72.3 ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE HOSTAGES OF JOHN, KING OF FRANCE, TREATY OF BRETIGNY, IN 1360. EDITED, WITH historical Motia^ BY SIR G. F. DUCKETT, Bart., OFFICIER DB l'iNSTRUCTION PUBLIQUE IN FRANCK ; GREAT GOLD MEDALLIST OF " SCIENCE AND ART IN AUSTRIA AND GERMANY; FELLOW OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES; AND CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE SOCIETK DES ANTIQUAIRES DE NORMANDIE. " Uhistoire de France est telkment liee avec celle d' A ngkterre, suriout deptiis le douzieine siecle, que pour etudier l'une,on doit en quelque sorte, connciitre I'autre.'" CARRIERES. " Loin de chercher H raviver le souvenir des luttes anciennes, celui qui ecrit ces lignes n'a rien taut a coeur que V union intime de deux strands pays trop longtemps rivaux, et il dedie cette edition a Valliance liberale, pacifique, civilisatrice de la France et de VAn-^leterre." SIMEON LUCE. lon&on : PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. M. DCCC.XC. IT would be difficult to select any one period of the 14th century throughout its entire length, less rich than another in point of incident, more fertile or more varied in eventful issues, or which, more than another contributed to the history of chivalry ; indeed, the chronicles of Froissart, and contemporary historians make it read like a fable of knight-errantry or romance. That portion of the century embraced by the following particulars, has, therefore, not been specially selected, but has been entirely determined by the Norman- French documents of a certain period, extending little beyond fifteen years from the battle of Poitiers, or less than one-fourth of it ; nevertheless, though the evidences forming the ground-work of the memoir, are in them- selves, of no great length, the subject to which they refer, while not, perhaps, incomplete in certain matters of detail, might still, for the above reasons, have been much more exhaustively treated. Many points, even in so short a narrative, will be sug- gestive as well to the compiler, as to the student of history, tending to confirm tradition in much that is true, and to rectify it in much that is unfounded. M188925 THE original Norman-French records, of which the hereunto appended transcript was made, are among the muniments of M. le due de la Tremoille, some of which have been recently deposited in the Natio- nal Library of France. The incidents pertaining to these documents, of nearly contemporary occurrence, concern a period of very great historical interest both to England and France, but perhaps is one, in which the former may have greater cause to exult than the latter, seeing that at no subsequent time has England stood higher, than when its King had the rulers of both France and Scotland captive in his own country, at one and the same time.* The subject is entirely connected with two very im- portant events, and their resulting issues ; the first is the ever memorable battle of Poitiers, gained by Edward, Prince of Wales, over the French in 1356 ; whilst the second is the subsequent Treaty of Br^tigny, concluded four years later in 1360, in virtue of which, John, King of France, taken prisoner at the said battle, obtained his release. The date of the occurrences set forth in this docu- mentary evidence, may be fairly fixed at about the years 1366 or 1367, or two years after the death of King John and the Dauphin's succession to the throne of France ; but before dealing more particularly with the same, it is desirable to have some more perfect knowledge of the * The French King arrived in London as a prisoner in 1357; David II., King of Scotland, was at that time in captivity at Odiani, in Hampshire- but obtained his liberty the same year. Rymer, VI, 39, 68 ; Walsingham ; Rapin, (Hist, of Engl.) aforesaid circumstances, to which they owed their origin, and especially of the articles of the above treaty. Happily, we have Froissart and Rymer to assist us in reeordingthe main facts, as these historical writers have already done for many others, touching this particular period. The events immediately preceding and leading to the important victory at Poitiers, were the following : — It was in 1355, nine years after the successful issue of the battle of Crecy (near Abbeville) in 1346, (which en- tailed such renown on Edward, the Black Prince), and eight from the capture of Calais in 1347, that the truce, with the French, extended from time to time, having expired, the war was renewed in that year. The determined and persistent object of King Edward III., had been to establish bis claim to the throne of France, occupied at this time by John, son of Philip de Valois, but many circumstances, especially the Salique law, which from the first had virtually excluded him, tended to make him now regard the establishment of his claim beyond reasonable expectation, so that for the cession of A(;quitaine with all its sovereign rights, a proposition his plenipotentiaries were instructed to put forward, he pro- fessed himself ready to end a war, which had been mainly signalized by the victory of Cr^cy. The French envoys sent to treat with the English for this end*, refused to listen to any such overtures, and '■■' The reference and authorities for these pages, are Froissart (("hronicles) (ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove ; ed. Johnes ; ed. Luce) ; R3nner (Foedera) ; Rapin, Hume, Henry (Histories of England) ; Carrires (Histoire de France) ; Memories de Litterature, XVH, pp. 317, 353 ; Uu Chesne, Histoire de la Maison de Chatillon. the continuation of the war was forced upon Edward III. The King, therefore, lost no time in attacking France on its Northern frontier from Calais, then in his possession ; whilst to his son Edward, the Black Prince, was assigned the invasion of the South from Bordeaux ; the operations on both sides being carried on according to the barbarous and exterminating fashion of those days, which consisted in simply laying waste by fire and sword the whole country before them. The operations of King Edward were fruitless and had no result, for he was recalled to England by the news that the Scots had passed their borders, and had taken Berwick ; but those of the Black Prince were so far suc- cessful, that he made an incursion or destructive progress throughout Languedoc and the South of France, and in the ensuing year renewed the same desolating tactics, but on that occasion advanced Northwards from Bordeaux, The Prince, had a viev/ presumably of forming a junc- tion with his father, or, according to Hume, of co- operating with the English under the Earl of Lancaster in Normandy ; at any rate he penetrated as far as Berri, and captured Romorantin ; he also attacked Bourges, though without success. It was on his return from this movement (or rather raid), that his retreat was cut off by King John in the neighbourhood of Poitiers, and, in the face of an overwhelming French army, his escape seemed nearly hopeless,* The position of the =;• It is somewhat remarkable, and not very generally known, that Poitiers was the scene of perhaps the most important victory in the history of Europe. It was here in A.D. 732, that Carl M artel stopped the advance of the Saracens, and saved the Prince was so critical that he would have listened to any terms, save those of unconditional surrender put forward by the French King ; he even offered to aban- don his conquests, and to sign a truce of seven years, but these conditions being refused, he resolved to fight, and it must be admitted, in these somewhat more ad- vanced days of miUtary science, that the Prince showed consummate tactical judgment and skill, in drawing up his greatly inferior force in the manner history has handed down, and thus awaiting the attack and impetuous on- set of the French King. Up to the last days of recent times, the English have always been noted for the steadi- ness and deadly effect of their fire, and thus it now was with the English archers.* These men skilfully posted, and to a certain extent intrenched, poured such murderous volleys- and discharge of arrows into the enemy's advan- cing force, that the van or first line of the French was thrown into total confusion ; but when the Black Prince rest of Europe from the fate of Spain. The only contemporaneous authority for the bloody contest between the Franks and Saracens is Isidore, Bishop of Beja in Portugal ; whilst the chronicler of 200 years later, over-estimates the loss on the part of the latter on the occasion, induced to some exaggeration by the tremendous impor- tance of the victory. The battle in 1356, took place at Mauper- tuis, or, as now called /a Cardinerie, in the vicinity of Poitiers. * A French writer (Simeon Luce ; Chroniques de Froissart, v, vii), admits the incontestible military superiority of the English in the 14th centur3^ It was due to the adroitness, skill and much greater number of their archen, in proportion to the rest of their troops, and the tactical use made of them. It will be found that in the very year of Poitiers, writs were issued 30 Jan". 1356 by Edw. Ill to 14 sheriffs to furnish 5600 bows and 11,400 arrows to W. de Rothewell, of which half were to be ready and handed in to the Tower of London, by Easter (24 April), and the remainder, fourteen days after the feast of the Holy Trinitv (15 June), 1356. (Rymer, HI, 322). 5 threw the main body of his Gascon and English troops on its disordered ranks, with the Dauphin leading the re- treat, combined with a well-timed and preconcerted flank attack, entrusted to the captal de Buch, the confusion became greater throughout ; and though those in the reserve-division about the King made a vigorous and determined resistance, the victory was complete.* The prisoners taken on this occasion, in addition to King John and his younger son, (who obtained for him- self the name of le hardi by his bravery on that day), comprised four princes of the blood, one archbishop, three earls, i,6oo barons, knights, &c., and several thousand men-at-arms. The actual loss of the French, left dead on the field, did not exceed 6,000, but the number of prisoners was so great (indeed so vastly superior in number to his own force), that many had to be ransomed at once, whilst others were released on their parole or pledged honour to pay the price of their redemption later. The chief loss oc- curred among those who fell fighting around the King on that occasion, and these comprised the flower of the French nobility. In due course, having spent the winter at Bordeaux, Prince Edward brought the captive mon- arch and his prisoners to England, and landing at Ply- mouth, t made his triumphal entry with them into London (May, 1357.) Great preparations had been made for the occasion ; the Lord Mayor and Aldermen conducted the procession into the city, which with great display reached * Froissartliv. i, chap. 158, 163 ; Walsingham Chron. p. 171, 197. t Rymer, VI, p. 4-10; Walsingham, p. 197; Froissart, Hv. i. chap. 213. Westminster Hall. Here certain pompous ceremonies, required by the laws of chivalry, as well, if not better un- derstood then, than now, were carried out between the two kings of England and France, with all apparent marks of respect and cordiality. To these events followed a two years' truce, at the expiration of which, in 1359, King Edward again invaded France. The resulting op- erations comprehending the siege of Paris and Rheims, proved utterly fruitless, and the King accepted the terms offered him by the Dauphin, concluding with him the memorable peace ol Bretigny,* where the treaty was ratified the same year. This treaty was subsequently evaded on the part of Charles V. It was maintained, whether rightly or wrongly it is now difficult to decide, that it had not been duly executed^ and that a subsequent treaty of Calais, between the same parties, in part annulled many of its stipulations. It was on the strength of its non-validity, that he some years after (in 1389) declared himself Sovereign of Guienne, and commenced the war which lasted nearly 100 years. We now come to the more immediate subject of this inquiry, those articles of the Bretigny treaty, by which it was decided (irrespective of the territories to be ceded), that forty hostages (to be agreed on) should be sent to England, for the due execution of its conditions.t By the terms of that peace, very favourable to Eng-"~\ land. King John was released and set at liberty.^ The * A small village near Chartres (Eure-et-Loire). f Froissart, liv. i, chap. 213 ; Rymer, VI, 278, 285, 287. JRymer, VI, 196, 198. price of his liberation was fixed at 3,000,000 marks of gold {ecus d'or), each mark being reckoned at 13s. 4d., so that the ransom of the King in English currency was equivalent to ;^i, 500,000. Of this sum a part was fixed to be paid at once, whilst the 40 hostages (alluded to) were given for the eventual payment of the whole amount. King Edward III. renounced by it, however, all claim to the French throne, to Normandy, Brittany, Flanders, Touraine, Anjou, and Maine ; whilst Gascony, Guienne, Poitou, and other provinces, were settled to be retained by the English Crown. Articles XV, XVI, XVII, and XVIII, of this treaty specify the names of those to be detained and remain in hostage. Among these were four princes of the blood, j viz : — The two sons of the French King, John, earl of Poitiers, afterwards due de Berri, and Louis, earl of Anjou ; Philip, duke of Orleans, the King's brother ; the due de Bourbon ; James de Bourbon, comte de Pon- thieu et de la Marche ; Jean d'Artois, comte d'Eu ; Charles d'Artois, comte de Longueville ; the comte d'Alencon, or Pierre d'Alengon his brother ; the comte de Blois, or his brother ; the comte de Porcion ; Henri de Joinville, comte de Vaudemont ; comte d'Etampes ; de St. Pol ; de Harcourt ; de Vendome ; the comte dauphin d'Auvergne ; le sire Enguerrand de Coucy- ; le sire de Montmorency ; John, lord of Andresel (An- drezel) ; Gerard, lord of Boucherche {sic)- Charles de Montgomery ; Mathieu, lord of Roye and Germigny ; Simon de Roucy ; le sire de Maulcvrier, and others. * Coucy-le-chateau ; (Aisne). 8 The XVth article specifies the towns, also, which were to send hostages to Calais, namely, four from Paris, two from St. Omer, Arras, Amiens, Tours, Orleans, Bruges, and 14 others, there to remain. It was also agreed, that King John might take with him any 10 hostages he chose to select, which thus left thirty in the hands of Edward. The four princes above-named, (known at that time as " les quatre Princes des fleurs-de-lis) , were of chief import for the full performance of the treaty, but, nevertheless, by their repeated solicitations, they were permitted to return on their parole as far as Calais, until the execution of the ist article of the same. The due d'Anjou broke his parole and es- caped, and returned no more.* John, (whose chief merit was his scrupulous honour), had, indeed, willingly ratified the treaty, and thoroughly intended to carry it out, but from the impoverished condition of France, brought about by the foregoing and subsequent events, added to the opposition on the part of manyy to cede the several territories to be given up to the English, the enormous sum for the King's ransom was not forthcoming, and this article of the treaty of . Bretigny could not be carried out. The King was so offended, also, at his son's conduct, that he determined on returning to England to resume his captivity, when he found he was unable to fulfil the terms of his release, and treat personally with Edward. His ministers and others endeavoured to dissuade him from taking this step, and his answer, worthy of all praise, has been ^' Froissart, 1. I., c, 218 ; Rymer, VI, 231, 232, 239, 262. handed down in these words : — " That were good faith and honour banished from the rest of the world, such virtues ought still to find their place on the lips and in the breasts of Princes." [Si la justice et la bonne foi etaient bannies du teste du monde, il foudrait qu'on retroiwdt ces vertiis dans la bouche et dans le cceur des Rois*] . It is a greatly disputed point among historians, whether the King was actually influenced by these sole motives, for he has been credited with others (among which was his admiration of the countess of Salisbury), but on the whole they are disposed to conclude that the most honourable and upright intentions alone actuated him. This step, at any rate, he decided on, and accordingly arrived in England in the winter of 1363. He took up his abode at the palace of the Savoy,t where he had formerly resided before his release. This measure in no way tended to remove the diffi- culties which beset the execution of the treaty. The King was taken ill shortly afterwards in March, and died *The French historian, Carrieres, sagaciously observes : — " En- dued with such noble sentiments, one is at a loss to understand how he made no scruple to debase the currency, and, what is worse, to instruct the mint-officials to defraud and deceive the public on that head. Perhaps be might be under the impression, that Princes are only bound to keep good faith among themselves, and for special reasons of state or policy, are at liberty to dispose at their will of the lives and goods of their subjects," (Carrieres, Histoire de France, 1805, p. 164.) [Some historians attribute this measure also to the Dauphin, during his father's captivity] . t So called, from Peter of Savoy, uncle of the Queen of H. Ill, who built the palace in 1245. It was burned down about 20 years after these occurrences, by Wat Tyler, in 1381. ^ A- lo the following month* (1364). His body was taken to France, and entombed at St. Denis. Of the hostages for the performance of the treaty of Bretigny, and the payment of King John's ransom, ten had been freed by the XVIIth article, and these had accompanied the King back on his release to France. Thirty thus remained in Edward's hands. Of the ten in question Prince Philip, the King's younger son (afterwards duke of Burgundy) formed one. He had been taken at Poitiers with his father, and was the prisoner whom Edward least desired to liberate ; nevertheless, he con- sented that he should be of the number. Subsequent to the death of King John, it would seem that Edward was not so strict, or cautious as he might have been in respect of the French hostages, and after a lapse of time, by the escape of some, by the abuse of their parole, or by the purchase of their freedom on the part of others, as well as by death, the whole made their exit, and got out of his hands ; but it is manifest by the ensuing records, that the Dauphin (who had succeeded his father as Charles V), although ultimately pre- tending that the treaty had become null and void, by reason of some of its stipulations not having been carried out by the English, was actuated by perfect good faith, (a fact elsewhere denied), in respect of King Edward's hostages, as long as they continued in his ^ power. This will be seen with regard to Guy de Blois, whom he ordered the sire d' Amboise to replace. Some of the names of the hostages have already been given, *Froissart, 1. i. c, 219. II but we copy the following from Rapin* (quoting Frois- sart [1. I. c. 243, and Rymer VI, 396, 398, 411, 419, 243, 396, 467, 488, 520, 585], to show what is recorded of their ultimate end. The duke (earl)f of Anjou, the earls of GrandpreJ and Brienne [Brenne], the lords of Clere, and Derval abused the favour (viz. license to go and take care of their private affairs in France), and all Edward's instances could not procure him the least satisfaction. The duke of Orleans, § by the grant of certain lands to Thomas of Woodstock (duke of Gloucester), one of the King's sons, procured his own release, with the freedom of the sire d' Andresel,|| one of the prisoners. The duke of Bourbon,1[ having opportunity to do the King some service with the Pope (innocent 77), was set at liberty, on payment only of 12,000 crowns, given by the Prince of Wales to the person who took him prisoner at Poitiers. The affair of Belleville='=* (in Poitou) being put to arbi- tration, Edward relying on the sincerity of the French, and the justice of his cause, made no scruple to enter ■■'• Vol. i, p. 441. f Louis, count of Anjou. I The coat of Grandpre was : — Barty of ten, or and gules. § Philip, duke of Orleans. II John, lord of Andresel, if Louis, duke of Bourbon. -■'-'' Belonged to Aquitaine. There are several places of this name in France, of which the most important is Belleville-sur-Saone. Two places of the same name are in the department of Deux-Sevres and others. At the former are the remains of an abbey. It seems certain, however, that one of the last named, being in ancient Poitou, was the place here indicated. One is Belleville, near Niort ; the other, near les Sables-d'Ollonne. 12 into an engagement to which he was not compelled. He was pleased, even after the duke of Anjou's escape, to promise to release the duke of Berri, and the earl of Alencon, * in case the matter in dispute was decided in favour of France. He even carried his generosity so far, as to give these two Princes leave to return home, contenting himself with taking their word, that if the affair was determined in his favour by the arbitrators, they would come back to England and remain in hos- tage, only till he was in possession of the territory in dispute. These two Princes embraced his chivalrous offer, and returned to France. Meanwhile, the affair was left undecided, and the hostages thought no more of re- turning. The earl of St. Paul, obtained his liberty upon leaving his two sons in his room. Charles d' Artois made his escape, without taking leave. The lords of Luxembourg, Etampes, and Hengest, [Hangest],§ died in England, and Charles sent not other hostages in their room, though he was often required. The earl of Harcourt had leave for a certain time, but returned no more. Guy de Blois did the same thing ; but agreed after- wards with Edward, by giving him Soissons.t * Count Peter d'Alen9on, brother of the due de Bourbon. t The attestation to the ratification by the French King of the treaty of Bretigny, was made in Oct., 1360, by Androin de la Roche, 34th abbot of Cluni, in his capacity of Papal nuncio. — (Rymer). I Rymer VI, 568, S. p. 16 postea. Soissons in the dep. of Aisne, is 20 miles S.W. of Laon. § The arms of Hangest were : — Argent, on a crofs gules five escallop-shells or ; (Du Chesne). 13 Montmorency, Boucherche*, and Maulevrier,t had leave to go to France, but took care never to return. It is likely, however, they gave the king some satisfaction, since we do not find any complaint against them in the Collection of the Public Acts [Rymer], from whence we have taken these particulars. As for the other hostages of less note, and the bur- gesses of the towns,! whereof Toulouse neglected to send * Gerard, sire of Boucherche ? f The sire de Maulevrier. Maulevrier, a family of Anjou and Toiiraine, bore for arms : — Or, a chief gules. I From an original document among the " Archives of the city of Lyons " (CC. 290) quoted by Guigue (Guerre de cent ans p. 40), we learn, with other interesting particulars, that the annual sum paid by the city of Lyons for the maintenance in England of its two hos- tages, was fixed by a Royal ordinance at 1000 francs, and this sum was raised and its collection apportioned between the nine most im- portant towns in the bailiwick {hailliage) of Macon. The quota assig- ned to each, was in the following proportion : — L5'ons was rated at 600 francs, Macon at 120, Tournus at 50, Cluni at 50, Belleville-sur- Saone at 20, Villefranche at 50, Anse at 40, Condrieu the same, and Saint Symphorien-le-Chatel at 30. The original runs thus : — " C'est I'ordenance qui fu fais par le Roy notre sire que les villes du bailliage de Mascon contribuassent chascune en droit soy en la somme de mil frans chascun an, pour les frais et missions de hos- tages de la ville de Lion estans en Angleterre, en la maniere que s'ensuit : premierement la ville de Lion Vic frans, la ville de Mascon VIxx frans, la ville de Tournus L frans, la ville de Clugni L frans, la ville de Belleville XX frans, la ville de Villefranche L frans, la ville de Hansse XL frans, la ville de Coindre XL frans, et la ville de Saint-SiflForien-le-Chastel XXX frans " (Original on parchment ; Arch, de la ville de Lyon, CC. 290), The two first hostages sent by Lyons, in virtue of the treaty, were Humbert de Bleterans, and Aynard de Villeneuve (Id. Inv. Chappe, vol. ii.p. 176) ; the latter was replaced some time after by his brother Stephen. In 1364 the hostages for Lyons, were Thomas de Varey, and Jean de Durchie (or Bullot) ; and finally in 1371 (a period later than usually recorded), the hostages were Louis de Fuer, and Jean de Pressia. (For further particulars of these hostages, S. Appendix). The Archives of Lyons afford the follow- f(Ki 14 hers, Edward generously gave them their freedom, and the rest compounded for their ransom, or died in England. ing details in respect of their pensions and other pa3'ments : — " Peronins de Beleys (and six more), conseilleur de la dicta villa de Lyon, a Hanri Chivrier, salut. Nous te manden et comanden que tu baillies a Michiel Chenever dous cent trenta et huet florins, unze gros, que el deit paier a Aynart de Villanova por la dicta villa, en la qual soma la dicta villa eret tenua oudit Aynart por arest de contion fecz avoy luy, por causa dous despens que el fit, quant el fuz eslieux por alar en Englaterra, comme por lous despens que fit Tevenes de Villa Nova, sons frares, etant ou lua de luy en hostage por lo roy notre sire en Englaterra, la qual somma de ii" xxxviii florins, xi gros, de pitiz pois, nous volen et commanden estre aloya en tous contions, et deduire detes receptes par cestes presentes. Donnees a San Jaquemo, soubz les seiaus et seignaus de Mathe de Chapponai et de Johan de Vergier, commis et deputas a fere cestes presentes lettres, lo v jours de mars, I'an MCCCLXIII " (Arch, de la ville de Lyon, CC. m,jo. 21 ; Guigue, Guevre de Cent ans, 1886J. The next entries in the same evidences, relate to the hostages of 1364: — "Nous te manden que tu baillies a Robin Quaret, pelletier, bourgeois de Tornay, dous cens frans d'or que lidis Robins at preta a Thomas de Varey en Englaterra, de la qual somma deit prendre lettre de quittcanci doudit Robin Pieros Fames, et la metre ou papier de la villa" (ih. jo. 25); — "Nous te manden que tu baillies a Johan de Durchi, dit Bullout, qui est en hostage en Englaterra, por le roy Johan, que Dieu assoilliet, et notre sire, treis cens florins pitiz en dechargimen de sous gages qui li sons dehu, lui estant esdit hostages." . . {ib. fo. 36 v"). Some of their money transactions during the time they were in hos- tage are curious, and bring in the name of a dignitary of the order of St. Anthony of Vienne, Godfrey, de Lymona, (S. Appendix) [preceptor Anglie terre, ordinis sancti Anthonii Viennensis] who gives his sanction to certain advances : — " Paia ou valet qui veni d'Anglaterra por Jehan Bullot los XII jor d'ost lxiiii — x flor., 11 gros, 11 tourn " [Arch, de la ville de Lyon, CC. iTi^fo. i). " Paia a un valet [S. Appendix'] qui apportiz letres de Jehan Bullot d'Englaterra — vi gros" (ib. fo. 33J. " Paya por lo change de 111*= florins, liquos furent tramys a Jehan Bullot en Englaterralemeisd'osMCCCLXlIII — vi florins vi 11 gros" (ib.fo. I J. On the 13 December, 1365, the town council acknow- ledge that Jean de Foreis, " receveur general des deniers communs" had paid into the hands of " al comandour d'Englaterra {comman- 15 Of King John's ransom,* there still remained two millions unpaid. — (Rapin). [S. Appendix]. Such appears, according to all historical evidence, to have been the position of affairs between England and France, when Charles V called upon the sire d' Amboise to take the place of count Guy de Blois, as one of the hostages of his late father in the former country. The ensuing documents (now for the first time made known), open with the reply to this summons on the part of the French King, and in it the writer remonstrates against the particular selection made of him to replace the said Guy de Blois ; and the reasons he adduces then and deur d'Angleterre) V^ xvi florins, viii gros, auxquelx lidit communs li eret tenus por pret fatz par luy a Johan de Durchi et Thomas de Varey, ostagiers en Englaterra, en paiement des gages en que lidit comuns et tenus aux dit Johan de Durchi et Thomas " [lb. CC. 373, fo. 29). The charge of supporting the hostages fell sometimes entirely on Lyons, " Dient et respondent lesdiz habitans que les diz copon- ages {tax, so called, on all ground corn) estre une charge que icelx habitans mirent sur les molages de leurs blefs, par le consente- ment du roy notre sire, pour payer les hostages de ladicte ville, qui lors estoient en Angleterre pour la prise du roy Jehan, que Dieux absoille," &c., &c. (ib. cc. igo, fo. 29 vo.) "^^ One example will suffice to shew, how the sum was endeavoured to be obtained throughout France, for what is said of one district may be said of all. For the purpose of obtaining the proportionate share for the King's ransom in the diocese of Lyons, the recovery thereof was committed to two commissioners, one of whom was the abbot of Ainay, the other a burgess of the city of Lyons. These functionaries were empowered to send a bailiff or (sergeant- at- arms) to different towns in that diocese, to proclaim the instructions for levying the necessary aid, and at once to place an embargo upon certain commodities, but especially on salt, proscribing their sale under severe penalties, and only under certain conditions. They also imposed a general tax of twelve deniers in the pound, in respect of all saleable goods and merchandise. [Further details will be seen in Appendix]. [Guigue, Guerre de cent ans ; Arch, du Rhone, vol. 54, n° 1, fo. iii vo. et 112 r°.] i6 subsequently are sufficiently forcible. He urges on the King's notice the enormous sum he had to pay for his ransom, after being taken prisoner at Poitiers, in order to regain his liberty ; he represents how little he owes, either by good will or obligation to the said hostage Guy de Blois, or his brother the lord of Blois, to be called upon to assume his captivity, seeing the manner in which some of his men had been taken and thrown into prison by the governor of Blois ; a matter which could not have taken place without the sanction or knowledge of the count de Blois ; he brings to the King's remembrance how some part or the whole of certain payments, for a territory alienated by him to his father the late King, still remained unliquidated ; further- more, he dwells on the fact that his castle of Montrichard was assaulted and taken by certain parties named in the deed or petition, the cost and damage resulting therefrom, amounting to eighty thousand florins, with the fatal effect it had on his wife, who died of the shock ; and lastly, adduces as, perhaps, the most cogent reason, that having already been taken prisoner once, and ran- somed after Poitiers, he can neither in equity or reason be called upon a second time to resume captivity ; rather in fact, he continues, than voluntarily to assume this last ignominious state, it would be more honourable to be made prisoner a second time before the enemy. The allusion to the capture of Montrichard castle, though somewhat vague as to detail, seems to point to the state of the kingdom after the capture of the French King. We are disposed to beheve, from corresponding dates, and the particulars chronicled of that time, that 17 this occurrence may have been in intimate connection with the insurrection known as the ^^ Jacquerie'' of i 358 ; or equally with the so called " Grandes Compagnies," of nearly contemporary time ; if the former, castles and towns were taken and pillaged in nearly every province of France by the revolted peasantry and adventurers at that time, and although the insurrection lasted less than two months, the blood which flowed on both sides was frightful. The latter were formed of banditti, and men discharged from the army of the Black Prince after Poitiers, and those who came later on the scene called themselves " les tards venus ; " but in either case they were bands of lawless brigands who ravaged and laid waste parts of France (especially le Lyonnais), during the last years of King John's life. But though the foregoing is put forward as a probability, the particulars may have had their origin in the ordinary lawless state of society which characterised those days, and the desultory warfare carried on between neighbouring chieftains. As the death of the wife of the sire d'Amboise seems (as shown here- after), to have occured about 1357, and was caused by the shock and particulars connected with the capture of Montrichard, the occurence may have been due to the well known condition of France during King John's captivity. The illustrious descent and position of the hostage count Guy de Blois, and his high connection with the blood royal of France, together with the rank and importance of the sire d'Amboise, render both persons ol more than usual importance. But the former was the great patron of Sir John Froissart, which of itself is sufficient to justify some lengthened notice. i8 Guy de Chatillon, comte de Soissons, and de Blois ; lord (or seigneur) of Avesnes, of Chimay, Beaumont, Lan- drecies, Dargies, Nouvion, Schoonhoven and la Goude, was the 3d son of Louis de Chatillon, comte de Blois, and belonged to the great historic and princely family of that name in the early history of France ; his mother was Jeanne de Beaumont, or Jeanne de Hainault, countess of Soissons.* He was one of the hostages delivered in 1360 for the ransom of King John, and the due execution of the treaty of Br^tigny, and it would appear from Froissart (who names him elsewhere " lord and patron "),t that he became hostage for his eldest brother count Louis de Blois. t He assumed this position for six years and up- wards, before he finally regained his liberty, and then only by renouncing all right (with the concurrence of his two elder brothers), to the county or earldom of Soissons, and making over the same in 1366 to the English King. Indeed an entry in Rymer, dated July, 1367 (in which he is styled lord of Beaumont), would place the date of his liberation somewhat later. In the former year, therefore, or perhaps earlier, may be assigned the date of the ensuing Norman-French documents. -Du Chesne, Maison de Chatillon-sur-Marne ; Paris, 1621. ■f Froissart, 1. i. c. 213. I An entry in Du Chesne relates more particularly to the fact. By deed, to which the Royal sign manual is attached, and witnessed by the archbishop of Sens and others, count Louis de Blois agrees to allow his brother a thousand livres tournois, in order to defray the cost and expense to be incurred by him, whilst hostage for the King in England. This compact was signed at Rheims, 20th Octr., 1363. He was placed on his arrival in England with the King in the palace of the Savoy. 19 Froissart enters more into detail in respect of his liberation, and shows that Charles V having failed to replace him, [indeed these documents almost prove his inability to do so], opened negociations himself for his release through the sire Enguerrand de Coucy, who had married the Princess Isabel, one of Edw. Ill's daugh- ters. With the consent of his two brothers (as observed), counts Louis and John de Blois, and with the same on the part of the King of France, he gave up wholly and absolutely into Edward's hands the county of Soissons.* This territory in 1367, was made over to the sire de Coucy, who from that time became count of Soissons. t The race of Chatillon, from which the hostage of King John immediately derived, were counts of Blois, of Dunois, and Soissons ; lords of Avesnes,:j: of Guise, § Lan- drecies,J Tr^lon,^: Beaumont,^ Chimay, la Goude, and Schoonhoven. Thisbranchbecame totally extinct in 1762. Though more than one ancient and powerful family have borne the name of Chatillon, by far the most illustrious and renowned was the house of Chatillon-sur-Marne, and of its descent, and Royal alliances, Du Chesne gives an * The deed by which Guy de Blois ceded his earldom of Soissons, was signed in London, 15th July, 1367, before Sir William Blondel, deputed to receive it on the part of the King (Du Chesne, p. 115). t He is generally known as Ingelram de Coucy, and was made Earl of Bedford by Edward III. He had large possessions in the Barony of Kendal, and his name is of frequent occurrence in deeds pertaining to the north, of that early period. Of his two daughters, Mary, married Robert de Barr ; and Philippa, was the wife of Robert de Vere, ninth earl of Oxford, and Duke of Ireland. The arms of Coucy were : — Barry of six, vair and gules. I All in the department of Nor d (France). § In the department oi Aistie (France). *F On the Belgian frontier, to the N.W. of Chimay. 20 elaborate history. Historically one of the best known and most celebrated of the branch, to which count Guy de Blois belonged, was Charles de Blois, who disputed with Jean de Montfort the duchy of Brittany, by whose death at the battle of Aurai in 1 364, the possession of it went to his rival de Montfort. This Charles de Blois was uncle to the hostage in question, and cousin of the French King. But the house of Blois goes back to a time familiar to all readers of English history, in the immediate progenitors of Stephen, count de Blois, who married the Conqueror's daughter, and was the father of Stephen, King of England. The armorial bearing, from the earliest times, of the house of Chatillon (or Blois ancien) was : — Gules, three palets vair, a chief or [De guelles, a irois pals de vair, an chef d'or]. Guy, count de Blois was the last of the dynasty or house of Chatillon, who possessed the castle and county of Blois. He and his wife sold the territory to Louis d'Orleans, brother of Charles VI. The table of descent, given opposite, will render the following details more intelligible. His brothers were the counts Louis and John de Blois, "^nd it was for the elder, as observed, that he went as one of the King's hostages to England. By the eventual death of his brothers, he became the possessor of vast territories, as will be seen. Guy, count de Blois, the father of the hostage for King John, married the daughter of Sir John de Hainaull, lord of Beamount, the ' same who conducted Queen Isabella of France to England in 1326, with her son Edward III, but was afterwards found siding with the [I] (U Q . ■J S g OJ w «^ •- w "^ Q o^ S (U « (D n 3 -t: P^ ?, S .. < a <.ai 5 "13 •J o 5 g^;z; o M > q3 11 o P^ ?. S O O ^ rt G -M C/3 ^ ^ '^ tA ^ i^ +j d ^ 'S *+-! C °l^ 1^ in rf S Q ^ tfl :=• 3 o w o CO 3 a» — V. ^ go ■ il a ^ ^3 JU o O !5 x3 o ^ ^ H) - P..2 O i2 ^^ Q -2 ;> 'x o Pi. J^ n3 +5 O 22 French, and fought against the English at Crecy.* He was brother of William, jearl of Hainaiilt and Holland. By her he had Louis, John, and Guy aforesaid. His '■'John of Hainault, lord of Beaumont, brother of William, count of Flanders, was a very important and conspicuous character at that time, and his only daughter, Jeanne de Hainault, was the mother of Guy de Blois. He was also uncle to Oueen Phihppa of England, and count of Soissons. From the time that he accom- panied the Queen Isabella to England (who was niece of Philip le Bel, and sister to Charles le Bel of France), and the subsequent siege of Bristol, he was a firm adherent of England, and the pension which he received from the English Crown up to 1345, when he transferred his allegiance to Edward Hi's rival Philip de Valois, had been a thousand marks yearly. Froissart states that he was very much influenced to this act by his son-in-law, Louis de Blois, who was the King of France's nephew (1. i. c. 56). Ryraer shows, that in 1341, he had been empowered to treat for peace with France, in conjunction with his brother William, earl of Hainault. On the death of this latter, he had commission b}^ another entry in the same (of Oct, 20, 1245), to take possession of the inheritance of Queen Philippa, by the death of her father, William, count of Hainault. In a similar commission he is omitted. The record is still extant, among the muniments of the Chambre des Comptes of Lille, by which John of Hainault, sire de Beaumont, on the 21 July, 1345, vows fidelity and future homage to the King of France, (i.e. avows himself his vassal), in recognition of certain lands conferred upon him. A deed of the same date, from Philip de Valois [quoted b}' M. Luce [Chron. de Froissart)] among the ^'Archives du Nord'' B 804] , empowers the Royal receivers of the state-revenues in the province of Vermandois, to pay him the rent-service revenue pertaining to such accepted vassalage, during the whole of his natural life. •f- William, count of Hainault, father of Philippa, queen of Edward III, died in 1337, and was buried in the church of the Cor- deliers at Valenciennes. His son William, earl of Hainault, who succeeded him, brother-in-law of Edward HI, and nephew to John of Hainault, was killed in Frieseland, at the battle of Staveren (or Stavoren), in 1345. Marguerite of Hainault (his sister), wife of the Emperor Louis of Bavaria, succeeded him as countess of Holland, Hainault, Zealand, and Frieseland. The relationship between Edward III and her sister Philippa, required a Papal dispensation, which was accorded by John XXII in 1327. 23 brother was Charles de Blois, duke of Brittany, so prominent in the history of that time. Louis de Blois fell fighting at the battle of Crecy in I346/'''' Of the sons, Louis, the eldest, married the Lady Mary, daughter of the due de Berry, but had no issue ; in fact he had only been betrothed to her, and she died in 1391,! when 14 years old. John de Blois (styled also John de Chatillon), married in 1 372 Matilda, sister of the countess of Juliers, who claimed the duchv of Gueldres as her inheritance. On the death of his brother Louis, he became count de Blois, lord of .\vesnes in Halnault, and of Holland and Zealand. Hi.s dispute with his wife's sister about the duchy of Gueldres, of which he was not universally acknowledged the ruler, cost liim considerable sums, and was never definitely decided. He died at Schoon- hoven in 1381, and was buried along side his grandfather. Sir John of Hainault, in the church of the Cordeliers at Valenciennes. Guv de Blois, the above named third son, succeeded his brothers in all their possessions in France, Picardy, Hainault, Holland, and Zealand. Of these were : — Beaumont and other lands in Hainault ; the county of Blois ; the county of Soissons (alienated to the lord of Coucy) ; the lands of Dargiesj: and Nouvion ;§ with the '■= P'roissart, 1. i. c. 129; id. 1. i. c. 97. f Froissart, 1. iv. c. 28. I (Oise), France. § In the forest of Thierache (Aisnej, and in the arrondisement of Vervins. It belonged to the counts of Blois, whereas Nouvion- Catillon (or Nouvion I'abesse) near Laon, in the same department Aisne, belonged to, or was the seigneurie of, Jean de Nesles, the sire d'Oflfemont, who made it over to his son, Guy de Nesles, in 1342 24 territories of Holland and Zealand. Before his death he alienated the county of Blois to the duke of Touraine. When Charles V of France (who was his cousin) afterwards assembled an army to invade Aquitaine, in 1369-70, we find him making active preparations to join the King against the English. He had in the meanwhile been serving beyond the limits of France, and had then arrived in Hainault,* when he placed himself and his force at the King's disposal. t He w^as in consequence numbered among the leaders, who formed part of the army which invaded Limousin, and the territories of the English Prince, under John, due de Berry, simultaneously with the advance by way of Toulouse and Agen, made by the due d' Anjou.t The (Luce, Froissart, i. ccxi ; Arch, de VEmpire JJ 74, p. 315). This last named Guy de Nesles occurs again postca, and was Marshal of France. * Froissart, 1. i, c. 284. t Du Chesne, Histoire de la Maison de Chatillon, p. 167. I A French writer, commenting on the right of Charles V to the duchy of Guienne, and his declaration of war with a view to recover it, remarkS; that of all the wars entered into by France, this was the one of all others which proved itself of greatest import, at it was in fact the forerunner of the greatest loss to its enemies the Eng- lish, who at the time possessed some of the finest parts of France, Ponthieu, Poitou, Saintonge, Angoumois, Limousin, Perigord, 1' Age- nois, le Quercy, Rovergue, and the whole country which formed Guienne. This war, in fact, with intervening truces, lasted nearly 100 years ; its issue was often doubtful ; victory often changed sides ; but it was neither by Charles V, who commenced it, nor by his son Charles VI, who continued it, that it was terminated ; this consummation was left to Charles VII, who forced the English to evacuate France, and left them alone in possession of Calais, which the due de Guise took from them in 1557. (Memoires de Littera- ture, VII, 316). 25 result of this campaign was, that by 1372, Guienne was entirely in possession of the French King, It was in 1375-6, after his marriage, that we again find him, in the suite of his cousin the Due d'Anjou, (Charles V's brother), on the occasion of the latter going to Bruges, to treat for peace with the English plenipoten- tiaries. In 1382, when Charles VI of France lent his aid to the count of Flanders against his rebellious subjects, he had the command (with others) of the rear-division of the army which fought at Rosbec (Roosebecke, Rosebeque), gaining a complete victory over the enemy, numbering upwards of 40,000, and among them their leader Philip, son of the memorable Jacob von Artevelle or Arteveld, the Flemish brewer. It is said that the Oriflamme"' was dis- All that Edward III had gained by the treaty of Bretingy, was lost in the succeeding reigns ; France in turn was at one time at the feet of Henry V ; and again, lost beyond recovery to his suc- cessor Henry VI. In looking back to the past there can be no doubt, that the animosity, rivalry, and ill feeling which existed between France and England for so many centuries, owed its origin to the wars which Edward HI was the first to commence, in support of his claim to the throne of France, by virtue of his mother, sister of Charles le Bel ; on the other hand the origin of their con- tests is attributed by others to an earlier date ; the victory gained by Henry I of England at BrenneviUe, in 11 19, is assigned as the commencement of this persistent rivalry. * It was at this battle of Rosebecque, according to Froissart, that the Oviflamme was first displayed agamst Christians, being borne on the occasion by the porte-oriflamme of that day, sire Pierre de Villiers. Sismundi also states, that Charles VI went to St. Denis on the 18 Augt. of that year, in order to remove it. It had been a much debated question before the engagement, between the King of France and his leaders (Guy de Blois, as observed, being one of them), whether this sacred standard should 26 played on this occasion, and according to some for the first time against Christians. It is also said to have been captured at that battle [Bardin) ; but inasmuch as the Flemings are recorded to have been cut to pieces, the assertion is doubtful. be displayed or not, in as much as it had never been on any account used, save against infidels and heretics. However (observes Frois- sart), " the matter having been fully considered, they resolved to display it, because the Flemings followed opinions contrary to those of Pope Clement, calling themselves Urbanists, for which cause the French said, they were out of the pale of the church. This was the principal cause why it had been brought and displayed in Flanders " [1. i. ch. cxxiv. ed. Johnes] . This national and sacred banner, so called, must not be passed over without adequate notice, and may be considered up to a certain date, to have been the Royal standard of France. In its origin, the oriflamme, said by some to have been a gift sent from heaven ; by others to have been called into existence about 630, by King Dagobert (the founder of St. Denis) ; or again by Charlemagne ; was the standard or banner of the abbey of St. Denis, or rather of its patron, and lord-protector, the count of Vexin — a territory forming part of the provinces of Normandy and the Ile-de-France — who as holder of the countship had it displayed, whenever engaged in hostilities on behalf of the convent against the enemies of the church. When, however, that earldom or county lapsed to the crown, and became added to it in 1082, in the reign of Philip I, this same banner, which the King then bore in right or by virtue of such protectorship, became in time the national banner ; and it was stipulated by him, on his first assumption of it, with the monks of St. Denis, that in all future wars he would take into battle the banner of their patron saint. Louis le Gros took it first into the field in 1 124, in his capacity ascount of Vexin, and vidame of the abbey of St. Denis, at the time th e advance on Rheims was made by the Emperor V of Germany, against whom, from that city, a sentence of excommunication had been fulminated by Calixtus II. Captured and re-captured on different occasions, it appeared for the last time at Azin- court, in 1415, when it is said to have been lost. Accounts, however, vary very much as to its final disappearance, some maintaining that this occurred in the reign of Charles VI, when Paris was taken by Henry V of England ; but documentary 27 His wife was Mary de Namur, daughter of William, comte de Namur, and Catherine of Savoy. She was related to him in the 3rd and 4th degree, so that the alliance required a Papal dispensation ; and to this Du Chesne alludes. Froissart states, that both he and his wife became so enormously fat by good living. evidence (bearing date July 24, 1450, and Augt. 30, 1465) quite prove the reverse, showing that in the reign of Louis XI the oriflamme was still taken into action. It certainly had been in use and displayed in the field, in the previous reign of Charles VII. The oriflamme was preserved with great and superstitious car^, and whenever required, was removed with pomp and ceremony from its site over the tomb of St. Denis, and on the termination of any expedition, was lodged again over the same place, and suspended in like manner. This fact disproves the assertion of those who maintain that the oriflamme was lodged with, or in the immediate keeping of the porte-oviflamme its bearer, who up to 1368, and from the time of which we are treating, was the above named sire Pierre de Villiers. The banner itself was formed of red silk, edged with green fringe, split into three points, and bore on it the name of St. Dionysius, although some maintain that it was perfectly plain, and without any emblem or device. The representation, however, in glass, of the 13th century, in the cathedral of Chartres, depicting Henry, the seigneur of Metz, receiving the oriflamme from the hands of St. Denis, shows a banner terminating in five points. It was never displayed, or taken into the field, save for urgent and special reasons, and then only when the King was himself present, as on this occasion. The mode of proceeding both in fetching and lodging it again, on the eve of hostilities or any warlike enterprise, and on their ter- mination, is thus recorded. The King went in great state to St. Denis, and having heard mass, and taken the sacrament, the banner was handed to him by the abbot, and by Royalty placed in the hands of the porte-oriflamme. On the conclusion of the expedition it was again restored to its place with the same ceremony. The standard-bearer received a yearly pension of 2000 livres for his services, and the appointment was held in such repute, that we are told a marshal of France relinquished his own post, in order to assume the office of porte-oriflamme. that the former could not at last mount a horse, but had to be carried on a litter, or placed on a car or vehicle, whenever he moved from home, either for travelling, hawking, or hunting. At one time before his It took precedence of all standards, and was carried in front of every other in action, " Omnibus in bellis hahet omnia signa praire " are the words of William of Brittany. But in as much as the first or original oriflamme, the actual banner of St. Denis, was lost by Louis IX, in 1250 at Damietta, against the Saracens, so the subsequently designated oriflamme was to a certain extent a counterfeit. Such, in fact, was the oriflamme with Philippe le Bel (as described by Meyer in his History of Flanders), captured in 1304 by the Flemings at the battle of Mons-en-Puelle ; and such also all similar banners since the loss of the original. It does not however follow that the French deceived themselves on this point, or ever fancied that they were fighting under the original banner. The oriflamme is said to have been in existence in 1535, in some abbey, but in a moth-eaten and totally decayed condition. On the other hand, the old French family of Harcourt pretended to be in possession of it, in the time of Henry HI (1585), or of a standard presumed to be the oriflamme. TJie nature, colour, composition of the material, and shape, quite proved this assertion to be without foundation. The true banner was of red silk, and, moreover, the Harcourt banner was square, like the gonfalon, or a cavalry-standard (Cf. Loehr, Kriegsworterbuch, s. v. Fahne; Mem. de I'Acad. des Inscrip. vol. xiii ; Bardin, Dictionnain de Varmee de tern). We may add, after these particulars, the following from Froissart, and how it was displayed at the battle of Rosebecque : — ** The oriflamme was a most excellent banner, and had been sent from heaven with great mystery, it is a sort of gonfalon (or square pennon), and is of much comfort in the daj' of battle to those who see it. Proof was made of its virtues at this time, for all the morning there was so thick a fog, that with difficulty could they see each other, but the moment the knight (Sir Peter Villiers) had unfurled it, and raised 'his lance in the air, this fog instantly dis- persed, and the sky was as clear as it had been during the whole year. . . . The lord of Estonnenort told me, that he saw (as well as several others), when the oriflamme was displayed, and the fog had dispersed, a white dove fly many times round the King's battalion. When it had made several circles, and the engagement was about to begin, it perched on one of the King's banners ; this was considered a fortunate omen" [Froissart, 1. i. c. cxxiv. ed. Johnes). 29 death, and whilst the negociations for the sale of the county of Blois * were in progress, he resided at his castle Chateau-Morant, about eight leagues from Tours. t His death occurred at Avesnes in Hainault, about 1397, and he was buried at Valenciennes. His tomb was still in existence in 162:, surmounted by a statue attired in the robes of a prince ; figures beneath supporting the different quarterings of his escutcheon. Du Chesne give?:|: the epitaphs on the tomb of count Guy and his wife, in the church of the Cordeliers of Valenciennes : — Chy gist Guy conte de Blois, sire d'Avesnes et de Beaumont, qui fonda cette Chapelle, et trespassa I'an ^397) ^e 22 jour de Decembre. Chy gist Mane de Namur contesse de Blois, femme et espouse audit Monsieur Guy, qui trespassa Fan 1400. The derivation of the name is from the Latin, *• quasi auriflamma ; " and the bannei' (called by Rigord " vexillum heati Dyonisii ") pos- sessed, according to the superstition of the time, the same miraculous attributes as those ascribed to the Palladium of the Greeks ; the power, namely, of putting the enemy to flight, or making its holders invincible. As a matter of fact and of histor}^, the oriflamme may be said to have had a two-fold prototype in the miraculous banner (ox laharum) of Constantine the Great, and the chape de St. Martin of Tours, mentioned by Honorius of Autun, as belonging to the celebrated basilica of Tours. '■'■'■ Blois on the banks of the river Loire, is now the capital town of Loir-et-Cher. In its castle was born Louis XII of France ; and there also at different tinies resided Francis I, Charles IX, and Henry III. It was within its walls in 1588, that the last King caused the due de Guise, and his brother the cardinal de Lorraine, to be assassinated. It was, also, from this castle of Blois, that the last public acts of the regency of the Empress Marie Louise, and the Imperial Government, were in 1814 drawn up and promulgated. fFroissart, liv. iv. c. 35. I Maison de Chatillon ; Prenvres, p. 116. 30 The coat borne by Guy de Blois was : Quarterly : ist and 4th Chdtillon, Gules, three palets vair, a chief or ; Hainault, quarterly, ist and 4th, or, two lions rampant sable ; 2nd and 3rd, or, two lions rampant gules ; dif- ferenced by a label of three points azure. His son married d. of John, due de Berri, son of the King of France. But his intimate association with Sir John Froissart, (which began about 1384), the celebrated chronicler and historian of those days, ought not to be overlooked, and we take the following from the English translation of his Chronicle* by Johnes : — "During the time these negociations were going forward, the lord Guy de Chatillon, count de Blois, departed this life in his hotel in Avesnes, in Hainault. He was carried to Valenciennes, and buried in the church of the Franciscans, in a chapel called the chapel d'Artois. True it is, that he made a large inclosure for the Franciscans, and intended erect- ing his tomb within it, but he died so much in debt, that his countess, the lady Mary of Namur, was obliged to renounce all claim to his moveables. She dared not act under his will, but retired to her dowry of the lands of Chimav and Beaumont, and the estates went to their ■■' Sir John Froissart was a native of Hainault, having been born at Valenciennes in 1337. He is chiefly known as a chronicler and historian, but he combined other callings with those of a writer of history, for he was a priest, and treasurer of the collegiate church of Chimay. He presented a part of his History of the wars and times which he chronicled to Queen Philippa, who was a Princess of Hainault, and states himself to have been her secretary from 1369 to 1373. He accompanied Edward the Black Prince to Aquitaine in 1366 ; and entered the service of Guy count de Blois in 1383. [Froissart, Chronicles translated by Johnes, ii. 655). 31 right heirs. The duke of Orleans {duke of TouraineY"' had the county of Blois, for which during the late count's life, he had paid him 200,000 crowns of France, but had this arrangement not taken place, it would have fallen to John of Brittany, who was his cousin-german. The county of Soissons went to pay his ransom. The lands in Hainault, Holland, and Zealand went to duke Albert of Bavaria, (but elsewhere Froissart states that Hainault f reverted to the duke of Juliers, and the duke of Lancaster) ; those of Avesnes,J Landrecies,§ and Nouvion in Thier- ache fell to John of Blois, more commonly called John of Brittany, to whom if count Guy had not sold it, as observed, the county of Blois would have devolved, as to right heir. T make mention of it, because the count Guy de Blois was very anxious during his life that I, Sir John Froissart, should indite (write) this history, and he was at great expense to forward it, for so considerable an undertaking cannot be accomplished without great cost. May God receive his soul ! He was my lord and patron^ of high honour and great renown, and had no need to make the pitiful bargains he did in the sale of his estates, but he too readily believed those who advised -•■ He was brother of Charles VI of France, and was created duke of Orleans. f Hainault was a province of Belgium or the Netherlands, now in the department oiNord, France. It was bounded by Namur on the east, by Flanders on the west, on the north by Brabant, and on the south by Picardy and Champagne. Valenciennes (also in the department of Nord), is on the Scheldt, and was the birthplace of Froissart. His statue, by Lemaire, is in the jardin-Froissart. I In the dep. Nord, France. § (Nord), France. 32 him to dishonourable and profitless acts. The lord de Coucy [ingelram de Coney), who died at Bursa (in Turkey), was very culpable in this business." "^ In another passage, we have further confirmation of Guy de Blois, much to the same effect, through the same association with Froissart. His words run thus : — " At the request, wish, and pleasure of that most high and noble prince, my very dear lord and master Guy de Cha- tillon,f count de Blois, lord of Avesnes, of (^himay,J of Beaumont, § of Schoonoven, of Goude ; I, John Froissart, priest, chaplain to my very dear lord above named, and at this time treasurer and canon of Chimay, and of Lille in France," &C., &C. (Memoir of the Life of Froissart, by Johnes, i. xix). All these foregomg matters show Guy de Blois to have been a man of the highest and most distinguished position. II The sire d'Amboise^ had in 1339, formed one of the ■-•= He was instrumental in getting him to cede his territory of Soissons. f There are several places of this name in France. I Chimay is a town in Belgium, in ancient Hainault, near the forest of Thierache, and the present French frontier. • § Beaumont in Hainault, on the frontier of Belgium, towards the French department of Nord. In early times it gave title to the second son of the earls of Hainault. II The arms of Blois, were : — Gules, three palets vair, a chief or. if Amboise (Indre-ct-Loire) is about 12 miles to the N.W. of Montrichard, and about the same to the E. of Tours. It belonged at one time to the counts of Anjou, and was the birthplace of Charles VIII of France, who died there. In its historic castle Charles VII and Louis XI had both their occasional residence. It is perhaps best known by its associations with the conspiracy of the Huguenots (conjuration d' Amboise) , against Francis II, Catherine de Medicis, and the Guises. Its principal director (in secret) was the 33 host or army assembled at Buironfosse/"'' and was under the hnmediate orders of Philip d'Evreux, King of Navarre, one of its leaders."]" It was that memorable assemblage which was to have decided the issue of the English King's claim to the French throne, collected for the occasion by Philip de Valois, the acknowledged and accepted King of France, to withstand the invasion of the kingdom by Edward III in that year. Great prepara- tions had been made on both sides, and Edward III had strengthened his own perhaps somewhat weaker position, by divers alliances. The forces assembled on this occasion of the first opening campaign, which was to solve this important question, were in proportion larger than any brought together since that time, and the army of Edward III is said to have been the finest ever levied in England. Philip de Valois had, moreover, three Kings among his leaders, viz., the King of Bohemia ; the King of Navarre ; and David Bruce, King of Scotland ; :j: John, duke of Normandy ; Stephen, duke of Burgundy ; John, duke of Brittany, &c., &c. But the fact that two such armies drawn up within striking distance, and retiring without venturing a battle, is perhaps unparallelled. It was, even in Froissart's time, a matter of wonder how both Sovereigns Prince de Conde. The plot became known, and on the arrival of the conspirators in 1560 at Amboise, where preparations had been made to await them, the whole band were nearly all captured, and those who did not escape were put without mercy to the sword. A contemporary print is still extant, by Tortorel and de Perissin, representing the wholesale slaughter and execution in the castle- yard of Amboise of those that were taken. ■'' Aisne, arr. Vervins, c. la Chapelle ; appears also under the orthography of Vironfosse. \ Froissart, ed. Luce, 1. i. c. xxx. \ Froissart, 1. i. c. xxx, ed. Luce, 34 should have withdrawn their forces without fighting. This Chronicler observes :—" Si se poet on et doit grandement ermerveiller comment si belle gent d'arraes se peurent partir sans bataille," but he adds, the French were divided in opinion as to risking a battle (Froissart, ed Luce, 1. i.e. xxx). True, Crecy had not then been fought. It wanted four or five years of that battle, so that the French had no greater practical knowledge of their English foes, than the latter had of the former. The opinion in the French councils, however, tended to dispose Philip not to try conclusions with Edward III, whose object was to make good his assumed right to the French throne, grounding his claim on the fact, that if the Salique law excluded females from succeeding to it, it did not exclude their male issue. In addition to this, he was nearer to it by one degree in point of blood than Philip de Valois, his mother having been sister of Charles le Bel. By hazarding a battle, the French King had nothing to gain, but everything to lose in the event of a disastrous issue. The two armies, at any rate, the most imposing down to that period, withdrew, and to a great measure became broken up and dispersed."-' The sire d'Amboise was also, in 1356, at the battle of Poitiers against the English, several years later, and was taken prisoner on that occasion. He w^ould appear from his own account, to have been one of those who was ransomed on the spot, or soon afterwards. * It was on this occasion that Edward III knighted Sir John Chandos {Froissart, 1. i.e. 87). 35 He was Engergier (Engerger), the son of Pierre d' Amboise of Montricha: d,'"^ now a chef-lieu in the depart- ment of Loir-2t-Cher, and the ruins of its castle (or donjon) exist still to this day. He was also designated of other lordships, as presently shown. His mother was Jeanne de Chevreuse,t and the property, whence she took her patronymic, will be seen to have been sacrificed to repay the above ransom.:}: He married for his first wife, Marie de Flandre ; and secondly, Isabelle de Thouars,§ and it must have been the former of these two, who succumbed to the shock caused by the capture of his castle of Montrichard, as related in his petition to the King. Marie de Flandre, |1 was in her own right. -'' Situated on the river Cher ; twelve miles from Amboise, and about twenty-five from Blois, the capital town of the same depart- ment. It is remarkable for a keep or donjon of the 12th century, and for the contiguous church of Nanteuil of the i2tli and 15th centuries. f The arms of Chevreuse, were : — Argent, on a cross sable, between four lions rampant azure, five mullets or. X His brother Cesar d'Amboise seems to have died in 1360 (Arch, de St. Martin de Tours). § Thouars (Detix-Sevres) was in ancient Poitou, and one of the territories agreed to be ceded to Edward III by the treaty of Bretigny. Its castle, built by Louis XIII, is now converted into a prison or penitentiary. The lords of Thouars bore : — Or, seme- de-lis arg., a canton gules. It was one of the titles of the ancient house of Tremoille. li From historic evidences quoted by Du Chesne, she had been previously married, and was the daughter and sole heir of John, son of the count of Flanders, by Beatrice d. of Guy de Chatillon, count de St. Pol, and her parents' marriage is thus entered : — " Anno M.ccc.xv Johannes filius Flandrie comitis, dominica in octavis Sanctorum Apostolorum, desponsavit filiam comitis Sancti Pauli." — This John of Flanders is named as of Neelle, Crevecoeur, and Tenremonde (Du Chesne ; Preuves, 168). Marie d'Amboise was still living in 1347, as appears by deed among the muniments 36 lady of (Nesles) Neelle, Montdoubleau, and Tenre- monde/"' A matter of some historical value is men- tioned bv Dii Chesne,! in respect of this last named lordship. It was in 1346, on the occasion of the marriage of Louis, count of Flanders, with Marguerite de Brabant, that the sire d'Amboise and his wife aliena- ted the town and territory of Tenremonde (Terremonde) to Philip de Valois, the King, for a considerable sum. There can be no doubt that it is to this surrender, that the sire d'Amboise alludes in his petition, as an addi- tional excuse for not assuming Guy de Blois' captivity, in as much as up to that time it appears to have remained wholly or in part unliquidated, and this in itself constituted in his mind an indebtedness on the part of Royalty, whereby he ought to stand exculpated. By his first wife, the petitioner le sire d'Amboise appears (from 1 )u Chesne:|:) to have had three daughters, coheiresses of their mother, Jeanne, Marguerite, and Marie. Jeanne d'Amboise, the eldest [lady of Nesles (Neelle) and Montdoubleau], married Charles de Trie, comte de Dammartin,§ after whose death she sold of the abbey of St. Nicholas of Angers, but her death must have occurred about 1357, for in that year by a decision given against him in a court of law, the seigneur d'Amboise was ordered to pa)' certain arrears to John, count of Boulogne, the sole heir of his late wife Marie de Flandre, and her son by a former marriage. In this suit he is styled seigneur d'Amboise and de Neelle, having married the widow of the late Guy de Neelle (Nesles), lord of Offemont and Brai, marshal of France. '•' We identify this place as Termonde (or Dendermonde) in Belgium, 16 miles E. of Ghent. f Histoire de la Maison de Chatillon, liv. vi, p. 388. I Histoire de la Maison de Chatillon, p. 108 (ed. 1621). ^ Du Chesne, p. 308-9. 37 Montdoubleau for 16,000 francs to Herve de Mauny, seigneur de St. Aignan in the province of Maine. Mar- guerite d'Amboise married Pierre de Sainte-Maure, seigneur de Montgauguier. The youngest daughter became the wife of Olivier, seigneur of Ussey. By his second wife, Isabelle de Thouars, he had John, Peter, Engergier, and Perenelle d'Amboise. We have shown that Guy de Blois was of the house of Chatillon-sur-Marne. The earlier history of the Amboise descent exhibits a by no means remote con- nection with the house of Chatillon. Marguerite and Elizabeth de Blois being sisters of Louis, count de Blois and de Chartres, these counties devolved on them in 1218 on the death of their nephew Thibaud,'"' without issue. Of these, Elizabeth, the younger thus became in her own right, countess of Chartres, and marrying Jean, seigneur d'Amboise, lord of Chaumont, Blere, and Montrichard, had by him issue an only daughter, Mahaud d'Amboise. This lady becoming countess of Chartres, and lady of Amboise and Montri- chard, married twice, but dying without issue, the estates of Amboise, Montrichard, &c., were inherited by Jean de Berri, in right of his wife Marguerite d'Amboise. It was from him the family sprang which has ever since borne that name ; lords of Amboise, Chaumont, Montri- chard, Blere, Rochecorbon, and Berri. Engergier d'Amboise appears to have died in 1373. His widow (and 2d wife), Isabelle de Thouars, is shown * Id. p. 94. He was the Vlth of the name, count of Blois and Chartres. 38 in 1376 to have been concerned in some suit before the " Chambre des Comptes " of Nevers, with , count of Thouars, and the count of Dreux and his wife Perenelle, her sister. From an entry in Du Chesne,* we are disposed to infer that she was a cousin of the hostage Guy de Blois. Whether the w^ell known prime-minister of Louis XII of France, Cardinal d'Amboise deduced his descent from this branch of the family, we have not clearly ascertained, but it is presumable that he did. That prelate had been almoner to Louis XI, and in 1475 became bishop of Montauban, subsequently archbishop of Narbonne and Rouen. In 1478 he was made prime- minister to the King, on the death of Charles VIII, The cardinal's brothers were, Charles d'Amboise de Chaumont-sur-Loire, admiral and marshal of France ; and Aimerie d'Amboise, grand-master in 1 503 of Rhodes (or of the order of St. John of Jerusalem). The last is celebrated for the naval victory gained in 15 10, near Montenegro, over the Soudan of Egypt. The heraldic bearings of the family of Amboise of Touraine and Auvergne, were : — Paly of six, or and gules ; those of another branch, somewhat varied, were : — Or, two pallets gules, on a chief azure, three fleur-de-lis or, two and one. This coat is identified by counter-seal to deed, dated 1357, relating to Montri- chard. Many evidences concerning this family, in the shape of transcripts from original records are to be found '•=Du Chesne, Maison de Chatillon ; Preuves, p. 115. 39 in the so-called " Cabinet des Titres," in the National Library at Paris ; and vol. iii. of the " Tresor Genealogiqiie," affords considerable genealogical information, tending to identify the seigneur d'Amboise. They are chiefly, however, suits for the recovery of rights ; cases arising out of marriage -portions ; privileges of manorial districts or lordships ; and deeds of gift either for pious uses, or for the celebration of masses for the dead ; but having nothing otherwise, beyond genealogical interest, in respect of the subject under notice. Of the documents themselves, we will only observe, that they exist among the muniments of M. le due de la Tremoille, those, namely, known as forming part of the chartrier de Thouars.''" We have to thank M. Leon Pajot (of the Ecole des Chartes) for their transcript, made some time since with his known skill and care from the original. * The greater part of the collection of the Thouars munirnents, highly instructive and rich in materials for English history in the loth and nth centuries, has lately (1889), been placed at the dis- posal of the French National Library, by their owner, M. le due de la Tremoille. Its eminent and well-known Director-General, M. Leopold Delisle, has catalogued the several MSS., of which ten, those namely, numbered 8-17 in the list, are of particular interest as historical documents for the Norman period. [Catalogue des Manuscvits dn fonds de la Tremoille; Paris, Champion, Quai Voltaire, 1889] . 40 COLLECTIONS DU DUC DE LA TREMOILLE; CHARTRIER DE THOUARS. MON tres redoiibte et soiiverain . . , ge recus vous lettres en mon fort de Briene, le mardi apres Penthecoste, par les quelles vous me mendez que ge aille tenir hostages en Angleterre pour Guy de Bloys. Mon doubts seigneur, plese vous savoir que a la bataille de Poitiers ge fuy prisonier aveques le Roy vostre pere, que Diex absoille, et mis k si haute raingon, qu'il a convenu que ma terre de Chevreuse en soit vendue, et en doy encores grant foeson. De quoy il covient que g'en vende encores, si comme ge pensse, que tout plain de genz de vostre conseil, de vostre parlement, le soevent. Si seroie bien de maldite heure nez, si je retournoie hostages en Angleterre, ad ce que ge est^ prisonier de la bataille, et desert pour paier ma raincon. Et m'ont dit ceulx h qui ge m'en sui conseille que ge seroie ij foiz prison, ad ce que les autres ne le seroient que une, et que grant foeson de seigneurs a en vostre Reaume qui n'ont point [este] prins en la dite bataille, qui seroient mielx seans qu'il y allassent pour luy que moy, et mesmement Guy de Bloys a des parens bien poissans, qui sont plus tenuz a le delivrer que moy. Si vous supli, mon tres doubte seigneur, si humblement comme ge puis, que pour Dieu, pour aumosne, pour 41 verite et raison que ge tiens que vous voulez, veues les chousses dessusdites, vous me vueillez tenir pour excuse. Ge prie Nostre Sire, que il vous doint joaie et honeur, et bonne vie et longue. Escript. l_Fro}ii the King] . DE PAR LE ROY. Sire d'Amboise, pour ce qu'il est de necessite de tantoust renoveller et rechangier les hostages qui ont este et encores soient en Engleterre pour monseigneur, que Dieu absoille, car nous en sommes moult pressier, tant pax nostre tres chier frere le Roy d'Angleterre, comme par les diz hostages qui y ont longuement este, Nous, eu sur ce bon avis et grant deliberation avecques nostre conseil, avons ordrene et voulons, coment qu'il soit, que tantoust vous y aillez pour y demorer en hostage au lieu de Guy de Bloys, juques k tant que nous y envoions des autres, en lieu de vous et de ceulx que nous y envoions a present, et n'y demorer que un an, qtiar ledit Guy de Bloys nous a fait assavoir que il ce obHgera k vous, si fort comme il le poierra obligier, de vous delivrer dudit hostage, dedanz un an. Si vous mandons, enjoingnons et commendons sus la foy et leaute en quoy vous nous estes tenuz, etsus I'amour que vous avez et devez avoir a nous et a nostre Reaume, et sus quanque vous vous povez meffaire envers nous, que tantoust ses lettres veues, toutes excusations cessans, et toutes-autres besoignes arriere mises, vous viengez par 42 i devers nous, touz ordenez, prest et appareilliez pour partir incontinent pour aller a noz hostage, comme dit est. Sachanz pour certain, que ce vous estes refusans ou delaians de y venir tout prest et appareillez pour partir incontinent, comme dit est, nous vous contrain- dons ad ce faire par prinse de touz vous biens, et de tout quanque vous tenez de terre en nostre royaulme, et par toutes les autres plus fors voyes et manieres que nous pourrons, sanz vous oyr, a nulle excusation. Si guarder que defFaut n'y ait, comment que soit. Donne au boys de Vincennes le xvij jour de may. [Remonstrance against the foregoing, by the sire d'Amboisel. Cessont les raasons par lesquelles le sire d'Amboise dit que il ne doit mie aler en hostages en Engleterre pour Guy de Bloys prisonnier. Nulz ne doit entrer en hostages ne plevir homme, corps pour corps, ce n'est lefilz, le pere, ou le homme lige son seingneur ; et il n'est homme doudit Guy ne de monseigneur de Bloys. Item, le seingneur d'Ambaise (sic) arresta Raymon Ernaut de Saint Martin, qui estoit ennemi dou reaulme de France, lequel estoit entre 'en sa ville d'Ambaise (sic) sanz commendement de luy, et pour ce que le gouverneur de Bloys disoit que ycelui estoit son prisonier, et que il av t sauf conduit de luy, le dit gouverneur print et arresta en la ville de Bloys les hommes doudit sire d'Ambaise, et les mist en horde et vilaine prison. Item, pour ce que le sire d'Ambaise escript au gens 43 de la ville de Bloys, que le gouverneur avoit mal fait d'avoir prins ses hommes, et que ses hommes ne le povoient corrigier, un compromis se fist doudit sire d'Ambaise et dou gouverneur sur le marechal Bousi- quaut,* et promist ledit gouverneur par sa foy, si comme plus a, plain est dit en compromis, de delivrer les hommes dou sire d'Ambaise dedenz certain jour ; et contre le compromis et I'acort dessusdit, le gouverneur tint lesdiz prisonniers en la ville de Bloys en honteuse prison, que par force convint qu'il paiassent iiP frans, qui leur costerent aux pouvres merchanz plus de vip, avent que il les peussent avoir trouves. Item, les chousses dessus dites furent faites en la ville de Bloys ; le gouverneur les fist comme gouverneur de Bloys, et par la puissence de monseigneur de Bloys, car autrement ne le peust il avoir fait. Item, pour les causes dessus dites, le seingneur d'Am- baise n'est rien tenu a faire pour Guy de Bloys, ne pour monseigneur de Bloys, et plus grant chousses ne porroit il faire pour eux, que mestre son corps pour le leur. Item, il fist bailler au Roy vostre pere, a la damme d'Ambaise, dont Dieu ait I'aame, par sa doulce pitie, la terre de Terremonde, don il doivent estre en recom- * Occurs in different entries in Rymer from Jan. 30th, 1354, to Jan. 26th, 1366, under various forms of orthography ; the last being : — " Memorandum, that the sum of 6,200 crowns was assigned as the fees of John le Mearigre alias Bouciquaut, marshal of France (Rymer vi. 491). The name is given as : — Jean le Meingre [Mayngre, Meangre, Me3mgre] dit Boucicaut, [Bussigaud] , marshal of France. In early times the marshals of France presided over a court of honour, or tribunal connected with their office. 44 penses sur Benon, et pour ce que le Roy voust faire vuider Maingo Maubert dou chasteau de Benon," Maingo Maubert vint faire guerre audit sire d'Ambaise, et prist son chastel de Mont Richart, ou il pourta doumage a luy et a ces homines de iiii^'' mille florins, si comme commune renomee est ou pais ; et pour ce que ledit sire d'Ambaise soet mielx son doumage que il ne fait cellui de ses hommes, il y oust doumage de xv mil florins, de quoy il informera le Roy quant il li plera, sans ce que oncques en fust de rien reconpensse. Item, le Roy de France devoit assouair pour la recom- penssacion de Terremonde, audit sire etdame d'Ambaise de xxiijc livres de terre an tournoys, de quoy les arre- rages li sont deus de deux anz ou environ. Item, la dame d'Ambaise, que Dieu face merci, par sa doulce pitie, morut dou dueil pour les chousses dessusdites. Item, se il n'i avoit que le fait de Terremonde et les despendences, est le Roy tant tenu audit sire d'Ambaise, que il ne debveroit mie pour forcer d'aler en hostages dessusdiz. Item, par pluseurs fors raisons : Le sire d'Ambaise fut prins a la bataille de Poitiers, et mis a si haute rainsson, que par dessus V" escuz vielz, ou environ qu 'il en a paie, sa terre de Chevreuse en a est^ vendue, et en doit encores iij"^ et ii*^ frans a paier * What we have ventured to put forward as a suggestion in respect of this passage at p. i6, may or may not have had its origin in the then state of the country. There is great ambiguity in the passage. The capture of Montrichard castle must, at any rate, have been due to the lawless state of the kingdom in those days. 45 h Noel prochainement venant, pour lesqiielx paier il convient que il vende encore de sa terre, quar sa terre a este si pilliee et deserte par les guerres, et ses homines si desers, que autrement ne le pouroit il paier. Item, pour cuider trouver chevances a, paier sa dite finence, a este ledit sire d' Ambaise a Avignon, et ailleurs en pluseurs lieux, es quelx, tant pour lui comme pour autres messages, il a deppendu la value de v"' escuz vieulz, puis que il fut mis {\ finance, et don il est prest de informer le Roy. Item, par raison, nul ne doit estre prison d'une bataille que une foiz, et si le sire d'Amboise retournoit en Angleterre, il seroit ij foiz, et ameroit mieulx estre prison d'une autre bataille, que retourneren Angleterre, et seroit plus son honeur. Item, veu que le Roy prent et a prins sur la terre audit sire d'Amboise, subsides, gabelles, trezains, et pages, don luy et ses homes ont este et sont encores en doubmage, il li est avis qu 'il a aser (sic) paie de la re- dempcion son roy, sanz ce que plus en retourner en hostages, car les chousses dessus dites valent plus au Roy iiii foiz, que ne font les rentes de sa terre ; et pour les chousses dessusdites ne a il peu paier sa raingon, ains a il convenu que il ait vendu et vende son heritage. [Original, on paper ; written on both sides; length i6 inches, depth lo^ inches; amcng the Evidences of the Due de la Trcmoille, known as the muniments of Thouars] . 46 APPENDIX. KING jfOHN'S RANSOM. Page, 15. A FTER the treaty concluded at Bretigny, and the Jr\. return of King John to his own dominions, it became imperative on the French to provide both for the maintenance of the burgess-hostages, and the ransom of their King. The documents quoted in the concluding r^ pages of this memoir, in addition to what has already been stated at pp. 13-15, will afford complete evidence of the method of taxation adopted for raising the required amount for both purposes. We obtain by J their means, moreover, an insight into further details in connection therewith ; and the opportune discovery of these original records by the learned author of the " Recits de la Guerre de Cent ans," in illustration of that work, renders them singularly appropriate for the contemporary time of which we are treating, and equally illustrative of the subject we have in hand. Although there is no exact similarity between the ] captivity of the French King, and that of our own King Richard I, or indeed any parallel whatever to be ^ drawn between them, save on the score of ransom, for the former enjoyed every possible indulgence, and according to Froissart, had, with his fellow captives. 47 the most perfect liberty (commensurate with safety)/""' and with the society of ladies, had permission to hunt and hawk anywhere within the kingdom ; whereas the latter was kept in durance vile, and subjected to every indignity ; still, the ransom of both affords a subject for comparison. The sum to be paid for the liberation of King Richard was 1 50,000 marks, comparatively equal to 300,000 pounds of our present currency, and sixty seven hostages were to be delivered to the Emperor of Germany, for that portion of the sum remaining unpaid, after he received his liberty, amounting to 50,000 marks. The ransom of King John of France, on the other hand, was prodigiously greater, and as stated elsewhere, amounted to j^i, 500,000 of our present money, or 3,000,000 marks of gold (ecus d'or). For the payment of this sum, eighty hostages were agreed to be delivered to King Edward III. It may be interesting, therefore, to examine the methods by which the aids for the ransom-money of both were levied in their respective kingdoms. Before so doing, however, we may first observe, that the system of ransom had arrived at such a pitch in the 14th century, and had become so very profitable, that Sir William Manny, who as one of Edward Ill's leaders, had acquired enormous wealth, acknowledged to have cleared a sum equal to ^100,000 of our present money by the practice ; and this more especially in the campaign of 1340. Du Guesclin, constable of France, had to pay when taken prisoner in 1368, 100,000 ecus d'or to obtain his liberty ; * Froissart, Luce, vi, 56. 48 and William, archbishop of Sens, taken prisoner at Poi- tiers, paid 6,000 crowns for his ransom in 1362 (Rymer vi. 363). The proportionate amount, therefore, for the French King's ransom was in keeping with this scale. Prisoners-of-war who w^ere able to pay, mainly owed I their lives to this system. The obligation by the feudal tenure, in King Richard's case, on all vassals to give an aid for the redemption of his person, made twenty shillings compulsory and leviable on every knight's fee in England. This con- tribution under the name of '^ scutage," was to all extent and purpose a land-tax, being an assessment on the number of scuta or knights' fees throughout the kingdom. There were two other taxes also imposed for King Richard's ransom, and both equally land-taxes ; one under the name of " hidage," on every hide of land ; the other under that of " talliage " imposed on all city and borough-lands. It will be seen (as in King John's case) that the sum thus raised was insufficient. For King Richard a further contribution was made volun- tarily ; the abbeys, &c., gave a '' fourth " of their yearly rent, and the clergy a "tenth " of their tithes. In this way the required amount was provided. History tells us how Queen Eleanor herself handed over the sum of 100,000 marks, in part payment for her son's liberation, and how Richard then obtained his release. / The aid for the French King's ransom, appears to have been a tax levied by assessments (nearly as old as the contribution by escuage or sctitage), known as "Fifths," "Tenths," and "Fifteenths;" with other ex- ceptional duties imposed on saleable commodities, as salt 49 wine, &c., or perhaps rather a tax on the profits of such. •This method of taxation in France, to obtain the amount fixed by the treaty of Bretigny, differed somewhat from the above-named subsidies provided for by feudal tenure ; but precise details are wanting as to any additional tax on land, which might have been adopted for providing the requisite sum/'' The power of the great proprietors of the soil in France to assist the Crown, had been nearly destroyed by the foregoing events, and, as a matter of fact, we know that principally from this disastrous state of affairs, the money-stipulations of the treaty could not possibly be carried out. In illustration, (beyond what has already been stated), of the aid or subsidy imposed on Lyons and its diocese, (and by inference on all other dioceses and chief towns, besides those which sent hostages to England), we learn from the French work just mentioned,! the manner in which the rate was levied. By a writ, bearing date Dec. 5th, 1360, a tax was imposed of 1 2 deniers in the pound, on all goods or commodities bought or sold ; a " fifth " on salt ; and a " thirteenth " on wine ; the assessments being made according to a valuation. But the dilTiculty of collecting the amount was so irksome, that the corporation were ■'•' The last paragraph of the sire d'Amboise's petition (p. 45), quite proves the nature of one or more of the taxes levied on him at that time. Of these " Gabelle " was the ancient tax on salt, known as the " Gabel " in England in olden times. The term equally implied a tax on moveables — '* vectigal quod solvitur pro bonis mobilibus; " (Jacob's Law Diet.) We are disposed to consider " trezaine," as a " thirteenth " (trei- zieme) [Trizenum] , a tax raised on lands and goods. f Recits de la Guerre de cent ans ; les Tards- Venus ; Guiguc, Lyon, 1886. 50 induced to compound for a gross-sum in lieu thereof, '•' or aggregate of 4,000 florins annually, to last for six years. The amount thus realised was found insufficient, and application was made, from time to time, for other subsidies, so that a further composition was agreed on by the corporation for an additional i ,000 florins yearly. It would appear, also, that another tax, (known in England, since the (Conquest, as " hearth-money "), was also levied on this occasion. It was the same tax which the Black Prince imposed of one florin upon every hearth in his French dominions, and which led in reality to the overthrow eventually of the English rule in that part of France. I For this tax the city equally compounded L for one year, by a sum of 2,500 ecus d'or. We now give copies of the original writs or docu- ments, bearing directly on the matter. Appointment of the abbot of Amay,X and Humbert Barral, as com- missioners for raising the subsidy for King John's ransom, in the diocese of Lyons ; dated 18 December, 1360. Johan, par la grace de Dieu, roys de France, a nos amez I'abbe d'Aynay et Humbert Barraut salut et dilec- tion. Comme nous aiens ordenne certayne aide estre leves par tout notre royaume, pour cause de notre deliv- ■■■■ Archives de la ville de Lyon ; Chappe ii. p. 175, 176, 177. t History would lead one to suppose that this tax, imposed on his subjects by the Black Prince in Guienne, had been intended to represent a tax only existing in England, whereas the above shows it to have already existed in France. One wonders, there- fore, how his subjects should have demurred to it, as a new and unheard-of tax to them. I Ainay (or Aisnay) {Athanacum), was founded in 564, and is seated on the confluence of the Saone and Rhone. It was an 51' ranee, et a, la perfection de la pais d'entre nous et notre tres cher et tres ame frere le roy d'Engleterre, laqiielle aide se levera par cit^s et dyoceses par la manifere, et si comme plus a plain est contenu es instructions sur ce faytes, et scell^es de notre contreseel, nous confians de voz sens, loyaut^s et deligences, de la bonne amour que vos avez a nous, et du grant desir et affection que vous avez k notre plaine delivrance, vous avons ordonnez et establis, et par ces presentes ordennons et establissons et commettons esleuz pour nous et de par nous es cite et diocese de Lion, gouverner et recevoir, et faire recevoir ladicte aide es dictes cit^ et diocese, et par la maniere contenue en I'instruction dessusdicte, laquelle nous vous envoyons avecques ces presentes, de faire les choses dessusdictes par vous ou par vous d^putez, vous donnons povoir et auctorite, mandons a touz les justiciers et subgiez de notre royaume, que en icelles choses faysant et les despendences d'icelles, a vous et a vous depulez obeissent et entendent deligemment. En [tesmoing] de laquelle chose, nous avons fait metre notre seel {\ ces let tres, donnees a Paris, le xviii*" jour de decembre, fan de grace mil CCC soixante. Par le roy en son conseil : G. Barbe. (Archives du Rhone ; fonds du chapitre inetvjpolitiin ; annoire Enoch, vol. 54, n°. I, f° in v°). [Guigue, les iard-Vcnw^, I $86, Lyon]. abbey of the order of St. Benedict, and an affiliation of Cluny up to end of the I yth century ; but in 1684 its fraternity were con- verted into secular canons, and it now forms one of the churches of Lyons. Its vicissitudes were very great. It was at Athanacum (its site) in the 2d century, that the Christians of Lyons suffered martyrdom under Marcus Aurelius (Migne, abbayes et monasteres). 52 Receipt given to the corporation and inhabitants of Lyons, in acknowledgment of its payment to the proper authorities of a quarter of King John's ransom-money ; dated 26 A ugtist, 1368. Saichent tiiitqiie je Jehan du Vergier, sergent d'armes du roy notre sire, receveur general en la cite et diocese de Lion, sur le fait des aides ordennees pour la delivrance du roy Jehan, notre sire, que Dieux absoille, ay eu et receu des bourgois et habitans de la ville de Lyon, par les mains des conseillers de ladicte ville, la somme de quatre cens et vint frans d'or, en deschargement de majour somme, en quoylesdiz bourgois et habitans sont tenuz au roy nostre dit seigneur, pour le fait de ladicte delivrance ; de laquelle somme de iiii" et xx frans je me tien a bien paiez, et en quitte lesdiz bourgois et habitans, et touz autres as queux acquittance en appar- tient, par ces pr^sentes. Donnees a Lion, soubz notre seel propre, le xxvi jour d'aoust, I'an de graces mil CCCLVIII (1358).- [Original ; Archives of the city of Lyons ; carton CC 374> piece n° 2]. Receipt from the two burgesses of the city of Lyons, Louis de Fuer, and Jean de Pressia, for their pay and allowances as hostages whilst in England ; dated from London, May 1st, 137 1. Sachent touz ceux qui ceste lettre verront ou orront, que nous Lowys de Ffuer (i), et Jehan de Pressia (2), hostages en Engleterre pour la ville de Lyons sur la * The original (or copy) bears the date of 1358, an evident oversight, for the treaty of Bretigny was not acted upon until the end of 1360. The probable date would, therefore,, be 1368. 53 Rosne, avons eu et rescue en Lonndres, au temps de la fesannce de cestes, des seignours et governours de la ville de Lyouns avantdite, par les meyns Johan Maryan, marchant de Lukes/'-' trois centz franncs d'or del covn de France, bons et leaux et droit poys ; des queux trois centz frannks d'or avantditz issint a nous payez, nous en clamons quites, et deschargeons ladicte ville de Lyons, et touz ceuz as queux acquitance en ces cas doit ou poet appartenir. En tesmoignance de quele chose, nous avons mys nos seals a ceste lettre, ensemble- ment evecques les seals de Jacob Jacobyn, marchant de Fflorence, et Thomas de Gerlond, marchant de Lukes. Donne a Lonndres le primer jour del moys de may, Tan de grace mil trois centz et setanntisme primer. Pendent from this document, are four armorial seals in red wax, on labels cut out of the parchment ; viz : 1. Seal of Louis de Fuer : — Lozengy .... over all a bend ; inscribed .... L[udovici] .... 2. Seal of John de Pressia : — Three escallop- shells, two and one, on a chief a demi-lion issuant ; with the legend : — Sigillum Jo- hannis 3 a bend . . 4. Fragment only of seal remaining.| [Archives of the city of Lyons, CC 374, n° i]. * Lucca, a city of Tuscany in Italy ; (Lucgues, Fr.) f In entries referring to the hostage Louis de Fuer, the name is found in Rymer under the orthography of " Foer." He and his fellow-burgess arrived in London in 1369, in place of other two hostages, who were released and returned to France : — April 6 54 Petition to the King {Charles V),from the towns of Condrieu,'* Anse,'ta7id Sai}it-Syinphorien-le-Chatel,X praying to be released from all further conlribution towards the maintenance of the hostages from the diocese of Lyons then in Eftgland, until certain other towns, hitherto exempted from contributing, may have been compelled to do so equally ; circa 1366. Exponunt regie magistati, vestri homines et habitatores villarum Coyndriaci, Anse, et Sancti Symphoriani Castri, vestrorum fideliiim decani et capituli Lugdunensis ec- clesie, bailliviatus vestri Matisconensis, quod niiper de novo, ad instantiam consulum civitatis Lugdunensis, dicentium se habere et tenere in Anglia duos suos concives Lugdunenses, obsides pro expeditione domini nostri regis defuncti, progenitoris vestri, cujus anime Deus parcat, et quos per sex annos lapsos cum ipsorum (1369), " Release of John de Durchie (sic), and Thomas de Varey, burgesses of Lyons, French hostages " : — April 6, " Receipt of Louis de Fuer and John de Precy (sic) [Pressia] , as hostages in the place of the above named John and Thomas. The two hostages so relieved, Johan de Durchi and Thomas de Varfey, have alreadj^ been noted at pp. 13, 14. The names occur again the same year, their " valet " being granted a safe-conduct : — " Safe-conducts for Jurdan Daugen, valet of John Prescy [Pressia] and Louis de Foer [Fuer] , burgesses of Lyons ; and also for Stephen Viners, " valet " of John de Vangeulay, burgess of Troyes, French hostages." — These safe-conducts were for their return to Lyons. There had been an earlier hostage of the name of Fuer, for on 24 July, 1364, Mathew le Fufer, burgess of Lyons, obtained his release (Rymer). Pressia, Preissa, occurs under the orthography " Precy," and «' Pressy." * Coindre ; a chef-lieu in the canton of Rhone. t A chef -lieu in the canton of Rhone ; about 10 or 12 miles from Lyons. I Saint-Safurin, now called Saint-Symphorien-sur-Coisc, is a chef-lieu in the canton of Rhone. 55 civium expensis, concessestis quasdam litteras vestras dictis consulibus et ad relevamen ipsorum, per quas mandastis compelli dictos dominos et habitatores vil- larum predictarum, et quosdam alios aliarum villarum dicti bailliviatus, ad solvendum dictis consulibus sin- gulariter singulas certas summas pecunie, taxatas et ordinatas contra ipsos pro expensis predictis, obmittendo plures alias villas dicti bailliviatus ; vestri quiquidem homines et habitatores villarum predictarum, propter focagia et alia onera per vos et predecessores vestros eisdem indicta, et alia que propter inimicos, qui fuerunt in partibus, habuerunt sustinere in corporibus et in bonis, et de die in diem sustinent, sunt adeo oppressi et gravati, quod dictas expensas non possent sine magna penuria sustinere. Quapropter cum alie ville dicti bailliviatus non taxate, debeant ad hoc rationabiliter, sicut alie ville predicte, in expensis et stipendiis obsidum predictorum contribuere, supplicant humiliter excellencie vestre dicti homines committere, mandare, et precipere baillivo vestro Matisconensi, vel ejus locumtenenti, quatinus vestras alias villas, homines et habitatores earumdem contribuere faciat cum eisdem in expensis predictis, et eas taxet seu taxari faciat secundum facul- tatem earumdem, prout sibi videbitur faciendum, et ipsos ad hoc compellat seu compelli faciat, modo quo poterit fortioro, sic quod cedat ad ipsorum supplicantium deductionem et levamen summarum, ad quas propter hoc sunt taxati. [Original ; among the archives of the city of Lyjons ; cote K ; no other mark of indication] . 56 HOSTAGES FROM THE CIIY OF LYONS. Pages 14-15. T T has been shown at p. 14, that the French burgesses X from Lyons, during the time they were in hostage, had received advances from the preceptor or master of the Antonines, a religious fraternity of hospitallers of the order of vSt. Anthony, at that time established in England. This community, a cell to the parent-house, known as that of " Saint Antotne cle Viennois " [S. Anthonius de Mota ; here, France] were an order of hospitallers, following on its first institution the rule of St. Benedict, but subsequently that of St. Austin, and became very popular wherever located, during the time of their exis- tence. The order was first established for the relief and support of those afflicted with grievous disorders, especially that of " St. Anthony's fire ; " but generally for the service of the sick. It was founded by one Gaston (or Gascon), a seigneur of Dauphine, at a locality not very remote from Vienne (here), about 1095, or to- wards the end of the i ith century, at the time the disease, known as " St. Anthony's fire " — a popular name for erysipelas — was ravaging the valley of the Rhone. According to different testimony, the foundation occur- red in this wise : — Jocelyn, a pilgrim, had in 1040 brought relics of St. Anthony (the patriarch of monas- 57 ticism) to the church St. Didier la Motte. Praymg befox'e these relics, Gascon (the above) vowed that he would give all his goods to found a hospital, in case his only son Girinde (or Gucrin), then lying dangerously ill of the complaint, should recover. This came to pass, and the son joined his father in the fuUilment of the vow. Both took the monastic habit, and established a hospital for those suffering from the same disease, popularly, but erroneously, supposed to have been cured by St. Anthony. This foundation (placed by sorre in 1070), became the parent-house of a celebrated order of hospitallers under the above designation. Founded, as stated, in or about the year 1070 or 1095, the fraternity obtained from Pope Boniface VIII the privileges of an indepen- dent congregation, and from thenceforth followed the rule of St. Augustine, having up to that time been under the dominion of the Benedictine monks of Grammont. Another house of the same order was founded at Paris, in the rue St. Antoine, about 1361. The chief cell to it, in this country, was known as '' St. Anthony's hospital,'' and was founded in 1231, temp. Henry III^ who gave certain monks of the order the site of a disused Jewish synagogue in Threadneedle St., opposite to Finch Lane, which they converted into a Christian church, and dedicated to the Virgin Mary. To this they appended a hospital under the above appellation, for a master, two priests, a schoolmaster, and twelve brethren, besides proctors, officers, and servants. On some adjacent ground, they afterwards in 1338 erected a free school, with accommodation for the brethren. This school became in due course so very flourishing, that it vied with that of St. Paul's ; and Henry VI, as an encouragement, gave the establishment certain lands in the county of Southampton. The site of this hospital (or preceptory) of canons- regular of St. Anthony, (the principal or possibly the only house of the order in England), was close to that of St. Benedict or St. Bennet's church, in the parish of that name. In 1440, the master-' was John Carpenter, and he and the brethren petitioned Robert, bishop of London, to have the said church appropriated to their hospital, which being granted, the appointment of its spiritual charge became vested in them. According to Tanner, this house was often seized, being alien, during the wars with France. Richard II gave it to Michael de la Pole, and in 1474, Edward IV gave the patronage of it to the dean and chapter of Windsor, who made one of their canons its master. By a papal bull it had been enacted in 1442, that the brethren should be empowered to hear confessions for five years ['' ut fatres hospitalis audiant confessionem in quinquennium "] (MS. Bodl. 6g2J. At the time of the suppression of the monasteries, it was valued at ^55, 6, 8 per ann. There were two cells of St. Anthony, one subordinate to Plympton priory, being near St. Mawe's in Cornwall ; the other near Meneage in Cornwall, subject to Tywardreth priory, but neither apparently having any connection with St. Anthony's hospital. Its church, from the time of Queen Elizabeth, had always been used by the French, Flemings, Germans, and other foreigners as their place of worship, and to the last went by the name of the " French church ='■' In contemporary documents, he is always styled : — Commandeur d' Angleterre ; " or '* Preceptor Anglie terre." 59 in Threadneedle St." It was still in existence in 1739. (Cf. Dictionnare des ordres religieux i. 259 ; Migne, abbayes et monasteres ; Maitland's History of London ; Mosheinis Ecclesias- tical History, ii. 536; Dugdale Mon., vi. 766; Tanner's Notitia ; Rot. Pat. 8 Richard II., in. 18; Bibl. Bodl. N.E.F.xi. 13, n. 44J. No greater proof can be adduced of the estimation and popularity to which this order had attained, conse- quent doubtless on its works of charity and benevolence, or be better exemplified, than by the result of a custom which prevailed as late as the time of Stow, and men- tioned by him, when the metropolis was very different from what it now is, and less circumscribed in respect of free space than at present. The oflicers or overseers of the city-markets, handed over to the hospital of Si. Anthony, all live stock (especially swine) not considered marketable, such as were seized and confiscated on that account. This proved a source of great emolument to the establishment, for after putting their mark of ownership on these animals, in the shape of a bell, the only cost the house had to bear for such free-will offering, the same were allowed to roam where they pleased, and fatten at large, and being the property of the "Saint," were un- molested, throve well, and were used by the hospital without further cost to itself. Of these, the animals in particular of the pachyder- matous kind, being endued (as we know) with more than usual instinct and sagacity, recognized those especially who were kind to them, would watch for and follow them, or by their bells and cries announce their presenct- at customary times, ready and thankful for any donation they might receive. Hence came the proverb : — "To whine like a St. Anthony's pig." 6o ADDITIONAL, FROM RYMER'S FCEDERA SEVERAL entries in Rymer, for the lo or 12 years covered by the preceding incidents, supply further information. Thev tend both to confirm, and in some cases to contradict, received historical facts and traditions. Page 8. In addition to chief towns already named, were Beauvais, Tournay, Troves, Tours, Chartres, Lille, Compiegne, Douai. Page 5. The capture of King John at Poitiers is uniformly attributed to Sir Uenis de Morbecque ; or it may equally be inferred from what is related by historians, that the French King spontaneously surrendered himself to that knight. The following entries tend to modify this tradition : — " Declaration that Denys de Morbeke has delivered his prisoner the King of France to the K. of England," Dec. 20, 1357 (Rymer, vi. 72). His capture is soon afterwards assigned to Bernard de Troye, a Gascon squire : — " Declaration ol Ralph Spigurnell and three other clerks in Chancery, that Sir Denis de Morbek is unable from illness, in a street near Barking chapel, in London, to appear before the King, for the settlement of his dispute with Bernard de Troie (Troye) a Gascon squire, as to the capture of the French King, at the battle of Poitiers;" Jan. 13, 1359 (Rymer vi. 155). " Payment of 40^ to Peter de Troye, for the capture of John, late King of France," July 18, 1356 (ib. vi. 6i 509). It is also associated with an additional name : — " Warrant for the payment of £^ to Peter de Troy and Pelegrin de Cause for their expenses in assisting the late Bernard de Troye, in capturing John, King of France at the battle of Poitiers," Aug. i, 1368 (Rymer, vi. 510). The foregoing are rendered more inexpli- cable by another entry : — June 13, 1363, " Warrant for the payment of jzfioo to Goubert de Boyville of Gascony, for the capture of the K. of France (Rymer, vi. 418). It is presumable, perhaps, that these persons aided and assisted Denis de Morbecque. Page 6. After the King's release he writes to the following effect : — Jan. 26, 1363, ''the King of France thanks the K. for having released his brother and sons ; desires the substitution of Pierre d'Alencon, the dauphin of Auvergne, and the lord of Coucy, for the count of Grandpre and two others ; and requests him to prolong the term allowed to the count of Brenne, and the lord of Hangest [ih. vi. 400). Page 8. The safe-conduct for John, King of France on his determination to return to England, is dated Uec. 10, 1363- Page 15. Many of the following, record part-payment of his ransom at different times : — Feb. 1st, 1361, " Receipt for 100,000 crowns from the King of France " [ib. vi.) Oct. 6th, 1362, " Power to John Chandos, viscount de S. Sauveur, to receive 30,000 crowns in gold from the King of France " [ib. vi. 393). Nov. 24th, 1362, " Receipt of 9,500 imutom d'or from the King of France " (ib. vi. 398). 3ft — 6z /*r**^ May 1st, 1362, "Receipt for 108,000 crowns from n^ — the King of France " {j.h. vi. 363). May 4th, 1362, " Receipt for 17,000 moutons d'or from the French King." July 30th, 1362, " Power for the Prince of Wales to receive 60,000 crowns in gold from the King of France " (ib. vi. 390). Sept. 29th, 1362,) " Receipt for 10,000 and 10,000 Oct. 1 St, ,, f moutons d'or from the King of France." Oct. 6th, 1362, " Power to John Chandos, viscount of S. Sauveur in Normandy, to receive 30,000 crowns m gold from the King of France " (Rymer, vi. 393). April 29, 1363, " Power for the Prince of Wales to receive 60,000 crowns in gold from the King of France " {ib. vi. 408). Oct. lOth, 1363, " Receipt for 10,000 mouions d'or from the King of France {ib. vi. 423). Dec. 6th, 1363, " Power for the Prince of Wales to receive 60,000 crowns in gold from the King of France " (Rymer, vi. 430). Dec. 13, 1363, '* Another commission to the Prince of Wales to receive 60,000 crowns in gold from the French f^y . King" {ib. vi. 431). Feb. I2th, 1364, " Receipt of 107,000 crowns in gold CO _^from the King of France " (Rymer, vi. 434). Dec. 30th, 1365, " Power for Edward, Prince of Wales to receive 60,000 crowns in gold from the King (^ 3^t of France ; Windsor " (Rymer, vi. 482). _____-.— Jan. 26, 1366, "Receipt for 6,200 crowns from the ^ 1^1^^ King of France, for a portion of his ransom (Rvmer, vi. 490). ..r;i iyC — h* 43 Jan. 26, 1366, " Receipt of 93,800 crowns, another portion of the said King's ransom " (ib. vi. 491). Pages ii Rymer records the following : — " Guy, count de St. and 12. PqI^ ^ French hostage, promises to return at the expira- tion of his leave, his sons Waleran and Robert remaining as hostages for him" — Westm. Feb. 21, 1366 (Rymer, vi. 495). Page ii. The castles and lands ceded by Philip, duke of Orleans, to Edward Ill's son, Thomas of Woodstock, were: — Chisee (Cisse?) ; Melle ; Civray ; and Villeneuve, with his other possessions in Poitou and Saintonge (Rymer vi. 458), Dec. 27th, 1364. Page 17. The lawless set of brigands and adventurers mentioned at this page, had no countenance from the English King. Several entries in Rymer show it : — Oct. 24, 1365, " the King sends Sir Nicholas de Tam worth and John Wyn to put down the companies who are plundering Bur- gundy, the Nivernais, &c., (Rymer, vi. 479). Dec, 1365, " John de Chandos, viscount de St. Sauveur, Sir Hugh de Calverly, Sir Wm. de Elmham are ordered to prevent English men-at-arms from entering Spain," Westm. (Rymer, vi. 481). JEAN LE MEINGRE, DIT BOUCICAUT. Page 43. 'TT^HE immediate successor (ostensibly the son), of JL this French marshal, was Jean de Meingret (or le Meingre), marechal de Boucicaut II. Rapin calls him the " famous," when enumerating the prisoners 64 taken at Azincourt. He was a contemporary with Timur (Tamerlane), the great Tartar conqueror ; with the Sultan of the Ottomans, Bajazet I ; and his exploits are worthy of note. [le seems to have been born about 1364, and figured as a marshal of France during the reign of Charles VI. In 1396 he was sent under the command of John, Duke of Burgundy, and Enguerrand de Coucy, with an army of 70,000 men to aid Sigismund, King of Hungary, against the Turks. In addition to the French troops, the force of King Sigismund, comprised of different nationali- ties, English, Italians, Bohemians, &c., amounted to upwards of 100,000 men. In the resulting battle of Nicopolis, when the Sultan Bajazet overcame that King, Boucicaut was taken prisoner.''-' In 1398 he undertook the siege of Avignon, on which occasion Pope Benedict XIII was wounded, being the last who there filled the papal seat. It was in 1401 that Bajazet was attacked by the marechal de Boucicaut, whilst laying siege to Constan- tinople. This forced the Ottoman Sultan to raise the siege, the same being shortly after taken prisoner at Ancyra in 1402 by Tamerlane, at the head of 00,000 men. Between this time and the battle of Azincourt in 1415, where Boucicaut was again taken prisoner, he ap- pears to have been governor of Genoa, whilst under the protection of Charles VI of France, a period which lasted for 13 years ; but in 1409 when the Genoese overthrew the French rule, and placed themselves under the -"Some historians represents Boucicaut to have fallen, together with the count d'Artois, and E. de Coucy at this battle, said to have been the first conflict between the Turks and Christians. 65 dominion of Naples, he returned to France ; and died circa 14 21. Tiie " Histoire de Messire Jean de Boucicaut, marechal de France," by Tb. Godefroy, Paris, 1620, sbovvs bim to bave been sufficiently remarkable in tbe bistory of tbat period, and will supplement the foregoing with additional details. (67) Mnhtx. PERSONS, PLACES, SUBJECTS. [The letter " n " after the page, signifies " note."] Abbeville (Somme), 2. Agen {Lot-et-Garonne), 24. Agenois (1'), Fr. prov. {Lotet-Garonne), 24«. Agincourt, S. Azincourt. Aignan (St.) (Mayeniie), 36. Ainay {Lyon), 50, 50H. Ainay (abbot of, 1360), I5», 15. (commissioner for raising King John's ransom), 15, 50. d'Alen9on, 7, 12. (comte Pierre — ), 7, 12, i2«, 61. Amboise (Indre-et-Loire), 35, 32«. Amboise (sire Engergier d' — , of Mont- richard), 10, 15, 17, 32, 34, 35, 36. 37. 38, 39. 41. 42, 43. 44. 45- (receives orders from Charles V. to replace Guy de Blois in England), 10, 15, 40, 41-45. (letter to him from the King), 40, 41. (his reply to the King), 40. (taken prisoner at Poitiers), 16, 34. 35. 44. (Pierre d'), 34. Amboise (Jeanne d' — [Chevreuse]), 35. 43, 44- (Marie d'— [Marie dc Flandre]) (Nesles), 35, 35«. Amboise (Isabelle d' — [dc Thouarsj ), 35,37- Amboise (Cesar d' — , 1360), 35/1. (Jeanne d' — ) (comtessede Dam- martin), 36. Amboise de [(Marguerite d' — M. Sainte-Maure]), 36. (Marie d' — ), 36. , Jean— ; Pierre—; Engergier—; Perenelle — ), 37. Amboise (Jean d' — .seigneur de Chau- mont, Blere, et Montrichard), ^y. (Elisabeth d' — ) (comtesse de Chartres), 37. (Mahaud d' — , comtesse de Char- tres), 37. (Marguerite d' — ), 37. (Charles d' — , de Chaumont-sur- Loire, marshal of France), 38. (Cardinal Georges d' — , prime minister to Louis XII), 38. (Aimeri d' — , grand-master of the order of St. John of Jerusalem), 38. Amboise (arms of — ) (of Touraine and Auvcrgne), 38. 68 Amboise (conjuration d' — ), 32;?. Amiens (Somme), 8. Ancyra (Angora) {Turkey in Asia), 64. Andrezel {Seine-et-Marne), (John, lord of), 7, II, 11;/. Angers {Maine-et- Loire), 35». (abbey of St. Nicholas d' — ),35;2. Angleterre (commandeur d' — ), 14H, 58, 58«. Anglic (preceptor), i4n, 58, 58;?. Angora, S. Ancyra Anjou (Fr. prov.) [Maine-et-Loire), 7, i3». Anjou (counts of — ), 32??. (Louis, comte d' — , due d' — ), 7 8, II, ii», 12, 24, 25, 26. Anjoumois (Fr. prov.) [Charente), 24;;. Ansa {Rhone), 13;!. Anthonius (S. de Mota), 56. Anthony (order of St.—), 14;/, 56, 57, 58, 59- (preceptor of—), 14;?, 56, 57, 58, 58". Anthony (St.), 56. Anthony (Hospital of St.— ), 56, 57, 58. 58. (master or preceptor of — , 1369), S. Lymona. (master of — , 1440), S. Carpenter. (license for its brethren to hear confessions), 58. (church of — ), S. French church. Anthony's (St.), school, 57. Anthony (canons-regular of St. — ), 58. Anthony's (St.— fire), (Erysipelas), 56, 57- Antoine (St. — , de Viennois), 56. Antoine (Rue St.—, Paris), 57. Antonines (the) (or those of the order of St. Anthony), 56. Aquitaine, ii«, 24, 5o». Archives (du Nord), 22n. (du Rhone), 14, 51, 52, 53, 55. (de la ville de Lyon), 13, 14, 50, 52, 53; 55- (de I'Empire), 24. (de S. Martin de Tours), 35;?. Archers (English, in 14th cent.), 4, 4;?. Arms of (Amboise), 38. (Blois), 20, 30, 32. (Chatillon), 30. (Coucy), ign. (Chevreuse), 35«. (Grandpre), ii«. (Hainault), 30. (Hangest), i2«. (Maulevrier), 1372. (Thouars), 357;. Arras {Pas-de-Calais), 8 his. Artevelle (Arteveld) (Jacob von — ), 25. (Philip), 25. Artois (Fr. prov.) {Pas-de-Calais), j. d'Artois (Jean), 7. (Charles), 7, 12. (comte — 1396), 64. Aurai (Auray) {Morbihan), 20. Avesnes {Nord) (seigneur d' — ), 18, ig, 20, 21, 23. Auvergne (Fr. prov.) (Piiy-de-Dume ; Cantal), 38. d'Auvergne (comte), 7, 61. Avignon {Vaucluse), 44, 64. Azincourt {Pas-de-Calais), zGn, 64 bis. Bajazet L (Sultan of the Ottomans) (1401), 64 bis. Barking {Essex), 60. Barr (Robert de— ), 197;. , (Marie de — [M. de Coucy]), ign. Barral (or Barraut) Humbert, 50. Battle of (Aurai) (1364), 20. 69 Battle of (Azincourt) (1415), 26«, 64 bis. (Brenneville) (11 19), 25«. (Crecy) (1346), 2, 21, 22, 23, 61. (Mons-en-Puelle) [Pevcle] (1304), 28». (Nicopolis) (1396), 64. (Poitiers) (732). (Poitiers [Maupertuis]) (1356), i, iH, 3;?, 16, 34, 40, 44. (Rosebecque) (1382), 287t. Bavaria (Albert, duke of—) (1397). 3i- Beaumont {Belgium), 18, 19, 23, 30, 32, 32H. Beaumont (Jeanne de — [Jeanne de Hainault]), 18. (seigneur de — ), iS bis, S. Blois. Beauvais {Oise), 60. Beleys (Perronin de — ), i4«. Belleville-sur-Saone {Rhone), ii//, I3», {Poitou) {Deitx-Sevres), 11, it«. Benedict, St. {Land.) S. St. Bennet. Benedictine ( — rule ; — monks), 56, 57. Benon, 43. Berri (Berry) (Fr. prov.) {Indre-et- Cher), 3. (due de — ), 23. (John, duke of — ), 7, 12, 24, 30. (Jeanne de — ), 37. (Marguerite de — , [Marguerite d'Amboise]), 37. Bervvick-oh-Tweed, 3. Black Prince, S. Edward, Prince of Wales. Blere {Indre-et-Loire), 37 bis. Bleterans (Humbert de — ) (hostage from Lyons), 13H. Blois (county or earldom of — ), 23, 29, 31- (city) {Loir-et-Cher), zgu, 42, 43. castle (governor of — ), 42, 43. Blois (Guy, comte de — ) (hostage for King John), 7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 30, 31, 32, 36, 37. 38, 40. 41. 42, 43- (patron of John Froissart), 17, 18, 21, 30, 32. (resigns the earldom of Soissons to Edw. Ill), 19, ign. (one of Charles VI. commanders at Rosbec, in 1382), 25. (a commander with the due de Berri in 1369), 24. (sold his county of Blois to the duke of Touraine), 31. (a plenipotentiary at Bruges in i375-^^)> 25. (his tomb at Valenciennes), 29. (Marie de — [Marie de Namur]), 21, 29, 30 ; (her tomb at Valen- ciennes, 29). (arms of — ), 30. Blois (Louis de Chatillon, comte de — ) (brother of hostage), 15, 18, i8«, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 42. (Marie de — ), 23, Blois (Louis de — , comte de Chatillon) (father of hostage) (killed at Crecy) x8, 20, 21, 22«, 23. (Jeanne de — , [Jeanne de Hai- naultj), 21. Blois (Jean de — , comte de — ) (brother of hostage), 19, 20, 21, 22. (Marguerite de — [Marguerite de Gueldre]), 21. (Charles de — , duke of Brittany) (killed at Aurai), 20, 21, 23. Blois (Stephen, comte de — ), 20. Blois (arms of — ), 20, 30, 32. Blois (Jean de— ) (John of Brittany), 31 Blois (Louis, comte de — , et de Char- tres), 37. 70 Blois (Marguerite de— ) (1218), 37. (Elisabeth de— , comtesse de Chartres) [E. d'Amboise] (1218), 37- (Thibaud de— , comte de Char- tres), 37. Bohemia (King of—, 1339), 33- Bordeaux {Gironde), 3, 5. Boucherche (Gerard de— ), 7. Boucicaut (Jean le Meingre or — , marshal of France), 43, 63. Boucicaut II. (Jean le Meingret) (marechal de France), 63, 64 bis. Bouciqaut (marechal de — ), 43, s. Boucicaut. Bourbon (Louis, due de — ), 7, n, ii?» [Louis II, 3d duke ; ob. 1410]. (James de — ), 7. Bourges {Cher), 3. Bourgogne, S. Burgundy. Boysville (Boisville?) (Goubert de— ), 61. Brabant {Belgium), 3i«. Braye-en-Thierache {Aisne). Brenne (earl of—), 11, 61. Brenneville (battle of—, 11 19), 25«. Br6tigny {Eure-et-Loir) (Treaty of—, in 1360), 6, 18, 35H. (terms of — ), 6, 7. Briene (Brienne) {Aube), 40. Brienne (earl of — ), 11. Bristol (siege of, t. Edw. II.), 22«. Brittany (Fr. prov.) {Cotes-du-Nord ; Finistere, &c., &c^), 7. (John, duke of—), 1339). 33- (John of—, John of Blois, 1397), 31- Bruges {Belgium), 8, 25. Buch (captal de— ), 5. Buironfosse {Aisne), 33. Bullot (Jean de Durche, or—), 13;/, i4» Burgundy (Fr. prov.) {Cote d'or, Saoite- et-Loire, Yonne, &c.) (John, duke of—, 1396), 64. (Stephen, duke of—, 1339), 33. (Philip le hardi, duke of—), 10 (taken at Poitiers). Burgess-hostages, 46, 52, 53. Cabinet des Titres (B.N.), 38. Calais {Pas-de-Calais), 2, 3, 8, 24;;. Calverly (Sir Hugh), 63. Captal de Buch, 5. Cardinal de Lorraine (1588), 29«. d'Amboise, 38. Cardinerie (la) (near Poitiers), 4;;. Cari Martel (ob. 714), 3?i. Carpenter (John, master of St. An- thony's, 1440), 58. Cause (Pelegrin de— , (Causse), 61. Champagne (Fr. prov.) {Ardennes, Aube, Marne, Haiite-Marne, &c.), 3i«. Chandos (Sir John, vicomte de S. Sauveur, 1339), 34«, 61, 63, 63. Chape de S. Martin (French standard before the Oriflamme), 29«. Chapponay (Mathieu de— ), 14/?. Charies IV. (Charies le Bel), 25«, 34. Charlemagne, (814), 26». Charies V. (King of France), 6, 10, 15, 19, 24, 24«, 25, 40, 54; (his letter to the sire d'Amboise), 40, 41 ; (remonstrance to, from the latter), 42; (petition to, from towns in diocese of Lyons), 54. Charies VI. (King), 24», 2^n, 3i«, 64 bis. Charies VII. (King of France), 24H, 27H, 32H. Charies VIII. (King), 32;t, 38. Charles IX. (King of France), 29. 71 Chartres {Eure-et-Loir), 6n, zyn, 60. Chartres (Louis, conite de Blois et de— ), 37- (Thibaud.comte de — ) (i2i8),37. (Mahaud d'Amboise, comtesse de— ), 37- Chatillon-sur-Marne {Marite), 19, 37. (house of—), 19, 37. Chatillon (Guy de — ; Louis de — ; Jean de — ) ; S. Blois. (Hughes de — , comte de Blois, ob. 1307), 21. (Guy de — ; ob. 1342), 21. Chatillon (Guy de — , comte de St. Pol), 35». (Beatrice de — [B. de Flandre]), 35«- Chaumont-sur-Loire (Loir-et-Chcr), 37 bis, 38. Chenever (Michel) (Chenevrier), j^n. Chevreuse (Seitie-ct-Oise), 40, 44.''- Chevreuse (Jeanne de — [J. d'Am- boise]), 35, 43, 44. (arms of—), 35;;. Chevrier (Henri) (Chivrier), 147/. Chimay (Belgium), 18, 19, 30, 32, 32». Chivrier, i^n. Cisse (Vienne), 63. Civray (Vieime), 63. Clere (lord of—), 11. Cluni (town of — ) [Saone-et- Loire), \yu (abbey), 51;/. Coindre, S. Condrieu. Commandeur d'Angleterre, i5«, 58», S. Lymona. Compiegne {Oise), 60. Conde (le prince de — , 1590), i2>'^. Condrieu {Rhone), i^n, 54. Constantine-the-Great (Emperor), 29«. Constantinople (siege of — , in 1401), 64. Coponage (tax), i5«. Cordeliers, church of [Valenciennes] , 22», 23 bis, 29. Coucy-le-Chateau {Aisne), 7H.f Coucy (Enguerrand de — [Earl of Bed- ford] , 7, 19, i9», 23, 32, 32«, 64. (Philippa de [de Vere]), 197?. Marie de — [de Barr] , ign. (arms of — ), S. Arms. Cr6cy (Somiite), 21, 22, 23, Z5, S. Battle Cressy, S. Crecy. Crevecoeur (Nord), 35«. Dagobert L (King of France) (638), 2611. Damietta {Egypt), 2711. Dammartin (Charles de Trie, comte de— ), 36. Dargies {Oise), 19, 23. Dauphin (the—, of France, 1360), 1, 5, 6, 10. Dauphine (Fr. prov.) {here. Drome, Hautes-Alpes), 56. David IL (King of Scotland), 1, \n, Denis (St.) {Seine), 10, 25, 26, 27. (banner of—), S. Oriflamme. Dendermonde (Termonde) {Flanders), 36. Derval {Loire-inferieure) (lord of — ), 11. Didier (Saint — ), 57. Douai {Nord), 60. Dreux {Eiire-et-Loir), 37. * Ruins exist here still of a castle of the 12th and 15th centuries ^,^nM"!?l°^J''^ castle,erected about 1225 by Enguerrand III ,' sire de Coucy, and dis- mantled by Mazarin in 1652, still exist (Joanne). ■* 72 Dreux (Perenelle, comtesse de — ), 37. Dunois, (comte de — ), 19. Duke, S. Burgundy, Berr}', Brittany. Bourbon, Normandy, Anjou, Tou- raine, Orleans, Gloucester. Durchie (Durche) (dit Bullot) (hostage from Lyons), 13H, 14/2, i5«, 54/1. Edward, Prince of Wales (Black Prince), i, t, 3, 4, 5, 30;?, 50;}, 62, 63, 64. Edward II. (King of England). Edward III. (King), 2, 3,7,8, 19, ign, 20, 2.211, 24», 33, 34, 35H, 41, 51, 61, 63. Edward IV. (King), 58. Elmham (Sir William de — ), 63. Emperor Louis (of Bavaria), 22. Henry V. (of Germany), 2611. Henry VI. (of Germany), 47. Sigismund (of Germany), 64. Empress Marie Louise (1814), 29??. England, S. Angleterre ; Anglia. (Kings of — ), S. Kings. Escuage, S. Scutage. Estonnenort, 287/. Evreux (Philip d' — , King of Navarre), 33- d'Etampes (comte — ), 7, 12. Fames (Pieros), 14;?. " Fifth" (tax), 48,49. " Fifteenth " (tax), 48. Finch-lane {Loud.), 57. Flandre (Guillaume de — , comte de Namur), 21. (Marie de— [d'Amboise] ), 35, 35^ (Marie de — [Nesles]), 35;?. Flandre (John of—) (of Neelle, Creve- cceur, and Tenremonde), 35H. Flandre (comte de — ), 35«. (Louis, comte de — ) (134G), 36. (Marguerite de— [M. de Bra- bant]), 36. Flanders, 7, 31;/, S. Flandre. Florence (Italy), 53. Foer, S. Fuer. Foreis (Jean de — ), i^n. Francis I. (King of France), 2gn. Francis II. (King), 32«. Franciscans, 30. Franks, ^n. French church (in Threadneedle St.), 59- Friesland (Netherlands), 2211. (Marguerite, countess of— ),22h. Froissart (Sir John) (chronicler), 2, 17) 18, 19,30,31,32; (secretary to Q. Philippa), 30;? ; (patronised by Count Guy de Blois), 18, 30, 3o?j; (accompanied Edward the Black Prince to Aquitaine), 30/1 ; (his statue at Valenciennes), 30;?. Froissart (Jardin— , at Valenciennes), 3i«. Fuer (Mathieu de— , French hostage from Lyons), 54/?. (Louis de — , hostage from Lyons), i3«, 52, 53. 53", 54»- (armorial seal of — ), 53. Gabel (tax), 49;?. Gabelle (tax), 45, ^gn. Gascon (troops), 5. (squire), 60. Gascogne (province), 6, 7. Gascony (Fr. prov.), 6, 7. Gaston (or Gascon) (a seigneur of Dauphine), 56. Genoa, 64. 73 Genoa (governor of — ),64. Gerlond (Thomas de — , Italian mer- chant from Lucca), 53. Germigny (Mathieu, lord of—), 7. Gloucester (duke of— , 1385), 11, 12, 63. Gonfalon (standard), 2S». Gouda {Holland), 18, 19, 32. Grammont (Rhone), 57. Grandpre (earl of — ), 11, ii«, 61 ; (coat of — ), iin. Gueldre (Marguerite de — [de Blois]), 21, 23. Gueldres (la Gueldre), 23. S. Guel- dre. Guerre (de cent ans), 24». Guesclin (Bertrand du — ), 47. Guienne (Fr. prov.), 6, 7, 24U, 26, 5o». Guise (Fran9ois, due de — , 1557), 24«. (Henri, due de— , 1588), 2gn. Guise {Aisne}, 19, Guises (the) (ducal house of Lorraine), Hanse, S. Anse. Hangest (Hengest) (lord of — ), 12, 61, 63- (arms of — ), i2h. Hainault {Belgium), 22, 23, 24, 30», 31. 32». Hainault (V/illiam, earl of — , and Hol- land), 22, 22n bis. (John of — ) (lord of Beaumont ; count of Soissons ; uncle to Q. Philippa), 21, 22, 22H. (William, earl of — ), 22«. (Marguerite) (consort of Emperor Louis of Bavaria), 22. (Jeanne de — , comtesse de Sois- sons [J. de Blois ; comtesse de Namur]), 18, 21, 22». Harcourt (comte d' — ), 7, 12. Harcourt family, 28/?. Hearth-money (tax), 50. Hengest, S. Hangest. Henry V. (Emperor of Germany), zGn. Henry III. (King of France), 28/!. Henry I. (King of England), 257K HL (King), gn, 57 ; (Queen of—), gn. IV. (King). V. (King), 257?, 26n. VI. (of England), 25«, 58. Hidage (tax), 48. Holland (Marguerite, countess of — ), (John, count of — ), 23. Holland, 23, 24, 31. Honorius of Autun, 29«. Hospital (of St. Anthony), 56, Hospitallers (of the order of St. An- thony), 56, 57, 58. Huguenot conspiracy (of 1590), 32», 33"- Innocent VI. (Pope), Ireland (Robert de Vere, duke of — , 1386), 197?. Isere (Fr. dep.), 56. Jacobyn (Jacob — , Italian merchant from Florence), 537?. Jaquemo (Saint — ) (Saint Jacques),* 147?. Jerusalem (grand-master of the order of St. John of—), 38. John (King of France), i, in, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 40, 41, 46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 60, 61, 64. (arrives in England), 5, 6. (released), 6. * Chapel, so called, at Lyons (Guigue). 74 John (ransom of — ), 7, 8, 10, 15, i5«, 18, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, Gi, 62, 63. (saying attributed to,), 9, gn. (returns to England), 8, 9, 10, 64. (dies at the Savoy), g, 10. (capture of — , claimed by different persons), 60, 61. John V. (duke of Brittany), S. Mont- fort. Joinville (Henri de — , comte de Vaude- mont), 7. Juliers (countess of — ), 23. (duke of—, 1397), 31. King of France, S. Charlemagne ; Dagobert I. ; John ; Philippe I. ; Philippe de Valois ; Philippe le Bel ; Charles le Bel ; Charles v.; Charles VI. ; Charles VII.; Charles VIII. ; Charles IX. ; Louis VI. (le Gros) ; Louis IX. (St. Louis) ; Louis XI. ; Louis XII.; Louis XIII.; Henry III; Francis I.; Francis II. (of Scotland), S. David II. (of England), S. Stephen ; Henry I. ; Henry III. ; Henry V. ; Henry VI.; Henry VIII.; Richard I.; Richard II.; Edward 11. ; Ed- ward III.; Edward IV. (of Navarre), S. d'Evreux. (of Hungary), S. Sigismund. Labarum (standard), 29". Lancaster (Henry, earl of — ), 3. Landrecies {Nord), 18, 19, 31. Languedoc (Fr. prov.), 3. Laon (Aisnc). z^n. Lille [Nord), 60. Limousin (le) (Fr. prov.), 24, 24«. London (Robert, bishop of — , 1440) (Robert Gilbert), 57. Longueville (comte de — ), 7. Lorraine (cardinal de — , 1588) (Louis de Guise), zgn. Louis VI. (King of France ; Louis le Gros), 26H. IX. (St. Louis) (1270), 28«, 2g;j, XI. (King) 27«, 32», 38. XII. (King of France), 29H, 38. XIII. (King), 35». Lucca (city of Tuscany), 53, 53/?. Luxembourg (lord of — ), 12. Lymona (Gaufridus de — , comman- deur d'Angleterre, preceptor An- glic), i4». Lyons (Lyon) [Rhone), 14, 15, 49, 51, 52, 53, 56. (diocese of — ), 157?, 15. (its burgesses in hostage in Eng- land), I37t, 14, 15, 49, 52, 56, 57. (hostages from — ), 13, i3«, 14, 49. 52, 56, 57- (taxed for the King's ransom), i3«. Macon [Saone-et-Loirc), i^n, 55. Maingo Maubert, 43. Maine (Fr. prov.) {Maycnne ; Sarte), 7. Manny (Sir William, t. Edw. Ill,), 47. Marche (comte de la — ), 7. Martin (St.) (Raymond de — ), 43. Martin (chape de S. — ) (French standard), 29/!. Maryan (Johan — , merchant from Lucca in London), 53. Master (of the order of St. Anthony), 56, 58, S. Lymona ; Carpenter. Maulevrier (sire de — ), 7, 13, i3« ; (arms of — ), 13;?. Maubert (Maingo — ), 43. 75 Maure (Pierre de St. — ), 36. Maury (Herve de — ), 36. Mayngre, S. Meingre. Maupertuis {Vienne),,pi,S. Cardinerie (la). Meangre, S. Meingre. Medicis (Catherine de [Queen of France, 1547]), 3211. Meingre (Jean le, dit Boucicaut), 43, 43«- (Jean le, marechal de Boucicaut II.), 63, 64. Meingret, S. Meingre. Melle-sur-Beronne {Detix-Scvres), 63. Men-at-arms, 63. Metz {Loyyaine) (Henry of — ), 2'jn. Mondoubleau [Loiy-et-Cher), 36. Mons-en-Pevele (Noyd), 28«. Montauban {Tarn-ct-Gayonne) (Bishop of-), 38. Montfort (Jean de — , duke of Brittany 1364), 20. Montgauguier (Vienne), 36. Montgomery (Charles de — ), 7. Montmorency (sire de — ), 7, 13. Montrichard {Loiy-d-Chey), 16, 32H, 34, 35, 37, 38, 43«, 44- Morbecque (Morbek, Morbeke) (Denis de — ) (Norman knight at Poitiers), 60, 61. Namur {Belgium), 3i«. Namur (Guillaume, comte de — ), 21. (Marie de — [de Blois]), 21, 29, 30- (Robert de— ), 21. Nanteuil {Loiy-et-Cher), 39;;. Narbonne {Aiidc) (Archbishop of—), 38. Navarre (Philip, King of—) (1339), 33- N6elle (Nesles), 32;?, 36. N6elle-Offemont, 23;;. Nesles (Jean de — , sire d'Offemont), 23". (Guy de — , marshal of France), 24", 35" • (Marie de [M. de Flandre]), 35^. Nicopolis (Nicopole), on the Danube {Bulgayia), 64, Niort {Deux-Scvyes), ii/j. Nivernais (le) (Fr. prov.), 63. Normandy, 7. Normandy (John, duke of — , 1339), 33. Nouvion-en-Thierache {Aisite), 18,23, 23", 31- Nouvion-et-Catillon (Nouvion I'ab- besse {Aisnc), 23«. Odiam {Hants), m. Offemont (sire d' — ), 35^;. Omer (Saint — ) {Pas-de-Calais), 8. Order (of St. Anthony), 14;;, 56, 57 58. (master of the — ), i4«. Order (of St, Augustine), 56, 57. (of St. Benedict), 56, 57. (St. John of Jerusalem), 38. Oriflamme (famous French standard), 25, 25;?, 26;?, 27«. Orleans {Loiret), 8. Orleans (Louis d' — )(brother of Charles VI.), 20, 31, 31H. Orleans (Philip, duke of — j (brother of King John), 7, 11, \\n. Oxford (Robert de Vere, gth earl of — ), 19;?. Palladium, 29;?. Papal nuncio, 1211. Paris, 8. Paul (Guy, earl of Saint — ), 12, 63. 76 Perigord (le), 24H. Philip, S. Philippe. Philip (duke of Burgundy) le hardi ; (taken prisoner at Poitiers), 10. Philippa (Queen), 22», 30/7. Philippe de Valois (King of France), 2, 21, 22». Philippe le Bel (King of France) (1314), 227Z, 28/?. Picardy (Picardie) (Fr. prov.) {Somme), 23. 3i«- Poitiers {Vicnne), yi, 3, 16, 40, 44, 6t. (battle of — ), I, 10, II. Poitiers (John, earl of — [due de Berri] ) 7- Poitou (Fr. prov.) {Vendee, Detix-Sevres, Vienne), 7, 24«, 35H, 63. Pol (Saint — ) (comte de — ), 7, 63. (Waleran — ; Robert — ), 63. Pole (Michael de la—), 58. Ponthieu (territorial sub-division of France), (Somme), 24. (comte de — ), 7. Pope C.alixtus II. (1124), 261J. Boniface VIII. (1303), 57. Clement (1314), 2611. John XXII, (1334), 2211. Innocent VI. (1362), 11. Benedict XIII. (1394), 64. Porcion (comte de.— ), 7. Porte-oriflamme, 25«, 2611, 2jn bis. Preceptor Anglie, 14??, 56, 58;?, S. Lymona. Preceptory (of St. Anthony), 58. Pressia (Jean de — , hostage from Lyons), 13H, 52, 53, 54;?; (ar- morial seal of — ), 53. Prince of Wales, 62, 63, S. Edward, Princes (French — of the blood, in hostage), 7, 8. Princes des fleurs-de-lis, 8. Princess Isabel (d, of Edw. Ill,) (de Coucy), 19. Isabelle (of France), 20, Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine (consort of Henry II,), 48. Philippa (consort of Edw. III.), 22n. Isabella (Q. of Edward II.), 20, 22«. Querci (le) (Fr. prov.) {Lot), 24;?. Queret (Robin—, of Tornay), r4«. Ransom, 7, 8, 10, 15, 15??, 18, 44, 46, 52 Ransom (of John, King of France), 15, 46, 47. 48, 50. 51. 52, 6t, 62, 63. (of King Richard I.), 47, 48. Richard I. (King) (his ransom), 47,48. Richard II. (King), 58. Roche (Androin de la — ) (abbot of Cluni), i2«. Rochecorbon {Indve-et-Loire) ,''•'• 37, Romorantin {Loir-et-Cher), s-''' Rosebecque (Rosbec, Roosebecke), {Belgium) (battle of — ), 25, 25«, 28«. Rothewell (W. de— ) (t. Edw. III.), 4;;. Roucy (Simon de — ), 7. Rouen (Seine-Inferieuse) (archbishop of-), 38. Rovergne, 24/?. Roye (Mathieu de — ), 7. *A castle of the 12th and 15th centuries exists here still j an J a tower bearing the name of " Lanteme de Rochecorbon ," 11 Sables d'Olonne (les) {Vendee), ii«, Saintonge (Fr. prov.) (forming part of Cliarente, and Loieer Charente), 24», 63. Saint-Safurin {Rhone), 13H. Salique law, 2, 34. Salisbury (countess of — ) (t. Edw.III.), 9- Saracens (the), 3«. Savoy (Peter of), g«. (Palace of the — ), 9, 9;/, i8«. Sauveur (Saint—) (viscount of), (Sir John Chandos), 61, 62, 63. Sauveur (Saint — ), {Manche), 6i. School (St. Paul's), 57. (St. Anthony's), 57. Schoonhoven {Holland), 18, 19, 23, 32. Scutage (tax) 48. Sens {Yonne) (William, archbishop of), 18//, 48. Sergeant-at-arms, i5«. Sergent d' armes, 52. Sergier (Johan de — ), I4«. Sigismund (King of Hungary), 64. Soissons {Aisne), 19, 31, 32. (county of), 12, izn. Soissons (Louis de Chatillon, comte de— ), 18. (Enguerrand de Coucy, comte de— ), 19, ign, 23, 32. Soissons (Jeanne de Hainault, com- tesse de — ), 18, 21. (John of Hainault, comte de — ), 21. (Guy de Blois, comte de — ), 18, 19, i9«, 23. Stavoren (Staveren), {Friesland), zzn. Stephen (King of England) (Stephen de Blois [de Boulogne]), 20. Symphorien-le-Chastel (Saint — ) {Rhdne), i^n. Symphorien-sur-Coise (Saint — ), {Rhone), i3», Talliage (tax), 48. Tamerlane, S. Timur. Tamworth (Sir Nicholas de — ), 63. " Tenth " (tax), 48. Terremonde (Termonde, Dender- monde), {Belgium), 36, 36;?. 43,44. Terremonde, 43. Thierache {Aisne), (forest of), 23;?, 31. "Thirteenth" (tax), 49, 49«. Thouars {Deiix-Scvres), 35, 357/. (Isabelle de [I. d'Amboise]), 35. 37- (Perenelle de— [comtesse de Dreux]), 37. Thouars muniments (Chartrier de — ), 39, 39", 40- Thouars (arms of), 35«. Timur (or Tamerlane) (Tartar con- queror), 64 bis. Titres (cabinet des — ), (B.N.), 38. Threadneedle (St.), {Land.), 57. Tornay, i4«. Toulouse {Haute-Garonne), 13, 24. Touraine (Fr. pro.) {Indre-et-Loire, with part of Vienne), 7, i3«. (due de— ), 24, S. Orleans, 31. Tournay (Fn Flanders; Belgium), 60. Tournus {Saone-et-Loire), i^n. Tours {Indre-et-Loire), 8, 60, 29;?, ^zn, 35«. Treaty (of Bretigny) (1360), 6, 8, 9, I2«, 18, 35«, 45, 49. (ratification of), 12/1. Trelon {Nord), 19. Tremoille (house of), zyi. (due de la—), i, 39», 39, 40. (chartrier de — ), 39, 59//, 40. 78 Treizieme, 4gn. Tresor (gen6alogique) (B.N.), 38. Trezaine, 45, 497?. Trizenum, 49H. Trie (Charles de — , comte de Dam- martin), 36. Troye (Troie) (Bernard de), (Gascon squire), 60, 61. (Peter de — ), 60, 61. Troyes (Attbe) (hostage from), 54, 60. Valenciennes (Nord), 22n, 23, 29, 30, 30«. Valois (Philippe de — , King of France), 21, 22», 33, 34, 35. Vanguelay (John de — ), (hostage from Troyes), 54;/. Varey (Thomas de) (hostage from Lyons), 13H, 14^, 15, 54«. Vaudemont, S. Joinville. Vendome (comte de), 7. Vere (Robert de — , 9th earl of Ox- ford), 197?, (Philippa de [de Coucyj), 1977. Vergier (Jean de — , or Verger) ser- geant-at-arms), 52. Vermandois, (territory in Picardy), 2277. Vervins {Aisne), 2377. Vexilliim beati Dyonisii, 2977. Vexin (comte du — ), 26». Vienne {here), 56. Viennois (Saint Antoine de — ), 56. Vidame (of the abbey of St. Denis)) 2677. Villanova (Aynart de — ), 147?. (Tevenes de — ), 1477. Villefranche {Rhone), 1377. Villeneuve {Gard) (Aynard de — ), (hos- tage from Lyons), 1477. (Etienne (Stephen) de — ), 1377, 1477. Villeneuve {Charente-Inferieitre),* 63. Villiers (sire Pierre de, porte-oriflam- me) 25, 2577, 2877. Vincennes {Seine), 42t. Viners (Stephen), 54. War, S. Guerre. Wales (Edward, Prince of), II, S. Edward. Westminoter Hall, 6. Windsor (Dean and Chapter of), 58. Woodstock (Thomas of — , Dule of Gloucester), II, 63. Wyn (John), 63. Zealand, 23, 24, 31. Zealand, (countess ol), 2277. (John, count of *0r possibly in Deux-Scvres. t Its castle was built by Charles V, and the well-known " Bois de Vincennes," has been converted, since 1857, into a mag-nificent promenade, (artillery-practice-ground, and race-course). T. WILSON, PRINTER, HIGHGATE, KENDAL. c. /J' THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY WILL INCREASE TO SO CENTS ON THE FOURTH DAY AND TO $1.00 ON THE SEVENTH DAY OVERDUE. Ann 17 1943 lOMayeslll pr- L.D APR z^ 190 3 "Cfl "4^ .♦ #^ N0V18199S LD 2l-100ni-7,'39(402s) I B00075SbM3 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY