GIFT OF ALB1K r*UTZKER ^ ;' /h *^c^\jc. /T THE MEDITATIONS OF THE EMPEROR MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. THE .MEDITATIONS . THE EMPEROR MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS TRANSLATED BY GEORGE LONG NEW YORK LOVELL, CORYELL & COMPANY 43, 45 AND 47 EAST lOrn STREET : L CONTENTS. PAGE. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH . . , . l PHILOSOPHY OF ANTONINUS ... 37 THE MEDITATIONS ..... 89 INDEX OF TERMS 299 GENERAL INDEX 305 PREFACE. I HAVE carefully revised the Life and Philos- ophy of ANTONINUS, in which I have made a few corrections, and added a few notes. I have also made a few alterations in the trans- lation where I thought that I could approach nearer to the author's meaning ; and I have added a few notes and references. There still remain difficulties which I cannot remove, because the text is sometimes too cor- rupt to be understood, and no attempt to restore the true readings could be successful. GEORGE LONG. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. M. ANTONINUS was born at Rome, A. D. 121, on the 26th of April. His father, Annius Verus, died while he was praetor. His mother was Domitia Calvilla, also named Lucilla. The Emperor T. Antoninus Pius married Annia Galeria Faustina, the sister of Annius Verus, and was consequently the uncle of M. Antoninus. When Hadrian adopted Antoninus Pius and declared him his suc- cessor in the empire, Antoninus Pius adopted both L. Ceionius Commodus, the son of Aelius Caesar, &nd M. Antoninus, whose original name was M- Annius Verus. Antoninus then took the name of M. Aelius Aurelius Verus, to which was added the title of Caesar in A. D. 139: the name Aelius belonged to Hadrian's family, and Aurelius was the name of Antoninus Pius. When M. Antoninus became Augustus, he dropped the name of Verus 2 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. and took the name of Antoninus. Accordingly he is generally named M. Aurelius Antoninus or simply M. Antoninus. The youth was most carefully brought up. He thanks the gods (i. 17) that he had good grand- fathers, good parents, a good sister, good teachers, good associates, good kinsmen and friends, nearly everything good. He had the happy fortune to witness the example of his uncle and adoptive father Antoninus Pius, and he has recorded in his work (i. 16 ; vi. 30) the virtues of this excellent man and prudent ruler. Like many young Romans he tried his hand at poetry and studied rhetoric. Herodes Atticus and M. Cornelius Fronto were his teachers in eloquence. There are extant letters between Fronto and Marcus, 1 which show the great affection of the pupil for the master, and the mas- ter's great hopes of his industrious pupil. M. An- toninus mentions Fronto (i. 11) among those to whom he was indebted for his education. When he was eleven years old, he assumed the dress of philosophers, something plain and coarse, became a hard student, and lived a most laborious, abstemious life, even so far as to injure his health. Finally, he abandoned poetry and rhetoric for phil- osophy, and he attached himself to the sect of the Stoics. But he did not neglect the study of law, 1 M. Cornelii Frontonis Reliquiae, Berlin, 181G. There are a few letters between Froiito and Antoninus Pius. I MAE C US ATJBELIUS ANTONINUS. 3 which was a useful preparation for the high place which he was designed to fill. His teacher was L. Volusianus Maecianus, a distinguished jurist. We must suppose that he learned the Roman discipline of arms, which was a necessary part of the education of a man who afterwards led his troops to battle against a warlike race. Antoninus has recorded in his first book the .names of his teachers, and the obligations which he owed to each of them. The way in which he speaks of what he learned from them might seem to savor of vanity or self-praise, if we look care- lessly at the way in which he has expressed him- self ; but if any one draws this conclusion, he will be mistaken. Antoninus means to commemorate the merits of his several teachers, what they taught, and what a pupil might learn from them. Besides, this book, like the eleven other books, was for his own use ; and if we may trust the note at the end of the first book, it was written during one of M. Antoninus' campaigns against the Quadi, at a time when the commemoration of the virtues of his illustrious teachers might re- mind him of their lessons and the practical uses which he might derive from them. Among his teachers of philosophy was Sextus of Chaeroneia, a grandson of Plutarch. What he learned from this excellent man is told by himself (i. 9). His favorite teacher was Q. Junius Rus- 4 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. ticus (i. 7), a philosopher, and also a man of practical good sense in public affairs. Rusticus was the adviser of Antoninus after he became emperor. Young men who are destined for high places are not often fortunate in those who are about them, their companions and teachers; and I do not know any example of a young prince having had an education which can be compared with that of M. Antoninus. Such a body of teachers distinguished by their acquirements and their character will hardly be collected again ; and as to the pupil, we have not had one like him since. Hadrian died in July A. D. 138, and was suc- ceeded by Antoninus Pius. M. Antoninus mar- ried Faustina, his cousin, the daughter of Pius, probably about A. D. 146, for he had a daughter born in 147. He received from his adoptive father the title of Caesar, and was associated with him in the administration of the state. The father and the adopted son lived together in perfect friendship and confidence. Antoninus was a duti- ful son, and the emperor Pius loved and esteemed him. Antoninus Pius died in March, A. D. 161. The Senate, it is said, urged M. Antoninus to take the sole administration of the empire, but he associated with himself the other adopted son of Pius, L. Ceionius Commodus, who is generally called MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. O L. Verus. Thus Rome for the first time had two emperors. Verus was an indolent man of pleasure, and unworthy of his station. Antoninus however bore with him, and it is said that Verus had sense enough to pay to his colleague the respect due to his character. A virtuous emperor and a loose partner lived together in peace, and their alliance was strengthened by Antoninus giving to Verus for wife his daughter Lucilla. The reign of Antoninus was first troubled by a Parthian war, in which Verus was sent to com- mand ; but he did nothing, and the success that was obtained by the Romans in Armenia and on the Euphrates and Tigris was due to his generals. This Parthian war ended in A. D. 165. Aurelius and Verus had a triumph (A. D. 166) for the vic- tories in the East. A pestilence followed, which carried off great numbers in Rome and Italy, and spread to the west of Europe. The north of Italy was also threatened by the rude people beyond the Alps from the borders of Gallia to the eastern side of the Hadriatic. These barbarians attempted to break into Italy, as the Germanic nations had attempted near three hun- dred years before ; and the rest of the life of An- toninus, with some intervals, was employed in driving back the invaders. In 169 Verus sud- denly died, and Antoninus administered the state alone. 6 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. During the German wars Antoninus resided for three years on the Danube at Camuntum. The Marcomanni were driven out of Pannonia and almost destroyed in their retreat across the Danube ; and in A. D. 174 the emperor gained a great victory over the Quadi. In A. D. 175, Avidius Cassius, a brave and skil- ful Roman commander who was at the head of the troops in Asia, revolted and declared himself Augustus. But Cassius was assassinated by some of his officers, and so the rebellion came to an end. Antoninus showed his humanity by his treatment of the family and the partisans of Cassius ; and his letter to the Senate, in which he recommends mercy, is extant. (Vulcatius, Avidius Cassius, c. 12.) Antoninus set out for the East on hearing of Cassius' revolt. Though he appears to have re- turned to Rome in A. D. 174, he went back to prosecute the war against the Germans, and it is probable that he marched direct to the East from the German war. His wife Faustina, who accom- panied him into Asia, died suddenly at the foot of the Taurus, to the great grief of her husband. Capitolinus, who has written the life of Antoni- nus, and also Dion Cassius accuse the empress of scandalous infidelity to her husband and of abom- inable lewdness. But Capitolinus says that Anto- ninus either knew it not or pretended not to know MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 1 it. Nothing is so common as such malicious reports in all ages, and the history of imperial Rome is full of them. Antoninus loved his wife, and he says that she was " obedient, affectionate, and simple." The same scandal had been spread about Faustina's mother, the wife of Antoninus Pius, and yet he too was perfectly satisfied with his wife. Antoninus Pius says after her death in a letter to Fronto that he would rather have lived in exile with his wife than in his palace at Rome without her. There are not many men who would give their wives a better character than these two emperors. Capitolinus wrote in the time of Dio- cletian. He may have intended to tell the truth, but he is a poor, feeble biographer. Dion Cassius, the most malignant of historians, always reports and perhaps he believed any scandal against any- body. Antoninus continued his journey to Syria and Egypt, and on his return to Italy through Athens he was initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries. It was the practice of the emperor to conform to the established rites of the age, and to perform religious ceremonies with due solemnity. We cannot conclude from this that he was a supersti- tious man, though we might perhaps do so if his book did not show that he was not. But this is only one among many instances that a ruler's public acts do not always prove his real opinions. 8 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. A prudent governor will not roughly oppose even the superstitions of his people ; and though he may wish that they were wiser, he will know that he cannot make them so by offending their prejudices. Antoninus and his son Commodus entered Rome in triumph, perhaps for some German victories, on the 23d of December, A. D. 176. In the following year Commodus was associated with his father in the empire, and took the name of Augustus. This year A. D. 177 is memorable in ecclesiastical history. Attains and others were put to death at Lyon for their adherence to the Christian religion. The evidence of this persecution is a letter pre- served by Eusebius (E. H. v. 1 ; printed in Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. I. with notes). The letter is from the Christians of Vienna and Lug- dunum in Gallia (Vienne and Lyon) to their Christian brethren in Asia and Phrygia ; and it is preserved perhaps nearly entire. It contains a very particular description of the tortures inflicted on the Christians in Gallia, and it states that while the persecution was going on, Attains, a Christian and a Roman citizen, was loudly de- manded by the populace and brought into the amphitheatre ; but the governor ordered him to be reserved, with the rest who were in prison, until he had received instructions from the emperor. Many had been tortured before the governor MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. thought of applying to Antoninus. The imperial rescript, says the letter, was that the Christians should be punished, but if they would deny their faith, they must be released. On this the work began again. The Christians who were Roman citizens were beheaded ; the rest were exposed to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. Some modern writers on ecclesiastical history, when they use this letter, say nothing of the wonderful stories of the martyrs' sufferings. Sanctus, as the letter says, was burnt with plates of hot iron till his body was one sore and had lost all human form ; but on being put to the rack he recovered his former appearance under the torture, which was thus a cure instead of a punishment. He was afterwards torn by beasts, and placed on an iron chair and roasted. He died at last. The letter is one piece of evidence. The writer, whoever he was that wrote in the name of the Gallic Christians, is our evidence both for the or- dinary and the extraordinary circumstances of the story, and we cannot accept his evidence for one part and reject the other. We often receive small evidence as a proof of a thing which we believe to be within the limits of probability or possibility, and we reject exactly the same evidence, when the thing to which it refers, appears very improbable or impossible. But this is a false method of in- quiry, though it is _ folio wed by some modern 10 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. writers, who select what they like from a story and reject the rest of the evidence ; or if they do not reject it, they dishonestly suppress it. A man can only act consistently by accepting all this letter or rejecting it all, and we cannot blame him for either. But he who rejects it may still admit that such a letter may be founded on real facts ; and he would make this admission as the most probable way of accounting for the existence of the letter : but if, as he would suppose, the writer has stated some things falsely, he cannot tell what part of his story is worthy of credit. The war on the northern frontier appears to have been uninterrupted during the visit of Anto- ninus to the East, and on his return the emperor again left Rome to oppose the barbarians. The Germanic people were defeated in a great battle A. D. 179. During this campaign the emperor was seized with some contagious malady, of which he died in the camp at Sirmium (Mitrovitz) on the Save, in Lower Pannonia, but at Vindebona (Vienna) according to other authorities, on the 17th of March, A. D. 180, in the fifty-ninth year of his age. His son Com modus was with him. The body or the ashes probably of the emperor were carried to Rome, and he received the honor of deification. Those who could afford it had his statue or bust ; and when Capitolinus wrote, many people still had statues of Antoninus among the MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 11 Dei Penates or household deities. He was in a manner made a saint. Commodus erected to the memory of his father the Antonine column which is now in the Piazza Colonna at Rome. The bassi rilievi which are placed in a spiral line round the shaft commemorate the victories of Antoninus over the Marcomanni and the Quadi, and the miraculous shower of rain which refreshed the Roman soldiers and discomfited their enemies. The statue of Antoninus was placed on the capital of the column, but it was removed at some time unknown, and a bronze statue of St. Paul was put in the place by Pope Sixtus the fifth. The historical evidence for the times of Anto- ninus is very defective, and some of that which remains is not credible. The most curious is the story about the miracle which happened in A. D. 174, during the war with the Quadi. The Roman army was in danger of perishing by thirst ; but a sudden storm drenched them with rain, while it discharged fire and hail on their enemies, and the Romans gained a great victory. All the author- ities which speak of the battle speak also of the miracle. The Gentile writers assign it to their gods, and the Christians to the intercession of the Christian legion in the emperor's army. To con- firm the Christian statement it is added that the emperor gave the title of Thundering to this legion ; but Dacier and others who maintain the 12 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. Christian report of the miracle, admit that this title of Thundering or Lightning was not given to this legion because there was a figure of light- ning on their shields, and that this title of the legion existed in the time of Augustus. Scaliger also had observed that the legion was called Thundering (/cepawo^oXos, or Kepawo^opo?) before the reign of Antoninus. We learn this from Dion Cassius (Lib. 55, c. 23, and the note of Reimarus), who enumerates all the legions of Augustus' time. The name Thundering or Light- ning also occurs on an inscription of the reign of Trajan, which was found at Trieste. Eusebius (v. 5), when he relates the miracle, quotes Apoli- narius, bishop of Hierapolis, as authority for this name being given to the legion Melitene by the emperor in consequence of the success which he obtained through their prayers ; from which we may estimate the value of Apolinarius' testimony. Eusebius does not say in what book of Apolina- rius the statement occurs. Dion says that the Thundering legion was stationed in Cappadocia in the time of Augustus. Valesius also observes that in the Notitia of the Imperium Romanum there is mentioned under the commander of Armenia the Praefectura of the twelfth legion named " Thundering Melitene ; " and this position in Armenia will agree with what Dion says of its position in Cappadocia. Accordingly Valesii MARCUS AUBELIUS ANTONINUS. IB concludes that Melitene was not the name of the legion, but of the town in which it was stationed. Melitene was also the name of the district in which this town was situated. The legions did not, he says, take their name from the place where they were on duty, but from the country in which they were raised, and therefore what Eusebius says about the Melitene does not seem probable to him. Yet Valesius, on the authority of Apolina- rius and Tertullian, believed that the miracle was worked through the prayers of the Christian soldiers in the emperor's army. Rufinus does not give the name of Melitene to this legion, says Valesius, and probably he purposely omitted it, because he knew that Melitene was the name of a town in Armenia Minor, where the legion was stationed in his time. The emperor, it is said, made a report of his victory to the Senate, which we may believe, for such was the practice ; but we do not know what he said in his letter, for it is not extant. Dacier assumes that the emperor's letter was purposely destroyed by the Senate or the enemies of Christi- anity, that so honorable a testimony to the Chris- tians and their religion might not be perpetuated. The critic has however not seen that he contra- dicts himself when he tells us the purport of the letter, for he says that it was destroyed, and even Eusebius could not find it. But there does exist 14 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. a letter in Greek addressed by Antoninus to the Roman people and the sacred Senate after this memorable victory. It is sometimes printed after Justin's first Apology, but it is totally uncon- nected with the apologies. This letter is one of the most stupid forgeries of the many which exist, and it cannot be possibly founded even on the genuine report of Antoninus to the Senate. If it were genuine, it would free the emperor from the charge of persecuting men because they were Christians, for he says in this false letter that if a man accuse another only of being a Christian, and the accused confess, and there is nothing else against him, he must be set free ; with this monstrous addition, made by a man inconceivably ignorant, that the informer must be burnt alive. 1 During the time of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Antoninus there appeared the first Apology of Justinus, and under M. Antoninus the Oration of 1 Eusebius (v. 5) quotes Tertullian's Apology to the Roman Senate in confirmation of the story. Tertullian, he says, writes that letters of the emperor were extant, in which he declares that his army was saved by the prayers of the Christians ; and that he ' ' threatened to punish with death those who ventured to accuse us." It is possible that the forged letter which is now extant may be one of those which Tertullian had seen, for he uses the plural number, "letters." A great deal has been written about this miracle of the Thundering Legion, and more than is worth reading. There is a dissertation on this supposed miracle in Moyle's Works, London, 1726. MAR C US A UEELIUS ANTONINUS. 15 Tatian against the Greeks, which was a fierce attack on the established religions ; the address of Athenagoras to M. Antoninus on behalf of the Christians, and the Apology of Melito, bishop of Sardes, also addressed to the emperor, and that of Apolinarius. The first Apology of Justinus is addressed to T. Antoninus Pius and his two adopted sons M. Antoninus and L. Verus ; but we do not know whether they read it. 1 The second Apology of Justinus is entitled "to the Roman Senate ; " but this superscription is from some copyist. In the first chapter Justinus addresses the Romans. In the second chapter he speaks of an affair that had recently happened in the time of M. Antoninus and L. Verus, as it seems ; and he also directly addresses the emperor, saying of a certain woman, " she addressed a petition to thee the emperor, and thou didst grant the peti- tion." In other passages the writer addresses the two emperors, from which we must conclude that the Apology was directed to them. Eusebius (E. H. iv. 18) states that the second Apology was addressed to the successor of Antoninus Pius, and he names him Antoninus Verus, meaning M. An- toninus. In one passage of this second Apol- ogy (c. 8), Justinus, or the writer, whoever he 1 Orosius, vii. 14, says that "Justinus the philosopher pre- sented to Antoninus Pius his work in defence of the Chris- tian religion, and made him merciful to the Christians. 16 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. may be, says that even men who followed the Stoic doctrines, when they ordered their lives according to ethical reason, were hated and mur- dered, such as Heraclitus, Musonius in his own times, and others; for all those who in any way labored to live according to reason and avoided wickedness were always hated ; and this was the effect of the work of daemons. Justinus himself is said to have been put to death at Rome, because he refused to sacrifice to the gods. It cannot have been in the reign of Hadrian, as one authority states ; nor in the time of Antoninus Pius, if the second Apology was written in the time of M. Antoninus ; and there is evidence that this event took place under M. Antoninus and L. Verus, when Rusticus was praefect of the city. 1 1 See the Martyrium Sanctorum Justini, &c. , in the works of Justinus, ed. Otto, vol. II. 559. " Junius Rusticus Prae- fectus Urbi erat sub imperatoribus M. Aurelio et L. Vero, id quod liquet ex Themistii Orat. xxxiv. Dindorf. p. 451, et ex quodam illorum rescripto, Dig. 49. i. 1, 2 " (Otto). The rescript contains the words " Junium Rusticum amicum nostrum Praefectum Urbi." The Martyrium of Justinus and others is written in Greek. It begins, "In the time of the wicked defenders of idolatry impious edicts were published against the pious Christians both in cities and country places, for the purpose of compelling them to make offerings to vain idols. Accordingly the holy men (Justinus, Chariton, a woman Charito, Paeon, Liberianus, and others) were brought before Rusticus, the praefect of Rome." MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 17 The persecution in which Polycarp suffered at Smyrna belongs to the time of M. Antoninus. The evidence for it is the letter of the church of Smyrna to the churches of Philomelium and the other Christian churches, and it is preserved by Eusebius (E. H. iv. 15). But the critics do not agree about the time of Poly carp's death, differ- ing in the two extremes to the amount of twelve years. The circumstances of Polycarp's martyr- dom were accompanied by miracles, one of which Eusebius (iv. 15) has omitted, but it appears in the oldest Latin version of the letter, which Usher published, and it is supposed that this version was made not long after the time of Eusebius. The notice at the end of the letter states that it was transcribed by Caius from the copy of Irenaeus, the disciple of Polycarp, then transcribed by Socrates at Corinth ; " after which The Martyrium gives the examination of the accused by Rusticus. All of them professed to be Christians. Justinus was asked if he expected to ascend into heaven and to receive a reward for his sufferings, if he was condemned to death. He answered that he did not expect : he was certain of it. Finally, the test of obedience was proposed to the prisoners ; they were required to sacrifice to the gods. All refused, and Rusticus pronounced the sentence, which was that those who refused to sacrifice to the gods and obey the emperor's order should be whipped and beheaded according to the law. The martyrs were then led to the usual place of execution and beheaded. Some of the faithful secretly carried off the bodies and deposited them in a fit place. 18 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. I Pionius again wrote it out from the copy above mentioned, having searched it out by the revelation of Polycarp, who directed me to it," &c. The story of Polycarp's martyrdom is embellished with mirac- ulous circumstances which some modern writers on ecclesiastical history take the liberty of omitting. 1 In order to form a proper notion of the condi- tion of the Christians under M. Antoninus we must go back to Trajan's time. When the younger Pliny was governor of Bithynia, the Christians were numerous in those parts, and the worshippers of the old religion were falling off. The temples were deserted, the festivals neglected, and there were no purchasers of victims for sacri- fice. Those who were interested in the mainte- nance of the old religion thus found that their profits were in danger. Christians of both sexes and of all ages were brought before the governor, who did not know what to do with them. He could come to no other conclusion than this, that 1 Conyers Middleton, An Inquiry into the Miraculous Pow- ers, &c. p. 126. Middleton says that Eusebius omitted to mention the dove, which flew out of Polycarp's body, and Dodwell and Archbishop Wake have done the same. Wake says, " I am so little a friend to such miracles that I thought it better with Eusebius to omit that circumstance than to mention it from Bp. Usher's Manuscript," which manuscript however, says Middleton, he afterwards declares to be so well attested that we need not any further assurance of the truth of it. MAECUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 19 those who confessed to be Christians and perse- vered in their religion ought to be punished; if for nothing else, for their invincible obstinacy. He found no crimes proved against the Christians, and he could only characterize their religion as a depraved and extravagant superstition, which might be stopped if the people were allowed the opportunity of recanting. Pliny wrote this in a letter to Trajan (Plinius, Ep. x. 97). He asked for the emperor's directions, because he did not know what to do. He remarks that he had never been engaged in judicial inquiries about the Christians, and that accordingly he did not know what to inquire about or how far to inquire and punish. This proves that it was not a new thing to ex- amine into a man's profession of Christianity and to punish him for it.J Trajan's rescript is extant. He approved of the governor's judgment in the matter, but he said that no search must be made after the Christians ; if a man was charged with the new religion and convicted, he must not be punished if he affirmed that he was not a Christian 1 Orosius (vii. 12) speaks of Trajan's persecution of the Christians, and of Pliny's application to him having led the emperor to mitigate his severity. The punishment by the Mosaic law for those who attempted to seduce the Jews to follow new gods was death. If a man was secretly enticed to such new worship, he must kill the seducer, even if the seducer were brother, son, daughter, wife or friend. (Deut. xiii.) 20 BIOGEAPHICAL SKETCH. and confirmed his denial by showing his reverence to the heathen gods. He added that no notice must be taken of anonymous informations, for such things were of bad example. Trajan was a mild and sensible man; and both motives of mercy and policy probably also induced him to take as little notice of the Christians as he could, to let them live in quiet if it were possible. Trajan's rescript is the first legislative act of the head of the Roman state with reference to Chris- tianity, which is known to us. It does not appear that the Christians were further disturbed under his reign. The martyrdom of Ignatius by the order of Trajan himself is not universally admitted to be an historical fact. 1 In the time of Hadrian it was no longer possi- ble for the Roman government to overlook the great increase of the Christians and the hostility of the common sort to them. If the governors in the provinces were willing to let them alone, they could not resist the fanaticism of the heathen community, who looked on the Christians as atheists. The Jews too, who were- settled all over the Roman Empire, were as hostile to the Christians as the Gentiles were. 2 With the time 1 The Martyrium Ignatii, first published in Latin by Arch- bishop Usher, is the chief evidence for the circumstances of Ignatius' death. 2 We have the evidence of Justinus (ad Dioguetum, c. 5) MARCUS AURELIVS ANTONINUS. 21 of Hadrian begin the Christian Apologies, which show plainly what the popular feeling towards the Christians then was. A rescript of Hadrian to Minucius Fundanus, the Proconsul of Asia, which stands at the end of Justin's first Apology, 1 in- structs the governor that innocent people must not be troubled, and false accusers must not be allowed to extort money from them ; the charges against the Christians must be made in due form, and no attention must be paid to popular clamors ; when Christians were regularly prosecuted and con- victed of illegal acts, they must be punished according to their deserts ; and false accusers also must be punished. Antoninus Pius is said to have published rescripts to the same effect. The terms of Hadrian's rescript seem very favorable to to this effect : ' ' The Christians are attacked by the Jews as if they were men of a different race, and are persecuted by the Greeks ; and those who hate them cannot give the reason of their enmity." 1 And in Eusebius (E. H. iv. 8, 9). Orosius (vii. 13) says that Hadrian sent this rescript to Minucius Fundanus, pro- consul of Asia, after being instructed in books written on the Christian religion by Quadratus a disciple of the Apostles, and Aristides an Athenian, an honest and wise man, and Serenus Granius. In the Greek text of Hadrian's rescript there is mentioned Serenius Granianus, the predecessor of Minucius Fundanus in the government of Asia. This rescript of Hadrian has clearly been added to the Apology by some editor. The Apology ends with the words : 22 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. the Christians ; but if we understand it in this ^ sense, that they were only to be punished like other people for illegal acts, it would have had no meaning, for that could have been done with- out asking the emperor's advice. The real pur- pose of the rescript is that Christians must be punished if they persisted in their belief, and would not prove their renunciation of it by ac- knowledging the heathen religion. This was Trajan's rule, and we have no reason for suppos- ing that Hadrian granted more to the Christians than Trajan did. There is also printed at the end of Justin's first Apology a rescript of Anto- ninus Pius to the Commune of Asia (TO KOLVOV r^s 'Ao-ias), and it is also in Eusebius (E. H. iv. 13). The date of the rescript is the third consulship of Antoninus Pius. 1 The rescript declares that 1 Eusebius (E. H. iv. 12), after giving the beginning of Justinus' first Apology, which contains the address to T. Ai toninus and his two adopted sons, adds : " The same empei being addressed by other brethren in Asia honored the Coi mune of Asia with the following rescript." This rescri] which is in the next chapter of Eusebius (E. H. iv. 13), is the sole name of Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus August Armenius, though Eusebius had just before said that he wz going to give us a rescript of Antoninus Pius. There some material variations between the two copies of the script besides the difference in the title, which differem makes it impossible to say whether the forger intended assign this rescript to Pius or to M. Antoninus. The author of the Alexandrine Chronicum savs that MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 23 the Christians for they are meant, though the name Christians does not occur in the rescript were not to be disturbed unless they were attempt- ing something against the Roman rule ; and no man was to be punished simply for being a Christian. But this rescript is spurious. Any man moderately acquainted with Roman history will see by the style and tenor that it is a clumsy forgery. In the time of M. Antoninus the opposition be- tween the old and the new belief was still stronger, and the adherents of the heathen religion urged those in authority to a more regular resistance to the invasions of the Christian faith. Melito in his Apology to M. Antoninus represents the Christians of Asia as persecuted under new imperial orders. Shameless informers, he says, men who were greedy after the property of others, used these orders as a means of robbing those who were doing no harm. He doubts if a just emperor could have ordered anything so unjust; and if the last order was cus, being moved by the entreaties of Melito and other heads of the church, wrote an Epistle to the Commune of Asia in which he forbade the Christians to be troubled on account of their religion. Valesius supposes this to be the letter or rescript which is contained in Eusebius (iv. 13) , and to be the answer to the Apology of Melito, of which I shall soon give the substance. But Marcus certainly did not write this letter which is in Eusebius, and we know not what answer he made to Melito. 24 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. really not from the emperor, the Christians entreat him not to give them up to their enemies. 1 We conclude from this that there were at least im- perial rescripts or constitutions of M. Antoninus which were made the foundations of these perse- 1 Eusebius, iv. 26; and Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. I. and the notes. The interpretation of this Fragment is not easy. Mosheim misunderstood one passage so far as to affirm that Marcus promised rewards to those who denounced the Christians; an interpretation which is entirely false. Melito calls the Christian religion " our philosophy," which began among barbarians (the Jews), and flourished among the Roman subjects in the time of Augustus, to the great advantage of the empire, for from that time the power of the Romans grew great and glorious. He says that the emperor has and will have as the successor to Augustus' power the good wishes of men, if he will protect that philosophy which grew up with the empire and began with Augustus, which philosophy the predecessors of Antoninus honored in addition to the other religions. He further says that the Christian religion had suffered no harm since the time of Augustus, but on the contrary had enjoyed all honor and respect that any man could desire. Nero and Domitian, he says, were alone persuaded by some malicious men to calumniate the Christian religion, and this was the origin of the false charges against the Christians. But this was corrected by the emperors who immediately preceded Antoni- nus, who often by their rescripts reproved those who at- tempted to trouble the Christians. Hadrian, Antoninus' grandfather, wrote to many, and among them to Fundanus the governor of Asia. Antoninus Pius, when Marcus was associated with him in the empire, wrote to the cities that they must not trouble the Christians ; among others, to the people of Larissa, Thessalonica, the Athenians, and all the MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 25 cutions. The fact of being a Christian was now a crime and punished, unless the accused denied their religion. Then come the persecutions at Smyrna, which some modern critics place in A. D. 167, ten years before the persecution of Lyon. The governors of the provinces under M. Anto- ninus might have found enough even in Trajan's rescript to warrant them in punishing Christians, and the fanaticism of the people would drive them to persecution, even if they were unwilling. But besides the fact of the Christians rejecting all the heathen ceremonies, we must not forget that they plainly maintained that all the heathen religions were false. The Christians thus declared war against the heathen rites, and it is hardly necessary to observe that this was a declaration of Greeks. Melito concluded thus: "We are persuaded that thou who hast about these things the same mind that they had, nay rather one much more humane and philosophical, wilt do all that we ask thee." This Apology was written after A.D. 169, the year in which Verus died, for it speaks of Marcus only and his son Commodus. According to Melito's testimony, Christians had only been punished for their religion in the time of Nero and Domitian, and the persecu- tions began again in the time of M. Antoninus, and were founded on his orders, which were abused, as he seems to mean. He distinctly affirms " that the race of the godly is now persecuted and harassed by fresh imperial orders in Asia, a thing which had never happened before." But we know that all this is not true, and that Christians had punished in Trajan's time. 26 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. hostility against the Roman government, which tolerated all the various forms of superstition that existed in the empire, and could not consistently tolerate another religion, which declared that all the rest were false and all the splendid ceremonies of the empire only a worship of devils. If we had a true ecclesiastical history, we should know how the Roman emperors attempted to check the new religion ; how they enforced their principle of finally punishing Christians, simply as Christians, which Justin in his Apology affirms that they did, and I have no doubt that he tells the truth ; how far popular clamor and riots went in this matter, and how far many fanatical and ignorant Christians for there were many such contributed to excite the fanaticism on the other side and to imbitter the quarrel between the Roman government and the new religion. Our extant ecclesiastical histories are manifestly falsified, and what truth they contain is grossly exaggerated ; but the fact is certain that in the time of M. Antoninus the heathen populations were in open hostility to the Christians, and that under Antoninus' rule men were put' to death because they were Christians. Eusebius, in the preface to his fifth book, remarks that in the seventeenth year of Antoninus' reign, in some parts of the world, the persecution of the Chris- tians became more violent, and that it proceeded MARCUS AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 27 from the populace in the cities ; and he adds, in his usual style of exaggeration, that we may infer from what took place in a single nation that myriads of martyrs were made in the habitable earth. The nation which he alludes to is Gallia ; and he then proceeds to give the letter of the churches of Vienna and Lugdunum. It is proba- ble that he has assigned the true cause of the persecutions, the fanaticism of the populace, and that both governors and emperor had a great deal of trouble with these disturbances. How far Marcus was cognizant of these cruel proceedings we do not know, for the historical records of his reign are very defective. He did not make the rule against the Christians, for Trajan did that; and if we admit that he would have been willing to let the Christians alone, we cannot affirm that it was in his power, for it would be a great mis- take to suppose that Antoninus had the unlimited authority which some modern soverigns have had. His power was limited by certain constitutional forms, by the Senate, arid by the precedents of his predecessors. We cannot admit that such a man was an active persecutor, for there is no evidence that he was, 1 though it is certain that he had no 1 Except that of Orosius (vii. 15), who says that during the Parthian war there were grievous persecutions of the Christiana in Asia and Gallia under the orders of Marcus (praecepto ejus), and " many were crowned with the martyr- dom of sainta." 28 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. good opinion of the Christians, as appears from his own words. 1 But he knew nothing of them except their hostility to the Roman religion, and he probably thought that they were dangerous to 1 See xi. 3. The emperor probably speaks of such fanatics as Clemens (quoted by Gataker on this passage) mentions. The rational Christians admitted no fellowship with them, "Some of these heretics," says Clemens, "show their im- piety and cowardice by loving their lives, saying that the knowledge of the really existing God is true testimony (martyrdom) , but that a man is a self-murderer who bears witness by his death. We also blame those who rush to death; for there are some, not of us, but only bearing the same name, who give themselves up. We say of them that they die without being martyrs, even if they are publicly punished; and they give themselves up to a death which avails nothing, as the Indian Gymnosophists give themselves up foolishly to fire." Cave, in his primitive Christianity (ii. c. 7), Bays of the Christians: "They did flock to the place of torment faster than droves of beasts that are driven to the shambles. They even longed to be in the arms of suffering. Ignatius, though then in his journey to Rome in order to his execution, yet by the way as he went could not but vent his passionate desire of it : ' Oh that I might come to those wild beasts that are prepared for me; I heartily wish that I may presently meet with them ; I would invite and encourage them speedily to devour me, and not be afraid to set upon me as they have been to others ; nay, should they refuse it, I would even force them to it ; ' " and more to the same purpose from Eusebius. Cave, an honest and good man, says all this in praise of the Christians; but I think that he mistook the matter. We admire a man who holds to his principles even to death ; but these fanatical Christians are the Gyranosophists whom Clemens treats with disdain. MAECUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 29 the state, notwithstanding the professions false or true of some of the Apologists. So much I have said, because it would be unfair not to state all that can be urged against a man whom his con- temporaries and subsequent ages venerated as a model of virtue and benevolence. If I admitted the genuineness of some documents, he would be altogether clear from the charge of even allowing any persecutions ; but as I seek the truth and am sure that they are false, I leave him to bear what- ever blame is his due. 1 I add that it is quite cer- tain that Antoninus did not derive any of his ethical principles from a religion of which he knew nothing. 2 There is no doubt that the Emperor's Reflec- tions or his Meditations, as they are generally named is a genuine work. In the first book he speaks of himself, his family, and his teachers ; and in other books he mentions himself. Suidas (v. Mct/oKos) notices a work of Antoninus in twelve books, which he names the " conduct of his own 1 Dr. F. C. Baur, in his work entitled " Das Christenthum und die Christliche Kirche der drei ersten Jahrhunderte," &c., has examined this question with great good sense and fairness, and I believe he has stated the truth as near as our authorities enable us to reach it. 2 In the Digest, 48, 19, 3Q, there is the following excerpt from Modestinus : " Si quis aliquid fecerit, quo leves homi- num animi superstitione numinis terrerentur, divus Marcus hujusmodi homines in insulam relegari rescripsit." 30 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. life ; " and he cites the book under several words in his Dictionary, giving the emperor's name, but not the title of the work. There are also passages cited by Suidas from Antoninus without mention of the emperor's name. The true title of the work is unknown. Xy lander, who published the first edition of this book (Zurich, 1558, 8vo, with a Latin version), used a manuscript which con- tained the twelve books, but it is not known where the manuscript is now. The only other complete manuscript which is known to exist is in the Vatican library, but it has no title and no inscriptions of the several books : the eleventh only has the inscription Ma/a/Ta0-t'cu) and to form a right judgment of them, to make just conclusions, and to inquire into the meanings of words, and so far to apply Dialetic ; but he has no 'attempt at any exposition of Dialectic, and his philosophy is in substance purely moral and prac- tical. He says (viii. 13), "Constantly and, if it be possible, on the occasion of every impression on the soul, 1 apply to it the principles of Physic, of Ethic, and of Dialectic : " which is only another way of telling us to examine the impression in every possible way. In another passage (iii. 11) he says, "To the aids which have been mentioned, let this one still be added: make for thyself a definition or description of the object (TO avrao-ToV) which is presented to thee, so as to see distinctly what kind of a thing it is in its substance, in its 1 The original is tiri irdvys a.vTa.aiv curia, for it is not only the sensuous ap- pearance which comes from an external object, which object is called rb a.vTav, but it is also the thought or feeling or opinion which is produced even when there is no corre- ponding external object before us. Accordingly everything which moves the soul is avraffr6v f and produces a ^avraaia. In this extract Antoninus says v(r<.o\oye'ii>, iradoXoyeiv, 5ia- \fKTiKefaa T(av 6v7b}i> dwdyruv TTJV TrpuTTjv 'iXyv. In viii. 11, Antoninus speaks of rb ownwSes Kal v\ti<6v, " the substantial and the ma- terial;" and (vii. 10) he says that "everything material" (cj/uXov) disappears in the substance of the whole (ry rS>v S\uv owl?) . The ofiffia is the generic name of that existence which we assume as the highest or ultimate, because we conceive no existence which can be co-ordinated with it and none above it. It is the philosopher's " substance : " it is the ultimate expression for that which we conceive or suppose to be the basis, the being of a thing. "From the Divine, which is substance in itself, or the only and sole substance, all and everything that is created exists" (Swedenborg, Angelic Wisdom, 198). 48 PHILOSOPHY. (KOO-/XOS). If he ever seems to use these general terms as significant of the All, of all that man can in any way conceive to exist, he still on other occasions plainly distinguishes between Matter, Material things (v\rj, vXiKoV), and Cause, Origin, Reason (ama amwSes, Aoyos). 1 This is conformable to Zeno's doctrine that there are two original principles (px a O of a ll things, that which acts 1 I remark, in order to anticipate any misapprehension, that all these general terms involve a contradiction. The " one and all," and the like, and "the whole," imply limita- tion. "One "is limited; "all" is limited; the "whole "is limited. We cannot help it. We cannot find words to ex- press that which we cannot fully conceive. The addition of "absolute" or any other such word does not mend the matter. Even the word God is used by most people, often unconsciously, in such a way that limitation is implied, and yet at the same time words are added which are intended to deny limitation. A Christian martyr, when he was asked what God was, is said to have answered that God has no name like a man; and Justin says the same (Apol. ii. 6), " the names Father, God, Creator, Lord, and Master are not names, but appellations derived from benefactions and acts." (Compare Seneca, De Benef. iv. 8.) We can conceive the existence of a thing, or rather we may have the idea of an existence, without an adequate notion of it, "adequate" meaning coextensive and coequal with the thing. We have a notion of limited space derived from the dimensions of what we call a material thing, though of space absolute, if I may use the term, we have no notion at all ; and of infinite space the notion is the same, no notion at all; and yet we conceive it in a sense, though I know not how, and we believe that space is infinite, and we cannot conceive it to be finite, MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 49 (TO TTOIOW) and that which is acted upon (TO TTCUTXOV). That which is acted on is the formless batter (^): that which acts is the reason l(Ao'yos), God, who is eternal and operates through all matter, and produces all things. So Antoninus (v. 32) speaks of the reason (Aoyos) which per- vades all substance (ova-fa) 9 and through all time by fixed periods (revolutions) administers the uni- verse (TO TTO.V). God is eternal, and Matter is eternal. It is God who gives form to matter, but he is not said to have created matter. According to this view, whicITTs as olcTas'Tlhaxagoras, God and matter exist independently, but God governs matter. This doctrine is simply the expression of the fact of the existence both of matter and of God. The Stoics did not perplex themselves with the insoluble question of the origin and nature of matter. 1 Antoninus also assumes a beginning of 1 The notions of matter and of space are inseparable. We derive the notion of space from matter and form. But we have no adequate conception either of matter or of space. Matter in its ultimate resolution is as unintelligible as what men call mind, spirit, or by whatever other name they may express the power which makes itself known by acts. Anax- agoras laid down the distinction between intelligence (voOs) and matter, and he said that intelligence impressed motion on matter, and so separated the elements of matter and gave them order; but he probably "only assumed a beginning, as Simplicius says, as a foundation of his philosophical teach- ing. Empedocles said, " The universe always existed." He had no idea of what is called creation. Ocellus Lucanus 50 PHILOSOPHY. things, as we now know them ; but his language is sometimes very obscure. I have endeavored to explain the meaning of one difficult passage (vii. 75, and the note). Matter consists of elemental parts (cn-oc^etd) of which all material objects are made. But nothing is permanent in form. The nature of the uni- verse, according to Antoninus' expression (iv. 36), "loves nothing so much as to change the things which are, and to make new things like them. For everything that exists is in a manner the seed of that which will be. But thou art thinking only of seeds which are cast into the earth or into a womb ; but this is a very vulgar notion." All things then are in a constant flux and change: some things are dissolved into the elements, others come in their places ; and so the " whole universe continues ever young and perfect " (xii. 23). Antoninus has some obscure expressions about (1, 2) maintained that the Universe (TO TTCIJ/) was imperish- able and uncreated. Consequently it is eternal. He admitted the existence of God ; but his theology would require some discussion. On the contrary, the Brachmans, according to Strabo (p, 713, ed. Gas.), taught that the. universe was created and perishable; and the creator and administrator of it pervades the whole. The author of the book of Solomon's Wisdom says (xi. 17) : " Thy Almighty hand made the world of matter without form," which may mean that matter existed already. The common Greek word which we translate "matter "is v\-rj. It is the stuff that things are made of. M MIC US AURELIUS ANTOXINUS. 51 what he calls " seminal principles " Xoyoi). He opposes them to the Epicurean atoms (vi. 24), and consequently his " seminal princi- ples " are not material atoms which wander about at hazard, and combine nobody knows how. In one passage (iv. 21) he speaks of living principles, souls (^at) after the dissolution of their bodies being received into the " seminal principle of the universe." Schultz thinks that by " seminal prin- ciples Antoninus means the relations of the various elemental principles, which relations are determined by the Deity and by which alone the production of organized beings is possible." This may be the meaning ; but if it is, nothing of any value can be derived from it. 1 Antoninus often uses the word " Nature " (Averts), and we must attempt to fix its meaning. The simple etymological sense of all sequences of Phenomena to the laws of Nature, or to the other words that people may use, is absolutely absurd. 1 Now, though there is great difficulty in under- standing all the passages of Antoninus, in which he speaks of Nature, of the changes of things and of the economy of the universe, I am convinced that his sense of Nature and Natural is the same as that which I have stated ; and as he was a man who knew how to use words in a clear way and with strict consistency, we ought to assume, even if his meaning in some passages is doubtful, that his view of Nature was in harmony with his fixed belief in the all-pervading, ever present, and ever active energy of God. (ii. 4 ; iv. 40 ; x. 1 ; vi. 40 ; and other passages. Compare Seneca, De Benef. iv. 7. Swedenborg, Angelic Wisdom, 349 - 357.) 1 Time and space are the conditions of our thought ; but time infinite and space infinite cannot be objects of thought, except in a very imperfect way. Time and space must not in any way be thought of when we think of the Deity. Swedenborg says, " The natural man may believe that he would have no thought, if the ideas of time, of space, and of things material were taken away; for upon those is founded all the thought that man has. But let him know that the thoughts are limited and confined in proportion as they partake of time, of space, and of what is material ; and that they are not limited and are extended, in proportion as they do not partake of those things ; since the mind is so far elevated above the things corporeal and worldly'' (Concern- ing Heaven and Hell, 169). 56 PHILOSOPHY. There is much in Antoninus that is hard to understand, and it might be said that he did not fully comprehend all that he wrote ; which would however be in no way remarkable, for it happens now that a man may write what neither he nor anybody can understand. Antoninus tells us (xii. 10) to look at things and see what they are, resolving them into the material (^77), the casual (OUTIOV), and the relation (avaopd), or the purpose, by which he seems to mean something in the nature of what we call effect, or end. The word Cause (ama) is the difficulty. There is the same word in the Sanscrit (htu) ; and the subtle phil- osophers of India and of Greece, and the less subtle philosophers of modern times, have all used this word, or an equivalent word, in a vague way. Yet the confusion sometimes may be in the inevitable ambiguity of language rather than in the mind of the writer, for I cannot think that some of the wisest of men did not know what they intended to say. When Antoninus says (iv. 36), "that everything that exists is in a manner the seed of that which will be," he might be supposed to say what some of the Indian philosophers have said, and thus a profound truth might be con- verted into a gross absurdity. But he says, " in a manner," and in a manner he said true ; and in another manner, if you mistake his meaning, he said false. When Plato said, "Nothing ever is, MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 57 but is always becoming " (ad ytyvcrat), he delivered a text, out of which we may derive something ; for he destroys by it not all practical, but all speculative notions of cause and effect. The whole series of things, as they appear to us, must be contemplated in time, that is in succession, and we conceive or suppose intervals between one state of things and another state of things, so that there is priority and sequence, and inter- val, and Being, and a ceasing to Be, and begin- ing and ending. But there is nothing of the kind in the Nature of Things. It is an everlast- ing continuity (iv. 45 ; vii. 75). When Antoninus speaks of generation (x. 26), he speaks of one cause ( ama) acting, and then another cause taking up the work, which the former left in a certain state, and so on ; and we might perhaps conceive that he had some notion like what has been called "the self -evolving power of nature ; " a fine phrase indeed, the full import of which I believe that the writer of it did not see, and thus he laid himself open to the imputation of being a follower of one of the Hindu sects, which makes all things come by evolution out of nature or matter, or out of something which takes the place of Deity, but is not Deity. I would have all men think as they please, or as they can, and I only claim the same freedom which I give. When a man writes anything, we may fairly try to find out 58 PHILOSOPHY. all that his words must mean, even if the result is that they mean what he did not mean ; and if we find this contradiction, it is not our fault, but his misfortune. Now Antoninus is perhaps some- what in this condition in what he says (x. 26), though he speaks at the end of the paragraph of the power which acts, unseen by the eyes, but still no less clearly. But whether in this passage (x. 26) he means that the power is conceived to be in the different successive causes (CUTMU), or in some- thing else, nobody can tell. From other passages, however, I do collect that his notion of the phe- nomena of the universe is what I have stated. The Deity works unseen, if we may use such language, and perhaps I may, as Job did, or he who wrote the book of Job. "In him we live and move and are," said St. Paul to the Athenians; and to show his hearers that this was no new doc- trine, he quoted the Greek poets. One of these poets was the Stoic Cleanthes, whose noble hymn to Zeus, or God, is an elevated expression of de- votion and philosophy. It deprives Nature of her power, and puts her under the immediate govern- ment of the Deity. " Thee all this heaven, which whirls around the earth, Obeys and willing follows where thou leadest. Without thee, God, nothing is done on earth, Nor hi the ethereal realms, nor in the sea, Save what the wicked through their folly do." Antoninus' conviction of the existence of a di- MARCUS A UEELIUS ANTONINUS. 59 vine power and government was founded on his perception of the order of the universe. Like Socrates (Xen. Mem. iv. 3, 13, &c.), he says that though we cannot see the forms of divine powers, we know that they exist because we see their works. " To those who ask, Where hast thou seen the gods, or how dost thou comprehend that they ex- ist and so worshippest them ? I answer, in the first place, that they may be seen even with the eyes ; in the second place, neither have I seen my own soul, and yet I honor it. Thus then with respect to the gods, from what I constantly experience of their power, from this I comprehend that they ex- ist, arid I venerate them." (xii. 28, and the note. Comp. Aristotle de Mundo, c. 6 ; Xen. Mem. i. 4, 9 ; Cicero, Tuscul. i. 28, 29 ; St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, i. 19, 20 ; and Montaigne's Apology for Raimond de Sebonde, ii. c. 12.) This is a very old argument, which has always had great weight with most people, and has appeared sufficient. It does not acquire the least additional strength by being developed in a learned treatise. It is as intelligible in its simple enunciation as it can be made. If it is rejected, there is no arguing with him who rejects it: and if it is worked out into innumerable particulars, the value of the evidence runs the risk of being buried under a mass of words. 60 PHILOSOPHY. Man being conscious that he is a spiritual power or an intellectual power, or that he has such a power, in whatever way he conceives that he has it, for I wish simply to state a fact, from this power which he has in himself, he is led, as Anto- ninus says, to believe that there is a greater power, which, as the old Stoics tell us, pervades the whole universe as the intellect 1 (vos) pervades man. 1 I have always translated the word vovs, " intelligence" or "intellect." It appears to be the word used by the oldest Greek philosophers to express the notion of "intelligence" as opposed to the notion of " matter." I have always trans- lated the word X67os by "reason," and Xoyixh by the word "rational," or perhaps sometimes "reasonable," as I have translated voep6s by the word " intellectual." Every man who has thought and has read any philosophical writings knows the difficulty of finding words to express certain notions, how imperfectly words express these notions, and how care, lessly the words are often used. The various senses of the word X67os are enough to perplex any man. Our translators of the New Testament (St. John, c. i.) have simply trans- lated 6 \67os by " the word," as the Germans translated it by "das Wort;" but in their theological writings they some- times retain the original term Logos. The Germans have a term Vernunft, which seems to come nearest to our word Reason, or the necessary and absolute truths which we can- not conceive as being other than what they are. Such are what some people have called the laws of thought, the con- ceptions of space and of time, and axioms or first principles, which need no proof and cannot be proved or denied. Ac- cordingly the Germans can say, " Gott ist die hochste Ver- nunft," the Supreme Reason. The Germans have also a word Verstand, which seems to represent our word "under- standing," "intelligence," ''intellect," not as a thing abso- MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 61 (Compare Epictetus' Discourses, i. 14 ; and Vol- taire a Mad e . Necker, vol. Ixvii. p. 278, ed. Lequien.) God exists then, but what do we know of his nature? Antoninus says that the soul of man is an efflux from the divinity. We have bodies like animals, but we have reason, intelligence, as the gods. Animals have life (^x 7 ?)? an( i what we call lute which exists by itself, but as a thing connected with an individual being, as a man. Accordingly it is the capacity of receiving impressions (Vorsteliungen, avra.(rlai), and forming from them distinct ideas (Begriffe) , and perceiving differences. I do not think that these remarks will help the reader to the understanding of Antoninus, or his use of the words wOj and \&yos. The emperor's meaning must be got from his own words, and if it does not agree altogether with modern notions, it is not our business to force it into agreement, but simply to find out what his meaning is, if we can. Justinus (ad Diognetum, c. vii.) says that the omnipotent, all-creating, and invisible God has fixed truth and the holy, incomprehensible Logos in men's hearts; and this Logos is the architect and creator of the Universe. Iii the first Apology (c. xxxli.) he says that the seed (cnr^/za) from God is the Logos, which dwells in those who believe in God. So it appears that according to Justinus the Logos is only in such believers. In the second Apology (c. viii.) he speaks of the seed of the Logos being implanted in all mankind ; but those who order their lives according to Logos, such as the Stoics, have only a portion of the Logos (/card ffirepfMTiKov \6yov /^pos), and have not the knowledge and contemplation of the entire Logos, which is. Christ. Swedenborg's remarks (Angelic Wisdom, 240) are worth comparing with Justinus. The modern philosopher in substance agrees with the an- cient , but, he is more precise. 62 PHILOSOPHY. instincts or natural principles of action : but the rational animal man alone has a rational, intelli- gent soul (/^x^ ^oytAoj, vocpa). Antoninus insists on this continually: God is in man, 1 and so we must constantly attend to the divinity within us, for it is only in this way that we can have any knowledge of the nature of God. The human soul is in a sense a portion of the divinity, and the soul alone has any communication with the Deity ; for as he says (xii. 2) : " With his intellectual part alone God touches the intelligence only which has flowed and been derived from himself into these bodies." In fact he says that which is hidden with- in a man is life, that is, the man himself. All the rest is vesture, covering, organs, instrument, which the living man, the real 2 man, uses for the purpose of his present existence. The air is universally diffused for him who is able to respire ; and so for him who is willing to partake of it the intelligent power, which holds within it all things, is diffused as wide and free as the air (viii. 54). It is by liv- ing a divine life that man approaches to a knowl- 1 Comp. Ep. to the Corinthians, i. 3. 17, and James iv. 8, " Draw nigh to God and he will draw nigh to you." 2 This is also Swedenborg's doctrine of the soul. " As to what concerns the soul, of which it is said that it shall live after death, it is nothing else but the man himself, who lives in the body, that is, the interior man, who by the body acts in the world and from whom the body itself lives " (quoted MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 63 edge of the divinity. 1 It is by following the divinity within, ufuy or 0eos, as Antoninus calls it, that man comes nearest to the Deity, the supreme good ; for man can never attain to perfect agree- ment with his internal guide (TO ^ye/Aw/coV). " Live by Clissold, p. 456 of " The Practical Nature of the Theo- logical Writings of Emanuel Swedenborg, in a Letter to the Archbishop of Dublin (Whately)," second edition, 1859; a book which theologians might read with profit). This is an old doctrine of the soul, which has been often proclaimed, but never better expressed than by the " Auctor de Mundo." c. 6, quoted by Gataker in his "Antoninus," p. 436. The soul by which we live and have cities and houses is invisible, but it is seen by its works; for the whole method of life has been devised by it and ordered, and by it is held to- gether. In like manner we must think also about the Deity, who in power is most mighty, in beauty most comely, in life immortal, and in virtue supreme : wherefore though he is invisible to human nature, he is seen by his very works.'' Other passages to the same purpose are quoted by Gataker (p. 382). Bishop Butler has the same as to the soul : " Up- on the whole, then, our organs of sense and our limbs are certainly instruments, which the living persons, ourselves, make use of to perceive and move with." If this is not plain enough, he also says: "It follows that our organized bodies are no more ourselves, or part of ourselves, than any other matter around us." (Compare Anton, x. 38). 1 The reader may consult Discourse V. "Of the existence and nature of God," in John Smith's " Select Discourses." He has prefixed as a text to this Discourse, the striking pas- sage of Agapetus, Paraenes. 3 : "He who knows himself will know God ; and he who knows God will be made like to God; and he will be made like to God, who has become worthy God; and he becomes worthy of God, who does 64 PHILOSOPHY. with the gods. And he does live with the gods who constantly shows to them that his own soul is satisfied with that which is assigned to him, and that it does all the daemon (Sai/xcov) wishes, which Zeus hath given to every man for his guardian and guide, a portion of himself. And this daemon is every man's understanding and reason" (v. 27). There is in man, that is in the reason, the intel- ligence, a superior faculty which if it is exercised rules all the rest. This is the ruling faculty (TO lyye/xoviKoV) , which Cicero (De Natura Deorum, ii. 11) renders by the Latin word Principatus, " to which nothing can or ought to be superior." Antoninus often uses this term and others which are equiv- alent. He names it (vii. 64) "the governing intel- ligence." The governing faculty is the master of the soul (v. 26). A man must reverence only his ruling faculty and the divinity within him. As we must reverence that which is supreme in the uni- verse, so we must reverence that which is supreme in ourselves ; and this is that which is of like kind with that which is supreme in the universe (v. 21). So, as Plotinus says, the soul of man can only know nothing unworthy of God, but thinks the tilings that are his, and speaks what he thinks, and does what he speaks." I suppose that the old saying, " Knew thyself," which is attrib- uted to Socrates and others, had a larger meaning than the narrow sense which is generally given to it. (Agapetus, ed. Stephan. Schoning, Franeker, 1608. This volume contains also the Paraeneses of Nilus.) MARCUS AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 65 the divine so far as it knows itself. In one passage (xi. 19) Antoninus speaks of a man's condemnation of himself when the diviner part within him has been overpowered and yields to the less honorable and to the perishable part, the body, and its gross pleasures. In a word, the views of Antoninus on this matter, however his expressions may vary, are exactly what Bishop Butler expresses when he speaks of " the natural supremacy of reflection or conscience," of the faculty " which surveys, ap- proves, or disapproves the several affections of ou*: mind and actions of our lives." Much matter might be collected from Antoni- nus on the notion of the Universe being one animated Being. But all that he says amounts to no more, as Schultz remarks, than this : the soul of man is most intimately united to his body, and together they make one animal, which we call man ; so the Deity is most intimately united to the world, or the material universe, and together they form one whole. But Antoninus did not view God and the material universe as the same, any more than he viewed the body and soul of man as one. Antoninus has no speculations on the absolute nature of the Deity. It was not his fashion to waste his time on -what man cannot understand. 1 He was satisfied that God exists, 1 " God, who is infinitely beyond the reach of our narrow capacities " (Locke, Essay concerning the Human Under- standing, ii. chap. 17), 66 PHILOSOPHY. that he governs all things, that man can only have an imperfect knowledge of his nature, and he must attain this imperfect knowledge by rever- encing the divinity which is within him, and keep- ing it pure. From all that has been said, it follows that the universe is administered by the Providence of God (77y>oVota), and that all things are wisely ordered. There are passages in which Antoni- nus expresses doubts, or states different possible theories of the constitution and government of the universe ; but he always recurs to his funda- mental principle, that if we admit the existence of a deity, we must also admit that he orders all tilings wisely and well (iv. 27 ; vi. 1 ; ix. 28 ; xii. 5; and many other passages). Epic.tetus says (i. 6) that we can discern the providence which rules the world, if we possess two things, the power of seeing all that happens with respect to each thing, and a grateful disposition. But if all things are wisely ordered, how is the world so full of what we call evil, physical and moral ? If instead of saying that there is evil in the world, we use the expression which I have used, " what we call evil," we have partly antici- pated the emperor's answer. We see and feel and know imperfectly very few things in the few years that we live, and all the knowledge and all the experience of all the human race is positive MAE C US AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 67 ignorance of the whole, which is infinite. Now. as our reason teaches us that everything is in some way related to and connected with every other thing, all notion of evil as being in the universe of things is a contradiction; for if the whole comes from and is governed by an intelli- gent being, it is impossible to conceive anything in it which tends to the evil or destruction of the whole (viii. 55; x. 6). Everything is in constant mutation, and yet the whole subsists. We might imagine the solar system resolved into its elemen- tal parts, and yet the whole would still subsist " ever young and perfect." All things, all forms, are dissolved and new forms appear. All living things undergo the change which we call death. If we call death an evil, then all change is an evil. Living beings also suffer pain, and man suffers most of all, for he suffers both in and by his body and by his intelligent part. Men suffer also from one an- other, and perhaps the largest part of human suffering comes to man from those whom he calls his brothers. Antoninus says (viii. 55), " Gen- erally, wickedness does no harm at all to the uni- verse; and particularly, the wickedness [of one man] does no harm to another. It is only harmful to him who has it in his" power to be released from it as soon as he shall choose." The first part of this is perfectly consistent with the doctrine that 68 PHILOSOPHY. the whole can sustain no evil or harm. The second part must be explained by the Stoic principle that there is no evil in anything which is not in our power. What wrong we suffer from another is his evil, not ours. But this is an admission that there is evil in a sort, for he who does wrong does evil, arid if others can endure the wrong, still there is evil in the wrong-doer. Antoninus (xi. 18) gives many excellent precepts with respect to wrongs and injuries, and his precepts are practical. He teaches us to bear what we cannot avoid, and his lessons may be just as useful to him who denies the being and the government of God as to him who believes in both. There is no direct answer in Antoninus to the objections which may be made to the existence and providence of God because of the moral disorder and suffering which are in the world, except this answer which he makes in reply to the supposition that even the best men may be extinguished by death. He says if it is so, we may be sure that if it ought to have been otherwise, the gods would have ordered it otherwise (xii. 5). His conviction of the wisdom which we may observe in the govern- ment of the world is too strong to be disturbed by any apparent irregularities in the order of things. That these disorders exist is a fact, and those who would conclude from them against the being and government of God conclude too has- MAR CUP! AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 69 tily. We all admit that there is an order in the material world, a Nature, in the sense in which that word has been explained, a constitution (Karao-Kevi;), what we call a system, a relation of parts to one another and a fitness of the whole for something. So in the constitution of plants and of animals there is an order, a fitness for some end. Sometimes the order, as we conceive it, is inter- rupted and the end, as we conceive it, is not attained. The seed, the plant, or the animal sometimes perishes before it has passed through all its changes and done all its uses. It is accord- ing to Nature, that is a fixed order, for some to perish early and for others to do all their uses and leave successors to take their place. So man has a corporeal and intellectual and moral constitution fit for certain uses, and on the whole man per- forms these uses, dies, and leaves other men in his place. So society exists, and a social state is manifestly the natural state of man, the state for which his nature fits him, and society amidst in- numerable irregularities and disorders still sub- sists ; and perhaps we may say that the history of the past and our present knowledge give us a reasonable hope that its disorders will diminish, and that order, its governing principle, may be more firmly established. As order then, a fixed or- der, we may say, subject to deviations real or appar- ent, must be admitted to exist in the whole nature 70 PHILOSOPHY. of things, that which we call disorder or evil, as it seems to us, does not in any way alter the fact of the general constitution of things having a nature or fixed order. Nobody will conclude from the existence of disorder that order is not the rule, for the existence of order both physical and moral is proved by daily experience and all past experience. We cannot conceive how the order of the universe is maintained : we cannot even conceive how our own life from day to day is continued, nor how we perform the simplest movements of the body, nor how we grow and think and act, though we know many of the conditions which are necessary for all these functions. Knowing nothing then of the unseen power which acts in ourselves except by what is done, we know nothing of the power which acts through what we call all time and all space ; but seeing that there is a nature or fixed order in all things known to us, it is conformable to the na- ture of our minds to believe that this universal Nature has a cause which operates continually, and that we are totally unable to speculate on the rea- son of any of those disorders or evils which we per- ceive. This I believe is the answer which may be collected from all that Antoninus has said. 1 1 Cleauthes says in his Hymn : " For all things good and bad to One thou formest, So that One everlasting reason governs all." See Bishop Butler's Sermons. Sermon XV., "Upon the Ignorance of Man." MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 71 The origin of evil is an old question. Achilles tells Priam (Iliad, 24, 527) that Zeus has two casks, one filled with good things, and the other with bad, and that he gives to men out of each according to his pleasure ; and so we must be content, for we cannot alter the will of Zeus. One of the Greek commentators asks how must we reconcile this doctrine with what we find in the first book of the Odyssey, where the king of the gods says, Men say that evil comes to them from us, but they bring it on themselves through their own folly. The answer is plain enough even to the Greek commentator. The poets make both Achilles and Zeus speak appropriately to their several characters. Indeed, Zeus says plainly that men do attribute their sufferings to the gods, but they do it falsely, for they are the cause of their own sorrows. Epictetus in his Enchiridion (c. 27) makes short work of the question of evil. He says, " As a mark is not set up for the purpose of missing it, so neither does the nature of evil exist in the uni- verse." This will appear obscure enough to those who are not acquainted with Epictetus, but he always knows what he is talking about. We do not set up a mark in order to miss it, though we may miss it. God, whose existence Epictetus assumes, has not ordered all things so that his purpose shall fail. Whatever there may be of |2 PHILOSOPHY. what we call evil, the nature of evil, as he expresses it, does not exist ; that is, evil is not a part of the constitution or nature of things. If there were a principle of evil (a-pxyi) in the consti- tution of things, evil would no longer be evil, as Simplicius argues, but evil would be good. Sim- plicius (c. 34, [27]) has a long and curious dis- course on this text of Epictetus, and it is amusing and instructive. One passage more will conclude this matter. It contains all that the emperor could say (ii. 11) : " To go from among men, if there are gods, is not a thing to be afraid of, for the gods will not involve thee in evil ; but if indeed they do not exist, or if they have no concern about human affairs, what is it to me to live in a universe devoid of gods or devoid of providence ? But in truth they do exist, and they do care for human things, and they have put all the means in man's power to enable him not to fall into real evils. And as to the rest, if there was anything evil, they would have provided for this also, that it should be altogether in a man's power not to fall into it. But that which does not make a man worse, how can it make a man's life worse ? But neither through ignorance, nor having the knowl- edge but not the power to guard against or correct these things, is it possible that the nature of the universe has overlooked them ; nor is it possible MAE C US AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 73 that it has made so great a mistake, either through want of power or want of skill, that good and evil should happen indiscriminately to the good and the bad. But death certainly and life, honor and dishonor, pain and pleasure, all these things equally happen to good and bad men, being things which make us neither better nor worse. There- fore they are neither good nor evil." "fc The Ethical part of Antoninus' Philosophy follows from his general principles. The end of all his philosophy is to live conformably to Nature, both a man's own nature and the nature of the universe. Bishop Butler has explained what the Greek philosophers meant when they spoke of living according to Nature, and he says that when it is explained, as he has explained it and as they understood it, it is "a manner of speaking not loose and undeterrninate, but clear and distinct, strictly just and true." To live according to Nature is to live according to a man's whole nature, not according to a part of it, and to reverence the divinity within him as the governor of all his actions. "To the rational animal the same act is according to nature and according to reason " l (vii. 11). That which is done contrary to reason is also an act contrary to nature, to the whole nature, though it is certainly conformable 1 This is what Juvenal means when he says (xiv. 321), " Nunquam aliud Natnra aliud Sapieutia elicit." 74 PHILOSOPHY. to some part of man's nature, or it could not be done. Man is made for action, not for idleness or pleasure. As plants and animals do the uses of their nature, so man must do his (v. 1). Man must also live conformably to the uni- versal nature, conformably to the nature of all things of which he is one ; and as a citizen of a political community he must direct his life and actions .with reference to those among whom, and for whom, among other purposes, he lives. 1 A man must not retire into solitude and cut himself off from his fellow-men. He must be ever active to do his part in the great whole. All men are his kin, not only in blood, but still more by par- ticipating in the same intelligence and by being a portion of the same divinity. A man cannot really be injured by his brethren, for no act of theirs can make him bad, and he must not be angry with them nor hate them : " For we are made for co-operation, like feet, like hands, like eyelids, like the rows of the upper and lower teeth. To act against one another then is con- trary to nature ; and it is acting- against one another to be vexed and to turn away'" (ii. 1). Further he says : " Take pleasure in one thing and rest in it in passing from one social act to another social act, thinking of God " (vi. 7). Again : " Love mankind. Follow God " (vii. 31). 1 See viii. 52 ; and Persius iii. 66. MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. T5 It is the characteristic of the rational soul for a man to love his neighbor (xi. 1). Antoninus teaches in various passages the forgiveness of injuries, and we know that he also practised what he taught. Bishop Butler remarks that "this divine precept to forgive injuries and to love our enemies, though to be met with in Gentile moral- ists, yet is in a peculiar sense a precept of Chris- tianity, as our Saviour has insisted more upon it than on any other single virtue." The practice of this precept is the most difficult of all virtues. Antoninus often enforces it and gives us aid towards following it. When we are injured, we feel anger and resentment, and the feeling is natural, just, and useful for the conservation of society. It is useful that wrong-doers should feel the natural consequences of their actions, among which is the disapprobation of society and the resentment of him who is wronged. But revenge, in the proper sense of that word, must not be practised. " The best way of avenging thyself," says the emperor, " is not to become like the wrong-doer." It is plain by this that he does not mean that we should in any case practise revenge ; but he says to those who talk of reveng- ing wrongs, Be not like him who has done the wrong. Socrates in the Crito (c. 10) says the same in other words, arid St. Paul (Ep. to the Romans, xii, 17). " When a man has done thee 76 PHILOSOPHY. any wrong, immediately consider with what opin- ion about good or evil he has done wrong. For when thou hast seen this, thou wilt pity him and wilt neither wonder nor be angry " (vii. 26). Antoninus would not deny that wrong naturally produces the feeling of anger and resentment, for this is implied in the recommendation to reflect on the nature of the man's mind who has done the wrong, and then you will have pity instead of resentment ; and so it comes to the same as St. Paul's advice to be angry and sin not ; which, as Butler well explains it, is not a recommendation to be angry, which nobody needs, for anger is a natural passion, but it is a warning against allow- ing anger to lead us into sin. In short the em- peror's doctrine about wrongful acts is this : wrong-doers do not know what good and bad are : they offend out of ignorance, and in the sense of the Stoics this is true. Though this kind of ignorance will never be admitted as a legal excuse, and ought not to be admitted as a full excuse in any way by society, there may be grievous injuries, such as it is in a man's power to forgive without harm to society ; and if he for- gives because he sees that his enemies know not what they do, he is acting in the spirit of th sublime prayer, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." The emperor's moral philosophy was not a >t : a MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 1 7 feeble, narrow system, which teaches a man to look directly to his own happiness, though a man's happiness or tranquillity is indirectly promoted by living as he ought to do. A man must live con- formably to the universal nature, which means, as the emperor explains it in many passages, that a man's actions must be conformable to his true relations to all other human beings, both as a citizen of a political community and as a member of the whole human family. This implies, and he often expresses it in the most forcible language, that a man's words and action, so far as they affect others, must be measured by a fixed rule, which is their consistency with the conservation and the interests of the particular society of which he is a member, and of the whole human race. To live conformably to such a rule, a man must use his rational faculties in order to discern clearly the consequences and full effect of all his actions and of the actions of others : he must not live a life of contemplation and reflection only, though he must often retire within himself to calm and purify his soul by thought, 1 but he must mingle in the work of man and be a fellow laborer for the general good. A man should have an object or purpose in life, that he may direct all his energies to it ; of course 1 Ut nemo in sese tentat descendere, nemo. Persius, iv. 21. 78 PHILOSOPHY. a good object (ii. 7). He who has not one object or purpose of life, cannot be one and the same all through his life (xi. 21). Bacon has a remark to the same effect, on the best means of " reducing of the mind unto virtue and good estate ; which is, the electing and propounding unto a man's self good and virtuous ends of his life, such as may be in a reasonable sort within his compass to attain." He is a happy man who has been wise enough to do this when he was young and has had the oppor- tunities ; but the emperor seeing well that a man cannot always be so wise in his youth, encourages himself to do it when he can, and not to let life slip away before he has begun. He who can pro- pose to himself good and virtuous ends of life^ and be true to them, cannot fail to live conform- ably to his own interest and the universal interest, for in the nature of things they are one. If a thing is not good for the hive, it is not good for the bee (vi. 54). One passage may end this matter. "If the gods have determined about me and about the things which must happen to me,- they have determined well, for it is not easy even 'to imagine a deity without forethought; and as to doing me harm, why should they have any desire towards that ? For what advantage would re- sult to them from this or to the whole, which is the special object of their providence ? But if MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 79 they have not determined about me individually, they have certainly determined about the whole at least ; and the things which happen by way of sequence in this general arrangement I ought to accept with pleasure and to be content with them. But if they determine about nothing which it is wicked to believe, or if we do believe it, let us neithsr sacrifice nor pray nor swear by them, nor do anything else which we do as if the gods were present and lived with us ; but if however the gods determine about none of the things which concern us, I am able to determine about myself, and I can inquire about that which is useful ; and that is useful to every man which is conformable to his own constitution (Karao-Kcv^) and nature. But my nature is rational and social ; and my city and country, so far as I am Antoninus, is Rome ; but so far as I am a man, it is the world. The things then which are useful to these cities are alone useful to me " (viL 44). It would be tedious, and it is not necessary to state the emperor's opinions on all the ways in which a man may profitably use his understanding towards perfecting himself in practical virtue. The passages to this purpose are in all parts of his book, but as they are in no order or connection, a man must use the book a" long time before he will find out all that is in it. A few words may be added here. If we analyze all other things, we 80 PHILOSOPHY. find how insufficient they are for human life, and how truly worthless many of them are. Virtue alone is indivisible, one, and perfectly satisfying. The notion of Virtue cannot be considered vague or unsettled, because a man may find it difficult to explain the notion fully to himself, or to ex- pound it to others in such a way as to prevent cavilling. Virtue is a whole, and no more con- sists of parts than man's intelligence does ; and yet we speak of various intellectual faculties as a convenient way of expressing the various powers which man's intellect shows by his works. In the same way we may speak of various virtues or parts of virtue, in a practical sense, for the purpose of showing what particular virtues we ought to practice in order to the exercise of the whole of virtue, that is, as much as man's nature is capable of. The prime principle in man's constitution is social. The next in order is not to yield to the persuasions of the body, when they are not con- formable to the rational principle, which must govern. The third is freedom from error and from deception. " Let then the ruling principle holding fast to these things go straight on and it has what is its own " (vii. 55). The emperor selects justice as the virtue which is the basis of all the rest (x. 11), and this had been said long before his time. MAKCUS AUBELIUS ANTONINUS. 81 It is true that all people have some notion of what is meant by justice as a disposition of the mind, and some notion about acting in conformity to this disposition ; but experience shows that men's notions about justice are as confused as their actions are inconsistent with the true notion of justice. The emperor's notion of justice is clear enough, but not practical enough for all mankind. " Let there be freedom from perturb- ations with respect to the things which come from the external cause ; and let there be justice in the things done by virtue of the internal cause, that is, let there be movement and action termina- ting in this, in social acts, for this is according to thy nature " (ix. 31). In another place (ix. 1) he says that " he who acts unjustly acts impiously," which follows of course from all that he says in various places. He insists on the practice of truth as a virtue and as a means to virtue, which no doubt it is : for lying even in indifferent things weakens the understanding; and lying maliciously is as great a moral offence as a man can be guilty of, viewed both as showing an habitual disposition, and viewed with respect to consequences. He couples the notion of justice with action. A man must not pride himself on having some fine notion of justice in his head,- but he must exhibit his justice in act, like St. James's notion of faith. But this is enough. : 82 PHILOSOPHY. The Stoics, and Antoninus among them, call some things beautiful (/6vrwv 84 PHILOSOPHY. shall depart content when the summons comes. For what is death? "A cessation of the impres- sions through the senses, and of the pulling of the strings which move the appetites, and of the dis- cursive movements of the thoughts, and of the ser- vice to the flesh" (vi. 28). Death is such as gen- ei atiori is, a mystery of nature (iv. 5). In another passage, the exact meaning of which is perhaps doubtful (ix. 3), he speaks of the child which leaves the womb, and so he says the soul at death leaves its envelope. As the child is born or comes into life by leaving the womb, so the soul may on leaving the body pass into another existence which is perfect. I am not sure if this is the emperor's meaning. Butler compares it with a passage in Strabo (p. 713) about the Brachmans' notion of death being the birth into real life and a happy life, to those who have philosophized ; and he thinks Antoninus may allude to this opinion. 1 Antoninus' opinion of a future life is nowhere clearly expressed^ ~~"His doctrine of the nature of 1 Seneca (Ep. 102) has the same, whether an expression of his own opinion, or merely a fine saying of others employed to embellish his writings, I know not. After speaking of the child being prepared in the womb to live this life, he adds, " Sic per hoc spatium, quod ab infantia patet in senec- tutem, in alium naturae sumimur partum. Alia origo nos expectat, alius rerum status." See Ecclesiastes, xii. 7; and Lucan, i. 457 : " Longae, canitis si cognita, vitae Mors media est." S AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 85 the soul of necessity implies that it does not perish absolutely, for aTpbftion of the divinity cannot perish. The opinion is at least as old as the time of Epicharmus and Euripides; what comes from earth goes back to earth, and what comes from heaven, the divinity, returns to him wlio gave it. ( But I find nothing clear in Antoninus as to the notion of the man existing after death so as to be conscious of his sameness with that soul which occupied his vessel of clay. He seems to be per- plexed on this matter, and finally to have rested in this, that God or the gods will do whatever is best, and consistent with the university of things. Nor, I think, does he speak conclusively on an- other Stoic doctrine, which some Stoics practised, the anticipating the regular course of nature by a man's own act. The reader will find some passages in which this is touched on, and he may make of them what he can. But there are pas- sages in which the emperor encourages himself to wait for the end patiently and with tranquillity ; and certainly it is consistent with all his best teaching that a man should bear all that falls to his lot and do useful acts as long as he lives. He should not therefore abridge the time of his use- fulness by his own act. .Whether he contemplates any possible cases in which a man should die by his own hand, I cannot tell ; and the matter is not worth a curious inquiry, for I believe it would not 86 PHILOSOPHY. lead to any certain result as to his opinion on this point. I do not think that Antoninus, who never mentions Seneca, though he must have known all about him, would have agreed with Seneca when he gives as a reason for suicide, that the eternal law, whatever he means, has made nothing better for us than this, that it has given us only one way of entering into life and many ways of going out of it. The ways of going out indeed are many, and that is a good reason for a man taking care of himself. 1 Happiness was not the direct object of a Stoic's life. There is no rule of life contained in the pre- cept that a man should pursue his own happiness. Many men think that they are seeking happiness when they are only seeking the gratification of some particular passion, the strongest that they have. The end of a man is, as already explained, to live conformably to nature, and he will thus obtain happiness, tranquillity of mind, and con- tentment (iii. 12 ; viii. 1, and other places). As a means of living conformably to nature he must study the four chief virtues, each of which has its proper sphere : wisdom, or the knowledge of good and evil ; justice, or the giving to every man his due ; fortitude, or the enduring of labor and pain ; and temperance, which is moderation in all things. 1 See Plinius H. N. 11., c. 7; Seneca, De Provid. c. 6; and Ep. 70 : " Nihil melius aeterna lex," &c. MABCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 87 By thus living conformably to nature the Stoic obtained all that he wished or expected. His re- ward was in his virtuous life, and he was satisfied with that. Some Greek poet long ago wrote : " For virtue only of all human things Takes her reward not from the hands of others. Virtue herself rewards the toils of virtue." Some of the Stoics indeed expressed themselves in very arrogant, absurd terms, about the wise man's self-sufficiency ; they elevated him to the rank of a deity. 1 But these were only talkers and lecturers, such as those in all ages who utter fine words, know little of human affairs, and care only for notoriety. Epictetus and Antoninus both by precept and example labored to improve them- selves and others ; and if we discover imperfections in their teaching, we must still honor these great men who attempted to show that there is in man's nature and in the constitution of things sufficient reason for living a virtuous life. It is difficult enough to live as we ought to live, difficult even for any man to live in such a way as to satisfy him- self, if he exercises only in a moderate degree the 1 J. Smith in his Select Discourses on " the Excellency and Nobleness of True Religion " "(c. vi.) has remarked on this Stoical arrogance. He finds it in Seneca and others. In Seneca certainly, and perhaps something of it in Epictetus ; but it is not in Antoninus. 88 PHILOSOPHY. power of reflecting upon and reviewing his own conduct ; and if all men cannot be brought to the same opinions in morals and religion, it is at least worth while to give them good reasons for as much as they can be persuaded to accept. THE MEDITATIONS OF MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. I. 1. FROM my grandfather Verus 1 [I learned] good morals and the government of my temper. 2. From the reputation and remembrance of my father, 2 modesty and a manly character. i Annius Vcrus was his grandfather's name. There is no verb in this section connected with the word " from," nor in the following sections of this book ; and it is not quite cer- tain what verb should be supplied. What I have added may express the meaning here, though there are sections which it will not fit. If he does not mean to say that he learned all these good things from the several persons whom he mentions, he means that he observed certain good qualities in them, or received certain benefits from them, and it is implied that he was the better for it, or at least might have been; for It would be a mistake to understand Marcus as saying that he possessed all the virtues which he observed in his kinsmen and teachers. * His father's name was Annius Wrus. 90 MEDITATIONS. 3. From my mother, 1 piety and beneficence, and abstinence, not only from evil deeds, but even from evil thoughts ; and further, simplicity in my way of living, far removed from the habits of the rich. 4. From my great-grandfather, 2 not to have fre- quented public schools, and to have had good teachers at home, and to know that on such things a man should spend liberally. 5. From my governor, to be neither of the green nor of the blue party at the games in the Circus, nor a partisan either of the Parmularius or the Scutarius at the gladiators' fights ; from him too I learned endurance of labor, and to want little, and to work with my own hands, and not to meddle with other people's affairs, and not to be ready to listen to slander. 6. From Diognetus, 3 not to busy myself about 1 His mother was Domitia Calvilla, named also Lucilla. 1 Perhaps his mother's grandfather, Catilius Severus. 3 In the works of Justinus there is printed a letter to one Diognetus, whom the writer names "most excellent." He was a Gentile, but he wished very much to know what the religion of the Christians was, what God they worshipped, and how this worship made them despise the world and death, and neither believe in the gods of the Greeks nor observe the superstition of the Jews; and what was this love to one another which they had, and why this new kind of religion was introduced now and not before. My friend Mr. Jenkins, rector of Lyminge in Kent, has suggested to me that this Diognetus may have been the tutor of M. Antoninus. MAE C US AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 91 trifling things, and not to give credit to what was said by miracle-workers and jugglers about incan- tations and the driving away of demons and such things ; and not to breed quails [for fighting], nor to give myself up passionately to such things; and to endure freedom of speech; and to have become intimate with philosophy; and to have been a hearer, first of Bacchius, then of Tandasis and Marcianus ; and to have written dialogues in my youth ; and to have desired a plank bed and skin, and whatever else of the kind belongs to the Grecian discipline. 7. From Rusticus 1 I received the impression that my character required improvement and disci- pline ; and from him I learned not to be led astray to sophistic emulation, nor to writing on specula- tive matters, nor to delivering little hortatory orations, nor to showing myself off as a man who practises much discipline, or does benevolent acts in order to make a display ; and to abstain from rhetoric, and poetry, and fine writing; and not to walk about in the house in my outdoor dress, nor 1 Q. Junius Rusticus was a Stoic philosopher, whom Anto- ninus valued highly, and often took his advice (Capitol. M. Antonin. iii.)- Antoninus says, TOIJ 'EiriKTTjretois {nro}j.rfifjia yfit *ak"ig pleasure in thy dulness. V \VfiJ? 148 MEDITA TIONS. 6. One man, when he has done a service to another, is ready to set it down to his account as a favor conferred. Another is not ready to do this, but still in his v own mind he thinks of the man as his debtor, and he knows what he has done. A third in a manner does not even know what he has done, but he is like a vine which has produced grapes, and seeks for nothing more after it has once produced its proper fruit. As a horse when he has run, a dog when he has tracked the game, a bee when it has made the honey, so a man when he has done a good act, does not call out for others to come and see, but he goes on to another act, as a vine goes on to produce again the grapes in season. Must a man then be one of these, who in a manner act thus without observing it ? Yes. But this very thing is necessary, the obser- vation of what a man is doing : for, it may be said, it is characteristic of the social animal to per- ceive that he is working in a social manner, and indeed to wish that his social partner also should perceive it. It is true what thou sayest, but thou dost not rightly understand what is now said : and for this reason thou wilt become one of those of whom I spoke before, for even they are misled by a certain show of reason. But if thou wilt choose to understand the meaning of what is said, do not fear that for this reason thou wilt omit any social act. \ MARCUS AUK E LIU S ANTONINUS. 149 7. A prayer of the Athenians: Rain, rain, O dear Zeus, down on the ploughed fields of the Athenians and on the plains. In truth we ought riot to pray at all, or we ought to pray in this simple and noble fashion. 8. Just as we must understand when it is said, That Aesculapius prescribed to this man horse-exercise, or bathing in cold water, or going without shoes, so we must understand it when it is said, That the nature of the universe prescribed to this man disease, or mutilation, or loss, or any- thing else of the kind. For in the first case Pre- scribed means something like this : he prescribed this for this man as a thing adapted to procure health; and in the second case it means, That which happens 1 to [or suits] every man is fixed in a manner for him suitably to his destiny. For this is what we mean when we say that things are suit- able to us, as the workmen say of squared stones in walls or the pyramids, that they are suitable, when they fit them to one another in some kind of connection. For there is altogether one fitness [harmony]. And as the universe is made up out of all bodies to be such a body as it is, so out of all existing causes necessit}' [destiny] is made up to be such a cause as it is. And even those who are completely ignorant-understand what I mean ; 1 In this section there is a play on the meaning of o-u/u- ftubmv. 150 MEDITATIONS. for they say, It [necessity, destiny] brought this to such a person. This then was brought and this was prescribed to him. Let us then receive these things, as well as those which Aesculapius prescribes. Many as a matter of course even among his prescriptions are disagreeable, but we accept them in the hope of health. Let the per- fecting and accomplishment of the things which the common nature judges to be good, be judged by thee to be of the same kind as thy health. And so accept everything which happens, even if it seem disagreeable, because it leads to this, to the health of the universe and to the prosperity and felicity of Zeus [the universe]. For he would not have brought on any man what he has brought, if it were not useful for the whole. Neither does the nature of anything, whatever it may be, cause anything which is not suitable to that which is directed by it. For two reasons then it is right to be content with that which happens to thee ; the one, because it was done for thee and prescribed for thee, and in a manner had reference to thee, originally from the most ancient causes spun with thy destiny; and the other, because even that which comes severally to every man is to the power which administers the universe a cause of felicity and perfection, nay even of its very continuance. For the integrity of the whole is mutilated, if thou cuttest off anything whatever from the con- MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 151 junction and the continuit}' either of the parts or of the causes. And thou dost cut off, as far as it is in thy power, when thou art dissatisfied, and in a manner triest to put anything out of the way. 9. Be not disgusted, nor discouraged, nor dis- satisfied, if thou dost not succeed in doing every- thing according to right principles, but when thou hast failed, return back again, and be content if the greater part of what thou doest is consistent with man's nature, and love this to which thou returnest; and do not return to philosophy as if she were a master, but act like those who have sore eyes and apply a bit of sponge and egg, or as another applies a plaster, or drenching with water. For thus thou wilt not fail to f obey reason, and thou wilt repose in it. And remember that philosophy requires only the things which thy nature requires ; but thou wouldst have something else which is not according to nature. It may be objected, Why, what is more agreeable than this [which I am doing] ? But is not this the very reason why pleasure deceives us ? Arid consider if magnanimity, freedom, simplicity, equanimity, piety, are not more agreeable. Fur what is more agreeable than wisdom itself, when thou thinkest of the security and the happy course of all things which depend on the faculty of understanding and knowledge ? 10. Things are in such a kind of envelopment 152 MEDITATIONS. that they have seemed to philosophers, not a few nor those common philosophers, altogether unin- telligible ; nay even to the Stoics themselves they seem difficult to understand. And all our assent is changeable ; for where is the man who never changes? Carry thy thoughts then to the objects themselves, and consider how short-lived they are and worthless, and that they may be in the pos- session of a filthy wretch or a whore or a robber. Then turn to the morals of those who live with thee, and it is hardly possible to endure even the most agreeable of them, to say nothing of a man being hardly able to endure himself. In such darkness then and dirt, and in so constant a flux both of substance and of time, and of motion and of things moved, what there is worth being highly prized, or even an object of serious pursuit, I cannot imagine. But on the contrary it is a man's duty to comfort himself, and to wait for the natural dissolution, and not to be vexed at the delay, but to rest in these principles only : the one, that nothing will happen to me which is not con- formable to the nature of the universe ; and the other, that it is in my power never to act contrary to my god and daemon : for there is no man who will compel me to this. 11. About what am I now employing my own soul ? On every occasion I must ask myself this question, and inquire, What have I now in this MAS C US AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 158 part of me which they call the ruling principle ? and whose soul have I now, that of a child, or of a young man, or of a feeble woman, or of a tyrant, or of a domestic animal, or of a wild beast? 12. What kind of things those are which appear good to the many, we may learn even from this. For if any man should conceive certain things as being really good, such as prudence, temperance, justice, fortitude, he would not after having first conceived these endure to listen to anything f which should not be in harmony with what is really good.f But if a man has first conceived as good the things which appear to the many to be good, he will listen and readily receive as very applicable that which was said by the comic writer, f Thus even the many perceive the difference.! For were it not so, this saying would not offend and would not be rejected [in the first case], while we receive it when it is said of wealth, and of the means which further luxury and fame, as said fitly and wittily. Go on then and ask if we should value and think those things to be good, to which after their first conception in the mind the words of the comic writer might be aptly applied, that he who has them, through pure abundance has not a place to ease himself in. 13. I am composed of the formal and the mate- rial ; and neither of them will perish into non- . existence, as neither of them came into existence 154 MEDITATIONS. out of non-existence. Every part of me then will be reduced by change into some part of the uni- verse, and that again will change into another part of the universe, and so on forever. And by consequence of such a change I too exist, and those who begot me, and so on forever in the other direction. For nothing hinders us from saying so, even if the universe is administered according to definite periods [of revolution]. 14. Reason and the reasoning art [philosophy] are powers which are sufficient for themselves and for their own works. They move then from a first principle which is their own, and they make their way to the end which is proposed to them ; and this is the reason why such acts are named Catorth<5seis or right acts, which word signifies that they proceed by the right road. 15. None of these things ought to be called a man's, which do not belong to a man, as man. They are not required of a man, nor does man's nature promise them, nor are they the means of man's nature attaining its end. Neither then does the end of man lie in these things, nor yet that which aids to the accomplishment of this end, and that which aids towards this end is that which is good. Besides, if any of these things did belong to man, it would not be right for a man to despise them and to set himself against them ; nor would a man be worthy of praise who showed that he MARCUS AUKELIUS ANTONINUS. 155 did not want these things, nor would he who stinted himself in any of them be good, if indeed these things were good. But now the more of these things a man deprives himself of, or of other things like them, or even when he is deprived of any of them, the more patiently he endures the loss, just in the same degree he is a better man. 16. Such as are thy habitual thoughts, such also will be the character of thy mind ; for the soul is dyed by the thoughts. Dye it then with a contin- uous series of such thoughts as these : for instance, that where a man can live, there he can also live well. But he must live in a palace ; well then, he can also live well in a palace. And again, consider that for whatever purpose each thing has been constituted, for this it has been constituted, and towards this it is carried ; and its end is in that towards which it is carried ; and where the end is, there also is the advantage and the good of each thing. Now the good for the reasonable animal is society ; for that we are made for society has been shown above. 1 Is it not plain that the inferior exist for the sake of the superior ? But the things which have life are superior to those which have not life, and of those which have life the superior are those which have reason. 17. To seek what is "impossible is madness: and it is impossible that the bad should not do some- thing of this kind. 1 ii. i. 156 &y MEDITATIONS. 18. Nothing happens to any man which he is not formed by nature to bear. The same things Tiappen to another, and either because he does not see that they have happened, or because he would show a great spirit, he is firm and remains un- harmed. It is a shame then that ignorance and conceit should be stronger than wisdom. 19. Things themselves touch not the soul, not in the least degree ; nor have they admission to the soul, nor can they turn or move the soul : but the soul turns and moves itself alone, and whatever judgments it may think proper to make, such it makes for itself the things which present them- selves to it. 20. In one respect man is the nearest thing to me, so far as I must do good to men and endure them. But so far as some men make themselves obstacles to my proper acts, man becomes to me one of the things which are indifferent, no less than the sun or wind or a wild beast. Now it is true that these may impede my action, but they are no impediments to my affects and disposition, which have the power of acting conditionally and chang- ing : for the mind converts and changes every hin- drance to its activity into an aid; and so that which is a hindrance is made a furtherance to an act ; and that which is an obstacle on the road helps us on this road. 21. Reverence that which is best in the universe ; MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 157 and this is that which makes use of all things and directs all things. And in like manner also rev- erence that which is best in thyself ; and this is of the same kind as that. For in thyself also, that which makes use of everything else is this, and thy life is directed by this. 22. That which does no harm to the state, does no harm to the citizen. In the case of every appearance of harm apply this rule : if the state is not harmed by this, neither am I harmed. But if the state is harmed, thou must not be angry with him who does harm to the state. Show him where his error is. 23. Often think of the rapidity with which things pass by and disappear, both the things which are and the things which are produced. For substance is like a river in a continual flow, and the activities of things are in constant change, and the causes work in infinite varieties ; and there is hardly anything which stands still. And consider this which is near to thee, this boundless abyss of the past and of the future in which all things disappear. How then is he not a fool who is puffed up with such things or plagued about them and makes him- self miserable ? for they vex him only for a time, and a short time. 24. Think of the universal substance, of which thou hast a very small portion ; and of universal time, of which a short and indivisible interval lias 158 MED IT A TIONS. been assigned to thee ; and of that which is fixed by destiny, and how small a part of it thou art. 25. Does another do me wrong ? Let him look to it. He has his own disposition, his own activity. I now have what the universal nature wills me to have ; and I do what my nature now wills me to do. 26. Let the part of thy soul which leads and governs be undisturbed by the movements in the flesh, whether of pleasure or of pain ; and let it not unite with them, but let it circumscribe itself and limit those affects to their parts. But when these affects rise up to the mind by virtue of that other sympathy that naturally exists in a body which is all one, then thou must not strive to resist the sen- sation, for it is natural : but let not the ruling part of itself add to the sensation the opinion that it is either good or bad. 27. Live with the gods. And he does live with the gods who constantly shows to them that his own soul is satisfied with that which is assigned to him, and that it does all that the daemon wishes, which Zeus hath given to every man for his guar- dian and guide, a portion of himself. And this is every man's understanding and reason. 28. Art thou angry with him whose armpits stink ? art thou angry with him whose mouth smells foul ? What good will this anger do thee ? He has such a mouth, he has such armpits : it is necessary MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 159 that such an emanation must come from such things ; but the man has reason, it will be said, and he is able, if he takes pains, to discover wherein he offends ; I wish thee well of thy discovery. Well then, and thou hast reason : by thy rational faculty stir up his rational faculty ; show him his error, ad- monish him. For if he listens, thou wilt cure him, and there is no need of anger, [f Neither tragic actor nor whore.f] 1 29. As thou intendest to live when thou art gone out, ... so it is in thy power to live here. But if men do not permit thee, then get away out of life, yet so as if thou wert suffering no harm. The house is smoky, and I quit it. 2 Why dost thou think that this is any trouble ? But so long as nothing of the kind drives me out, I remain, am free, and no man shall hinder me from doing what I choose ; and I choose to do what is according to the nature of the rational and social animal. 30. The intelligence of the universe is social. Accordingly it has made the inferior things for the sake of the superior, and it has fitted the su- 1 This is imperfect or corrupt, or both. There is also something wrong or incomplete in the beginning of S 29, where he says us &-c\6uv I'^v Siavo^, which Gataker translates "as if thou wast about to quit life ; " but we cannot trans- late t$e\d xal av^ov- The first part / teaches us to be content with men and things as they are. The second part teaches us the virtue of self-restraint, or the government of our passions. 162 MEDITATIONS. 34. Thou canst pass thy life in an equable flow of happiness, if thou canst go by the right way, and think and act in the right way. These two things are common both to the soul of God and to the soul of man, and to the soul of every rational being: not to be hindered by another; and to hold good to consist in the disposition to justice and the practice of it, and in this to let thy desire find its termination. 35. If this is neither my own badness, nor an effect of my own badness, and the common weal is not injured, why am I troubled about it, and what is the harm to the common weal ? 36. Do not be carried along inconsiderately by the appearance of things, but give help [to all] according to thy ability and their fitness ; and if they should have sustained loss in matters which are indifferent, do not imagine this to be a damage ; for it is a bad habit. But as the old man, when he went away, asked back his foster- child's top, remembering that it was a top, so do thou in this case also. When thou art calling out on the Rostra, hast thou forgotten, man, what these things are? Yes; but they are objects of great concern to these people wilt thou too then be made a fool for these things ? I was once a fortunate man, but I lost it, I know not how. But fortunate means that a man has assigned to himself a good MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 163 fortune : and a good fortune is good disposition of the soul, good emotions, good actions. 1 1 This section is unintelligible. Many of the words may be corrupt, and the general purport of the section cannot be discovered. Perhaps several things have been improperly joined in one section. I have translated it nearly literally. Different translators give the section a different turn, and the critics have tried to mend what they cannot understand. u VI. 1. THE substance of the universe is obedient and compliant ; and the reason which governs it has in itself no cause for doing evil, for it has no malice, nor does it do evil to anything, nor is any- thing harmed by it. But all things are made and perfected according to this reason. 2. Let it make no difference to thee whethe thou art cold or warm, if thou art doing thy duty and whether thou art drowsy or satisfied with sleep ; and whether ill-spoken of or praised ; and whether dying or doing something else. For it is one of the acts of life, this act by which we die : it is sufficient then in this act also to do well what we have in hand (vi. 22, 28). 3. Look within. Let neither the peculiar quality of anything nor its value escape thee. 4. All existing things soon change, and they will either be reduced to vapor, if indeed all substance is one, or they will be dispersed. 5. The reason which governs knows what its MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 165 own disposition is, and what it does, and on what material it works. 6. The best way of avenging thyself is not to become like [the wrong-doer]. 7. Take pleasure in one thing and rest in it, in passing from one social act to another social act, thinking of God. 8. The ruling principle is that which rouses and turns itself, and while it makes itself such as it is and such as it wills to be, it also makes everything which happens appear to itself to be such as it wills. 9. In conformity to the nature of the universe every single thing is accomplished ; for certainly it is not in conformity to any other nature that each thing is accomplished, either a nature which externally comprehends this, or a nature which is comprehended within this nature, or a nature ex- ternal and independent of this (xi. 1 ; vi. 40 ; viii. 50). 10. The universe is either a confusion, and a mutual involution of things, and a dispersion, or it is unity and order and providence. If then it is the former, why do I desire to tarry in a fortu- itous combination of things and such a disorder? and why do I care about anything else than how I shall at last become -earth ? and why am I dis- turbed, for the dispersion of my elements will happen whatever I do ? But if the other supposi- 166 MEDITATIONS. ^tion is true, I venerate, and I am firm, and I trust \in him w .o governs (iv. 27). v 11. When thou hast been compelled by circum- stances to be disturbed in a manner, quickly return to thyself, and do not continue out of tune longer than the compulsion lasts ; for thou wilt have more mastery over the harmony by contin- ually recurring to it. 12. If thou hadst a step-mother and a mother at the same time, thou wouldst be dutiful to thy step-mother, but still thou wouldst constantly re- turn to thy mother. Let the court and philosophy now be to thee step-mother and mother : return to philosophy frequently and repose in her, through whom what thou meetest with in the court appears to thee tolerable, and thou appearest tolerable in the court. 13. When we have meat before us and such eat- ables, we receive the impression that this is the dead body of a fish, and this is the dead body of a bird or of a pig ; and again, that this Falernian is only a little grape-juice, and this purple robe some sheep's wool dyed with the blood of a shell-fish : such then are these impressions, and they reach the things themselves and penetrate them, and so we see what kind of things they are. Just in the same way ought we to act all through life, and where there are things which appear most worthy of our approbation, we ought to lay them bare and MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 167 look at their worthlessness and strip them of all the words by which they are exalted. For out- ward show is a wonderful perverter of the reason, and when thou art most sure that thou art em- ployed about things worth thy pains, it is then that it cheats thee most. Consider then what Crates says of Xenocrates himself. 14. Most of the things which the multitude admire are referred to objects of the most general kind, those which are held together by cohesion or natural organization, such as stones, wood, fig- trees, vines, olives. But those which are admired by men, who are a little more reasonable, are re- ferred to the things which are held together by a living principle, as flocks, herds. Those which are admired by men who are still more instructed are the things which are held together by a rational soul, not however a universal soul, but rational so far as it is a soul skilled in some art, or expert in some other way, or simply rational so far as it possesses a number of slaves. But he who values a rational soul, a soul universal and fitted for political life, regards nothing else except this ; and above all things he keeps his soul in a condition and in an activity conformable to reason and social life, and he co-operates to this end with those who are of the same kind as. himself. 15. Some things are hurrying into existence, and others are hurrying out of it ; and of that which is 168 MEDITA T10N8. coming into existence part is already extinguished. Motions and changes are continually renewing the world, just as the uninterrupted course of time is always renewing the infinite duration of ages. In this flowing stream then, on which there is no abiding, what is there of the things which hurry by on which a man would set a high price ? It would be just as if a man should fall in love with one of the sparrows which fly by, but it has already passed out of sight. Something of this kind is the very life of every man, like the exhalation of the blood and the respiration of the air. For such as it is to have once drawn in the air and to have given it back, which we do every moment, just the same is it with the whole respiratory power, which thou didst receive at thy birth yesterday and the day before, to give it back to the element from which thou didst first draw it. 16. Neither is transpiration, as in plants, a thing to be valued, nor respiration, as in domesti- cated animals and wild beasts, nor the receiving of impressions by the appearances of things, nor being moved by desires as puppets by strings, nor assembling in herds, nor being nourished by food ; for this is just like the act of separating and parting with the useless part of our food. What then is worth being valued ? To be received with clapping of hands? No. Neither must we value the clapping of tongues; for the praise which MARCUS AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 169 comes from the many is a clapping of tongues. Suppose then that thou hast given up this worth- less thing called fame, what remains that is worth valuing ? This, in my opinion : to move thyself and to restrain thyself in conformity to thy proper constitution, to which end both all employments and arts lead. For every art aims at this, that the thing which has been made should be adapted to the work for which it has been made ; and both the vine-planter who looks after the vine, arid the horse-breaker, and he who trains the dog, seek this end. But the education and the teaching of youth aim at something. In this then is the value of the education and the teaching. And if this is well, thou wilt not seek anything else. Wilt thou not cease to value many other things too ? Then thou wilt be neither free, nor sufficient for thy own happiness, nor without passion. For of necessity thou must be, envious, jealous, and suspicious of those who can take away those things, and plot against those who have that which is valued by thee. Of necessity a man must be altogether in a state of perturbation who wants any of these things ; and besides, he must often find fault with the gods. But to reverence and honor thy own mind will make thee content with thyself, and in harmony with society, and in agreement with the gods, that is, praising all that they give and have ordered. 170 MEDITATIONS. 17. Above, below, all around are the move- ments of the elements. But the motion of virtue is in none of these : it is something more divine, and advancing by a way hardly observed, it goes happily on its road. 18. How strangely men act ! They will not praise those who are living at the same time and living with themselves; but to be themselves praised by posterity, by those whom they have never seen or ever will see, this they set much value on. But this is very much the same as if thou shouldst be grieved because those who have lived before thee did not praise thee. 19. If a thing is difficult to be accomplished by thyself, do not think that it is impossible for man: but if anything is possible for man and conform- able to his nature, think that this can be attained by thyself too. 20. In the gymnastic exercises suppose that a man has torn thee with his nails, and by dashing against thy head has inflicted a wound. Well, we neither show any signs of vexation, nor are we offended, nor do we suspect him afterwards as a treacherous fellow ; and yet we are on our guard against him, not however as an enemy, nor yet with suspicion, but we quietly get out of his way. Something like this let thy behavior be in all the other parts of life ; let us overlook many things in those who are like antagonists in the gymnasium. MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS, 171 For it is in our power, as I said, to get out of the way, and to have no suspicion nor hatred. 21. If any man is able to convince me and show me that I do not think or act right, I will gladly change ; for I seek the truth, by which no man was ever injured. But he is injured who abides in his error and ignorance. 22. I do my duty : other things trouble me not ; for they are either things without life, or things without reason, or things that have rambled and know not the way. 23. As to the animals which have no reason, and generally all things and objects, do thou, since thou hast reason and they have none, make use of them with a generous and liberal spirit. But towards human beings, as they have reason, behave in a social spirit. And on all occasions call on the gods, and do not perplex thyself about the length of time in which thou shalt do this ; for even three hours so spent are sufficient. 24. Alexander the Macedonian and his groom by death were brought to the same state ; for either they were received among the same seminal principles of the universe, or they were alike dis- persed among the atoms. 25. Consider how many things in the same indivisible time take place in each of us, things which concern the body and things which concern the soul : and so thou wilt not wonder if many 172 MEDITATIONS. more things, or rather all things which come into existence in that which is the one and all, which we call Cosmos, exist in it at the same time. 26. If any man should propose to thee the question, how the name Antoninus is written,, wouldst thou with a straining of the voice utter each letter? What then if they grow angry, wilt thou be angry too ? Wilt thou not go on with composure and number every letter? Just so then in this life also remember that every duty is made up of certain parts. These it is thy duty to observe, and without being disturbed or showing anger towards those who are angry with thee to go on thy way and finish that which is set before thee. 27. How cruel it is not to allow men to strive after the things which appear to them to be suitable to their nature and profitable ! And yet in a manner thou dost not allow them to do this, when thou art vexed because they do wrong. For they are certainly moved towards things because they suppose them to be suitable to their nature and profitable to them. But it is not so. Teach them then, and show them without being angry. 28. Death is a cessation of the impressions through the senses, and of the pulling of the strings which move the appetites, and of the dis- cursive movements of the thoughts, and of the service to the flesh (ii. 12). MARCUS AURELIU8 ANTONINUS. 173 29. It is a shame for the soul to be first to give J way in this life, when thy body does not give way. 30. Take care that thou art not made into a Caesar, that thou art not dyed with this dye ; for such things happen. Keep thyself then simple, good, pure, serious, free from affectation, a friend of justice, a worshipper of the gods, kind, affection- ate, strenuous in all proper acts. Strive to con- tinue to be such as philosophy wished to make thee. Reverence the gods, and help men. Short is life. There is only one fruit of this terrene life, a pious disposition and social acts. Do everything as a disciple of Antoninus. Remember his constancy in every act which was conformable to reason, and his evenness in all things, and his piety, and the serenity of his countenance, and his sweetness, and his disregard of empty fame, and his efforts to understand things; and how he would never let anything pass without having first most carefully examined it and clearly under- stood it ; and how he bore with those who blamed him unjustly without blaming them in return ; how he did nothing in a hurry ; and how he listened not to calumnies, and how exact an ex- aminer of manners and actions he was ; and not given to reproach people, nor timid, nor sus- picious, nor a sophist; and with how little he was satisfied, such as lodging, bed, dress, food, servants ; and how laborious and patient ; and 174 MEDFTA TIONS. how he was able on account of his sparing diet to hold out to the evening, not even requiring to relieve himself by any evacuations except at the usual hour ; and his firmness and uniformity in his friendships ; and how he tolerated freedom of speech in those who opposed his opinions; and the pleasure that he had when any man showed him anything better ; and how religious he was without superstition. Imitate all this, that thou inayest have as good a conscience, when thy last hour comes, as he had (i. 16). 31. Return to thy sober senses and call thyself back ; and when thou hast roused thyself from sleep and hast perceived that they were only dreams which troubled thee, now in thy waking hours look at these [the things about thee] as thou didst look at those [the dreams]. 32. I consist of a little body and a soul. Now to this little body all things are indifferent, for it is not able to perceive differences. But to the understanding those things only are indifferent which are not the works of its own activity. But whatever things are the works of its own activity, all these are in its power. And of these 'however only those which are done with reference to the present; for as to the future and the past activities of the mind, even these are for the present in- different. 33. Neither the labor which the hand does nor MARCUS AUBELIUS ANTONINUS. 175 that of the foot is contrary to nature, so long as the foot does the foot's work and the hand the hand's. So then neither to a man as a man is his labor contrary to nature, so long as it does the things of a man. But if the labor is not contrary to his nature, neither is it an evil to him. 34. How many pleasures have been enjoyed by robbers, patricides, tyrants. 35. Dost thou not see how the handicraftsmen accommodate themselves up to a certain point to those who are not skilled in their craft, never- theless they cling to the reason [the principles] of their art, and do not endure to depart from it? Is it not strange if the architect and the physi- cian shall have more respect to the reason [the principles] of their own arts than man to his own reason, which is common to him and the gods? 36. Asia, Europe, are corners of the universe ; all the sea a drop in the universe ; Athos a little clod of the universe : all the present time is a point in eternity. All things are little, changeable, perishable. All things come from thence, from that universal ruling power either directly pro- ceeding or by way of sequence. And accordingly the lion's gaping jaws, and that which is poi- sonous, and every harmful thing, as a thorn, as mud, are after-products of the grand and beau- tiful. Do not then imagine that they are of 176 MEDITA TION8. another kind from that which thou dost vener- ate, but form a just opinion of the source of all (vii. 75). 37. He who has seen present things has seen all, both everything which has taken place from all eternity and everything which will be for time without end ; for all things are of one kin and of one form. 38. Frequently consider the connection of all things in the universe and their relation to one another. For in a manner all things are impli- cated with one another, and all in this way are friendly to one another ; for one thing conies in order after another, and this is by virtue of the f active movement and mutual conspiration and the unity of the substance (ix. 1). 39. Adapt thyself to the things with which thy lot has been cast : and the men among whom thou hast received thy portion, love them, but do it truly [sincerely]. 40. Every instrument, tool, vessel, if it does that for which it has been made, is well, and yet he who made it is not there. But in the things which are held together by nature there is within, and there abides in, them the power which made them ; wherefore the more is it fit to reverence this power, and to think, that, if thou dost live and act according to its will, everything in thee is in conformity to intelligence. And thus also in MABCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 177 the universe the things which belong to it are in conformity to intelligence. 41. Whatever of the things which are not within thy power thou shalt suppose to be good for thee or evil, it must of necessity be that, if such a bad thing befall thee, or the loss of such a good thing, thou wilt not blame the gods, and hate men too, those who are the cause of the misfortune or the loss, or those who are suspected of being likely to be the cause; and indeed we do much injustice because we make a difference between these things [because we do not regard these things as indif- ferent f]. 1 But if we judge only those things which are in our power to be good or bad, there remains no reason either for finding fault with God or standing in a hostile attitude to man. 2 42. We are all working together to one end, some with knowledge and design, and others with- out knowing what they do ; as men also when they are asleep, of whom it is Heraclitus, I think, who says that they are laborers and co-operators in the things which take place in the universe. But men co-operate after different fashions : and even those co-operate abundantly, who find fault with what 1 Gataker translates this "because we strive to get these things," comparing the use of 5iatpKTtov for tartov does not mend the matter. * It is said that this is not in the extant writings of Plato. 194 MEDITATIONS. births, deaths, noise of the courts of justice, desert places, various nations of barbarians, feasts, lamen- tations, markets, a mixture of all things and an orderly combination of contraries. 49. Consider the past, such great changes of political supremacies ; thou mayest foresee also the things which will be. For they will certainly be of like form, and it is not possible that they should deviate from the order of the things which take place now ; accordingly to have contemplated human life for forty years is the same as to have contemplated it for ten thousand years. For what more wilt thou see ? 50. That which has grown from the earth to the earth, But that which has sprung from heavenly seed, Back to the heavenly realms returns. 1 This is either a dissolution of the mutual invo- lution of the atoms, or a similar dispersion of the unsentient elements. 51. With food and drinks and cunning magic arts Turning the channel's course to 'scape from death. 2 The breeze which heaven has sent We must endure, and toil without com- plaining. 1 From the Chrysippus of Euripides. 2 The first two lines are from the Supplices of Euripides, v. 1110. MAE C US AURELIUS ANTONINUS. 195 52. Another may be more expert in casting his opponent; but he is not more social, nor more modest, nor better disciplined to meet all that J happens, nor more considerate with respect to the faults of his neighbors. 53. Where any work can be done conformably to the reason which is common to gods and men, there we have nothing to fear ; for where we are able to get profit by means of the activity which is successful and proceeds according to our constitu- tion, there no harm is to be suspected. 54. Everywhere and at all times it is in thy power piously to acquiesce in thy present con- dition, and to behave justly to those who are about thee, and to exert thy skill upon thy present thoughts, that nothing shall steal into them with- out being well examined. 55. Do not look around thee to discover other men's ruling principles, but look straight to this, to what nature leads thee, both the universal nature through the things which happen to thee, and thy own nature through the acts which must be done by thee. But every being ought to do that which is according to its constitution ; and all other things have been constituted for the sake of rational beings, just as among irrational things the inferior for the sake of the superior, but the rational for the sake of one another. The prime principle then in man's constitution 196 MEDITATIONS. is the social. And the second is not to yield to the persuasions of the body, for it is the peculiar office of the rational and intelligent motion to circumscribe itself, and never to be overpowered either by the motion of the senses or of the appetites, for both &re animal ; but the in- telligent motion claims superiority, and does not permit itself to be overpowered by the others. And with good reason, for it is formed by nature to use all of them. The third thing in the rational constitution is freedom from error and from decep- tion. Let then the ruling principle holding fast to these things go straight on, and it has what is its own. 56. Consider thyself to be dead, and to have completed thy life up to the present time; and live according to nature the remainder which is allowed thee. 57. Love that only which happens to thee and is spun with the thread of thy destiny. For what is more suitable ? 58. In everything which happens keep before thy eyes those to whom the same things happened, and how they were vexed, and treated them as strange things, and found fault with them : and now where are they ? Nowhere. Why then dost thou too choose to act in the same way; and why dost thou not leave these agitations which are foreign to nature to those who cause them and MAECUS AUKELIUS ANTONINUS. 197 those who are moved by them ; and why art thou not altogether intent upon the right way of mak- ing use of the things which happen to thee ? For then thou wilt use them well, and they will be a material for thee [to work on]. Only attend to thyself, and resolve to be a good man in every act which thou doest : and remember . . . 1 59. Look within. Within is the fountain of good, and it will ever bubble up, if thou wilt ever dig. 60. The body ought to be compact, and to show no irregularity either in motion or attitude. For what the mind shows in the face by maintaining in it the expression of intelligence and propriety, that ought to be required also in the whole body. But all these things should be observed without affectation. 61. The art of life is more like the wrestler's art than the dancer's, in respect of this, that it should stand ready and firm to meet onsets which are sudden and unexpected. 62. Constantly observe who those are whose ap- probation thou wishest to have, and what ruling principles they possess. For then thou wilt neither blame those who offend involuntarily, nor 1 This section is obscure, and the conclusion is so corrupt that it is impossible to give any probable meaning to it. It is better to leave it as it is than to patch it up, as some critics and translators have done. 198 MEDITATIONS. wilt thou want their approbation, if thou lookest to the sources of their opinions and appetites. 63. Every soul, the philosopher says, is invol- untarily deprived of truth; consequently in the same way it is deprived of justice and temper- ance and benevolence and everything of the kind. It is most necessary to bear this con- stantly in mind, for thus thou wilt be more gentle towards all. 64. In every pain let this thought be present, that there is no dishonor in it, nor does it make the governing intelligence worse, for it does not damage the intelligence either so far as the intelli- gence is rational l or so far as it is social. Indeed in the case of most pains let this remark of Epi- curus aid thee, that pain is neither intolerable nor everlasting, if thou bearest in mind that it has its limits, and if thou addest nothing to it in imagi- nation : and remember this too, that we do not perceive that many things which are disagreeable to us are the same as pain, such as excessive drow- siness, and the being scorched by heat, and the having no appetite. When then thou art discon- tented about any of these things, say to thyself that thou art yielding to pain. 1 The text has vyiK^, which it has been proposed to alter to \oyiK-/i, and this change is necessary. We shall then have in this section Xo7tK^ and KoivuvtKJ associated, as we have in s. 68 \oyiKiri and iroXm/nJ, and in s. 72. MARCUS AUEELIUS ANTONINUS. 199 65. Take care not to feel towards the inhuman as they feel towards men. 1 66. How do we know if Telauges was not superior in character to Socrates ? For it is not enough that Socrates died a more noble death, and disputed more skilfully with the sophists, and passed the night in the cold with more endurance, and that when he was bid to arrest Leon 2 of Salamis, he considered it more noble to refuse, and that he walked in a swaggering way in the streets 3 though as to this fact one may have great doubts if it was true. But we ought to in- quire what kind of a soul it was that Socrates possessed, and if he was able to be content with being just towards men and pious towards the gods, neither idly vexed on account of men's villany, nor yet making himself a slave to any man's ignorance, nor receiving as strange anything that fell to his share out of the universal, nor en- during it as intolerable, nor allowing his under- standing to sympathize with the affects of the miserable flesh. 67. Nature has not so mingled f [the intelli- 1 I have followed Gataker's conjecture of of the MSS. reading ol Avepw-jroi. 2 Leon of Salamis. See Plato, Epist. 7; Apolog. c. 20: Epictetus, iv. 1, 160; iv. 7, 3ol 3 Aristophan. Nub. 362. 8ri /3pei>0i*i r tv raiaiv 65ots Kal TW irapo/3dX\ct. 200 MEDITATIONS. gence] with the composition of the body, as not to have allowed thee the power of circumscribing thy- self and of bringing under subjection to thyself all that is thy own ; for it is very possible to be a divine man and to be recognized as such by no one. Always bear this in mind ; and another thing too, that very little indeed is necessary for living a happy life. And because thou hast des- paired of becoming a dialectician arid skilled in the knowledge of nature, do not for this reason re- nounce the hope of being both free and modest, and social and obedient to God. 68. It is in thy power to live free from all com- pulsion in the greatest tranquillity of mind, even if all the world cry out against thee as much as they choose, and even if wild beasts tear in pieces the members of this kneaded matter which has grown around thee. For what hinders the mind in the midst of all this from maintaining itself in tranquillity and in a just judgment of all surround- ing things and in a ready use of the objects which are presented to it, so that the judgment may say to the thing which falls under its observation : This thou art in substance [reality], though in men's opinion thou mayest appear to be of a different kind; and the use shall say to that which falls under the hand: Thou art the thing that I was seeking; for to me that which presents itself is always a material for virtue both rational and MARCUS AVRELIUS ANTONINUS. 201 political, and in a word, for the exercise of art, which belongs to man or God. For everything which happens has a relationship either to God or man, and is neither new nor difficult to handle, but usual and apt matter to work on. 69. The perfection of moral character consists in this, in passing every day as the last, and in being neither violently excited nor torpid nor play- ing the hypocrite. 70. The gods who are immortal are not vexed because during so .long a time they must tolerate continually men such as they are and so many of them bad ; and besides this, they also take care of them in all ways. But thou, who art destined to end so soon, art thou wearied of enduring the bad, and this too when thou art one of them ? 71. It is a ridiculous thing for a man not to fly from his own badness, which is indeed possible, but to fly from other men's badness, which is im- possible. 72. Whatever the rational and political [social] faculty finds to be neither intelligent nor social, it properly judges to be inferior to itself. 73. When thou hast done a good act and an- other has received it, why dost thou still look for a ./ third thing besides these, as fools do, either to have the reputation of having done a good act or to. obtain a return? 74. No man is tired of receiving what is useful. MEDITATIONS. But it is useful to act according to nature. Do not then be tired of receiving what is useful by doing it to others. 75. The nature of the All moved to make the universe. But now either everything that takes place comes by way of consequence or [contin- uity] ; or even the chief things towards which the ruling power of the universe directs its own move- ment are governed by no rational principle. If this is remembered, it will make thee more tran- quil in many things (vi. 44 ; ix. 28). l 1 It is not easy to understand this section. It has been suggested that there is some error in 7} a\6yi