fortunes may be willing to accept as a Salary for a year that which will little more than defray their necessary expences for a Quarter, but throughout the United States how many men are there, able by their private resources to be laid under this contribution? and of that number, small as it is, how many possess talents suited to represent the Nation, with honour, atiH to execute the trust of its most important interests which must be confided to them ? The state of our Relations with Spain continues to be critical, and has been rendered more so by the recent events in Florida. The despatches 194 from General Jackson which will explain his motives for the capture of Pensacola, have not yet been received. We are in daily expectation of the arrival of the Commissioners from South America. You will see in the newspapers some interesting details of affairs in Chili, with an address to Captain Biddle of the Ontario. I am with great Respect, Dear Sir, your very humble and obed* Serv* John Quincy Adams. * SAMUEL DELUCENNA INGHAM. S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. Washington 2 Sep 1821 Dr Sir Your letter in explanation of the charge made by Dr Ingalls was forwarded to the President at Fort Calhoun where he had gone for the benefit of salt bathing you will as a man of business understand why I made no remarks upon the transaction untill the papers were submitted to the President who alone had the power and of course the right to decide I am now at liberty to say that he understands the subject precisely as it presented itself to my mind upon reading the papers and as I think it would to every impartial mind and really the more I reflect upon the proceeding the more I am at a loss to discover to my own satisfaction whether folly malice or wickedness has most prevailed in these movements against you I need not say to you however that prudence & moderation best becomes those in power, these qualities are pretty well understood to be the natural offspring of conscious rectitude, and the cultivation of them enables us to keep our adversaries in the wrong, are the true foundations of just [ ?] energy this letter is intended as private. I will give you the official decission on the charges as soon as time permits in the mean time very truly yours S D Ingham David Henshaw Esq : 2 S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. Private. Washington 17 Aug. 30 Dear Sir You will have observed a publication in the Tellegraph in rela tion to the fishing bounty paid in 182^-^0 this was made up at the 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.86]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.ag]. first auditors & Registers offices, but I am apprehensive that there may be some errors in it, which I would be glad to examine into before the statement is noticed ; It is very mortifying to have mistakes on such sub jects but such is the constitution of the office that it is extremely difficult to know when we can rely upon any statement rec d from them. Your answer to the Bank puts Mr. Frothingham hors de combat it seems that the counsel for the Bank advis d that it was legally exonerated from the paym* of the defalcation, by reason of the part your bond Clerk had acted Mr Biddle intimated such an opinion when he informed me that the credits were ordered to be given. I took the occasion to protest against the doctrine and to insist that a pay* made to an authorised officer of the bank was good & must be accounted for whether creditted or not, no matter whether embezzled by COLLUSION with the highest or lowest officer of the Gov* I took the strongest ground leaving every fact in the present case except the admitted delivery of the hands to the bank and the pay*, of the money to the Teller out of the question. Mr. F. s attempted exculpation was on its face a good deal worse than none, and the effort to throw the censure on y r office indicates weak ness of mind or of nerves You are as much mistaken about the Deputy inspectors of the Revenue as Judge Story was when he made all inspectors Deputies of the collector altho the former is by no means so plain a case I had occasion to examine it thoroughly last year for Philad a . and again last winter upon a Petition to Congress from N. York on which I made a report which removed all doubt on the question As well as I can learn the practice all markers & provers were deputed from Inspectors of the customs untill 1822 when by implication which I think that law does not warrant, they were seperated ; The comptroller decided very opposite to your opinion that markers & Provers were offi cers and hence the duty was incompatible with any other officer in the custom I say that as markers & provers they are not officers but deputies and that none but inspectors can lawfully be deputed and this is the only security of the Gov* for their faithful performance of duty, as other wise they are under no obligation of oath or official responsibility of any kind altho the duty is much more important than that of measurer or Guager they cannot be regarded as labourers Their marks on liquors & Teas are deemed of high authority under many circumstances and it is of no small importance that every person who has such a duty to perform should realize that he acts under all the obligations & solemnities which belong to official duty Kentucky has overthrown her "table orator" and the press in Ohio maintain the veto strongly In Penn a the opposition are afraid to dis cuss it which I am sorry for ; having long been desirous that the people should be induced to think closely on this subject not a Democratic paper has lisped a word against it, altho most of our members went 196 astray, we have in the present Congress but two coalition members from P a in the next we shall probably have the old federal strength which is about 6 very respectfully Your S D. Ingham Hon David Henshaw : 1 S. D. Ingham to David Henshaw. Dr Sir I enclose you a corrected statement of the Fishing bounty accruing in 1828 & 1829 and have been much mortified with the mistake in the former statement. It is not the first time I have had to suffer for the error of others The estimates of expenditure of the Gov* for the 4 th Quarter of 1829 were an example these estimates were made by the heads of the respective Dep ts to which the expenditure belong d, not by me, they were wrong by one million! Chilton & co. confounded estimates with expenditures and insisted that we had expended a million more than was true because I had so estimated, but the actual expenditures were exhib- itted & proved the gross error in the estimate, which I was obliged to bear the odium of, as I could not charge it where it belonged without a seeming reflection on them. Mr. M c Kinney of the Indian Dep* had err d in his estimate near half a million after 2 months of the quarter was past ! ! But now to the point before us, I sent to the Registers office for a state ment of the money expended for Fishing bounty in 1828, 1829 respectively, never dreaming that an expenditure kept so distinct by law would be confounded betiveen the last day of December and the first quarter of the next year, but in a thoughtless tho perhaps literal obedience, they sent me the payments made in each year without regard to the year in which they accrued, but as the payments which may be made on the 31 Dec r 1830 could not be noticed or brought in, the analogy of the statements was destroyed ; and the expenditures for 29 paid in 30 appear d less in com parison with those of 1828 than they would have been if both statements had been made up upon the same basis The corrected statement shews a saving of $52,379.49 in 1829 which is very great in such a term ; no less than 25 per cent, you may if you think proper publish the enclosed and use it in your own way without noticing the Tellegraph Article at all it may not be observed, & if it is, the true statement may be referred to. Few people understand any thing of the fishing bounty except in N. E and the Tell, statement will not 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.37]. 197 be likely to attract notice untill some one takes it up and comments Kentucky is not quite so good as expected but it is doubtful which has the vote for Senator very truly your S. D. Ingham Hon David Henshaw 20 August 30 * JAMES MONROE. James Monroe to . Highland near Milton. Sepr. 24. 1821 Dear Sir I have received yours of the 2 I st . and am happy to hear that you have in a great measure recovered your health. I hope that the use of the Bladensburg water, with the exercise you take in going there, will soon remove all disease, if it has not already done it. I came here to look into my affairs, which required it, & likewise to take exercise, by a ride along our so. west mountain, which I trust will be beneficial, tho indeed my health has been remarkably good of late. Your view of requiring inspection of the papers is perfectly satis factory to me, indeed my own did not preclude it, tho in guarding against a violation of our own principles respecting search &c, and against a quarrel with France & other foreign powers, the idea did not occur to me. There is a clear distinction between the practice of search, under the right as claimed, & a call for the papers, & I should suppose, if on such call being made, it should appear, that the flag had been fraudulently assumed ; that the papers, for example of France, could not be shown by a vessel which had hoisted her flag, that her gov*. would be gratified at her seizure, it being done, more especially, on the belief, & satisfactory proof that she was American. In the case of the Jeune Eugene, I am informed that her papers were French, the equipment, having been fron one of the Islands of France. A general order, to the effect stated, would I presume not include, that case. I think that such an instruction should be given, to our public ships, sailing on the African coast, and elsewhere, to suppress the slave trade. What shall be done with the Jeune Eugene who sailed under the French flag, & according to my recollection, French papers? Had we not better surrender her to the French consul, according to the request of the French Minister, altho she might have been navigated by 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.38]. 198 American citizens, and owned by them also? He proposes to send the vessel to France for trial. A generous & liberal conduct, on our part, to that gov*, in strict accord with our principles, might obtain us their favor, a stronger support from it, & be useful in other respects. Communicate on this subject with Mr Thompson. On the papers from Florida, I have only to express my deep regret. Your communication forms a small part only of those which I received by the same mail. Gen 1 . Jackson has made his statm 1 . of the case, as has Mr Fromentin, both couched in bitter invective, each against the other. By the same opportunity, a denunciation, against Mr Fromentin, by the whole bar, is forwarded, with their protest against his appointment, as unworthy of it. I have instructed Mr. Brent to show you, the whole communication and to show it likewise to the other members of the ad ministration, & I shall be glad to have your sentiments on the conduct of the parties, & also as to the part which I ought to take in it. My own idea was, that under the law of the last Session, for the momentary gov 1 . of Florida, for temporary is too strong a term, the powers usually exercised, by the gov r . & other authorities of Spain, were to be exercised by our gov r ., and other authorities, to be instituted by him, under his controul, and that the laws relating to revenue, & the slave trade only, were plac d under the particular direction the gov*. of the U States ; that is, that untill the next meeting of Congress, and further provision being made, the laws of Spain were to govern there, in all cases, except in the two cases mentioned; or [for I have not here, a copy of the laws of last Ses sion] if our constitution was to have any operation, till after the next session, and the principles of our system, in that territory, that the powers & organization, preexisting, were to be regarded. This would give to the district judge, a power over the two subjects mentioned only, and as I presume, restrain him from interfering in other cases, however improper the conduct of others, within that line might be. The whole proceeding is to be regretted, & will I fear be productive of much mischief. I do not think, that I ought to express any sentiment, even to general Jackson, on this subject in the present stage, for reasons which I will give you hereafter. Nor do I wish, the sentiment which I have expressed above, to be mentioned to any one, I mean as to the nature of his powers, and the limitation of those of the judges. You will form your opinion on the subject, from a view of the law, & the construction given of it, by the Executive in the instructions given to him, the corn- miss 11 , to the judge, the organization of the territory, into revenue, judicial districts, &c. We shall have to act on it, & in regard to me, it may become a question of character, in consideration of the high temper of the general, tho always directed with an honest zeal to the public interest, of the sup port which I have heretofore uniformly given him, & other circumstances which I have not time to enter into. I shall therefore wish your aid, & with that view, your full view of the whole subject, will be proper & use ful, in prescribing the course which I ought to take. As connected with this subject, I send you in like confidence a private letter to me from the 199 general, which I received some weeks since, & to which I gave a very friendly & approving answer, there being then nothing done, essentially compromitting either the gov*. or himself, & the conduct of the Spanish gov r . meriting any degree of harsh language, which any person might feel disposed to bestow on him. with sincere regard yours James Monroe 1 ELIHU CHAUNCEY. Elihu Chauncey to Asbury Dickens. Phil a Sept r 7 th 1824. Dear Sir, My correspondents at New York deem it very important for M r Crawford s interest in that state, that it should be known before the I st of Nov r , and sooner if it can be, what his state of health is likely to be. This information, if given, should not be an anonymous statement in a partizan newspaper, but in such way as to command general confidence, and put to silence the unfavorable representations as to his health which his adversaries are now most industriously circulating in that State. An address from some public body, with, or without, his answer, might be satisfactory. Should M r Crawford fail to obtain the vote of New York it will be owing to a prevailing fear that disease has so impaired his constitution as not to leave a reasonable hope that he can properly discharge the Execu tive duties ; and his friends must now use whatever means the actual state of his health will justify, to dispel this fear. I shall be gratified to receive any communication you shall make to me on this or any other subject. To our former intimacy & friendship my mind often recurs with pleasing recollections. I am, dear Sir, very respectfully, Your friend & ob 4 S* Elihu Chauncey. 2 M r A. Dickens, City of Washington. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.54]. 3 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.67]. LEVI WOODBURY. Levi Woodbury to William Plumer. Washington City. Ap. 23. 1826 Dear Sir, I can give you nothing very new in reply to yours of the 5th As to the Panama mission, about which you appear to feel a strong interest the resolution of the Committee of Foreign Relations in the House of Repre sentatives, that the mission was expedient, has been rejected by a large majority The facts were these It was first amended much in the manner proposed by Mr. McLane, confining the mission to mere attend ance without any pledge or even power to negotiate on certain subjects &c. &c. as you have doubtless read in the newspapers On this proposed amendment has been all the debate and the consideration of the correct ness of the mission as at first recommended This amendment prevailed by a majority of 4 Many of the friends of the mission then joined with those opposed to it in to to & rejected the resolution. After the expression of opinion on the amendment those opposed to the mission, except sub modo f joined with those friendly to it in every view and the Appropriation Bill passed that House with little opposition The subject is now again before the Senate & will probably be acted on this week I am not surprised at much diversity of opinion on the points con nected with it ; but a little astonished, that a gentleman, whose own motives in public life are so pure as yours, should suspect any other gentleman from New York or elsewhere of motives not equally pure If it was a case on which persons could not honestly differ, then some ground might exist for such imputation but in a case like this, both the resistance to the mission and the publication of the Speeches, to vindicate that resist ance from base charges of "faction" and "unprincipled opposition/ were in my opinion not "improper" nor "degrading" The Judiciary Bill has passed the Senate by a large majority with only one amendment, which is now before the other House. As to the adjournment of Congress it has been fixed at the 22d of May I was in favour of an earlier day but Mr. Daniel Webster &c. &c. resisted strenuously even this on account of his Bankrupt Bill &c You doubtless have heard much of the late duel between Mr. Ran dolph and Clay What do you think of it ? How far will the retention of Mr. Clay in the Cabinet after this be an approbation of the duel ? 201 You take much interest in the expenditure of public money and doubtless have seen some extracts from a report made in the other House a few weeks since, containing Mr. Adams expenditure of the $14000 ap propriated last session for additional furniture to the President s house It has been a subject of mortification here to his friends and must have astonished you, I think, that "a billiard table" $50. "billiard balls $6." - "chess men $23." &c &c. should compose a part of the articles purchased by him with this public fund and should go down to our posterity as a part of the furniture for the President s use in this virtuous stage of our country s growth & history The newspapers have, to my joy, been very silent about this & I hope yet, that some explanation can be given, but none has been attempted up to this time here My best respects to your family and believe me Most respectfully Yours L. Woodbury 1 Hon. Wm. Plumer. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. Benjamin Waterhouse to John Bailey. Cambridge 13 th Dec r . 1826. Dear Sir, Will you be so kind as to send me a printed copy of the Bill con cerning Vaccination which was reported last winter? By what you and others told me, it is a strange one, confining the President to the appoint ment of a Superintendent to certain cities, two, three & four hundred miles distant from the spot whence the Kine Pock discovery & practice spread to every part of the continent. M r Lloyd told me that the Bill, which he reprobated, was calculated to accomodate a certain individual in Phila delphia, and he took great pains to explain it to M r Everett, before he left Boston, the origin, progress, and stagnation of the business. His father you know was an eminent physician. His idea and my wish is to have the Bill recommitted, so that it may be taken on large & liberal principles. If the matter should excite interest equal to its importance, and viewed as M r Jefferson considered it, and as one too high to be quoted views it, I should do as he any many others wish me to do. But if it should be on that contracted scale of a thousand dollars salary, which would hardly pay the rent of an office, with the needful stationary, & an assistant, it would ruin the establishment, by leading some unprincipled young man to re- 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.yi]. 2O2 numerate himself by practices resembling those of D r S. s When I see the Bill I shall be able to speak more clearly on this subject; until I do, I can hardly speak understandingly upon the proper course to be pursued With esteem & respect I remain yours Benj n . Waterhouse 1 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON. Richard M. Johnson to Captain P. P. Pitchlynn. City of Washington 6 th Jan 1826 My dear Friend. I have not written to you often since I came here but my heart & good wishes have been with you. I have been overwhelmed with business in Congress & out of Congress; & knowing that you took the papers from this city or at least that you had the opportunity to read them I was not so anxious to write till I could take a few moments of Leisure I send you a letter to the chief Muskeelitubby, read it & let it be given to him & inter preted by you or your worthy Father. If you determine to spend some time at my house with your family to study Law & some other Branches we will make you as happy as pos sible. We can at very little expence have your wife & your Sisters taught music & we can make them happy in their situation, the Boys are doing well : none have been sick except John Adams who had an attack of the pleurisy & he has recovered as I learn from my last letters, you know we are. all under the same superintending providence & I hope the Boys will receive the Smiles of Heaven while at my house they shall never want for anything to make them comfortable & happy. I should be more than pleased if your people could make some arrange ment with our Government to raise an additional fund for the purpose of keeping about 60 boys at School at my house I would without delay make comfortable arrangements for the whole of them. But it is my advice & & my desire that the schools at home should be encouraged. I do not want to injure but to benefit them. It is the best policy to have schools in the nation & one great Academy out of the nation to teach some of your chil dren the higher Branches of Science Please present my respects to your worthy Father. As I write to you at this time perhaps I may not be able to write to him, but he shall not be neglected present my respects to Col Ward & make known my sentiments to as many of your people as you 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscript [Cham.C.7.78]. 203 find convenient. Let me hear from you. Your letter was published in almost all the papers in the U. States & you have raised your fame & char acter as a man of sentiment & as a scholar wishing you every blessing that this world can afford I am as ever Sincerely your friend Rh : M : Johnson. Capt. P. P. Pitchlynn. 1 WILLIAM HARRIS CRAWFORD. William H. Crazvford to David Bradie Mitchell. Wood Lawn 9 th July 1827. Dear General, I received a letter by the last mail from Major Crawford that he had made an appointment with you to pay me a visit, but that a disappointment had intervened. I pleased to hear that I was not quite forgotten in the State ; & can assure you that a visit from you wou d have been highly acceptable to me. During my residence at Washington my apple & peach orchards were not only neglected but almost destroyed. Since my return I have been endeavoring to resuscitate them, but as yet I have done but little to effect that resuscitation When I paid you my last visit I think I understood you to say that you had some of Paces peaches. If you have I will thank you save some of the stones for me, & either bury them or put them in a damp place or cellar which I am told is necessary to make them come up. I shall be at Milledgeville at the meeting of the Senatus Academicus if I am well, & my present state creates a presumption that it will be good in November. I shou d be very glad to see you at Hancock court, where I shall endeavor at the time prescribed by law for the court of that county. Aprospos of the appoint ment of Judge which the Governor has given me: I had great doubts about accepting it. Twenty years ago I shou d have liked it. But then no vacancy occurred when I was in a situation to accept. And I had very early determined to have no office which was to be obtained by turning out a political friend. My first appointment to the S. A. may appear to form an exception, but I suffered my name to be held up, upon that occasion only because M r . Melledge was supposed to have conceived the design, not only of governing the State, but of excluding every person from office who had not been born in the State. It was to put down * * * high pretentious & not to turn out Judge Jones that my name was used upon that occasion. As it was I felt some repugnance to oppose ^rom the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.66]. 204 Judge Jones whom I considered a worthy man & sound republican. I gave my consent only to convince Mr Melledge of the extravagance & folly of his pretensions. Yours most respectfully. W m H Crawford * GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS. George M. Dallas to Richard Worsam Meade. My Dear Sir, Your business is, I think, going on well. Within a few weeks, we shall have better opportunities ; and they will be seiz d. There is no fear of our having an adequate subscription. Captain Hayes tells me that he is advancing rapidly. Our election is engrossing attention. The Democrats move in solid column in favor of Hemphill, and feel confident of his success. The most active spirits among the federalists join them, and pledge themselves to give at least eight hundred votes for Hemphill a number more than sufficient to secure his election. My own opinion is that the race will be a close one, and that Hemphill will beat his opponent. The ward election of yesterday has produced this as a general impression owing to the obvious reluctance of the federalists to oppose Hemphill whom they have so often upheld. Our Town-meeting in the yard may fairly be estimated at between 800 and 1000 : the one held by the friends of Hemphill this afternoon was not less than 300. Sergeant appears to me much less pop ular with the federalists than we thought. The ground of personal pre dilection alone in which Mr. Binney urged him, has hurt his cause : it conveyed to such federalists as Mr Binney would influence the distinct intimation that he would justify any man for opposing Sergeant who was not personally devoted him for that he could not oppose him politically. We hope you will come here in October. I write this in haste at Almander s, as a sort acknowledgment for your letter. My best love to all your family Truly y rs . G. M. Dallas. 29. Sept. 1827. 2 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.7.66]. On the margin is a pencil note "Written soon after his first attack of paralysis. I fames] K. T[efft]." 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.24]. 205 George M. Dallas to David Henshaw. My Dear Sir, We evidently live in very different regions, surrounded by very different people, and liable therefore, to very different impulses. The republicans of this State have not a tittle of apprehension as to the result of the great contest, either in reference to Pennsylvania or to the Union. We may be too confident : but the idea of losing the election does not seem to shadow the mind of a single man. Success appears to us inevitable. Our sturdy democracy never, within the recollection of the oldest was as much united and as resolute, as at this moment. Our Legislature has been for some years overwhelming Jacksonian : Our Congressional delegation equally so; and every Convention, of any character as repre sentative, absolutely unanimous. As a party, we have heretofore uni formly beaten our adversaries : why we are to be beaten now, when to every appearance we are tenfold as strong and as cordial, is to me incom prehensible. I beg you not to allow this State for one instant to be doubted. It is not fair to permit the absurd and desperate assertions of Binns and his coadjutors to shake your confidence in the stability of our democracy, in defiance of the repeated and conclusive manifestations which that democracy has made. At that rate, in order to retain the con fidence of our distant friends, we should have to be meeting and holding conventions every day in the year. The appointments of M r . Adams have, in no way, conciliated Penn sylvania. M r . Gallatin is now, and has been for ten years a man of his tory, and nothing more. His influence has ceased. M r . Rush became a convert to republican principles, without having acquired a particle of popularity in the State. He was never known to the people, M r . Ser geant deserted the republican ranks at their utmost need. He has no popularity out of the city of Philadelphia. The idea of having soothed Pennsylvania by appointments like these is worse than childish. It be trays a pitiful ignorance of the character and feelings of our people. As to the Breakwater & c . they are not concessions from the Coali tion, but benefits wrested from them by a Jackson Congress, and by the agency of active Jackson representatives. These things are perfectly well known and understood. But where they otherwise, it would be imma terial. Our democrats and with them, at least one fifth of the federal ists are convinced that corruption was at work in the election of M r . Adams, and nothing would bribe them to endure it. The Adams men are active, and fertile in defamation. They are probably also well organized. The federal party of this State always was so. It is of the nature of our s to submit to very little organization, but to accomplish a great deal, apparently through the exercise of individual and independent effort. We are better organized now than we ever were 206 before : certainly much better than when we carried M r . Shulze through one of the most heated contests, and amid all sorts of party distraction, by a majority approaching 30,00x3. It is true that our vote may be estimated at about 120.000: and that General Jackson did not get more that y$ of this vote, four years ago. He got, however, three to one against all his competitors. The mass were unmoved, because the result was too obvious to admit of a doubt : nor had they been exasperated by their opponents into a desire for extraordi nary triumph. Had the party turned out, we should have obtained at least 90.000, out of the 120.000. This was made obvious by the political character of the Legislature. There is at present no bound to the majority upon which we may fairly calculate. I do not, honestly, think that M r . Adams can obtain 40.000 votes in Pennsylvania. If he gets 35.000, I shall be surprised. The rest of the voters, the balance of the 120.000, will be unanimously for Jackson. If more turn out, we may both be proportionably reduced : but, under any circumstances, I confidently anticipate a majority exceed ing forty thousand. Many skilful and practiced politicians go beyond me. I have thus hastily answered your letter. Had I a little more leisure, I would cheerfully, for your satisfaction, go more into detail: and I think I should shew you that, with the single exception of the City of Philadelphia, not a Congressional District of Penn a . would, this fall, elect an Adams man. If the time enables you to do it, it might be beneficial for you to note the election of our members of Congress, to take place at our general election in October next: they will develope, in a great degree, the character of the election which is to follow three weeks after. I do not look upon the Louisiana & Kentucky elections in the light in which our opponents would fain place them. They are ,to me, full of conclusive evidences that their electoral votes would at this moment be given to Jackson. Let us, however, remember, that we zvant neither of them. Truly & resp. Y rs . G. M. Dallas. 28. Aug. 1828. * HENRY CLAY. Henry Clay to Col. Davidson. Washington, 24. Dec r . 1827. Dear Col. Mr. Crittenden and my brother have both reminded me of a conversation which I had with you, in the Fall 1824, prior to my depar ture from Kentucky to attend Congress in this City, on the subject of the the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.23]. 207 pending Presidential election, in the course of which I avowed to you my decided preference for Mr. Adams over Gen 1 Jackson, and expressed my determination, in the event of my being called upon to choose between them, to vote for Mr. Adams. The particulars of this conversation had escaped me, but from my friendship and intimacy with you, there is no man with whom it is much more likely that I should have conversed on such a subject, and I have no doubt that I did. Will you do me the favor to transmit me a written statement of what passed between us on that subject, according to the best of your recollection? Your faithful friend H Clay 1 Col. Davidson. Henry Clay to William Plumer, Jr. Washington 23 Feb. 1829 My dear Sir Your favor of the 26 July last was received by me in Ken tucky, amidst popular movements which left me no leisure, and which I believe prevented my acknowledgment of it. I received at the same time and perused, with much satisfaction, the address which accompanied it. I had also received the news paper containing your answer to an attempt to prove by your declarations the corruption imputed to Mr. Adams and me. For all these instances of kind attention I pray your acceptance of my sincere thanks. Since the date of your letter events have gone very adversely to our hopes and to the cause of human freedom. Speculation upon their sources is useless, except in so far as it may enlighten the future. I have been unable to view the election of Gen 1 . Jackson, under any aspect whatever, without awful apprehensions. Still, we have yet our liberty. And it should be our aim, by the exertion of all our energies, to preserve it, and to destroy the pernicious influence of the example which a majority of our countrymen have passionately and thoughtlessly established. For my self I desire life no longer than I possess liberty. We are beginning already here to witness some of the consequences of this fatal election, in the motley host of greedy expectants by whom the Gen 1 is environed ; in the vulgar, audacious and proscribing tone o the official paper of the new administration; and in the composition of the new Cabinet which may be considered as almost officially announced V. Buren, Ingham, Eaton, and Branch the four Secretaries, in the order in which the departments are usually ranked. I do not think that the present state of things can last long. Our friends, as far as I can learn, are firm in their resolutions and stedfast in their principles. If they remain so, a change must be effected. Much depends on New England. And we are accordingly looking with deep 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.7]. 208 interest to the approaching Election in your State, which is considered as the most doubtful of that section. I shall return to my farm in Kentucky shortly after the 4 th . of March. I reserve for tranquil consideration there the question whether I shall offer for a seat in the H. of R. I pray you to communicate my best regards to your venerable father and to be assured that they are constantly entertained for yourself by Your faithful ob. Serv* H. Clay W m . Plumer J r . Esq x JOHN CHANDLER. John Chandler to David Henshaw. Washington 27 Dec r . 1828. Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to receive your favor of the 2O th instant. I agree fully with you as to the course of policy which ought to be pursued by the Democratic party, I never have been one of those who were for buying off our opponents by giving them the offices which were justly due to those Republicans who had bourn the heat and burthen of the day. it is a policy which will down any cause. But it will be very difficult to resist nominations to the Senate, without being able to shew some Cause, especially where both Senators from a State are in favor of the nomina tion. G. Blakes renomination will require some reasons to be assigned to be able to keep it off for a time, & the sooner any evidence of improper conduct is forwarded the better, and so in every case which may come up, so far as I have it in my power to be usefull to our Republican friends in Masachusetts, I shall do it with pleasure, Judge prebble & Gov. King will be with you in a day or two after receiving this, and they will be able to give you a full account of what is doing here, it will be well to forward such objections as you can offer to G. B. as soon as possible. We have no news to give you, other than what you see in the papers of the day, I will write you again shortly. Your Humble Servt John Chandler Hon. David Henshaw. 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.26]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.ys]. 209 ANDREW STEVENSON. Andrew Stevenson to David Henshaw. Richmond Octo r . 24th 28. Dear Sir, Some time ago one of yr Journals stated that I had declared at a dinner at Shrewsbury in company with Major Eaton & others that the Electoral Law of N. York woud be altered & that V. Buren was as busy amongst the members of the Legislature as a Hay maker &c. I saw General Green as I passed through Washgn & gave it the lie. I see by the Boston Journal of this day week, that the story is revived, & they now take the whole range of the State, & fire up the name s of Stone & Ward. I never was in Shrewsbury, nor did I see either Stone or Ward whilst in Mastts, that I know of. What can it mean ; & how could such a tale get in circulation. I will thank you as a friend, to probe this matter & advise me of the result ! Who is Mr. Ward & when & where is it pretended tht he heard me use the imputed declaration? Eaton was not with me in Mastts, & I have not the slightest recollection of speaking about the Elec toral Law of N. Y. except at Dunlops & yr. table, & then to say tht it would not be changed ! I am really anxious to learn the history of this strange charge ! Do let me hear from you at an early date ! The vote of Va will be overwhelming for J. & I should not be surprised if he gets the whole Western vote ! The victory is sure & the Coy. safe. Very truly yr. f d . & obt Ser 1 . D. Henshaw esqr. A. Stevenson * Andrew Stevenson to George Ticknor. 32 Upper Grosvenor St. London Nov r i8th 40 Dear Sir, I had the pleasure of receiving yesterday yr letter of the 27 : of October, with the one inclosed for M r Vail, from M r Prescott. I put it immediately under cover, & had it delivered at the Foreign Office, to be forwarded with their next Dispatches to Madrid. Through the kindness the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.59]. 210 of Lord Palmerston, I am enabled to get my letters safely transmitted abroad. The Post Offices on the Continent as you are doubtless apprised, are wretchedly managed. In G* Britain & France they have a better sys tem. Pray say to M r Prescott, that I shall take the greatest pleasure in rendering him here any service in my power, in the prosecution of his literary pursuits. I heard from M r Sparks some weeks ago, that M r P. was engaged in another work connected with Spanish History. I hope it may prove worthy of himself, & be as successful as his F. & Isabella, of the great merit of which, there seems to be but one opinion. The author of such a Work, is well qualified to follow it up with the history of Spain. I hope M r P. will have health to accomplish it. I am not surprised at wht you tell me of the violence of Parties, in the U States. We at a distance, can hardly realise such a state of things. They are indeed terrible & afflictive, & augur no good to our institutions. I shall not be surprised at any result of the pending contest. In any event, I shall return home very shortly, in self defence. We are anxious to do so, as you may suppose. Indeed, with one exception I have been longer at this Court, than any of our ministers. I have been influenced in re maining longer than I had intended, by a desire to settle the Boundary question, which I was desirous of doing As it is now in a fair way of being again referred I shall not remain, unless something unexpectedly turns up, to make it proper for me to do so We have however had a delightful time during our residence here, & shall leave a numerous circle of friends who have showered on us kindnesses & attentions as unex pected as they have been gratifying. Nothing could have been more so. It is not improbable tht we may return in one of yr Boston Steamers, as we hear they are fine sea vessels. You have seen no doubt our friend General Cass s Book on the French Court & King. Do you remember the anecdote you told us of Louis Philippe & Guizot the day we dined on the Rue Rivoli, with Ludlow? I promised you to get it out of the King, & did so, which Gen 1 C. has appropriated to himself ; & not in the best man ner. He seems to have taken it for granted, [as I have written to him] tht I did not intend writing a Book! In this he may be quite right, but it did not follow, that I did not intend to give some account of my visit to Paris, and my interviews & conversations with Louis Philippe. Of course this anecdote with others I should have used. He has excused himself by telling me very civilly that it was the best thing in his Book/ His abuse of the English was uncalled for & injudicious. He had better have left Captain Maryatt in possession of the field! Genl Cass I hear, is about publishing another Book. What a deal of comfortable leisure he must have. No wonder he likes Paris. We shall have no war between Eng land & France for the present. Louis Philippe is bent on Peace, & nothing short of abdication, or revolution, can drive him to war. If France would determine to interpose between the Sultan & Mehemit & preserve Egypt, the Parties to the alliance of July would no doubt follow suit. There would then be Peace. An offer to mediate would be judicious I think, & is not improbable. I have great confidence in Guizot & am quite sure tht he sincerely desires Peace. I shall look with interest for the debate 211 on the Address. His expose will be manly, & straightforward. He thinks they treated France unceremoniously I know, but yet not in a way to insult. Tht there was no such intention, on the part of the other Powers. This you may rely on But nous verrons. M rs . Stevenson unites in kindest remembrances to M rs Ticknor & yourself, and believe me my dear Sir, very respectfully & truly, Y r friend & ob* ser * A: Stevenson Geo : Ticknor Esq r x AMOS KENDALL. Amos Kendall to David Henshaw. Washington Dec i8 th 1829 Dear Sir, Your kind letter of the 14 th inst. approving of my Report to the Secretary of the Navy, has been read with great pleasure. To receive your approbation, though flattering to my. self-love, does not afford me half the satisfaction which I feel in your concurrence with my principles. In our country as well as others, government has been made an art and mystery. The people are taught that few are qualified to govern, and that a long apprenticeship must be served before men are competent to fill the higher stations. To understand the art of mystifying and cheating the people and keeping them in ignorance of the true condition of public affairs, does indeed require some study and skill. But what is, or rather what ought to be, the business of government other than that of private life on a more enlarged scale? Why cannot the government make its bargains and pay its officer in clefinite and fixed sums as well as private citizens? Why cannot the public accounts be kept in as plain and intel ligible a manner as those of a merchant? In all the affairs of govern ment, integrity, common sense and some knowledge of the world, are really the most essential qualifications. Endowed with these, a man of common industry may fifl the highest offices in the republic with more benefit to the people than profound scholars or eloquent orators. I knew little of government when I came here, except in theory. I had little conception, that our system had in it, practically, such a mass of fraud and imposition. The ends accomplished in other countries by force or corruption, have been compassed here by deception. The people have not been intimidated by the bayonet, nor their agents, to any great extent, 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.so]. 212 corrupted ; but by concealment and falsehood they have been hoodwinked and plundered. I have done and will do all I can to remove the bandage and let them see all the machinery of their government. If a few knaves who cannot bear the light of day shining upon their dark deeds, wince and abuse me, I rest confident of the approbation of the people and of the man whom they have delighted to honor. It would give me heartfelt pleasure to see my native state regenerated. There is not a more honest people on earth than the people of Massa chusetts. To abandon the coalition and go with us heart and hand in the reformation of our government, they need only to know the truth. I hope it will not be impossible to overcome their prejudices and enable them to see things as they are. Accept for yourself and your democratic associates in Boston the homage of my sincere respect. Your friend, Amos Kendall * Card from Amos Kendall. Washington Oct. 22 d 1856 To the Editor of the Pennsylvania^. I understand that my name has been published in some of the interior papers of your State as one of General Jackson s old friends who are now supporting Col. Fremont. If so, it is a preposterous fabrication. With out judging the motives of others, I have to say for myself, that I could not support Col. Fremont without the guilt of treason upon my conscience. In my estimation, his election upon the platform of his supporters, would be a long stride towards the destruction of our government. And let others say what they will, I have no more doubt than I have of my own existence, that if the Old Hero, whose motto was "The Federal Union. IT MUST BE PRESERVED/ were now living, he would, with all the zeal of his ardent nature, support the nominees of the Democratic Party, "Buchanan and Breckinridge" Amos Kendall 2 the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.45]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.46]. 213 JOHN MILTON NILES. John M. Niles to David Henshaw. Post office Hartford Feb 22* 30 Dear Sir Your Letter of the I5th Inst. was duly rec d : and permit me to assure you that you have no occasion for any apology for addressing me on the subject of your letter or any other connected with the interests of the democracy of New England. I rejoice to see that the "Spartan Band" in old Massachusetts, has again taken the field, & resolved to contend manfully for the true faith, once (in 1800) delivered to the saints. We are also attempting to rally & bring to the charge, the democratic forces, which remain in this state ; but without having suffered a defeat, they have been broken up, disbanded & scattered by bribery, defection, desertion and amalgamation We have committed two capital errors ; we first attempted to unite with the Jackson federalists; but was obliged to abandon that scheme ; & last Spring we attempted a union with the Adams republicans & now perceive that this project is likely to have no more favourable operation than the other. We now conclude that it is not only the most consistant, but the most expedient course to stand upon our own principles & fight it out. Subjoined is the information which you sought regarding the ex penditures of this State, for the fiscal year ending on the 3 I st March 1829 : For the General Assembly, $13484 Judicial expences 23.209 Paupers (state, & not including those chargable on the towns) 2.201 State Prison, 2.201 Contingent, 8.830 That year there was a grant towards erecting a State house in N Haven which of course is no part of current or ordinary expenditures, of that was paid 9.204 For the support of our primary schools, the following sum was paid the same year - 72.164 But this is derived from the interest of 214 the school fund, & is entirely distinct from the ordinary financial concerns of the state This fund as this time amounts to $1.882.252 principally secured by Bonds & Mortgages The state also possesses a permanent fund distinct from the school fund, invested principally in stock, of our Banks which amounts nom inally to $435.102 of this however $35.40x3 is in stock of Eagle Bank & of no value at all, and $55.302 is in U. S. 3 per cent stock, the value of which you know much better than I do. I am very respectfully your ob. svt. John M. Niles. 1 DANIEL WEBSTER. Daniel Webster to William Plumer, Jr. Washington April 24. 1830 Dear Sir I thank you for your kind letter of the 27 April. If my speech has done, or shall do, the slightest good, I shall be sufficiently gratified. It was, in the strictest sense, unexpected, & occasional; yet I am willing to confess, that having the occasion thus forced upon me, I did the best I could, under its pressure. The subject & the times have given it a degree of circulation, to which its own merits could not have entitled it. Con nected with this subject, one good thing excellent, & most important will ere long be made known. At present, it is locked up in confidence. All I can say is, & I w d . not have that repeated, except perhaps to yr father, that the world will one day perhaps not a distant one know Mr Madison s sentiments on these constitutional questions, fully & precisely; together with his understanding of the V a . Resolutions of 1797-8. It will be an important paper. It is now thought, that pains are taking to sound the Senate, with a view to ascertaining the expediency of a renomination of Isaac Hill. No doubt, a great effort will be made. I hope, not with success. I never shall believe he can either get thro 3 the Senate, or get into it, till I see it. It is difficult to get copies of the Executive Journal, I have obtained one, this session, for Mr. Kent. If possible, I will hunt up another set for you ; but if not this year, have little doubt I can do it next. If I can get it, will see it sent, in a safe manner. the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.yo]. 215 It seems now to be understood that the actual Incumbent of the Presi dency intends to stand for a re election. This disappoints more than one. If that should not happen, I hesitate not to say I think Mr. Clay s chance much the best. He is evidently gaining, in the west & among the political men here. What will be advisable, if Genl. J. should be again candate, cannot now be decided. I shall be happy to hear from you, as often as you will confer that favor. Have the goodness to present my regards to your father, & believe me, with most sincere respect, Yrs Dan 1 Webster HonW m Plumer jr. Epping N. H. * Daniel Webster to Theophilus Parsons. Washington Jan. 2. 1840. My Dear Sir I doubt whether I can give you any useful advice, touching the conduct of the Daily. It is a very respectable print, conducted with judgment & intelligence. Mr. Hale does not love political strife, nor is he willing to undertake to give a lead to political opinion. He does not think much of us here, & therefore does not, I think, give great room for Con gress proceedings. I wish he had more disposition to seize on great national questions, discuss them, in all their forms, and awaken a livelier interest in the pro ceedings of the Gen 1 . Gov*. You are undoubtedly right, in supposing that the finance question has been the leading cause of the Revolution. Why, then, should not the press keep the thoughts of men turned to that subject? Why, for example, should not the Editor of the Daily dissect the Message, & the Secretarys Report, exposing errors & enforcing necessary truths? Why should not the necessity of doing something for the currency, be every day urged upon the People ? Why should not the people of New England be shown what the condition of their manufactures must now shortly be, by the near approach of the penult, & indeed ere long of the last great reduction of duties? Why should not the Press raise a voice ag* the miserable policy of letting in free such enormous amounts of foreign luxuries ? In short, My Dear Sir, if a paper is intended to be a mere chronicle, that is one thing, but if it be meant to perform a political part, it must have discus sion, spirited paragraphs, & the power, & habit, of presenting great truths in a variety of form. In a single discourse, repetition is in bad taste. But the press cannot be effective without much of it. It must renew, today, the arguments of yesterday, & thus hold up, constantly, the truths, which From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.8]. 216 it wishes to impress on the public mind. Well conducted efforts of this kind can alone constitute what we call a vigorous Press. I will endeavor to send you the Documents, & should be most ready to give you any hints, which might be thought useful. Congress is rather inert. A degree of lassitude seems to have fol lowed the excitement of last session, & the summer & autumn. I shall be content with whomsoever you send me for a Colleague, as I am sure he will be some good man. Yrs truly Danl Webster Mr Parsons * WILLIAM BAINBRIDGE. Letter of Commodore William Bainbridge to General H. A. S. Dearborn. Philad a I3 h . of March 1831 My dear General. Little did I think this day week that I should have recvd from the Sey of the Navy the following Letter Viz. "Navy Department n h . of March 1831 "Sir, Como. L. Warrington having been this day appointed to the Com mand of the Navy yard at Philad a . you will consider yourself detached from that Station. And will await the further orders of the Depart ment." Why or from whence this order proceeds I know not beyond Conjecture And the Basis of the Conjecture is as follows Myself the presiding officer of a very Arduous Court Martial Cap ts Read & Conner members from this City sent in a claim for per diem allowance and which had been uniformly granted heretofore and had been also allowed last Winter under the "Heaven Born" at Wash ington. As the Government has not condesended to inform me of the Cause or reason of my removal I can only conjecture it to be in sup porting the claim of a paltry sum say about 100 Dollars which Amos Kendall, Clerk in the Treasury Dept, had decided against without right whatever to decide on it. I send you a copy of my letter to the Secy which is the only Basis I can conceive of his dismissing me from my Command, in that my respect (and respect I never intend to pay) was not in as good odour as Amos might wish N importe mon Ami. the World is sufficiently wide for all Beings in it. For God never made anything in Vain!!! The Emoluments of the Navy yard, I hurl with the Straws of the Wind And I trust my reputation is safe in the hands 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.So]. 217 of my Countrymen. I am well known as an officer and a man in your section of our Country. They have seen me there in Peace & in War I give you my dear General this early information which is of very little importance to the good people near you except so far as their good feelings are concerned in the Reputation of an officer whom they have honored with their Legislative and Individual Approbation Ex cuse this almost unintelligible scroll for you cannot suppose I feel quite as amiable as a young Bride. Give my love to your wife Yr affect friend W m . Bainb ridge To Gen 1 . H. A. S. Dearborn Boston * SILAS WRIGHT. Silas Wright, Jr., to Edwin Croswell. Senate Chamber Monday 4 Oclk. Dec 16, 1833 My dear Sir, We are yet sitting, balloting for committees and cannot ad journ. We must therefore I suppose Complete the ballot. I will send you a list by the mail to-night if I can, but you may know, in any event, that our friends are named enough, but named in all cases by the opposi tion votes and therefore when the opposition desire. By the list you will see that the Finance, Public Lands, Judiciary, Naval Affairs, are the subjects of principal anxiety, and the members of those committees will exhibit the perfect drill of the coalition. Private Land claims, Post Office & Post Roads, and some others are committees not yet filled up and where some contest will be had. But 1/4 past 4 we have adjourned. The list I will give you Tomorrow. I can only add that the V. P. took his seat to-day, that he made a speech, that our friend I. J. Mumford is here and has handed me a flourish of trumpets as to the speech which I enclose, and the copy of the speech refered to will be in the Globe which goes by the same mail and if you do not get it you must hold the flourish till the speech comes. I can say no more now, but as I am to be very much discharged from committee labour by this election I hope to be a more faithful correspondent by and bye, and personally I rejoice at the results, though, in a national sense, they are bad enough. Look at the committee on Finance, the ways & means of this body. Most truly Yours Silas Wright J r . E. Croswell Esq * 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.io.49]. From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.6i]. 218 Silas Wright, Jr. to William L. Marcy. Senate Chamber Washington 6 Jan*. 1838 My Dear Sir, I am indebted to you for a copy of your annual message rec d . by the mail of this morning. I thank you for this notice of rememberance and friendship, but I thank you much more for the matter of the mes sage itself. From a hasty reading I have experienced unmixed pleasure. Were this my only standard of judgement I should fear I might have felt too strong a gratification, but since I came to my seat I have been called upon by Judge Spencer, Judge Palmer, Judge Bruyn, Mr. Gallop, Mr. Gray, Doct. Taylor, and several others of our delegation all of whom judge and feel with me in relation to the message. They all rejoice in its temper, its spirit, its matter. So far you will, of course, have understood me as speaking of that part of the message which refers to federal rela tions. I will do myself the justice to say that, in all other parts of the mes sage, no republican can feel any other than an emotion of pride and pleasure from its perusal. In all these parts it is a clear, direct and busi ness-like document, worthy of such a State paper in such a State. I have shown the paragraph in relation to our agitated questions to several of our best friends in this body and all express the most full appro bation I regret that I cannot say more, but as I write under an excited debate upon abolition you must pardon me for saying no more and for saying what I do in so loose a form Most Respectfully And Truly Yours Silas Wright Jr. His Excellency William L. Marcy x Silas Wright, Jr. to A. P. Upshur. Washington 5. March 1842. Hon. A. P. Upshur Secretary of the Navy, Dear Sir, Will you pardon me for intruding upon you with a recommendation for an appointment, an act which I perform with great reluctance, because I doubt not you are greatly over burthened with appli- the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.62]. 219 cations and because I claim no right to trouble you upon these subjects, any farther than the discharge of the duty I may owe to constituents may require. The present I consider one of those cases, as the Father of Mr. George A. Thorne, by whom this will be handed to you, has been for many years an esteemed acquaintance and friend, and the Son comes to me with recommendations of character and business habits and capacities which do not permit me to entertain a doubt as to his merits. Mr. Thorne, the Father and Son, reside in Brooklyn, New York, and the appointment which the young man seeks is that of purser in the Navy. His education and profession has been that of a merchant, and the testi monials he will present to you will, I think, convince you of his capacity and qualifications for the Trust. Of the politics of young Mr. Thorne I can say nothing as I know nothing, but I incline to the opinion that he has been more the merchant than the politician, and that while he may not be able to claim distinguished services as a partizan, there will be found very little ground for objection against him upon the score of politics, and I certainly do not suppose that, in selections for the place of purser, political considerations will avail much unless it may be by way of objection, where the candidate should appear to be more a partizan than a man of business. The politics of Doct. Thorne, the father, have been those of the repub lican school, but what have been his feelings and what his action in our late political contests I am wholly unable to say. Since my knowledge of him he has sometimes differed from those with whom I have acted, and from myself, but never in a manner either to render his republicanism questionable, or to diminish the sincere respect entertained for him by those from whom he has thus differed. Always moderate in his political action, he has always manifested a sincerity and integrity of purpose, which were the best proofs of patriotic feeling. Entertaining, as he manifestly does, a deep anxiety for the success of his son in this application, his whole history satisfies me that he will feel properly grateful to yourself and the President, if you shall find it con sistent with your views of public duty to confer the appointment. Upon any other terms I feel sure that neither young Mr. Thorne, or the Father, would expect the office, and certainly upon any other terms it would not be asked by me ; and I have assured both of my entire ignorance as to the present calls of the Service for officers of this class. If Pursers shall be wanted, and you shall be perfectly satisfied that the character and qualifications of young Mr. Thorne are such as to render his selection safe and proper, that result will afford sincere pleasure to a very large and respectable circle of friends of his family, as it will to, Your Most Respectful And obed 4 . Serv*. Silas Wright Jr. * the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.63]. 220 THOMAS CORWIN. Thomas Corwin to John McLean. Washington 19* June 1834. Dear Sir, I have been urging on Ewing the necessity of obtaining the information concerning Gardneir s receipts, for some time. He has been so very busy with the P. office affairs that all other things have been for gotten by him. I shall see him to day. He is never disengaged & will I know be anxious to get the facts. He once called for them & the close of the session prevented their receipt. I have been utterly confounded at Homer s course here. Either his policy is too deep & mysterious for my comprehension, or he is greatly mistaken, or (what I am loth to admit) he is dishonest. You will have an opportunity to test his sincerity during the coming summer & fall, & in the mean time it would be unwise if not unjust to think of him or act towards him as one not to be trusted. Still I should not confide fully in him. I fear he has been tempted by that imp Moore. I cannot account for his strange inconsistencies in the elec tion case, upon any hypothesis which makes him unfriendly to Van Buren. Our intercourse is I regret to say suspended except mere civil formalities. I have been particularly careful in my casual conversations with him to speak in a way to satisfy him that I consider him still your friend & engaged with the rest of us in a common cause in Ohio. Yesterday L M c Lane resigned. It is understood to be upon compulsion though appar ently the tender relations between him & the Chief have been severed in a friendly spirit. The dulcet notes of the Globe this morning are designed to conciliate the forbearance of the discarded sec y . He will perhaps think proper to manoevre so as to take his seat on the bench should Duval choose to die in any convenient time. Such are the speculations of the wise ones. It is said Cass is to follow soon per force, though seemingly from choice. My own opinion is they have both been kicked out, or will be. Forsyth & Rives are spoken of for the State department & should Cass retire the new Cabinet will consist of the following Secy of State Forsyth or Rives Treas y Toucey. War Woodbury. Navy Cooper the nov elist. Which last by way of pun may be said to be at least a novel selec tion. The afs d novelist is now engaged in writing a pamphlet of 100 pages explanatory justificatory & apologetic of the Gen !s administration. His invention & talent in fiction are very appropriately employed. He of course will sell his copy right well for the Navy department. I have just seen your letter to the Phil a committee. It is just what we 221 wished to see. It will be printed here. We wish Green to publish it connected only with the letter of the committe & not as he wishes, with Websters stuff. The former course we think will divest it of all appear ance of controversy. At all events it will put aside all scruples of the N England folks, & bind up the wounds of some of my N republican acquaint ances in the west. We shall adjourn without any law concerning the deposites. I cannot see where we shall end, the future is all dark, till another presidential term commences. If we fail there I dispair alto gether. We may sustain a public existence for a while, but the health of freedom will have left us forever, if the kitchen scoundrills have four years more to work with their poison. Flood of Zanesville has been rejected by the Senate. No one is named in his place or will be during the session. Stevenson s case hangs up. They will probably reject him. I think we gained a victory in Bell s election. It is believed he is decidedly & un changeably opposed to Van Buren. They speak of Hayward Levitt & Silliman for D Judge in Ohio. The place will not be filled till we leave here. The breach grows wider every day between the Senate and Presi dent. I fear one extreme will here beget another. Stevenson s rejection I understand can be placed on very satisfactory grounds. Some develop ments not hitherto known have it is said been made that alter his position, & if true will end his political career. His health is very bad, it is thought he will not live out the summer. Yrs truly Tho Corwin Hon Jn Me Lean Cin c Ohio 1 Thomas Corwin to . W City 20 Jany 1840 D r . Sir I have just red your letter of the 12 th I greatly rejoiced in your success with the Meeting. Depend on it we shall beat this time. I have red at least a dozen letters this morning from western ( ?) states, all prom ising success, where we did not expect it Rencher a former member here from N Carolina, a man of cool & sagacious mind writes me that Harrison & Tyler are the very men of all others who could carry N. Carolina & assures me I may rest satisfied that old Rip will be safe for us. So from Maine & P a proofs without number of the same spirit & belief as to these states come to me every day. I send you a paper printed at Richmond showing what the feeling is there. We shall surely take the old dominion this time. The more I think of this business of Gov. the less I like my connexion with it. I fear we shall have great difficulty in setting matters right in 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.45J. 222 our Dis* if I just now step aside. So they tell me at home. I have written to all my acquaintances at Columbus to take some body else. Ewing I am sure would carry us safe thro & I verily believe would get more votes than I could. I shall have to resign one public place to run for another. This looks bad & will fetter me every where. I beg you to think of this & consult with our friends. The loss of my Dis in the fall election must not be. Yrs. &c. Tho. Corwin 1 THOMAS EWING. Thomas Ewing to Peter Hitchcock. Washington City Dec 28 th 1834. Dear Sir, I reed yours yesterday but having written very fully a few days ago on the subject I did not think best to trouble you with another very special answer, I mentioned to you that all our Whigs from Ohio would unite on Me Lean except one. You were probably aware that Gen Vance was the Gentleman referred to. He will, before the step is taken undoubtedly use every effort in his power to prevent it. After it shall have been taken I still think it probable he will go with his friends. Of this however I am by no means certain as he has strong feelings of personal hostility to Me Lean. He is a warm friend & a good strong hater, so that he will be difficult to reconcile. My own views & that of our friends here remain unchanged I am very Respectfully Yours T. Ewing 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.si]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.88]. / ; ",^, c ;;;i". \ 2*3 JAMES BUCHANAN. James Buchanan to Asbury Dickens. Lancaster 3 October 1836. Dear Sir An absence from home of nearly a fortnight has prevented me from sooner acknowledging the receipt of your letter. I presume, how ever, that Governor Cass has shewn you my letter to him on the subject of the Secretaryship of the Senate. Letters poured in so fast upon me that in self defence I was obliged to say to all that I would not commit myself until after I should reach Washington. In regard to yourself I entertain the most friendly feelings & I am sensible of your high qualifications for the Station. We shall have several candidates from Pennsylvania ; but I have frankly tofd them that the circumstance of both Houses having for so many years had Clerks from our State would be urged as an objection to the election of one of our citizens. Placed in the situation I shall be, I know not what I may do. I shall act for the best under the then existing circumstances. I remain truly yours James Buchanan Asbury Dickens Esq * WILLIAM LEARNED MARCY. Governor Marcy to General John Jackson. Albany Jan*. 3. 1838. General John Jackson, Although you have not notified me yet I have it in so many other ways that I have good reason to believe that you have actually called out a part of your Brigade to protect that part of the fron tier of the state which lies within the limits of your command. Brig. 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham. .9.70]. 224 General Burt of the 47 th Brigade having done the same thing I have caused an order to be issued to him in relation to his duties in this emergency. I have directed the adjutant General to issue to you a similar order which will probably be conveyed to you by the same mail that carries this letter. I will only say in this letter that the greatest care must be taken that the troops when assembled do not under any circumstances commit any act of aggression. The militia of yr Command are called out for no other purpose than to defend & protect, not to avenge insult or punish outrage. It is the duty of the General Gov*. [to] attend to the latter and the inhabit ants on the frontier may be assured that the honour of the country will be maintained & wrongs inflicted will be redressed. Let no rash act on the parts of our own citizens and in an especial manner on the part of the military force called out under the authority of the state embarrass that government in obtaining the reparation and atonement which we have a right to demand. I am with great respect your Obt Servt W. L. Marcy * CALEB GUSHING. Caleb Gushing to General H. A. S. Dearborn. Washington I April 1840 Dear Sir: Mr Adams has placed in my hands your letter to him of the i8th instant, in regard to which (in conjunction with yours to me of the 27th January) I write at the present time. I do not think there is immediate prospect of war with Great Britain. At the same time, the issue has ceased to be in the control of the United States. We have done all we can to effect an amicable settlement of the main question. Our counter-proposition was made in December last. Mr. Fox states that Lord Palmerston s answer was to be made up in all March ; & if so it ought to be here in a few weeks. Will Great Britain, however, yield anything? Will she recede from her system of encroach ment & self aggrandisement? I doubt. If she do, it will be the first time she has done so, unless when forced. And upon that, it seems to me, depends the final issue. I am as fully convinced as you can be that the peace, security, & ter ritorial independence of the United States require the extinction of the British power in North America ; and to that great end I shall never cease to look. Delenda est Carthago. Gen. Scott, in a paper communicated to Congress today, says the British have now 20.000 regulars in the Provinces. Be assured, that this great force is placed there to act against the United States, the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.58]. 225 Within the year past new works have been erected, not only on the Northeastern frontier, but at various other points all along to the far Northwest, & especially at Sandwich & Windsor. To say nothing of the strengthening & enlargement of various old works. British officers are actively intriguing with the (our) Indians in the Northwest. For myself, I favor all measures of preparation on our side. And I wait only for the March despatches promised, to act. I propose to communicate your letter to Mr. Poinsett, not only be cause of the suggestions it contains in regard to the fixed defences &c of of the country, but also to encourage him in his militia plan, which I see you approve. Its operation, it seems to me, so far as I can judge from reading the plan, & without having heard the other side, will be good. Take Massachusetts to illustrate the idea. He proposes that the Mass of our militia shall be enrolled &c substantially as in Mr Quincy s bill. Our Active force is to consist of 6000 men, drafted or volunteers, to be paid by the United States. Mr Quincy s bill is for 10000 volunteers, to be paid by Massachusetts. Add Mr Poinsett s Sedentary force of 6000 more, & the general result is better for us, than any past or existing fact. For instance, if Mr Poinsett s plan be carried into effect, my District will have to supply 5 Companies of Active, & 5 of Sedentary, volunteer (or drafted) militia; that is 500 men in actual service for so many days annu ally, & 500 For contingent service ; all, paid by the United States. It does more than that now, at the expense of this Commonwealth or of the volun teers themselves. I may be mistaken in these views ; but thus it seems to me. Would it be of use for me & others to stir in this militia business at home? I, for instance, will very gladly resign my present commission as Judge Advocate, & enter the line, if I can do it without disturbing too much the officers of the line now in commission. Pray think of this, & let me know if it would be judicious for me to attempt any thing of this sort. In regard to fortifications &c, the prospect is not good. The Admin istration, in its anxiety to conciliate the senseless prejudices of the South on the subject of the tariff, has set in motion a retrenchment hobby, which is most pernicious to all the public interests, & I think prejudicial to the popularity & political prospects of the Administration itself, which, to make sure of two or three States in the South, is in the way to repell & disgust all the rest of the Union. In justice to all parties, it must be admitted that the Whigs are partly in fault; for the Distribution & Deposit Act has crippled & exhausted the resources of the Government. Thus it is that party interests on both sides embarrass the public service. I remain, Very truly yours C Cushing Gen. H. A. S. Dearborn. * 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.67]. 226 ABEL PARKER UPSHUR. Secretary Upshur to President Tyler on the case of Midshipman Cooper. Midshipman Ch. S. Cooper was tried by a Court-martial for certain offences of no very grave character, & was sentenced to be reprimanded, & confined for a certain time, to his ship. Before his sentence was made known, his commander represented to him that he would certainly be very severely punished, & recommended to him to resign. Under the fear thus inspired, he sent in his resignation to his commander. It was not accepted. Supposing that his connexion with the Navy was severed, by the mere fact of sending in his resignation, he left the ship, & repaired to Washington with the view to represent his case to the President, & ask to be reinstated. The President, however, acting upon the technical prin ciple that the actual acceptance of the resignation was necessary, in order to break the connexion between the officer & the service, dismissed him for breaking his arrest. I am satisfied from the evidence before me 1 That the resignation was occasioned by the terror inspired by the assurances of the commanding officer, that the sentence would be very harsh, & by the influence of the commander s counsel. 2 That there was no intention to break the arrest, but that the same was done ignorantly. The interference of commanding officers in such cases & in such mode, particularly where young & inexperienced officers are concerned, is of very pernicious tendency, & ought to be discountenanced by the De partment. It appears to me from satisfactory testimonials, that Mr. Cooper is worthy to be in the service, & therefore, under the circumstances of his case, I respectfully recommend that he be restored to his former position. Respectfully submitted A. P. Upshur Dec r 3 1841 Endorsement of President Tyler. Let Mid. Cooper be restored but this restoration is not to carry with it back pay. The general rule adopted since I came into office is to allow no back pay as the consequence of restoration . J. Tyler Dec r 6. 1841 appt d 9 th Novr. I84I. 1 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.io]. 227 MARTIN VAN BUREN. Martin Van Buren to Governor William C. Bouck. Lindenwald Jany 8 h . 1844 My dear Sir I thank you kindly for the copy of your Message sent me. It is an excellent paper, prepared with care, talent & discretion. It deserves to be, and I have no doubt, is, satisfactory to the great body of your friends. Will you excuse me, if, influenced by an unfeigned desire for your success, & encouraged by the spirit of your last letter, I trouble you with a few suggestions upon a single point in your future course. Your views & opinions upon the most important of the subjects which are to be acted on by the Legislature, have now been presented to them in a simple, plain & perfectly intelligible form. With this your duty in respect to them is performed, & that of the Legislature, who are under the same responsibilities to the people that you are, commences. In their hands, without farther interference I would leave those subjects, holding, & when asked, expressing with candour & in good temper the same opinions, but with a declaration that you have done your part of the duty that it now remains for the Legislature to do theirs that you have the same confi dence in the goodness of their motives that you ask for your own, & that it will be your duty to be satisfied with what they, in the exercise of the discretion committed to them, shall think proper to do. Such, I was in formed by the old members of our party was the uniform course of M r . Jefferson, & there never were any heart burnings between him & Con gress. I endeavord to walk in his footsteps, in this regard, & felt the advantage of it. There is no telling how much the comfort, as well as real efficiency of our Executive officer is increased by it. When it is known that he indulges such feelings in respect to the action of the Legis lature, his enemies have fewer tangible points upon which to assail him, & less room is afforded for suspicions & jealousies on the part of his political friends. When the Executive, on the other hand, manifests a deep inter est in the action of the Legislature, & busies himself in efforts to give it a particular discretion, it is utterly impossible to avoid the suspicion of bringing the patronage of the Governmt to bear upon the independent exercise of opinion by the Legislature. If you are as pure in this respect as purity itself, still the friends of those who oppose your actions in the Legislature will be certain to place their disappointment in the way of office to that cause. The effects of this upon the popularity of our Execu- 228 live officer are much greater than is upon a first impression supposed. The effects of Individual disappointment are "comparatively limited, the other strikes at a principle properly held sacred by the mass of the people & creates more extensive & permanent injury. It is quite natural that one should feel desirous for the success of measures he recommends, & for the failure of those of which he disapproves, but it is much the safest way, & in the long run the most effectual too, to let things take, in this respect, their natural course. When it is known that a Gov. connects his own fate with the action of the Legislature, he is kept in hot water through the whole session, is liable to be defeated in the estimation of the by standers in matters with which he strictly speaking has nothing to do, & on account of which he is unwise to assume unnecessary responsibilities. Whilst on the other hand he makes his ease with his Constituents & the Legisla ture at the commencement of the Session, he does it in his own closet, having a controul over the whole subject, deliberately and cooly, & he reserves the rest of his time for his other duties, which are of themselves sufficiently troublesome & responsible. Excuse me for troubling you so long upon a point which you have most probably already considerd & determined to adopt. I design to come for a few days to Albany on the 17. Inst whn the Agricultural society meet & whn I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you. In the mean time believe me very respectfully & truly yours M Van Buren Gov. Bouck * JAMES KNOX POLK. James K. Polk to Governor William C. Bouck. Columbia Tenn. June 2 I st - 1844. Dear Sir: I thank you for your letter of the 3 d _ Instant, congratulating me upon my nomination by the Democratic National Convention, for the Presidency. It was a high honour conferred by my party and was I assure you wholly unexpected by me. I am gratified to have your opin ion of the prospects in New York, and hope you will, as you promise in the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.si]. 229 your letter, write to me occasionally as the canvass progresses In this State a finer spirit prevails than I have ever known & our Democracy are confident of success. I am With Great Respect Your ob t se t James K Polk His Ex. W m C. Bouck Albany N. York 1 RICHARD RUSH. Richard Rush to Asbury Dickens. Sydenham, near Philadelphia, April 16. 1846. My dear Sir, I have your letter of the 13 th , and in regard to the first part will merely say, that you need not be at the trouble of acknowledging the kind of letters you refer to, as I will always infer their safe arrival. I hap pen to have had particular reasons for the special inquiry I once made. And now to the important part of your letter. It is certainly true that we had no specific instructions for the clause of joint occupation, or "non-occupation", as Mr. Adams says, in the convention of 1818. Our instructions on this whole subject, were very meagre; contrary to the general practise of Mr. Adams while Secretary of State, whose instruc tions were little apt to want fullness any more than force. Mr. Gallatin and I both remarked, how meagre they were. Of this I have a written note. There was nothing beyond what is to be seen in the Secretary s joint dispatch to us of the 28 lh of July 1818. The subject, now grown so vast under the name of Oregon, had place in our instructions then, under the general head of "Settlement at the mouth of Columbia". The Secretary remarked in treating of this head, that the pretensions of the British government to this settlement "called Astoria" (this was after the surrender of its possession to us under the treaty of Ghent ) were not precisely known, nor had they "explained the grounds or motives oir which they contested our right to it." The dispatch spoke also of Russia having pretensions on that coast; and, whilst arguing against the expe diency of referring this and other disputed points to commissioners &c. alluded to a "boundary across the western deserts of this continent, and 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham.C.g.ig]. 230 title to establishments on the Pacific ocean, where, save pretensions "there is no object to any party worth contending for." Memorable words these, to recur to now ; but do not let me be the one to make public proclamation of them, as I desire never to be placed in relations other than harmonious with Mr Adams, but the words may be seen by all in our public documents. We did the best we could under the instructions we had, for which I refer to our joint Report of the 20 of October 1818, transmitting the con vention. The fact is our discussions on this part of it, were quite limited at that period, but we found the British stiff enough notwithstanding; for, to say no more, they put in their claim to "territorial authority" equally with ourselves to the whole country lying between 45 and 49 on that coast. The first full discussion ever had between the two nations, was in the negotiation which I afterwards conducted singly at London in 1824. This was the first negotiation after we had acquired the Spanish title, and the whole report of it was made in my dispatch of the 12 th of August 1824. The British then were entirely surprised, or assumed to be, at the nature of our claims (their extent,) as I certainly was at the extent of theirs; for which see my Report among the public documents, [or page 599 of my second volume.] I have ever believed that England attaches great importance to that coast and country. Her newspapers and other publications, I know, some times hold one language about its importance and sometimes another ; but whenever England has spoken, as England, that is, through the solemn declarations and records of her government, she has steadily shown a de cided sense of its importance. When her plenipotentiaries with the whole British Cabinet at their elbow, after much ado on both sides, at length proposed to me in June 1824 to take 49 as the basis, and then turning down south when it reached the north Easternmost branch of the Columbia, to divide that river with us, she taking all north of the river and we all south, I to be sure expressed my astonishment at such a proposal ; but her pleni potentiaries intimated to me during the remainder of the negotiation, almost in informal words, that it was their ultimatum; though this was not entered on the protocol in part by my desire, for the reason which I gave them. See my above dispatch or, for handy reference, the book just mentioned page 609. England not having at that epoch, tied herself down by the record to such an ultimatum, was willing in 1826 to let us have, in addition, a little bit of detached territory along the Pacific and Straits of Fuca from Bui- finch s harbor to Hoods canal; and since, in 1844, she has included a further offer of the freedom to us of certain ports on the main land, or on Vancouver s Island, south of 49. By no other offers whatever, of which the public know any thing, has her government, to this day, gone any farther than the foregoing sketch makes known; and she has rejected many offers from us. She knows that whoever has Oregon will command the north Pacific; an^ my way of reasoning rather is, that the vast future which she will probably think is opening to her in that ocean through the improved intercourse she has set herself to work for bringing about with China, will not be likely to reduce 231 her ambition on the Oregon question. Hence I have all along been less sanguine of a pacific issue to this formidable question than many of my friends fervently as I wish to see peace on terms fair and honorable, and not meaning to part with that hope to the last. I have answered you somewhat more at length than seems necessary, but your inquiry was important and you rightly remark that I take an interest in the whole subject; and, having followed it up, have gone on as you see when once sitting down to write at all about it. And how short and simple is the sheer record or essence of the whole negotiation ! Does it not show a deep root to the difficulty on both sides? I fear so; and although still ardently hoping for the best, have, I must say, regarded General Cass s resolutions early in December as nothing more than wise and prudent under all the past history and present position of this diffi culty, come what may of it finally. I have however barely intended to write you a brief summary narrative, not give any opinions; and will therefore only add how truly and sincerely I am My dear sir always yours, Richard Rush. 1 Richard Rush to Asbury Dickens. Sydenham. 25 April : 46 My dear Sir, It is not often that I amuse myself with an article like the enclosed, intended for the National Intelligencer; but as long back as when Lord Morpeth was here, we talked at my table (cautiously at first on his part as he knows our thin skins but I told him not to be afraid) of the frequent use we make of the word action. Since then we have doubled, quintupled, in its use and abuse, and dear knows when it is to stop ; so I have tried to give it a little hit having often been minded to do so before; and as the great example comes from Washington, it is there, if any where, that some little attempt in the way of corrective should appear. You may see that the English newspapers are at last jeering us about the word. Therefore, my dear Sir, I venture on asking you just to hand the article as from me to Mr. Gales or Mr. Seaton when you may find it quite convenient by meeting with either of them. They may decline its publi cation from their preoccupied columns of important matter, or other reasons ; and I might not know of this, should it so turn out, if I sent the article directly. Should it result so, then on your next seeing either of them in the Senate Chamber, I will ask the favor of you to get back the manuscript and put it under cover to me. There is another reason with me for asking your friendly instrumen tality on this little occasion. Should the article appear, I may never know of it from not getting the paper; for although I take the Intelligencer From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [ Cham. C. 8.9]. 232 (the tri-weekly) it gets to hand with great irregularity, through faults at the Philadelphia post office I am sure ; therefore, if published, please send me a copy of the paper, which you can probably pick up at the Senate Chamber. The Mrs. Tantamount anecdote, I had from Mr Madison. It was an old Virginia Lady. Always Sincerely yours Richard Rush 1 ZACHARY TAYLOR. General Zachary Taylor to Col. Jefferson Davis. Head Q rs , Ary, of Occupation or Invasion Matamoros Mexico Aug*, 3 d , 1846. My dear Col, I have [heard] with much pleasure of your safe arrival at Brazos Island, with your excellent Reg 1 , of Mississippi Volunteers, & very much regret I cannot at once order you with your Com d , to Camargo, where the greater portion of the Army will be concentrated, which is im practicable at the present time, but will do so as soon as possible with our limited means of transportation; the want of a more ample supply has embarrassed us not a little, & I fear will continue to do so to some extent. I propose bringing up the Regt s , from their encampments on the banks of the Rio Grande, where I flatter myself they will be pleasantly situated, as regard pure air, heath, wood & water, pretty much in the order in which they arrived in the country, & must say it is a source of mortification that yours was not among the first which reached Brazos Island, as I can assure you I am more than anxious to take you by the hand, & to have you & your command with or near me, & flatter myself if we are not disappointed in the arrival of several Boats which are daily expected from N. Orleans & elsewhere, in addition to those now here, we will very soon be able to bring you up. I expect to leave by the first boat which reaches here from below on her way to Camargo, & should have been highly gratified could I have the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.S.io]. 233 seen you before my departure for that place, but trust it will not be long before I shall have that pleasure. Wishing you continued health & pros perity I remain Truly & Sincerely Your Friend Z. Taylor Col. Jefferson Davis Comdg. Mississippi Vol s , Brazos Islands * FRANKLIN PIERCE. Franklin Pierce to James R. Rix. Concord Dec r 2i st 1846 My dear Sir I return d from Portsmouth on Saturday night, having been there for the purpose of aiding to bring the two papers there together. The object will be accomplished within two weeks. And then I trust, that General Harmony may succeed General Apathy & General Contro versy one or the other of whom have long been in command in Dist No i. Our prospects are daily brightening in all parts of the State and I am very sanguine in the belief, that we will route the "allied forces" in March. There is a new spirit abroad. We hear daily of seceding from the Hale faction. Many of them prominent and active men. The truth is, there seems to be new life new hope every where. Give my kindest regards to Mr. Williams In haste Yr friend & Serv* Frank Pierce Jas. R. Dix Esq 2 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.3o]. 2 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.56]. 234 JOHN TYLER. John Tyler to Brants Mayer. Sherwood Forest Charles City County. Va August I st 1847. My dear Sir : Your acceptable letter of the 13 th July, reached me as I was on the eve of departure for New York, with my family. Having placed them I trust, beyond the reach of the Malaria, whose influence is more or less felt on the James River, I have returned, farmer like, to look after the plough, and take the first moment of leizure to acknowledge its receipt. In urging Texas annexation, I had no such assurance as that given by Almonte to yourself, viz., that Mexico regarded Texas as lost to her, and that all she wanted was to save the point of honour, which he thought, could be done satisfactorily. This declaration was made to you in the spring of 1843, before the subject of annexation was seriously agitated. But although I had received no such assurance, I had arrived at the same conclusion as to Mexican policy. How could I have been mistaken in such conclusion. For nine years Texas had been independent, & that inde pendence acknowledg d by the leading powers of the world. For the greater portion of that time, no Mexican army had invaded her territory. Torn & destracted by her internal commotions, she had no ability to make a successful invasion. In my annual messages to Congress, of 1843 & 1844, I urged a speedy termination of the hopeless contest, as due to the cause of humanity, and as particularly due to the United States, I placed before Mexico the example of England in regard to the United States, who recognizing her obligations to the civilized world, acknowledg d their independence after a seven years contest. In one, or the other of those messages, I set forth the deep interest felt by my Goverment in the matter, dwelt on the state of exhaustion in which a continuance of the war would place Texas, if not Mexico, thereby reducing Texas to the necessity of resorting to expedients, held out by other Goverments, to the great injury of the United States. These repeated warnings were met by silent con tempt, or open injury. At length other Goverments began to seek for advantages & made their appeals to Texas. I could not look on either passively, or indifferently. It was idle to adopt a course of counter in trigue. We could offer nothing to Texas but our friendship & this she had always experienced. Annexation was the only counter project. It 235 was proposed & accepted. Standing on the clear ground of right, I should have deprecated no war that Mexico should have waged, while I would have left no means, compatable with public honor, untried, in order to avoid it. We were prepared to have made the most liberal offers. Mex ico was, without loss of time, placed in possession of our true feelings, through a dispatch to our Minister from M r Calhoun, which the Minister lost no time in communicating to the Mexican Goverment. The Senate rejected the treaty & I was abused & laughd at. Thus ended the first chapter of Texas annexation. Seeing the subject however, in the most imposing light, I did not stop here. I threw the matter promptly before the House of Representatives. That House waived a decision of it, but treated the message with respect & carried the question to the People. The People decided in favour of annexation & I carried out their & my own wishes. The precise mode in which this was done, you are already apprised of. M r Brown of Tenessee (a Whig) moved a resolution, which pass d the House of Representatives. In the Senate, great difficulty existed in the way of passing it, in consequence of M r Benton s opposition. It could only be overcome by adopting his own proposition, which proposed further negotiation, as an alternative resolution. This was moved by M r Walker & in that form the resolutions pass d. You are aware that the power to select between the two Resolutions was confer d on the President. The Resolutions came to me on the I st day of March & were approved. The only doubt I had as to making the selection, arose from a point of delicacy to my successor. A Cabinet council was summoned for the 2 d March, & the point was resolv d, by informing my successor of the proposed action, & if he desired it, submitting the despatch to his perusal. The Secretary of State, at my request, accordingly waited upon M r Polk, explain d to him my selection of M r Brown s resolution & expressed a readiness to show him the despatch to M r Donaldson. He politely declined the expression of any opinion concerning the Executive action, with some complementary declaration. That evening the Bearer of the despatch was on his way to Nashville, where M r Donaldson was at the time beleivd to be. Such is the true history of that transaction. The power to make the selection was conferred on the President. Whether any other than myself, could have properly made the selection might have admitted of cavil. But I felt that no time was to be lost. The British minister at Texas was known to be exceedingly active. He had in fact, as it afterwards appear d, already obtained from Mexico, an acknowledgement of Texas independence, based on the sole condition that she should repel annexation to the United States. I must add that I feard that the then President of Texas, M r Jones, was opposed to annexation, and that to adopt M r Benton s resolution was to lose the question. M r Polk & his Cabinet would also have requir d some days to bring themselves thoroughly acquainted with the true posture of affairs & all delay was if possible to be avoided. I took therefore, the responsibility of a prompt & decided action, & Texas became soon after a member of the Union. 236 You ask me what would have been my course towards Mexico, had I continued in office, & what terms would I have proposed ? I can only say that, my course would have been full of conciliation towards her. I am not to be understood as saying that M r Polk has been different. I mean to cast no censure any where. The point of honour had been saved to Mexico, by Mr Calhouns despatch, after the negociating of the treaty. I should have applied myself most diligently to the settlement of the Oregon question, taking the 49 th degree as the basis of the negociation, under a conviction, which I cannot shake off, that Mexico would not have gone to war with us, without the hope of foreign aid. That question kept open, was but too well calculated to induce Great Britain to urge Mexico to war, & to render Mexico at heart, indifferent to its consequences. It would be unbecoming in me to say more upon this subject, at this day. But I cannot forbear repeating that, there was but one feeling in common with myself & Cabinet viz., to negociate with Mexico on terms of distin- guish d liberality. If, notwithstanding all that we could have done, she had cased herself in armor & struck the first blow, I would have fallen upon her with all the power of the country, so far as I could constitutionally & legally have commanded it. Such in brief, is my whole course towards Texas & such would have been my course towards Mexico, had I con tinued in office. I have explained it to you so that you may distinctly understand it, although I cannot, at this time, for reasons which will read ily occur to you, make known what would have been my ultimatum in a negociation with Mexico. With best wishes for your health & happiness I am Dear Sir Yours truly John Tyler Brantz Mayer Esq ; * REVERDY JOHNSON. Reverdy Johnson to Prof. Theophilus Parsons. Private. You can of course, show this to Mr. Lawrence. Bait. 24 May 48 My dear Sir, Yours of the 24 th I rec d in Wash 11 , yesterday, & thank you for it. It will of course, as will any other you may favour me with, be held strictly confidential. Your name will, in no event, be made known. I had not forgotten that I had the pleasure of an introduction to you. Your 1 From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.y]. 237 name prevented that. No Lawyer, could ever forget being known to any descendant of your Father. I propose being in Phil a on the 5 th . June, & remaining there during the Convention. If you have leisure, I should be glad to hear from you by one of your Delegates. Write me also then, by mail, so that I may know if you write by a Delegate, & who he is, in ad vance. Your information as to Taylors strength is highly gratifying. I have no doubt, not the least, of his election, if he is nominated in Phil a , & as little doubt that any other Nominee will be defeated. Is it not strange that M r Webster should think he has any chance either of nomination or election? Clay s folly, great as that now is upon the subject, is not as great & unaccountable as his. It is only to be accounted for by thinking that the Presidency has crazed both. When M r . W. left Washington last, I have the best reason for think ing he was for Taylor. If he has changed, I fear, it is more from a desire to defeat the nomination of M r . Lawrence as V . P. than from any other cause. I know that in 44, he was bitterly opposed to Gov r . Davis, & I think esteems the Gov r . & M r . L, just about the same. I have the best reasons for saying so. The Friends of M r . L, should, in some way, be informed of this. I take for granted, all your Delegates desire his nomina tion, if M r . W. is not taken for the higher office, and that can only be done by taking Taylor, & by that, will certainly be done. Don t fail to write me at Phil a . if you cannot do so before. I return to Wash", to morrow. Yrs sincerely Reverdy Johnson T. Parsons Esqr. * JOHN VAN BUREN. John Van Buren to James . My dear James, I enclose a draft for $420 of R. J. Sage on Messrs. Sage & Co which please have placed to the credit of J. V. B. Ex r &c with Duncan, Sherman & Co. The nomination of M c Clellan is well rec d . & with proper exertion I have great confidence in his election Much, if not everything will depend on the votes of Penn a . & Indiana the io th prox. If they are favorable this State will be carried triumphantly & M c . Clellan elected. I shall remain here till the middle of next week or later, & then make my way to Albany for a week I am still without letters from you Love to all truly y rs Willowbrook Sep r . 17. 64 2 J. Van Buren From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.g.47]. * From the Chamberlain Manuscripts [Cham.C.8.64]. 238 I U. C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES