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DEMOCRACY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 OLD WORLD AND THE NEW 
 
 'UlflVERSITT 
 
DEMOCRACY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 OLD WORLD AND THE NEW 
 
 BY THE AUTHOR OF 
 
 "THE SUEZ CANAL, THE EASTERN QUESTION 
 AND ABYSSINIA," "EGYPT, INDIA, AND THE COLONIES," ETC. 
 
 LONDON 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., i, PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 
 1884 
 

 i*r,// 
 
 (,T/te rights of translation and of reprodtiction are reserved.) 
 
> 0" THR ^ 
 
 iTJNiysRsiTr'l 
 
 PREFACE, 
 
 The account contained in th^se pages of some 
 facts connected with Democracy in the Old 
 World and the New is laid before the reader 
 without the least wish to advocate or deprecate 
 any conclusions which may have or be supposed 
 to have a bearing on party strife. Statements 
 derived from sources believed to be unimpeach- 
 able are adduced as to plain matters of fact, 
 and any opinions advanced rest, it is hoped, on 
 sufficient evidence as to the matters with which 
 they have to do, and not on adventitious re- 
 lations with other topics. 
 
 Democratic and Socialistic tenets sometimes 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 act in alliance with each other, and sometimes 
 are diametrically opposed. To judge aright as 
 to the operation and prospects of Democracy 
 in the Old World and the New, nothing is more 
 requisite than to have a well-defined under- 
 standing of the nature, working, and tendencies 
 of Socialism. 
 
 The present writer has long felt that writings 
 and speeches and talk generally having to do 
 with Socialism were apt to be very inaccurate, 
 and, in proportion to the degree in which they 
 were so, confused, and, so far as they were not 
 as a consequence inconclusive, to be misleading. 
 He has enjoyed opportunities, from communica- 
 tion with well-informed and eminent individuals, 
 of being led to appreciate some salient points, 
 on which a right comprehension of the topics 
 alluded to mainly hinges. 
 
 He has been solicitous to treat the matter 
 with the precision which alone entitles any state- 
 ment to be regarded as a real thing, in know- 
 ledge or in science, which terms are in effect 
 
PREFACE. Vil 
 
 and literally synonymous ; both are too fre- 
 quently employed to cover looseness in argument 
 and inaccuracy of ideas ; but in seeking to arrive 
 at deductions of serious import, nothing, he 
 conceives, is worthy of much attention as a 
 foundation of belief and of action which carmot 
 be proved to be triie^ whether by processes familiar 
 to exact science, of late largely made available 
 in literary pursuits by many distinguished men 
 (including Sir H. S. Maine), whose labours have 
 thrown floods of light on many social questions, 
 or in any other way. 
 
 The reader's attention is particularly invited 
 to the definition of Socialism, given in con- 
 formity with the views entertained by M. De 
 Laveleye ; to the description of the nature of 
 socialistic tenets in 1849, as set forth by M. De 
 Beaumont ; to the views of Baron Von Keteler ; 
 and to the working of things in America, and 
 especially to the action of the Supreme Court 
 of the United States. The present writer hopes 
 he has made available some facts not previously 
 
VI 11 PREFACE. 
 
 brought prominently into connection with dis- 
 cussions on Socialism. 
 
 He has by no means been desirous to find 
 fault with socialistic tendencies, when they are 
 justified by the circumstances of the case, what- 
 ever they may be, as eg. in the instances of 
 some charitable provisions for the relief of dis- 
 tress. Nor is he prepared to find fault uni- 
 versally with what is called " State Socialism," 
 as put forward by Prince Bismarck and others, 
 which must simply be looked on as a mass of 
 details, to be judged of according to the merits 
 of those details. 
 
 The present writer feels that it is completely 
 established by modern experience and investi- 
 gation, that the main hope of society must rest 
 on the prevailing influence of a sound education. 
 Its influence may be a prevailing one, even 
 though this education is confined to compara- 
 tively small numbers of the inhabitants of any 
 country, including sound instruction generally, 
 as of course the acquisition of all valuable in- 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 formation must, on which are to be based public 
 enlightenment and the ability to appreciate re- 
 liable principles or grounds of action. Evidently, 
 when Democracy — the power of the people — 
 exists in its plenitude, there can be no other 
 safeguard. Under forms of government not 
 Democratic, Democracy, though possibly pos- 
 sessed of great force, can hardly be said to exist 
 in its plenitude. If, in any nation, a reaction 
 has been brought about in consequence of 
 popular excess, so that the principal authority 
 is lodged with some saviour of society, such as 
 it not long since became the fashion to talk of, 
 a Democracy in its fullest sense can no longer 
 be said there to subsist 
 
 No lesson is more impressively conveyed to 
 us by the teachings of all ages, than that if a 
 population desire to preserve among their own 
 community the power of making their own laws 
 and regulations for self-government — to maintain, 
 in fact, among their own community a De- 
 mocracy, "they must be a law unto themselves." 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Socialism has to do with what remains of Feudalism — De 
 Beaumont's Statement bearing on this — Socialism has 
 also largely to do with Democracy — Characteristics of 
 Feudalism — Definition of Socialism — M. De Laveleye 
 on Socialism — General Description of Socialistic Tenets 
 — Communists, Nihilists, and International Society Men 
 — M. De Laveleye on Competition — Sir H. S. Maine 
 on Competition — De Beaumont's Account of Socialism 
 in 1849 — Confiscation — Popular Force never effective 
 unless associated with Systematic Political Action — 
 Secession of Roman Populace to the Mons Sacer ... I 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Results recently obtained from Investigation connected with 
 the Archives of Antiquity and of Allied Topics, accord- 
 ing to ** Comparative Method" — Sir H. S. Maine's 
 Deduction as to "Several Property" and its History, 
 and that of Civilization — Russian Communes — Herr 
 Bedel in German Parliament — Prince Bismarck (spoken 
 of in Note) —Voltaire and French Revolution— Weis- 
 haupt and German Illuminati— Disraeli on Revolutions 
 
Xll CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 of 1848. German Press at that Period — Lassaille — 
 Von Keteler — United States — Plutology — De Tocque- 
 ville on Democratic Government — Democracy and 
 Socialism — Christianity and Socialism 30 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 " Italy and her Invaders," and Heresy of Caius Gracchus — 
 No Equality vi^here Disparity of Wealth— An English- 
 man cherishes Personal Liberty, a Frenchman the Idea 
 of Equality — Cobden — Permanence of Chinese In- 
 stitutions — In England, People disposed to recur to 
 Precedents — Inclination to revert to the Past in the 
 United States — Supreme Court — Land in Ireland — 
 Supreme Court in Canada — Conservative Principles in 
 Constitution of United States and among American 
 Population — Danger from Criminal Classes — Sack of 
 Rome by the Goths — Paris and the Communards — 
 Socialistic Tenets in France — Bourgeoisie^ Landowners, 
 Workmen 57 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Mr. Kay's Statements as to Landed Property — Check on 
 Revolutionary Movements in 1848 — In Germany, 
 Switzerland, and France, Revolution similar to that 
 of France in 1789 impossible — Conservative Instincts 
 of Peasants — These and like Instincts in Persons of 
 Substance Resident in Towns developed along with 
 growth of Democracy 83 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Prince Bismarck and the Prince Consort on Parliamentary 
 Government — Magnitude a Measure of Political Appre- 
 ciation — Mass Meetings urged by Mr. Gladstone to 
 drown the Voice of Parliament and take Foreign Policy 
 under their Control — Political Pre-eminence mostly 
 infers Pre-eminence generally — Immediately rests with 
 Political Organizations, ultimately with the Force of 
 
CONTENTS. Xiii 
 
 PACK 
 
 Pul)lic Opinion— The " Wire-Puller "— The "Caucus" 
 — The " Phalanx " — Literary Action creates Opinion — 
 IMr. W. E. Forster a " Professional Politician "—The 
 "Machine" — Russell on Grey and Fox — Corruption 
 previously to American War of Separation — Burke's 
 Definition of Principles of True Politics — Mr. Trevelyan 
 on Political Life — Duke of Argyle's Simile — Chatham, 
 Burke, Rockingham, Fox, Grattan, Washington, 
 Franklin, not the Stuff Delegates are made of ... 90 
 
 CHAPTER VL 
 
 Democracy Conservative or Revolutionary, according to 
 Circumstknces — Secret Societies — Prospects of Civiliza- 
 tion — Tendencies of Democratic Legislation — Athenian 
 and Roman Democracies, and Democracies in France 
 and the United States — Socialism opposed to In- 
 dividualism in the Case of Corporations as of Indi- 
 viduals — Democracy is capable of development along 
 with Monarchical, Aristocratic, and Republican Forms 
 of Government — Democracy may co-exist with Mon- 
 archy, Aristocracy, or Plutocracy — Democracy com- 
 petent to counteract Socialistic Tenets — Lord Elgin — 
 Public Men of the Future — Sir William Blackstone and 
 the British Constitution 112 
 
'UNI7ERSIT7; 
 
 DEMOCRACY 
 
 IN THE 
 
 OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Socialism has to do with what remains of Feudalism — De 
 Beaumont's Statement bearing on this — Socialism has also 
 largely to do with Democracy — Characteristics of Feudalism 
 — Definition of Socialism — M. De Laveleye on Socialism — 
 General Description of Socialistic Tenets — Communists, 
 Nihilists, and International Society Men — M. De Laveleye 
 on Competition — Sir H. S. Maine on Competition — De Beau- 
 mont's Account of Socialism in 1849 — Confiscation — Popular 
 Force never effective unless associated with Systematic 
 Political Action — Secession of Roman Populace to the 
 Mons Sacer. 
 
 Democracy in the Old World and the New will, 
 we may rest assured, make itself largely and 
 perhaps chiefly felt, for good or for evil, by the 
 action it takes with regard to the rights of 
 
 B 
 
2 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 property. Property or money, which is one 
 form of property, in civilized countries repre- 
 sent most things, and is represented by them, 
 and moral considerations not less than material 
 well-being depend on property and money to an 
 extent not easily to be estimated. Discussions 
 having reference to them and to the maintenance 
 and progress of civilization cannot be kept apart. 
 
 In modern times, and among populations of 
 European race, the features characterizing 
 attacks on property have pretty generally been 
 recognized as being more or less of a Socialistic 
 stamp. These have been brought into pro- 
 minence by popular movements ; usually by 
 movements of a Democratic type. There is no 
 necessary connection, however, between De- 
 mocracy and Socialism, but since, as just stated, 
 in modern times, and among populations of 
 European race, the features characterizing 
 attacks on property have pretty generally been 
 recognized as being more or less of a Socialistic 
 stamp, to give some particulars regarding Social- 
 ism must conduce to clearness of apprehension. 
 
 Some facts regarding Socialism at this moment 
 particularly demand attention. It has largely to 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 3 
 
 do with what remains of the feudalism mainly 
 based on landed property, which is now pass- 
 ing away, or has passed away, throughout most 
 parts of Europe, inasmuch as Socialists maintain 
 that the only rightful source of revenue is labour, 
 and that rent and profit are abuses, even when 
 they arise from acquired property, and yet more 
 so when property has been inherited. That 
 this is a portion of the creed of Socialists we 
 learn from M. De Beaumont, whose statement 
 (conveyed in conversation to M. Senior) was 
 made above thirty years ago (in the year 1849). 
 M. De Beaumont, from his position as a man 
 of letters, as likewise from his experience and 
 discrimination in public affairs, was entitled to 
 speak with authority on any topic of this sort. 
 Inherited possessions are often of feudal origin, 
 and the system of laws, taken as a whole, is still 
 in some parts of what we denominate the Old 
 World to a great extent feudal in character. 
 Any such system would be effectually oblite- 
 rated by a socialist revolution, and Socialism 
 being quite capable, in the event of one occur- 
 ring, of sweeping away the entire framework of 
 existing institutions (as completely as was ac- 
 
4 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 complished by the march of revolution in 
 France), its bearing on what at the present 
 day. survives of feudalism in some European 
 lands is one of the most noteworthy features 
 of our age. Socialism has also largely to do 
 with the democracy, each day more and more 
 overspreading the most advanced nations, and 
 its relations with democracy will hardly be 
 confined, even principally, to Europe, though 
 they are perhaps not unlikely there pretty much 
 to take permanent shape, so far as they may 
 not already have done so. 
 
 Feudalism has ever been characterized by 
 feelings of loyalty and of mutual trust, and by 
 mutual relations of dependence. It has, for 
 the most part, grown up along with rights to 
 the ownership of land, and has become con- 
 nected with ideas as to birth, which in the 
 earlier as well as in other stages of society have 
 largely pervaded many races, however differing 
 in other particulars ; and in some instances it 
 has in no small degree contributed so to mould 
 society as to cause it to assume what has, with 
 more or less propriety, been termed an aristo- 
 cratic type, that is to say (attaching to the word 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 5 
 
 "aristocratic" its strict meaning), it has con- 
 tributed so to mould society as to lodge power 
 in the hands of those who, with more or less 
 propriety, might be called the best. Those with 
 whom in feudal times power has been lodged 
 have always, at any rate, been ready enough 
 as a class to maintain that they had a right, by 
 reason of public service performed by them- 
 selves or their ancestors, to the station they 
 occupied. To enter into the merits of this 
 creed, or to discuss how far, as compared with 
 aristocratic pretensions which may have had 
 to do with feudalism, moral and intellectual 
 distinction ought to have conferred, or in point 
 of fact did confer, on classes or individuals 
 claims to public estimation, is here needless. 
 The object merely is, to a certain extent, to 
 trace the working of causes which have brought 
 about momentous results. One rudimental 
 difference between society in Europe and in 
 America is to be found in the circumstance, 
 that while the rights of property in land are 
 at least as firmly rooted in America as in 
 Europe, they are in the western world com- 
 monly associated with an ownership democratic 
 
6 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 in its origin, whereas in Europe they have very 
 much arisen out of the feudal system, and have 
 been associated with the legislation, usage, 
 and Sentiment which, taken together, have 
 been known as Feudalism. This difference, 
 more than most things, has affected the habits 
 of life, that is to say, the manners (employing 
 that phrase in its widest acceptation), on the 
 opposite shores of the Atlantic. Feudalism, in 
 degree, still subsists in various European coun- 
 tries, but in our day possesses little of its former 
 strength and influence. Feudalism and the 
 democratic ownership of the soil are alike cer- 
 tain to be abrogated by an unrestrained pro- 
 gress of Socialism (should there ever be any 
 such progress), opposed as it must be to the 
 rights of property. Well worthy of attention as 
 are the struggles of Socialism with European 
 institutions more or less in their nature par- 
 taking of feudalism — imperial, monarchical, 
 aristocratic, or democratic as they may be — it 
 seems likely, if we are to judge from the past, 
 to receive effective and lasting checks quite as 
 decisively in America as on this side of the 
 ocean. Several or individual ownership must be 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. ^ 
 
 looked on as being the most universally fun- 
 damental institution of society, and it accord- 
 ingly obtains in every civilized nation. The 
 special institutions of each civilized nation — 
 imperial, monarchical, republican, aristocratic, 
 or democratic — are all incidental to this one. 
 
 It would appear from a recently published 
 article by M. De Laveleye,* that in 1854 Louis 
 Reyband, who was the inventor of the word 
 " Socialism," when writing on Socialists in the 
 " Dictionnaire de I'Economie Politique," considered 
 that Socialism was dead. At present, however, 
 says M. De Laveleye, it is to be found flourish- 
 ing and in force in most European countries ; 
 and he adds, the red spectre haunts the imagina- 
 tion of all, and it is a very general belief that 
 we are on the eve of a great social cataclysm. 
 Though this may be an exaggeration, it is never- 
 theless certain that Socialism, in a variety of 
 forms, has spread most extraordinarily of late. 
 In a violent form it has been adopted by town 
 labourers, workmen in factories, etc., and is now 
 spreading in the country. M. De Laveleye 
 seemingly holds that it may justly be defined as 
 
 * Contemporary Review^ April, 1883, pp. 561-572. 
 
8 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 being an aspiration towards the amelioration of 
 society y the great aim of which is to equalize social 
 conditions, while it endeavours to effect this 
 through the medium of the law or of the State. 
 The aim, he observes, of Socialism is • equality ; 
 but it will not admit that liberty alone could 
 lead to a reign of justice. This maybe accepted 
 as a truthful definition, but Socialism as thus 
 defined might not strike every one as being likely 
 to be associated with the evils and horrors 
 frequently accompanying the development of 
 its tenets, and of attempts to act on them. 
 Attempts to equalize social conditions can of 
 course be made, by seeking to confiscate pro- 
 perty, by favouring collective as opposed to 
 individual ownership, and in many other ways ; 
 the best comment is conveyed by the events 
 which have occurred in numerous well-known 
 instances, when the ordinary condition of things 
 prevailing among civilized human beings has 
 been, for the moment, superseded by the pre- 
 dominance of socialist notions. 
 
 In a scientific form, as we learn from M. De 
 Laveleye, Socialism has penetrated into the 
 domain of political economy, and is upheld 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 9 
 
 by professors in nearly all the universities of 
 Germany and Italy; while under the form of 
 State Socialism, it may be found in the cabinets 
 of sovereigns ; and under a Christian form it 
 has been accepted by Catholic priests ; and, 
 more generally still, by the ministers of different 
 Protestant denominations. 
 
 When socialistic theories gain possession of a 
 suffering population, they are apt to provoke 
 outbreaks like the insurrections of Jack Cade 
 and Wat Tyler in England, and of John of 
 Leyden in Germany. 
 
 During the years which witnessed the American 
 Declaration of Independence and the French 
 Revolution, the sovereignty of the people and 
 the equality of all men were loudly proclaimed. 
 Equality in political rights inevitably leads to a 
 claim for equality of social conditions ; and it is 
 unlikely in most cases that the bulk of the popu- 
 lation should, in any prosperous nation, be at 
 once sovereign and miserable. As both Aristotle 
 and Montesquieu insist, democratic institutions 
 are based on a supposition of social equality, 
 and now the strange fact merits attention, that 
 when pretty nearly equal rights are accorded in 
 
10 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 the most advanced communities to all men, the 
 position of the artisan and labourer has more 
 than ever become a dependent one. 
 
 M. De Laveleye, from whom what has been 
 here stated bearing on socialistic tenets is 
 taken, with such alterations as appeared requi- 
 site, assigns reasons for this, when speaking of 
 a gradual change, commencing at the close of 
 the last century, in the economic conditions 
 of civilized society. 
 
 "The ceaseless accumulation of capital in- 
 creased many fold the means of production and 
 the quantity of goods produced, but at the same 
 time it enslaved labour. Machinery multiplies 
 its marvels, but it does not belong to the hired 
 workman, who is its slave, instead of being its 
 master. Things were not thus formerly. Thanks 
 to the corporations then established, labour was 
 property. It has now become a merchandise, 
 the price of which rises or falls according to the 
 demand, and which at times finds no purchaser. 
 Wages are often higher than they were formerly, 
 but they are always uncertain. When a stop- 
 page, resulting from a crisis which the workman 
 can neither foresee nor prevent, takes from him 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. il 
 
 all means of subsistence, there is no one to 
 provide for his immediate wants. He is a free 
 agent; he has been paid his wages, and must 
 manage as best he can." 
 
 In modern times effects on any considerable 
 scale have almost invariably been produced by 
 united action. Bad tendencies have been freely, 
 and not always with strict accuracy, attributed 
 to the body of opinion usually spoken of as 
 Socialistic, which may, in a general way, be 
 described as consisting m doctrines favouring 
 common or collective, as distingnished from 
 several or individual ownership of property. 
 This description fairly represents the body of 
 opinion alluded to, and entirely accords with the 
 ideas apparently entertained by M. De Laveleye, 
 viz. that Socialism is an aspiration towards the 
 amelioration of society, the great aim of which is 
 to equalize social conditions, while it endeavours to 
 effect this through the medium of the law or of the 
 State. To promulgate and render preponderat- 
 ing socialistic doctrines (which to some extent 
 can occasionally be done, as during the French 
 Revolution, by laying hold of property), is the 
 object kept in view by Socialists ; and there have 
 
12 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 been those who would assert that Socialists are 
 apt to be persons who have nothing, and wish 
 to go shares with those who have something. 
 Questions as to property, especially when of the 
 socialistic type, have very frequently indeed, 
 both in ancient and modern times, led to violent 
 collision between those whose interests clashed ; 
 but it would be unreasonable to affirm that no 
 desirable course of public action can, in any 
 degree, be associated with ideas favouring com- 
 mon or collective, as distinguished from several 
 or individual ownership of property. The be- 
 stowal of charity may easily have to do with 
 them, and whether any course is a desirable one 
 to pursue depends on the facts of each case ; to 
 impute as necessarily connected with these ideas 
 proclivities such as those culminating in events 
 which have, of late, startled the world, would be 
 unwarranted. 
 
 We ought to remember, if we attach to the 
 word " social " its literal and primary signi- 
 fication, that social action infers companionship, 
 and none who duly apprehend the never-to-be- 
 forgotten truth that ideas, if they are to move 
 mankind, must derive weight from the co- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 13 
 
 operation of numbers, will underrate the strength 
 of multitudes adequately organized. As to this, 
 it matters not whether the aim of a movement 
 is to overthrow a dynasty, to seize on property, 
 or to carry out any favourite project having 
 reference to ordinary legislation. Human effort 
 resembles gunpowder : the effort of the individual 
 is as the explosive power of a single grain ; the 
 effort of the multitude as that of an aggregate 
 of grains. In either case this power can be con- 
 trolled or regulated by employing suitable 
 means ; but in dealing with the energy of a 
 multitude, men must deal with the energy of 
 complex passion, growing out of diverse tempers 
 and views, and either to control or regulate 
 demands tact, judgment, and decision. 
 
 That some of the special dangers which have 
 for many years threatened most European realms 
 have arisen out of socialistic doctrines, is 
 demonstrated by the course of events, the 
 ultimate issues of which cannot as yet, in their 
 fullest scope, with perfect accuracy be reckoned 
 upon in all details, though the character of not 
 a few of their aspects has become unmistakable. 
 
 Attacks on property, whether made by in- 
 
14 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 dividuals or by multitudes, have very often 
 indeed in modern Europe been instigated by 
 socialistic ideas ; and inasmuch as most contests 
 (there are not wanting those who would declare 
 all since the world's creation) have in reality 
 been between the " Haves " and the " Have nots," 
 the fact that they have been thus instigated 
 places it beyond doubt that to socialistic ideas 
 is attributable a vast proportion of the risks 
 against which, at the present day, it chiefly 
 behoves us to provide. 
 
 Those known as Communists, Nihilists, and 
 International Society men, frequently more or 
 less entertain socialist opinions, modified 
 according to circumstances. The Paris Com- 
 munists took their name from the Commune of 
 Paris, and so far as their views were based on 
 its legal rights and on the reminiscences apper- 
 taining to it, there was nothing specially 
 objectionable about them, though illegal proceed- 
 ings and violence were far from being unheard 
 of in the communal history of that city. But 
 on assuming, to the extent the so-named Paris 
 Communists did, the socialist type, on the fall 
 of Napoleon III. they showed themselves to 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 15 
 
 be insensible alike to the sacredness of human 
 life, to the rights of property, and to national 
 sentiment, destroying even the monuments of 
 national renown. The word " Communist " 
 acquired a signification associated with social- 
 ist notions, and with what had been done ; but 
 some have felt that the name " Communard " 
 might more fitly be employed to designate 
 any one claiming connection with the ancient 
 Paris Commune, so far as such connection was 
 meant to be alluded to. The advocacy of 
 common ownership, so far as the Paris Com- 
 munists did advocate it on the overthrow of the 
 French Empire, was naturally associated with 
 the term Communists, and to bring about in 
 various classes a common ownership was an aim 
 widely cherished among them, but had no 
 necessary connection with the annals or nature of 
 the Commune of Paris, which no further of 
 necessity favoured common ownership than 
 municipal bodies must in one sense do, who 
 possess property in a corporate capacity, and 
 have to take account of their own common 
 ownership in transacting their business. This, 
 obviously, is a totally different matter. 
 
l6 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 The object of socialist movements may be to 
 give effect to socialist doctrines through means 
 of the multitude, while the success of those 
 movements is in a great degree due to the 
 planning and original arrangements of but a 
 few. We ought ever to remember that, whether 
 emanating from many or from few, ideas, as 
 before observed, if they are to move mankind, 
 must derive weight from the co-operation of 
 numbers. 
 
 The persons called Nihilists, who have re- 
 cently attained such notoriety in Russia, are 
 usually considered to have socialist tendencies, 
 in conjunction with various strong types of 
 belief, or rather negations of belief Little 
 advantage can arise from endeavouring to as- 
 certain their beliefs or negations of belief, but 
 it is important to note the agreement of some 
 of the forms of popular combination in favour- 
 ing Socialist designs. The International Society 
 men, devoting as they do attention to questions 
 regarding labour, have in conspicuous instances 
 mixed them up with political strife, and fre- 
 quently adopt socialist tenets, as decidedly 
 political, in whatever sense we use the word, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 17 
 
 as any which could be specified. The move- 
 ments of the International Society, however, are 
 not identical with those of Socialists as such, 
 and its members have occasionally evinced only 
 scant sympathy with those doctrines which 
 oftenest actuate movements recognized as being 
 socialist in their essence. English members 
 seldom have gone to the same length in their 
 notions relative to property as those of con- 
 tinental birth. 
 
 A Socialist is the opposite of an Individualist. 
 He would give more place than is usually 
 accorded to associative principles in economical 
 arrangements. The Individualist considers that 
 the principles on which rests individual (some- 
 times spoken of as several) property, as likewise 
 self-interest and competition, should be carried 
 out to their utmost extent, and on these bases 
 the present order of things is, for the most part, 
 rudimentally founded. 
 
 The relations established by the present in- 
 dustrial organization between the capitalist and 
 the workman have been very clearly explained 
 by Mr. James Nasmyth (whom M. De Laveleye 
 cites) in evidence laid before a Committee of 
 
 c 
 
i8 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 Inquiry into Trades Unions. Mr. Nasmyth 
 showed that it was to the interest of industry 
 that many workmen should seek employment, 
 because when that is the case, the price of labour, 
 and consequently the cost of production, falls. 
 He added that he had often increased his receipts 
 by replacing able-bodied men by apprentices. 
 When asked what became of the workmen he 
 turned off and their families, he replied, " I do 
 not know. I left their fate to the natural laws 
 which govern society." 
 
 M. De Laveleye remarks, in speaking of the 
 universal competition which, as he says, is now 
 unchained, " This competition is the cause of all 
 progress ; it is the great force of industrial activity, 
 the source of our power. But it is productive 
 of an endless agitation, of permanent uneasiness, 
 and of general instability. No one is satisfied 
 as to his lot ; no one feels secure as to his future. 
 The rich burn to acquire greater riches, and he 
 who labours to live fears the loss of his daily 
 bread. Every man is free, and all fulfil their 
 destiny ; there is no class set apart, no inacces- 
 sible trade ; equality exists, and is the more 
 irritating because every man may aspire to all. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE ACffWcV''^ >?9 • . 
 
 There are more bitter awakenings, as mOT$====?====^^ 
 lofty dreams are indulged in. All may climb to 
 the highest step on the ladder, but few reach it ; 
 those who remain below curse those who are 
 above them, while coveting their place." 
 
 Competition, according to Sir Henry Maine, 
 was in the early stages of social progress not 
 merely the principal cause of advancement, but 
 also the great force which welded together the 
 component parts of infant and insignificant com- 
 munities. It is interesting to notice how much 
 more vast are its effects on the mighty nations 
 of our own day. 
 
 As a specimen of socialist doctrine set forth 
 during the Middle Ages, it is not amiss to quote 
 the words of a priest in England in the fourteenth 
 century, named John Ball, whose reputation 
 became well-known as given by Froissart. 
 
 " Good people, things cannot and will not go 
 well in England till all shall be in common ; that 
 there be neither lord nor vassal, but we shall be 
 all united. To what good are those we call 
 lords masters over us } Why do they hold us 
 in bondage ? And if we be all descended from 
 the same father and mother, Adam and Eve, 
 
20 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 how can they show themselves better than we, 
 save only in that they spend what we earn ? 
 They are clothed in silks and camocas, in velvets 
 and. furs, while we wear the poorest cloth. They 
 have their wines, their savoury dishes, good 
 bread and cakes, while we sleep on straw, and 
 live on rye-bread and water. They have their 
 manors and palaces which they enjoy in idle 
 luxury, while we labour in the wind and rain 
 to earn a scanty nourishment, and yet it is our 
 labour that gives them their plenty." 
 
 M. De Laveleye, who cites this extract in 
 another publication, having devoted attention 
 to Socialism, is well entitled to express opinions 
 which must command at any rate careful con- 
 sideration, regard being had to his literary 
 eminence ; but the present writer is not aware 
 that he has propounded any remedy for the 
 difficulties, both present and prospective, of 
 which he has treated. Mr. Nasmyth supplies 
 weighty evidence as to facts, and those who 
 have to deal with these facts will make their 
 own deductions. M. De Laveleye considers 
 that civilized states are at war, either openly 
 or secretly, one with the other, draining their 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 21 
 
 populations by unlimited armaments, and re- 
 taining for military service the flower of the 
 nation's youth ; that there are crushing debts 
 everywhere — national, provincial, and communal 
 — in all about ;^6,0CXD,cx)0,0C)O, bringing in a 
 revenue of from ;^300,cxx),ooo to ;6^3 50,000,000, 
 taken from the necessitous, and serving to allow 
 an ever-increasing number of people to live on 
 their incomes and do nothing ; and that there 
 are everywhere enormous budgets, quite out of 
 proportion with the advantages accruing thence 
 to the people.* 
 
 These are the things most fitted to bring 
 about a widely spread acceptance of socialistic 
 tenets. Public burthens produce nearly the 
 same effect in circumscribing the amount of 
 income available in the hands of a community 
 as does a low productive capacity in the soil, or 
 a low productive capacity of their industries 
 generally, and inflict those hardships on the 
 poor and struggling which render men desirous 
 of new things — the Roman phrase for desig- 
 nating persons intent on revolutionary change. 
 
 According to M. De Beaumont, who in 1849 
 
 * Fortnightly Review^ April, 1883, p. 561. 
 
22 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 was speaking to M. Senior more particularly 
 with reference to Socialists in France, the 
 Socialist party was then like the Protestant 
 Church, an aggregate of many sects, each hold- 
 ing some peculiar doctrines, but all agreeing in 
 some others. The points of faith in which they 
 agreed were, that poverty and excessive toil 
 resulted from human institutions, and could be 
 prevented by a more equitable distribution of 
 wealth, and by restricting the hours of labour ; 
 that the only lawful source of revenue was labour ; 
 and that rent and profit were abuses — abuses 
 even when arising from acquired property, and 
 yet more so when property had been inherited, 
 (allusion, to which doctrines in connection with 
 M. De Beaumont's statement has been already 
 made). That the steps to be taken towards 
 the suppression of these abuses were, first, the 
 abolition of the national debt, which would 
 instantly restore to the community about six 
 milliards ; secondly, the abolition of the rent of 
 land, the occupier being turned into the owner, 
 or where the farm is too large for a single 
 owner, the excess being divided among the 
 peasants who have no land ; thirdly, the impot 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 23 
 
 progressif stir la fortime prestun^e, by which 
 means all taxation was to be thrown on the 
 rich, and in proportion to their wealth, — this, 
 he said, as the most direct road to equality of 
 fortune, was the most approved Socialist clap- 
 trap at the elections ; fourthly, that the Govern- 
 ment should enable the workmen to act without 
 capitalists, by supplying them with capital to 
 be managed by themselves ; fifthly, that the 
 Government should provide employment for 
 those out of work, allowance in aid of insuffi- 
 cient wages, and pensions and asylums for the 
 aged, and foundling hospitals and schools for the 
 young.* M. De Beaumont is in fairness to be 
 relied on, as giving a trustworthy account of 
 Socialism at the time when he spoke. 
 
 All these points of faith favour interference 
 with the fundamental principle of several or in- 
 dividual property, viz. that its owner is entitled 
 to the enjoyment of it as being set apart for 
 him. Any interference of this sort is incon- 
 sistent with several or individual ownership, and 
 acts in the direction of bringing about a return 
 
 ♦ Senior's Journals, "Life in France and Italy," London, 
 1871, vol. i. p. 136. 
 
24 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 from an artificial condition of existence to one 
 of nature or (in the usual acceptation of the 
 phrase) of savagery. The reader's careful at- 
 tention is invited to this fact, for it is to be 
 desired that accurate conceptions should be 
 entertained as to the incontrovertible truth, that 
 the condition of things necessarily following 
 from infringements of the principle of property, 
 when largely carried out, is inconsistent with 
 the higher degrees of civilization. None can 
 deny that the abolition of a national debt would 
 be an interference with the principle of pro- 
 perty ; that the abolition of the rent of land 
 would be so ; or that the impot progressif sur la 
 fortune presumee would be such an interference 
 as would quickly cause movable capital to make 
 to itself wings. That the State should enable 
 workmen to act without capitalists by supplying 
 capital to be managed by themselves, and should 
 provide employment for those out of work, 
 are matters which Governments who choose to 
 spend the requisite amount can easily test by 
 experiment. The issues of such experiments 
 have assuredly not hitherto been encouraging ; 
 but to dwell in these pages on the lessons 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 25 
 
 learnt in France and other countries is uncalled 
 for. What has chiefly to be noted is, that 
 taking- by taxation money from those who have 
 it to give to those who have it not, is as much a 
 transfer of property as the abolition of a national 
 debt or of the rent of land. These devices all 
 aim at bestowing money or property, set apart 
 for others by operation of law, or as the reward 
 of industry, on persons destitute of these posses- 
 sions ; at bestowing on them, in fact, whether 
 as members of the community or otherwise, 
 shares of money or property as decidedly as if 
 the shares were to be held in common land 
 belonging to some savage tribe, among whom 
 the institution of individual or several property 
 had never taken root. 
 
 There are many ways of leading to a distri- 
 bution among others, in various shapes, of what 
 appertains to individuals, which can be accom- 
 plished by taking it through the instrumentality 
 of taxation, or of confiscation (whatever form it 
 assumes), and vesting the proceeds in the com- 
 munity at large, as effectually as by abolishing 
 a national debt or the rent of land. A distribu- 
 tion of this kind might, for the moment, so far 
 
26 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 as it operated, create a common or collective, 
 as distinguished from an individual or several 
 ownership. 
 
 The tiller of an allotment, or occupying tenant 
 of a cottage, will ever be disposed to lend a ready- 
 ear to those who tell him he is entitled to his 
 holding, and ought to make a manly effort to 
 attain, as his advisers might say, the rights of 
 man. Any common or collective ownership, 
 or equal proprietorship of small landed posses- 
 sions created by those who may have had the 
 power to do so in any country, has proved to 
 be inefficient in giving effect on any considerable 
 scale to the principles on which it was based, in 
 so far at least as that the equality of all never 
 has been long preserved. Numerous efforts 
 have been made to call such descriptions of 
 ownership into existence by Mr. Owen, of 
 Lanark, for example, and by various religious 
 bodies, which have terminated in failure. We 
 must remember that the seizure in the first 
 instance of property is what is chiefly of 
 moment, far more so than the bestowal of it 
 on persons to whom it may be given by the 
 public authorities after being confiscated ; that 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 27 
 
 is to say (according to the original meaning of 
 the term), made the possession of the public at 
 large. The keeping of property in the hands 
 of those on whom it might be bestowed can 
 never have much to do with the seizure of it, 
 nor yet can any question as to its management 
 by owners in common, if that were attempted. 
 What men of sense ought principally to attend 
 to is, to guard against tendencies leading to 
 confiscation. The word has a very definite 
 signification in ordinary use, as well as when 
 we consider its derivation, and is perfectly 
 understood by classes to whom it has unhappily 
 become familiar. 
 
 Whether the rights of man which might be 
 talked of were to be enjoyed by persons in 
 common, or as possessing in individual owner- 
 ship what was in the occupation of each, would 
 be comparatively of trifling importance, though 
 amongst the greater number of those engaged in 
 attacks on property, in the event of a scramble 
 taking place, the inclination might not impro- 
 bably be to seek to retain for their own use 
 and benefit whatever they themselves had to do 
 with. 
 
28 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 People may talk of inevitable laws, according 
 to which, if men possessed equal shares of either 
 common or individual property, the equality 
 would not last a fortnight. This, however, will 
 hardly restrain, from taking hold on what does 
 not belong to them, a multitude who know and 
 care nothing about inevitable laws, and would 
 declare that, inevitable or not, those in existence 
 had lasted too long. The populace will en- 
 deavour to compass their ends (whatever they 
 for the moment are) by the exercise of political 
 franchises, or by any other means they have 
 available. Brute force, to an adequate extent, 
 they never have available, unless the employ- 
 ment of it is associated with systematic political 
 action. When it is not so associated, the 
 strongest influences — those which could from 
 the outset decide the final outcome of any great 
 contest — never have been lodged with the bulk 
 of a nation, from the days when the Roman 
 populace seceded to the Mons Sacer till now. 
 When a multitude, acting systematically and 
 under able guidance, wield effective political 
 power, they will scarcely regard talk about 
 inevitable laws. Cupidity tempts most persons, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 29 
 
 and arguments favouring its indulgence are 
 more easily found than refuted, when the 
 decision rests with those who deem their 
 interests to be involved. The delegate and 
 election manager will, in too many quarters, 
 meet with willing audience, when urging 
 that there is inherent in every one a right to 
 have, either in common or individual ownership, 
 the ground he occupies, or when advocating the 
 abolition of a national debt, or any other of the 
 socialist aims already referred to ; all tending, 
 in the first instance, to bring about ownerships by 
 classes or by the nation at large, of property 
 previously set apart for those enjoying it in 
 conformity with the laws at the moment existing. 
 As a general rule, political power acquires pro- 
 perty, if property has not acquired political 
 power, or has lost it. This has been strikingly 
 shown by the annals of Ancient Greece, Ancient 
 Rome, Germany, France, England, and America. 
 
30 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 CHAPTER 11. 
 
 Results recently obtained from Investigation connected with the 
 Archives of Antiquity and of Allied Topics, according to 
 *' Comparative Method " — Sir H. S. Maine's Deduction as 
 to " Several Property " and its History, and that of Civiliza- 
 tion — Russian Communes — Herr Bedel in German Parlia- 
 ment—Prince Bismarck (spoken of in Note) — Voltaire and 
 French Revolution —Weishaupt and German Illuminati — 
 Disraeli on Revolutions of 1848 — German Press at that 
 Period — Lassaile — Von Keteler — United States — Plutology 
 — De Tocqueville on Democratic Government — Democracy 
 and Socialism — Christianity and Socialism. 
 
 The present distribution of landed property in 
 this country cannot, we may rest assured (that 
 is to say, unless we set aside all history), be 
 maintained if political power passes into the 
 hands of those who seek for a division of the 
 soil, or for legislation founded on doctrines 
 similar to some of those before specified, by 
 M. de Beaumont, as being points of faith with 
 Socialists. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 31 
 
 The results attained during recent years from 
 study of the archives of antiquity, and of the 
 principles on which were based ancient laws, 
 habits, and institutions, cause many of the 
 questions of the present day to assume an 
 entirely novel aspect. The importance of the 
 results attained by investigation, according to 
 "the comparative method," has surprised all 
 acquainted with them ; they are such results, 
 however, as might have been looked for by 
 any one who attached due weight to the un- 
 doubted fact that through means of thus, in 
 fitting instances, conducting investigation, science 
 is capable of being augmented pretty nearly in 
 proportion to the success of modern research 
 generally, and not with reference only to the 
 immediate object of that research. This success 
 has been unprecedented, and the results have 
 been unprecedented. 
 
 Sir Henry S. Maine has most advantageously 
 employed this method of investigation in ascer- 
 taining the principles on which were based 
 ancient laws, habits, and institutions, and he 
 emphatically observes that no one is at liberty 
 to attack several property and to say at the 
 
32 DEMOCRACY 11^ THE 
 
 same time that he values civilization. He adds 
 that their histories cannot be disentangled, and 
 that this circumstance alone irrefragably demon- 
 strates the suitableness of the institution of 
 property to the exigencies of human nature. 
 
 In the rural communes of Russia, containingr 
 a large proportion of its population, the pas- 
 turage and arable land belong to the entire 
 commune, not to individuals. The commune, 
 as a whole, enjoys unlimited authority in dis- 
 tributing the soil, and in making allotments ; * 
 it has to make various payments in taxation 
 and otherwise, and is not necessarily to be 
 regarded as absolutely owning the land. The 
 rural commune is organized on principles which, 
 to some extent, cannot fail to be recognized as 
 being those of Socialists, the body of opinion 
 spoken of as socialistic consisting, as has been 
 stated, in doctrines favouring common or collec- 
 tive, as distinguished from several or individual, 
 ownership of property. The fact, nevertheless, 
 that the rural Russian commune is organized on 
 principles which, to some extent, cannot fail to 
 
 * Contemporary Review, August, 1880, p. 913. Article by Rev. 
 Moritz Haufman, " Nihilism in Russia." 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 33 
 
 be recognized as being those of Socialists, by- 
 no means infers the disturbance of proprietary 
 rights vested in any one. In the rural Russian 
 communes, socialist doctrines have been exten- 
 sively acted on without inferring confiscation 
 (with what amount of beneficial effect need not 
 here be discussed). If the consequences, as 
 regards productive industry, of the system of 
 management pursued in a rural Russian com- 
 mune are unsatisfactory enough, we ought 
 always to bear in mind that the seizing of 
 private property, and the apprehension that it 
 will be seized, and the practical confiscation of 
 it by unwise imposts, are the things connected 
 with a desire to favour common ownership which 
 most rapidly ruin a nation. A common manage- 
 ment of the property appertaining to a village 
 commune, even if not calculated to conduce 
 to prosperity, need not bring about ruin. The 
 common management, it is to be observed, of 
 land belonging to a village commune in Russia 
 (small as may be the reasons for congratulation 
 afforded by its effects) is likely to succeed 
 better in actual working than new-fangled and 
 untried devices adopted with a view to give 
 
 D 
 
34 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 effect to mere theories, in Western Europe or 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Institutions usually most lead to prosperity, 
 when, instead of being novel inventions, they 
 have been tested and fortified by experience. 
 
 At a sitting of the German parliament (March, 
 1880), Herr Bedel, stated to be the leader of the 
 moderate fraction of the Socialists (who should 
 be an authority on the existing position of 
 socialist matters), expressed himself in a speech 
 deserving of notice. The present writer is not 
 aware whether he does or does not admit that 
 Nihilists hold doctrines favouring common or 
 collective, as distinguished from individual or 
 several, ownership, according to the general sup- 
 position ; but he does admit that all German 
 Socialists, whatever fraction they might belong 
 to, must be Revolutionists, now that legal agita- 
 tion had been prohibited under the Socialist 
 Act. Wherever he went, he said, he found him- 
 self tracked by detectives, and prevented from 
 holding meetings. Socialists, no doubt, were 
 Atheists too ; but was not Frederick the Great 
 an Atheist ? He did not dispute the view taken 
 by the Zurich journal, Social Democrat, of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 35 
 
 the murder of the Czar. " But Russia was an 
 altogether abnormal country, and what might 
 be done there could have no application to 
 other latitudes, least of all to Germany. Con- 
 sidering the active part taken by the Ultra- 
 montane members of the German parliament 
 in promoting international measures against 
 Russian refugees, he must remind these pious 
 gentlemen that their Church had dabbled more 
 than once in the murder and assassination of 
 sovereigns." "Aristocrats too," he moreover 
 observed, "who might have adorned the right 
 side of this house, had done as much. Ravaillac 
 had been praised for his deed ; Clement XIV. 
 had been forcibly removed for dissolving the 
 Jesuits." * And he further added that Sand, 
 who killed Kotzebue, the Czeck, who fired at 
 Frederick William IV., and Culm, who levelled 
 his pistol at Prince Bismarck, were no Socialists. 
 The ideas of Socialists, unquestionably, on some 
 
 ♦ Standard, April i. No recent measures adopted by Prince 
 Bismarck appear materially to affect this statement. If in bring- 
 ing forward legislation which is spoken of as State-socialism he 
 is now entitled to be reckoned a State-socialist himself, that 
 probably has not lessened the animosity of those who were 
 Socialists previously, nor affected their position. 
 
36 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 points often do not, in many respects, materially 
 differ from those at various periods entertained 
 by others ; but however this may be in each case, 
 it is important duly to regard the facts already 
 stated having reference to these ideas ; to recol- 
 lect that they have before now been an exciting 
 cause of tumultuous violence and outrage, and 
 may be so again, when allowed full scope ; and 
 to bear in mind that we are authorized by 
 ample evidence to look on the body of opinion 
 spoken of as socialistic as essentially consisting 
 in doctrines favouring common or collective^ as 
 distinguished from several or individual^ owner- 
 ship of property. Its features and modes of 
 action from time to time vary. 
 
 So early as the year 1726, Voltaire had formed 
 the design of establishing a confederation, with 
 the intention of eradicating all Christian faith. 
 Speculations which had been loosely floating in 
 literary circles were embodied into a system by 
 himself, D'Alembert, Frederick of Prussia, Dide- 
 rot, and their coadjutors. In 1776, Weishaupt 
 founded the subsidiary, and afterwards conjoined, 
 sect of the German Illuminati. 
 
 The French Revolution was the outcome of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 37 
 
 this projector Voltaire and his associates. Chris- 
 tianity having been interwoven with European 
 institutions to the extent of being in most 
 countries an essential part of them, this attack 
 on it, wherever for a moment successful, involved 
 alterations as sweeping as any that could now 
 be effected by any success of Socialists. The 
 changes in men's modes of thought and in the 
 accustomed order of things, for a time at least, 
 were fundamental ; and the changes in property 
 were violent and vast, more particularly in 
 France, when the Jacobin faction assumed a pre- 
 ponderance in the conduct of affairs. Those 
 most prominent in the French Revolution in 
 many things resembled the Socialists of our own 
 day ; both would, for example, for ever talk of 
 liberty, equality, and fraternity, though perhaps 
 not always formulating these words into a public 
 cry, or in any serious or practical manner pro- 
 posing liberty, equality, and fraternity as the 
 great ends to be attained. 
 
 The passage from the common or collective 
 to the several or individual ownership of land 
 being a step taken by every people, as it grows 
 out of the savage state into civilization, must 
 
38 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 be looked on as a progress in the civilization, 
 that is to say, in the degree of advancement 
 attained by that people, and many of the arts 
 of life have hinged upon it. Any general 
 passage, on the contrary, from the several or 
 individual to the common or collective owner- 
 ship of the soil would be a relapse from civili- 
 zation into the savage state ; it must interfere 
 with the foundations on which society rests, and 
 with the production of human sustenance. We 
 may safely assume, however, that there will 
 never be any such general change in the owner- 
 ship of land, and that the way in which Social- 
 ism principally endangers the well-being of a 
 nation is by rendering property insecure. The 
 institution of property consists in setting apart 
 for some what would else be enjoyed by all, 
 and it is worth noticing that the history of its 
 establishment is traceable with considerable 
 minuteness, in the accounts handed down from 
 very early times, of the mark system in Ger- 
 many ; that is to say, of the system pursued 
 as regards the mark or district appropriated 
 and marked out by each community. The 
 setting apart of land, as of all other descriptions 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 39 
 
 of property, is requisite, if industry is to be re- 
 warded ; and if industry is not to be rewarded^ it 
 will not be pursued, and, on the occurrence of any 
 serious check to industrial occtipations, human 
 susteftance can no longer be so a^nply provided 
 for as during periods of prosperity : so that those 
 who live by manual labour must experience the 
 bitterness of penury, as indeed they will in 
 degree do whenever a sense of insecurity takes 
 hold of the public mind, and precisely in pro- 
 portion to the intensity of the apprehension 
 entertained. 
 
 Strictly speaking, any interference with the 
 rights of property contravenes the principle of 
 property, which is, that its owner is entitled to 
 its enjoyment as being set apart for him ; any 
 such interference is inconsistent with several or 
 individual, as distinguished from common or 
 collective, ownership, and acts in the direction 
 of bringing about a return from an artificial 
 condition of existence to one of nature or (in 
 the ordinary acceptation of the term) of savagery, 
 and, to the extent of its operation, lessens pro- 
 ductive power. All interferences with the rights 
 of property exhibit features of similitude. 
 
40 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 The socialist movements and doctrines of the 
 present day can, for the most part, be seen to 
 have intimate relations with the ideas promul- 
 gated by those engaged in the French Revolu- 
 tion of 1789, till they were overmastered by 
 the general sense of French society, when en- 
 lightened by a dearly purchased acquaintance 
 with their practical working. 
 
 In 1852, Mr. Disraeli, than whom no higher 
 authority on the subject can be named, stated,* 
 that existing society has chosen to persecute 
 the Jewish race, which should, as he observes, 
 furnish its choice allies, and that the conse- 
 quences may be traced in the last outbreak 
 of the destructive principle in Europe. Extir- 
 pation of the Jewish religion, whether in the 
 Mosaic or in the Christian form, the natural 
 equality of man, and the abrogation of property 
 are proclaimed, he remarks, by the secret 
 societies who form provisional governments, and 
 men of Jewish race are found at the head of 
 every one of them. The people of God co- 
 operate with Atheists ; the most skilful accu- 
 mulators of property (he means, of course, in 
 * Life of Lord George Bentinck. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 41 
 
 the Old World) ally themselves with Commu- 
 nists ; the peculiar and chosen race (to employ 
 his emphatic words) touch the hand of all the 
 scum and low castes of Europe. And all this 
 because they wish to destroy that ungrateful 
 Christendom which owes to them even its name, 
 and whose tyranny they can no longer endure. 
 The present writer entertains no desire either 
 to adopt or to criticize Mr. Disraeli's well-known 
 views as to the people to whom he belonged 
 being a natural aristocracy among mankind. 
 What he would note is the fact, that the 
 Israelitish body were intimately associated with 
 the disturbances of 1848, and that this throws 
 light on a great deal having to do with these 
 disturbances, and especially with their anti- 
 Christian character, so far as that was developed. 
 Mr. Disraeli goes on to say, that when the 
 secret societies, in 1848, surprised Europe, they 
 were themselves surprised by the unexpected 
 opportunity, and he considers that so little 
 capable were they of seizing the occasion, that 
 had it not been for the Jews, imbecile as were 
 the governments, the uncalled-for outbreak 
 would not have ravaged Europe. But the fiery 
 
42 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 energy and the teeming resources of the children 
 of Israel sustained for a long time the unneces- 
 sary and useless struggle. In England, the case 
 was different ; society, as he justly remarks, did 
 not there persecute the Jewish race. 
 
 The writer of these pages has reason to know, 
 that at that era of revolutions, and subsequently, 
 the German press was largely in their hands ; 
 and it was pointed out to him by Baron von 
 Keteler, who held the see of Mayence, and 
 from his position was entitled to speak with 
 weight on the subject, that the Israelitish body 
 were subversive in their tendencies precisely 
 to the extent of endeavouring to pull down 
 whatever in the constitution of society was 
 opposed to them, but that otherwise their pro- 
 clivities were conservative. These two facts 
 bear out Mr. Disraeli's views. The connexion 
 of men of Hebrew extraction with not a few 
 of the socialist organizations of the present 
 day is equally recognizable as in those cases 
 he alluded to, and throughout the latter part 
 of his life his prescience was in nothing more 
 evinced than in his appreciation of the danger 
 to be apprehended from those secret societies, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 43 
 
 whose proceedings, he declared (as it now ap- 
 pears with too much of terrible truth), might 
 culminate in the taking of life by the arm of 
 the assassin. To maintain that all who belong 
 to them are imbued with socialist doctrines, 
 would be to assert too much. Still, it is none 
 the less worthy of observation that socialist move- 
 ments and doctrines can, for the most part, be 
 easily seen not merely to have intimate relations, 
 as already stated, with the ideas promulgated 
 by those engaged in the French Revolution of 
 1789, but furthermore to have at least as inti- 
 mate relations with revolutionary troubles of 
 more recent date. The facts glanced at having 
 reference to the Jewish race forcibly indicate 
 the connexion between ideas hostile to Chris- 
 tianity and the revolutionary troubles of 1848, 
 precisely as at the outbreak of the great French 
 Revolution. 
 
 Whatever may be the working of secret 
 societies strongly imbued with Socialism, the 
 mere favouring of socialist opinions is no proof, 
 universally and at all times, of subversive de- 
 signs, or of Atheism, though when Herr Bedel 
 made the speech in the German parliament be- 
 
44 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 fore referred to (March, 1880), he considered 
 that all German Socialists, whatever faction 
 they might belong to^ must be Revolutionists 
 now that legal agitation had been prohibited 
 under the Socialist Act, and that Socialists, no 
 doubt, were Atheists too, though why he stated 
 this to be so did not appear. In Germany, 
 Lassaille would have established productive 
 associations of labourers through means of 
 capital supplied by the State, and no one can 
 imagine there is anything very desperate in 
 this project, whether it is deemed impractical 
 or impracticable, or not ; while Von Keteler's 
 deeply rooted attachment to the rights of 
 property did not prevent him from wishing to 
 make the formation of productive associations 
 a scheme of the Church, and to appeal for con- 
 tributions, with a view to providing the requisite 
 capital, to Christian philanthropy and a sense 
 of duty. How capital was to be obtained in 
 connexion with the ends proposed, to any extent 
 worth thinking about, never indeed appeared, 
 but the conceptions of Lassaille and von Keteler 
 merit attention ; they exemplify the innocence 
 with which ideas may possibly be entertained 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 45 
 
 which are calculated to find acceptance with 
 Socialists. To discuss, however, the special 
 theories and crotchets of those generally who 
 cherish socialist aspirations forms no portion of 
 the design of the present writer ; he seeks to 
 trace the action of socialist doctrines in some 
 of the various circumstances they have to do 
 with, have had to do with, and may have to 
 do with : any mention of the names of indi- 
 viduals is no more than incidental, useful, and 
 even necessary, as it may be that they should 
 be mentioned. Prince Bismarck himself once 
 thought the State, which laid out large sums 
 for agricultural experiments, might spend some- 
 thing in giving co-operative associations a fair 
 trial. 
 
 In the United States, the preponderance of 
 public sentiment and of the strength of society 
 is so complete, and the resolution to preserve 
 inviolate order and the rights of property so 
 decided, that capital and its investments are at 
 least as safe as in any other portion of the globe. 
 Americans know that this state of things pays, 
 and beyond all question it has had a great deal 
 to do with the unprecedented prosperity which 
 
46 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 has already enabled our American " kin beyond 
 sea" to pass us in a canter in the creation of 
 wealth, as, judging from a remarkable article 
 contributed by Mr. Gladstone to an American 
 periodical, was apparently anticipated by him 
 when he penned it. In America, " Plutology," 
 that is to say the science of wealth, would seem 
 to be better understood than elsewhere, for 
 nowhere else has wealth accumulated with such 
 rapidity, or on such a scale of magnitude, as 
 of late in America. The term " Plutology " is 
 employed by Mr. Mongredien in a publication 
 entitled " Free Trade and English Commerce " 
 {London^ 1881, p. 43), which ranks high with 
 Mr. Bright and the Cobden Club. Mr. Bright's 
 friends, whatever they think of American notions 
 as to protection, would not depreciate this 
 science, its importance, interest, or attractive- 
 ness. Our transatlantic relatives evidently know 
 most about it, and about its practical application. 
 We need not minutely dwell on the multi- 
 farious subversive projects of either the last or 
 the present centuries. What has principally to 
 be noted is, that, as already stated, the features 
 characterizing attacks on property have pretty 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW.\ ^ W -^ *^ wX . 
 
 generally been recognized as socialistic iir 
 nature. The socialist type apparently is apt to be 
 assumed by attacks on property in our own day, 
 whereas, formerly, as e.g. in those following the 
 Norman invasion of England, it was frequently 
 absent. There would seem to be every proba- 
 bility that, at least among English-speaking 
 peoples, where, so far as we can see, the insti- 
 tutions of our English Alfred and respect for 
 free opinion are likely always more or less to 
 prevail — on the bulk of the population becoming 
 convinced by experience that the carrying out 
 of socialist dogmas is inconsistent with their 
 welfare, and more especially with the welfare of 
 those living by manual labour — the power of the 
 people, that is to say the democratic power, will 
 suffice to overcome, and be exerted to overcome 
 all efforts to give effect to them. 
 
 A democratic government naturally favours 
 the material welfare and the enjoyments of the 
 people at large. De Tocqueville felt that if it 
 were deemed useful to turn man's intellectual 
 and moral activity to the necessities of national 
 life, and to employ it for producing national 
 well-being, a democratic government should be 
 
48 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 established. Democratic rule is directly actu- 
 ated by self-interest, and accordingly is essen- 
 tially opposed to socialist theories, interfering 
 as they do with the accomplishment of its aims ; 
 and this opposition, often existing dormant 
 among classes half unconscious of its presence, 
 ever and anon crops up and puts forth its 
 strength, on being aroused to activity by the 
 current of events or the violence of popular 
 excitement The Paris Communists were sup- 
 pressed by the French democratic government, 
 and suppressed with a continuous and unrelent- 
 ing rigour proportioned to the sense entertained 
 of the loss and shame brought about by the 
 occurrences accompanying the fall of Napoleon 
 III., which were largely, though perhaps not 
 invariably with strict justice, attributed to the 
 Communists. 
 
 The scenes enacted in Paris by persons who 
 took part in socialist projects shocked the feel- 
 ings of our age, and were terminated by the 
 functionaries of a republican government, whose 
 measures were pretty much in accordance with 
 the sentiments at that moment dominant in 
 France. The circumstance that these function- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 49 
 
 aries talked about liberty, equality, and fraternity 
 had very little to do with the matter. The 
 scenes enacted were not only abhorrent to the 
 ideas habitually entertained by civilized men, 
 but were, moreover, injurious to the interests of 
 the mass of French citizens. 
 
 Democracy, consisting as it does (according 
 to the literal meaning of the word) of the power 
 of the people, asserts the right of a self-reliant 
 nation to liberty — to liberty comprising not 
 alone personal freedom, but likewise the civic 
 capacity of individuals to take their share in 
 the conduct of affairs ; and it further asserts the 
 right of each citizen to justice. 
 
 Alike in ancient and modern nations, those 
 possessing refinement and polish are selfish as 
 others. Wealth centres in a few, and greed 
 and ambition follow. Great fortunes grow up, 
 and the inevitable contrast arises between rich 
 and poor. Envy will ever more or less render 
 men desirous of change, and large masses of 
 citizens too often are prone to look to the State 
 to provide them with victuals and amusement. 
 The mob run after the leader who flatters most, 
 promises most, and most lavishly feeds their 
 
 £ 
 
50 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 appetites. To feed their appetites is a project 
 favoured by socialist tendencies, for it enables 
 the multitude to enjoy the good things of life 
 in common and collectively. The aim is at 
 all times essentially the same, though with 
 numerous modifications ; it has equally been 
 the feeding of the appetites of the multitude, 
 whether food has been given by the charitable 
 organizations of the present day, by the legal 
 machinery of poor laws, or by those who in 
 ancient times bestowed on the Roman popu- 
 lace the " Panem and Circenses." Practices 
 of this kind contributed to the downfall of 
 Rome of old, sapping as they did the springs 
 of industry, and causing free citizens to be 
 supplanted by slaves ; notably so in Italy, 
 where, from various causes, the tillers of the 
 ground were swept away by the forced impor- 
 tation of African corn to provide largesses for 
 the inhabitants of the metropolis. The slaves 
 introduced in lieu of the free peasantry were 
 only superseded by the new order of things 
 established under new rulers ; the free peasantry, 
 the former cultivators of the soil, never were 
 restored. In politics it is, for the most part, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 51 
 
 comparatively easy to create, and still more so 
 to destroy ; but to restore — to reinfuse the vigour 
 of youth and pristine energy and virtue — is an 
 achievement which statesmen, when compelled 
 by necessity, may indeed seek to accomplish, 
 but will mostly seek in vain. 
 
 In many lands men are familiar, through 
 means of long-continued usage, with practices 
 to some extent in accordance with socialist 
 notions (as in the instance of giving poor-law 
 relief), which those who originated them never 
 dreamed of carrying out to their extreme de- 
 velopment. To give poor-law relief, as in this 
 country, must be recognized as being, theo- 
 retically and in degree, a proceeding socialist 
 in its nature (conferring as it does a portion of 
 the income of the comparatively well-to-do on 
 those who are pauperized), as decidedly as the 
 giving of langesses of corn in ancient Rome ; 
 the payment of rates levied for their relief 
 makes available for the use of the poorer 
 populace a portion of the public wealth ; the 
 means of the producer are diminished precisely 
 as in giving these largesses. Grants of relief 
 to the inmates of a workhouse are not, indeed, 
 
52 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 open to the same amount of unfavourable criti- 
 cism as the granting of out-door reHef, since 
 few, save the really destitute, are likely to enter 
 one, and the practice is thus to a great extent 
 checked ; but all poor-law relief is in strictness 
 opposed to the principles of economic science, 
 and is only justifiable on the ground that it 
 accomplishes practical good, and is a kind of 
 insurance against the evils certain to arise from 
 the abandonment of distress to the miseries 
 incident to it when unalleviated in its direst 
 extremities. British ratepayers have hitherto 
 as effectually kept within bounds the granting 
 of poor relief, as small owners of land and 
 others owning possessions of all sorts, both small 
 and large, have invariably put down in the 
 United States, at Pittsburg and elsewhere, mobs 
 hostile to the rights of property. Alike in Eng- 
 land and in America, all courses of action in any 
 degree based on doctrines which are socialist 
 in their essence have as yet been restrained 
 within narrow limits. 
 
 The weightest problem of the future, at least 
 among English-speaking peoples, evidently is, 
 how far democracy can afford safeguards against 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 53 
 
 the mischiefs to be apprehended from the develop- 
 ment of Socialism f 
 
 The bridling throughout the world of Social- 
 ism by democracy will mainly depend on the 
 prevalence of a public opinion convinced that 
 disaster is to be apprehended from its pre- 
 dominance, and the vigour and intelligent di- 
 rection of public opinion can only result from 
 a widely spread and useful education, which 
 shall have enabled those in whose hands rests 
 political power, whoever they may be (probably 
 the bulk of the people), to arrive at sound con- 
 clusions as to matters of universal concern. 
 
 Democratic strength, it is to be observed, 
 may be exerted in restraining Socialism, either 
 alone, as perhaps we should consider was the 
 case in France on the suppression of the Paris 
 Communards, or in conjunction with monarchial, 
 aristocratic, republican, or other forms of power, 
 according to circumstances. 
 
 Christianity has rendered it far more possible 
 than heretofore for popular impulses to be 
 guided aright, and the Christian spirit leads 
 men to perceive that the State exists for 
 the benefit of all ; that it exists, not on the 
 
54 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 bases of the political systems of Greece and 
 
 Rome of old, under which, since citizens were 
 IPS 
 not unfrequently provided with the means of 
 
 support and with amusement, Socialism must 
 so far be held more or less to have flourished, 
 but on those of personal responsibility and 
 liberty; while it at the same time requires that 
 neither any advantage for society as a whole 
 nor any other object shall be sought for other- 
 wise than in accordance with Christian morals. 
 True, the early Christians had at one time all 
 things in common, and at various times peculiar 
 sects have endeavoured to bring about com- 
 munity of possessions and profits ; but the com- 
 mand, "Thou shalt not steal," has ever been 
 felt by the Church in all its branches to be of 
 binding authority. This command has power- 
 fully supported the rights of property throughout 
 Christendom, and indeed far beyond its limits, 
 and was felt by the eminent prelate (Baron von 
 Keteler) whose views have been already cited, 
 and who may be looked on as having been 
 long the head of what was known as the 
 Catholic party in Germany, to have accomplished 
 more in fortifying those rights than all else ever 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 55 
 
 said or written. Aspirations subversive of the 
 rights of property have at no period long or 
 extensively prevailed, wherever the Christian 
 spirit has been paramount, but to bestow 
 charity has, in numerous classes of instances, 
 been deemed a Christian duty. This is a 
 widely different matter, however, from admit- 
 ting the recipients of charity to be entitled to 
 claim, on the ground of legal obligation, what is 
 spontaneously dispensed. No one believes that 
 the developments of Socialism among the Paris 
 Communards derived much of their strength 
 from Christian sentiment.. These and more or 
 less similar developments have, in truth, at 
 various times in France, generally been asso- 
 ciated with lines of action emphatically hostile 
 to Christian institutions ; and the murder of 
 whole hosts of the French clergy (including that 
 of two Archbishops of Paris) indelibly stamps 
 their real character on three at least of the 
 revolutionary tumults of modern times. 
 
 The appreciation of the fact that there is no 
 dangerous opposition between what is incul- 
 cated by Christian precepts as to the exercise of 
 charity and a fitting and necessary determina- 
 
56 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 tion on the part of those who value civilization 
 to uphold the rights of property, is essential to 
 a right understanding of some of the gravest 
 considerations having to do with any estimate 
 relating to proclivities towards Socialism among 
 modern Europeans or their posterity. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 57 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 '* Italy and her Invaders," and Heresy of Caius Gracchus— No 
 Equality where Disparity of Wealth — An Englishman 
 cherishes Personal Liberty, a Frenchman the Idea of 
 Equality — Cobden — Permanence of Chinese Institutions — 
 In England, People disposed to recur to Precedents — In- 
 clination to revert to the Past in the United States — 
 Supreme Court — Land in Ireland — Supreme Court in 
 Canada — Conservative Principles in Constitution of United 
 States and among American Population — Danger from 
 Criminal Classes — Sack of Rome by the Goths — Paris and 
 the Communards — Socialistic Tenets in France — Bourgeoisie^ 
 Landowners, Workmen. 
 
 All over Europe, the colonies still included 
 within the British Empire, and the United 
 States, the tide of affairs flows permanently in 
 the direction of democracy, and we must re- 
 member that democratic institutions may or 
 may not be accompanied by republican forms 
 of government. As before observed, the weigh- 
 tiest political problem of the future, at least 
 among English-speaking peoples, evidently is, 
 
58 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 how far democracy ca7t afford safeguards against 
 the mischiefs to be apprehended from the develop- 
 ment of Socialism ? Those who most cherish 
 faith in the potency of a widely spread and 
 useful education will most incline to believe 
 it can do so effectually. Very practical ques- 
 tions arise. The chief one has been pointedly 
 put in a recent work (Hodgkin's "Italy and 
 her Invaders," London, 1880), and contains an 
 instructive reference to the fate of Rome, from 
 which are to be gathered lessons capable of a 
 thoroughly practical application. The passage 
 had best be inserted. 
 
 " Will the great democracies of the twentieth 
 century resist the temptation to use political 
 power as a means of material self-enrichment .? 
 With a higher sense of duty than has been 
 shown by some of the governing classes which 
 preceded them, will they refrain from jobbing 
 the commonwealth ? Warned by the experience 
 of Rome, will they shrink from reproducing, di- 
 rectly or indirectly, the political heresy of Caius 
 Gracchus, that he who votes in the forum must 
 be fed by the State ? If they do, perhaps the 
 world may see democracies as long-lived as the 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW, 59 
 
 dynasties of Egypt or of China. If they do 
 not, assuredly now, as in the days of our Saxon 
 forefathers, it will be found that he who is 
 ' giver of bread ' is also lord. The old weary 
 round will recommence, democracy leading to 
 anarchy, and anarchy to despotism, and the 
 national workshops of some future Gracchus 
 will build the palaces in which British or 
 American despots — as incapable of rule as 
 Arcadius or Honorius — will guide mighty em- 
 pires to ruin, amidst the acclamations of flat- 
 terers as eloquent and as hollow as the courtly 
 Claudian." 
 
 There never can be said to be equality 
 amongst the members of a community where 
 there is disparity of wealth, where one man is 
 in affluent and another in humble circumstances. 
 Mr. Hodgkin alludes to the fact, never to be 
 forgotten by any of English race, that in the 
 days of our Saxon forefathers it was found that 
 he who was " giver of bread " was also lord. 
 And the vain endeavour that there shall be 
 equality by reason of precluding, through means 
 of legislative action, the existence of disparity of 
 wealth has, at all stages of their progress, for 
 
6o DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 the most part specially characterized socialistic 
 movements, when intended to overturn estab- 
 lished institutions. Equality, indeed, in the eye 
 of the law there often is in many countries, as 
 regards many questions of personal rights and 
 of social standing, but the cases are by no 
 means identical. Even in the democratic re- 
 publics of the United States and of France, any 
 assertion that there is universal equality in the 
 eye of the law or in any other sense, with refe- 
 rence to personal rights (including of course 
 rights connected with property, as personal 
 rights very frequently indeed must be) or 
 social standing, would be quite unwarranted. 
 In these republics are to be met with official 
 designations carrying with them respect, and 
 the whole framework of law and of society 
 confers on the favoured individuals, whoever 
 they may be, honour, standing, and weight, 
 which lead to the gaining of the most coveted 
 objects of ambition, whatever they are. If in 
 any nation the honour, standing, and weight 
 that belong to some do not belong to all (and 
 it is needless to remark they cannot belong to 
 all), to talk about equality is futile and deceptive. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 6i 
 
 What an Englishman cherishes is personal 
 liberty ; the poorest cottager feels his personal 
 liberty is sacred, and cares little for equality. 
 Cobden declared, he "would rather live in a 
 country where this feeling in favour of liberty 
 is jealously cherished than be without it in the 
 enjoyment of all the principles of the French 
 Constituent Assembly." * The Frenchman talks 
 about equality, and cherishes the idea of it, 
 though his nation has not unfrequently set aside 
 all notions of either the name or the reality of 
 equality, and though equality in France, as 
 regards honour, standing, and weight, at no 
 time has become a prevalent fact. 
 
 No constitution of things can be permanent, 
 unless based on right — all else is transitory, and 
 depends on the shifting notions of the hour, 
 whatever they may be. The dynasties of Egypt 
 and of China, like all polities ever established 
 among men in any degree civilized, were so 
 far based on right, that they recognized the 
 institution of several or individual property, and 
 socialist tendencies never found the same favour 
 as in ancient Rome, or in many portions of 
 * Morley's **Life of Cobden," vol. ii. p. 137. 
 
62 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 modern Europe (though they can hardly be said 
 to have gained in any nation at all advanced 
 in civilization, even for a moment, complete 
 supremacy) ; and this fact, that they never 
 found the same amount of favour, goes far 
 towards accounting for the immobility of the 
 laws and habits of Egypt and China. Persons 
 who desired revolution, such as the individuals 
 and classes we so constantly hear of during the 
 closing years of the Roman Republic, as seeking 
 to enjoy the property of others, never possessed 
 paramount power among the Egyptians and 
 Chinese. 
 
 Aided by our vastly increased acquaintance 
 with China, judiciously directed research has 
 discovered an amply sufficient reason for this 
 comparative absence of socialistic tenets, and 
 for the remarkable immobility of Chinese insti- 
 tutions and society. It appears that, very long 
 ago,* Chinese rulers, who had associated the 
 feelings of loyalty and attachment to themselves 
 with popular sentiment, promulgated a system 
 of laws and morals which became intimately 
 
 * North American Review for 1880, p. 211, et seq. Article 
 on Permanence of Chinese Institutions, by S. W. Williams. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 63 
 
 connected with the mental habits and social 
 observances of the bulk of the population. In 
 the year B.C. 1 122, some distinguished men 
 overthrew the Shang dynasty, establishing their 
 own family in its stead, and writings handed 
 down with the sanction of their authority be- 
 came the standards of constant reference. Their 
 empire, however, fell into a condition resembling 
 that of France after the decease of Charlemagne, 
 through the strife of feudal kings, and Confucius 
 and Mencius arose in the fifth and fourth cen- 
 turies. Seeing that the people were lapsing 
 into barbarism, they taught them political ethics, 
 and fortified their own precepts by the well- 
 known instructions so handed down. Confucius 
 and Mencius thus obtained support from their 
 countrymen, while the experience of the inter- 
 vening centuries enabled them to enlarge their 
 range of thought and discuss all the functions 
 of a State. The paramount and lasting influence 
 of the Chinese classics over the Chinese, as com- 
 pared with the neglect in other nations of the 
 ideas of Cyrus, Solomon, Plato, and others, 
 plainly is attributable to the prevalence at a 
 remote epoch of popular education among the 
 
64 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 inhabitants of what those dwelling in it love 
 to call the Celestial Empire. Literary men were 
 elevated above warlike pursuits, and the way 
 was prepared for adopting the system of com- 
 petitive examination in selecting for office, which 
 originated about B.C. 1 50. 
 
 Conftcciiis caused his countrymen always to look 
 backwards — to a past rich in experience and in 
 the fruits of ripe intellectual culture : this dis- 
 position to look backwards was totally inconsistent 
 with inventions instigated by socialist aspirations. 
 The Chinese settled their hierarchy of rank long 
 since, as likewise the distribution of wealth through- 
 out their comttry, and never have evinced much 
 disposition to alter either by means of revolutionary 
 change. With many nations the disposition is 
 constantly to look forward to a future dependent 
 on eventualities, the nature of which can be but 
 imperfectly comprehended. But to look backwards 
 can lead to no good result, unless right conclu- 
 sions are thus arrived at. The Chinese consider 
 that to arrive at right conclusions is secured by a 
 continual reference to their classical writings, and 
 certain it is that socialistic tenets are not much 
 favoured by these writings, so that the national 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW, 65 
 
 mind has never exhibited any great proclivities 
 in that direction. There is 710 7ieed to express 
 admiration for Chinese institutions ; all here 
 desired is to explaifi the noteivorthy circtimstance 
 that socialistic tenets do not prevail in China. 
 
 Education having existed extensively in very 
 early times, and selection for office on account 
 of literary attainment having been established 
 at a very remote period, we can easily com- 
 prehend that the reasons for the uniformity and 
 endurance of Chinese national polity are to be 
 sought for in the teachings of their sages and 
 rulers, and in the nature of the institutions which 
 have grown out of those teachings. The Chinese, 
 it is to be observed, have maintained democratic 
 habits under a purely despotic theory of rule, 
 and their government has respected the rights 
 of its subjects by placing them under the pro- 
 tection of the law. 
 
 When it is well understood that a nation is 
 certain in the main to look backwards to the 
 experience of the past, there is comparatively 
 little difficulty in, to a considerable extent, fore- 
 casting the fortunes of the future. And this is true, 
 in degree, of other nations besides the Chinese. 
 
 F 
 
66 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 The teachings in practical morality of the 
 Nine Classics, as they are styled, came to be 
 regarded as of the highest authority. Previously 
 to the year B.C. 202, a struggle of forty years 
 had destroyed all the feudal kings and aris- 
 tocracies, and left a clear field for the emperor 
 to select the best men. He naturally looked to 
 the literati^ whose studies in these classics had 
 fitted them somewhat for carrying precept into 
 practice ; and the examinations for office are 
 still confined to subjects drawn from these 
 books. Strictly speaking, no religious system 
 is taught in them, for the purpose is to incul- 
 cate the highest morality and the best govern- 
 ment, as founded on human experience.* 
 
 Europeans often deem the Chinese literati 
 unduly given to self-satisfaction at being the 
 interpreters of what they consider a perfect 
 system of polity ; but without discussing its 
 merits, all right-minded men will admit that to 
 feel the importance of having a perfect system 
 implies an appreciation of the bearings of the 
 national system of polity on the vital interests 
 of their race. Perfection in a system of polity, 
 
 * North American Review for 1880, p. 208. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 67 
 
 though made up of many small things, itself is 
 not a small thing, and the effort (whether it 
 succeeds or fails) to attain it is deserving of 
 honour. 
 
 We may notice that the institution of several 
 or individual property could not well receive 
 stronger sanctions than those relating to it in 
 Chinese legislation, and that the mischiefs 
 necessarily attending inroads upon it would, 
 of course, at once affect the democratic com- 
 munity at large, and especially those literary 
 men who form the governing class, and from 
 their position must be injured by public mis- 
 fortune. No wonder, therefore, that socialistic 
 tenets never found favour among " the black- 
 haired race." So far as the present writer is 
 aware, no one in China is known ever to have 
 held, in the most remote degree, any doctrine 
 analogous to what Mr. Hodgkin terms the 
 political heresy of Caius Gracchus, that he who 
 votes in the forum must be fed by the State, 
 nor acting on such an imagination to have ever 
 tried to job the commonwealth. Had any one 
 essayed the attempt to carry out such a doc- 
 trine, he would quickly have been checked, not 
 
68 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 only by the force of opinion among the literary 
 and governing class, but also by the demo- 
 cratic instinct of the population, who could not 
 fail to appreciate the fact that thus to make 
 away with public revenues in which all were 
 interested was entirely opposed to those ideas, 
 habits, and maxims which, above all other things, 
 they were ever ready jealously to guard, as 
 affecting the welfare of the "Central Flowery 
 Land." Thus they speak of the much-loved 
 country of their ancestors, and anxiety for its 
 prosperity is by no means based on sentiment 
 alone, for in seasons of adversity taxes are 
 sometimes remitted throughout extensive dis- 
 tricts, thus imposing on other districts the neces- 
 sity to contribute all the more to provide for 
 national expenditure. 
 
 In ancient Egypt there was pretty much the 
 same disposition to recur to the past that meets 
 our eyes in China. It was there markedly con- 
 nected with an oppressive reHgious ceremonial. 
 In Asia generally, there is at this moment the 
 same dislike of new things, when contrary to 
 previously existing usage, though not invariably 
 to an equal extent, as in China ; and it is quite 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 69 
 
 sufficient to preclude all probability of oriental 
 populations entering on the paths of western 
 reforms and progress. They may have their 
 own reforms and progress, but these will hardly 
 exhibit any great similitude to those of a 
 western type. 
 
 In England, people have always been dis- 
 posed to recur to precedents afforded by law, 
 practice, and the lessons of history, though not 
 to the same extent as in China. This disposi- 
 tion, while it ordinarily has aided in maintaining 
 sobriety of judgment, has nevertheless on some 
 occasions been overborne by party preposses- 
 sions not being fortified by institutions pos- 
 sessing any other strength than that derived 
 from the vigorous sense and sound feeling 
 of the community at large. These, however, 
 have for the most part sufficed to secure to 
 social order and to the British constitution a 
 permanency seldom to be met with, and 
 almost unprecedented under a mixed form of 
 government. 
 
 The most conspicuous example among a 
 western population of an inclination to revert 
 to the past being fortified by other strength 
 
70 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 than that derived from the vigorous sense and 
 sound feeling of the community at large is 
 presented by the United States. Americans 
 generally are quite prepared to revert to the 
 past, in so far, at least, that they do not lack the 
 determination at all hazards and at any sacrifice 
 to stand by the form of polity bequeathed to 
 them by their fathers. In the United States 
 the Supreme Court is empowered to restrain 
 all action inconsistent with the inviolability of 
 property and of contracts. It has many other 
 jurisdictions, and its efficiency in a great measure 
 arises from its capacity for direct action through 
 the instrumentality of the officers appointed to 
 carry out its behests in every part of the Union.* 
 The Supreme Court has fulfilled its high func- 
 tions during the entire period which has elapsed 
 since the meeting of the first Congress under the 
 Constitution of 1769, and much of the con- 
 stitutional law which it regulates and guards has 
 been formed by it. 
 
 The existence in any nation of a judicial court 
 supreme over all other authorities is a recogni- 
 
 * A leading case as to its capacity for direct action is that of 
 " Postmaster against Early." — Wheaton. 
 
I 
 
 OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 71 
 
 tion on the part of that nation of the principles 
 of justice and of the principles of public policy- 
 placed under its protection. 
 
 When the property of the Protestant Episcopal 
 Church in Virginia was sought to be confiscated, 
 on separation from Great Britain being brought 
 about, this was prevented by the existence of 
 the powers lodged with the Supreme Court. 
 
 Under Chief Justice Marshall the court vindi- 
 dicated the authority of the federal judiciary- 
 over both State tribunals and State legislatures. 
 The decision in the case of Dartmouth College 
 broadly asserted the authority of the Supreme 
 Court to annul State laws repugnant to the laws 
 of the United States. The New Hampshire 
 legislature had passed an Act invading and 
 practically annulling the charter of the college. 
 The State Courts affirmed the validity of this 
 law, but the Supreme Court set it aside, as 
 violating the provisions in the constitution pro- 
 hibiting legislation impugning the validity of 
 contracts. 
 
 In Marbury against Madison, the principle 
 was established that the court had jurisdiction 
 over the executive branch of the government, 
 
72 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 to compel it to perform ministerial functions in 
 accordance with law. 
 
 The decision in McCuUoch against Maryland 
 involved a vital question as to the powers of 
 the State and general governments. A branch 
 of the United States bank had been established 
 at Baltimore, and the Maryland legislature 
 passed a law taxing it. The bank maintained 
 that the law was repugnant to the constitutional 
 powers of the general government. Marshall 
 held the question to be one of absolute supre- 
 macy between the powers of Maryland and 
 those of the general government. " If the States," 
 he said, "may tax one instrument employed 
 by the Government in execution of its powers, 
 they may tax any and every other instrument 
 — the mails, the mint, patent rights, and judicial 
 processes to an excess which would defeat all 
 the ends of the general government. The 
 American people," he declared, " did not design 
 to make their Government dependent upon the 
 States." * 
 
 American feeling is strong, in support of the 
 
 * The Century, December, 1882. Article by E. V. Smalley, 
 p. 177. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 73 
 
 execution of the decisions of the Supreme Court. 
 No one would dream of opposing them, when 
 finally pronounced. Most fully and unreservedly 
 does public opinion endorse the language of 
 Chief Justice Marshall, when affirming that the 
 American people did not design to make their 
 Government depend upon the States. 
 
 The authority of the Canada Supreme Court, 
 a few years ago, having precluded the possibility 
 of an apprehended withholding of compensation 
 from landowners in Prince Edward's Island, on 
 steps being taken affecting their property, their 
 interests became the subject of provincial legis- 
 lation, which granted the compensation. 
 
 For the United Kingdom at large there is no 
 such Supreme Court. Parliament is beyond 
 control in such matters — theoretically, at least. 
 
 In England, during Anglo-Saxon and early 
 Norman times, the King's Court (whether known 
 as the Wittenagemote or by any other appella- 
 tion) may, to some extent, have been supreme 
 above all other authorities ; but subsequently to 
 the era of Magna Charta, at any rate, there has 
 been no such supreme tribunal. 
 
 Every community, in any degree civilized, if 
 
74 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 uncontrolled by outside pressure, feels responsi- 
 bility for its actions, which is much the same 
 thing as to say that its men of thought feel it. 
 Menenius Agrippa did so, when the Roman 
 populace made their secession to the Mons 
 Sacer ; Confucius did so, when promulgating his 
 doctrines in China and basing them on the 
 standards of morality handed down from what 
 were spoken of as the classic age& of Chinese 
 history; Somers did so, at the period of our 
 own Revolution, when he drew up the Bill of 
 Rights, founding it on the well-ascertained pre- 
 cedents of English jurisprudence. 
 
 The passing of the Land Law Act of i88i 
 must plainly have been out of the question had 
 such a court existed in the United Kingdom. 
 There is no need to discuss the desirableness of 
 passing this Act. One of the things expressly 
 kept within the jurisdiction of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States is the upholding 
 of the law of contracts. 
 
 Even if the Land Law Act of 1881 had been 
 passed, notwithstanding the existence of such a 
 court in the United Kingdom, and in despite of 
 the influence inferred by its existence on the 
 
I 
 
 OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 75 
 
 course of legislation, one of the effects of that 
 Act could not fail to have been that compensa- 
 tion would have been made to the vested 
 interests interfered with, but more probably 
 the knowledge that a liability to make compen- 
 sation would be incurred might have protected 
 vested interests from being interfered with by 
 passing the Act. As things stand, national 
 faith has been affected, particularly in the case 
 of purchasers from the Encumbered Estates 
 Court in Ireland, which often guaranteed to 
 them a right to make a rise in their rents, 
 (of which rise they were deprived by this Act). 
 The ultimate results of national faith being 
 affected are never manifested in a day. Those 
 already developed are serious beyond all pre- 
 vious imagination, and seem likely to develop 
 themselves with an ever-increasing gravity. 
 
 So long as the Supreme Court exists in the 
 United States, clothed with its present preroga- 
 tives, Socialism never can become predominant. 
 The thing is impossible, for its predominance 
 would imply that no court really to be called 
 supreme was there to be found. And whenever 
 persons in the United States desire to oppose 
 
76 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 Socialist movements inconsistent with the rights 
 of property, they can do so by reverting to the 
 principles already sanctioned by the Supreme 
 Court, precisely as can be done in China by 
 reverting to the principles sanctioned by the 
 Chinese classical writers and by Confucius. 
 
 To constitute a judicial Supreme Court for 
 the British Islands is obviously above all things 
 needed, if efficient safeguards are to be created 
 for the rights of property. The United States, 
 when framing their constitution under the 
 auspices of Washington, profited by experience 
 gained from the teachings of all history. Canada 
 has followed this great example, and it remains 
 to be seen whether our public men are equal to 
 the exigencies of their time. 
 
 American citizens will scarcely abolish their 
 Supreme Court, for they know it to be the 
 surest defence of public and of private rights, 
 and these run no risk of being abandoned by 
 the multitude of small landowners and by those 
 generally who are interested in the preservation 
 of order. The force in the hands of these 
 classes so completely preponderates as to set 
 aside all ideas in the minds of rational men of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 77 
 
 any change in the institutions of the United 
 States being carried out by violence. In the 
 United States, the legislative authorities possess 
 no powers save those conferred on them by the 
 constitution, and each State is forbidden by the 
 constitution to pass certain laws or do certain 
 acts. The duty of annulling any infringement 
 of these limitations of power rests with the 
 Supreme Court and such inferior courts as Con- 
 gress may from time to time ordain and estab- 
 lish (" Constitution of United States," art. iii. 
 sec. 2). This authority is called into activity by 
 cases to which individuals, public bodies, corpo- 
 rations. States, or the United States are parties. 
 The point of unconstitutionality is raised by 
 the arguments on such cases. 
 
 No alteration in the constitution of the United 
 States can be effected otherwise than in accord- 
 ance with its fifth article, which renders any 
 alteration extremely difficult : such, for example, 
 as would be legislation in favour of interfering 
 with contracts, or which might interfere with 
 the sections to be found in Article i, forbidding 
 the granting of titles of nobility by the United 
 States or by any particular State ; or with the 
 
78 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 guarantee given by the United States to every 
 State in the Union of a republican form of 
 government and protection against domestic 
 violence. The fifth article runs thus : — 
 
 " The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both 
 houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose 
 amendments to this constitution, or, on the appli- 
 cation of the legislatures of two-thirds of the 
 several States, shall call a convention for pro- 
 posing amendments which, in either case, shall 
 be valid to all intents and purposes as part of 
 this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures 
 of three-fourths of the several States or by con- 
 ventions in three-fourths thereof, as one or the 
 other mode of ratification may be proposed by 
 the Congress." 
 
 The difficulty of effecting alterations in the 
 constitution has operated as, in the strictest 
 sense, a conservative principle, or ground of 
 action, with those who have been opposed 
 to change ; when the proposers of altera- 
 tions fail to obtain the requisite consents, their 
 proposals must prove abortive, and, till alte- 
 rations are brought about, the Supreme Court 
 will at all times check the infringement of legal 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 79 
 
 rights. The civil action of the supporters of 
 order (small landowners and others), including 
 all, in fact, who feel that their personal interests 
 as well as those of their country are involved in 
 upholding the security of property, is likely 
 always to equal in efficiency their armed sup- 
 port of order, which they are ready to afford 
 in the last resort. They will ever revert to the 
 principles established by the constitution till 
 good reason is shown for abrogating its pro- 
 visions. They will revert to these principles 
 established by the wisdom of those distinguished 
 men who, on the separation of the United States 
 from Britain, moulded their institutions with as 
 much energy of conviction and of purpose as 
 could be applied to giving shape to their own 
 forms of polity by the most zealous disciples of 
 Confucius, or by Englishmen the most attached 
 to inherited birthrights handed down from the 
 days of Magna Charta. 
 
 A court supreme above all other authorities 
 is a sort of artificial conscience in a nation. 
 Such a court can, as has been shown by the 
 American experiences already alluded to, restrain 
 sovereign states, and, while presenting an insur- 
 
8o DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 mountable barrier to popular excess, is, from 
 the very nature of things, endued with the great 
 prerogative of being able to lead the public 
 mind to comprehend and value and in all 
 respects appreciate the principles of justice and 
 constitutional principles generally, as applied in 
 each particular instance, and thus, in asserting 
 these principles, to render available democratic 
 strength for their maintenance. 
 
 Macaulay anticipated the arrival of ravagers 
 more terrible than the Huns or Vandals, when 
 the so-termed dangerous classes of modern 
 society in civilized nations should break loose. 
 This prediction has already been fulfilled by the 
 enacting on their part in most European coun- 
 tries of previously unimagined horrors, and very 
 specially by what occurred on the subjugation 
 of Paris by the Communards for a brief space on 
 the fall of Napoleon III. It has been supposed, 
 as far as records handed down from ancient 
 times supply means for forming a judgment, 
 that their triumph in the French metropolis 
 brought about more havoc and rapine and 
 criminal excess than followed from the sack of 
 the capital of the Caesars by the Goths. The 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW, 8i 
 
 Romans spoke of their northern foes as bar- 
 barians, but some of the peoples they thus 
 designated were distinguished by virtues which 
 contrasted favourably with the vices induced by 
 luxury and other causes of degeneracy ; and all 
 the world over, the dangerous and depraved 
 classes are far worse in type than the com- 
 munity of which they form part, taken as a 
 whole. Macaulay judged correctly — men, like 
 the Paris Communards, when unrestrained, are 
 more terrible than were any of those populations 
 which swarmed from their great northern hive 
 and overwhelmed Rome. 
 
 The excesses of the dangerous and depraved 
 classes, whether they do or do not assume a 
 socialist character, have been and will be 
 effectually bridled wherever there are numerous 
 small landowners. Of these, some millions are 
 to be met with in France, and there, as else- 
 where, they develop strong conservative instincts. 
 Socialistic tenets in France meet with some 
 acceptance in large towns, but throughout the 
 rural districts they are not regarded with favour. 
 
 The bourgeoisie dislike them as decidedly as 
 landowners, and workmen, when they feel they 
 
 G 
 
82 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 possess a stake in the existing order of things, 
 seem indisposed to risk it. The assertion has 
 been confidently made, as regards Paris, that 
 not one workman enjoying a participation in 
 profits took any part in the acts of the Commune* 
 It would be as reasonable to imagine that 
 socialistic tenets, inimical to the rights of pro- 
 perty, are likely to find favour with democratic 
 small landowners in France or America, or 
 with other classes among their people who are 
 opposed to revolutionary spoliation and appre- 
 hensive of its attendant disasters, as that they 
 are likely to do so with the democratic Chinese 
 population. Democratic instincts are (and from 
 the nature of things ever will be) sensitively 
 alive to the danger which may arise to the 
 interests with which they are connected from 
 the prevalence of those tenets. 
 
 * Contemporary Review y November, 1882, p. 725. Article by 
 A. L. Walker. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 83 
 
 CHAPTER IV. ' 
 
 Mr. Kay's Statements as to Landed Property— Check on Revolu- 
 tionary Movements in 1848 — In Germany, Switzerland, and 
 France, Revolution similar to that of France in 1789 im- 
 possible — Conservative Instincts of Peasants — These and 
 like Instincts in Persons of Substance Resident in Towns 
 developed along with growth of Democracy. 
 
 Some statements made in Kay's " Free Trade 
 in Land" — a work of high authority — merit 
 attention. The facts he adduces as to the effects 
 produced in France and elsewhere by the crea- 
 tion of a body of numerous proprietors, and the 
 extent to which his observations were carefully 
 conducted, warrant us in considering that his 
 conclusions carry with them that kind of cer- 
 tainty which belongs to exact science. The 
 induction of the particulars to be taken into 
 account has been complete. 
 
 Mr. Kay tells us,* that in Germany, Switzer- 
 * Kay's " Free Trade in Land," p. 287. 
 
84 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 land, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway, and 
 France, the peasant proprietors and the inhabit- 
 ants of the smaller provincial towns will never 
 be insurrectionary, whilst the present subdivision 
 of land continues. Every peasant feels that his 
 social condition and well-being depend wholly 
 and solely on his own exertions. He knows 
 that if he does not acquire land of his own, and 
 if he does not better his condition, it is entirely 
 his own fault. He knows that no law impedes 
 him or diminishes the return of his labour ; that 
 no class is favoured more than his own ; that he 
 can ask for no social change, unless it be less 
 taxation and improved education. He feels, 
 therefore, that change cannot benefit him socially, 
 and that it might possibly deprive him of some 
 of the advantages he now enjoys. He is, there- 
 fore, averse to sudden changes of all kinds. He 
 is naturally, and from motives of self-interest, a 
 supporter of a strong peaceful government. He 
 is averse to war, because war costs money and 
 entails heavy taxation. The French peasants 
 have gradually, within the last thirty years, 
 been becoming more and more pacific, owing to 
 the effect of the subdivision of property. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 85 
 
 The people of several of the greatest French 
 and German towns are still as warlike as ever. 
 The war party and the revolutionary party in 
 Germany are formed of the inhabitants of the 
 great towns ; in Switzerland, the people of the 
 small provincial towns and of the rural districts 
 are eminently pacific and conservative in their 
 tendencies. 
 
 Mr. Kay, on whom the present writer feels safe 
 in relying for these particulars, informs us that he 
 was constantly told in Germany, prior to the out- 
 breaks of 1848, that if political changes were ever 
 effected, they would originate with the people of 
 the larger towns, and not with tht peasantry. Mr. 
 Kay states that he remembers in particular a very 
 intelligent man in Rhenish Russia, at Elberfeld, 
 saying to him, "The peasantry are so adverse to 
 political commotion, and so interested in public 
 tranquillity, on account of their being the owners 
 of the land, that they will never endeavour to 
 effect any political changes, however much they 
 may dislike the present political thraldom.* They 
 feel that they are well and cheaply governed, 
 
 * The conscription, at any rate, is terrible thraldom, even if 
 there is nothing else to be so designated. 
 
86 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 and that they have no social advantage to gain 
 by a change ; that they have property which 
 might be considerably injured by public riots, 
 and that they might themselves lose some of 
 that freedom of labour which they now enjoy." 
 
 Mr. Kay says he travelled with a banker of 
 Berne, just after the invasion of Lucerne by the 
 people of Argovie, and that he assured him that 
 nothing was to be feared from \h.Q peasants. He 
 informed him that only just before the peasants 
 of the canton of Berne had sent a deputation to 
 the Council of State of the canton, to tell them 
 that if the Radicals of the city ventured to en- 
 gage in any insurrection against government, or 
 in any unconstitutional proceeding, they would 
 instantly arm in defence of public order, and 
 would assist the executive officers with their 
 united strength. 
 
 Mr. Kay considers that a revolution like the 
 French revolution of 1789, in Germany, Switzer- 
 land, or France, is now impossible. 
 
 "A great town may now and then rise in 
 insurrection, and may indulge in the excitement 
 of riot and street warfare, but anything like a 
 bloody general revolution is quite impossible." 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 
 
 "What," asked Mr. Kay, "has induced the 
 Governments of Russia, Saxony, Bavaria, etc., 
 and indeed of all the German countries, to grant 
 universal suffrage so willingly to their people .'* 
 Simply this. That these Governments knew 
 that the whole of the peasants were strongly 
 conservative by instinct and disposition ; that 
 they were the steadiest of all the supporters of 
 public order and of a firm government ; that the 
 people of the towns were the most democratic, 
 and that to grant the suffrage to them and not 
 to the peasants would be to put themselves in 
 the hands of the Anarchists, and to deprive them- 
 selves of the powerful and certain support of the 
 intelligent body of the peasant proprietors. 
 
 " Urged by these views, these Governments 
 have not attempted to limit the number of the 
 electors by adopting a property qualification, 
 but have admitted the whole people to the 
 electoral privileges. They could not have 
 adopted a more conservative policy ; for they 
 have, by this means, enabled the peasants to 
 swell the numbers of the Conservative party in 
 the chambers, by sending thither representatives 
 of their own feelings and principles." 
 
88 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 There is room, however, for doubting whether 
 to admit the whole people to electoral privileges 
 would be a conservative policy in the sense in 
 which Mr. Kay employs the term, in countries 
 where great prizes tempt the cupidity of those 
 in the humbler walks of life, particularly if 
 there are vast territorial estates belonging to 
 an aristocracy or a church which they may seek 
 to plunder, as is specially the case in England, 
 and has been the case in countries where such 
 estates have been swept away. To admit an 
 entire people to electoral privileges evidently 
 can only be prudent when they are likely 
 prudently to avail themselves of these privileges. 
 And the probability of this depends on very 
 many circumstances, for the most part varying 
 in their nature in each instance. The German 
 Governments Mr. Kay refers to knew, as he 
 says, that the whole of the peasants were 
 strongly conservative by instinct and dis- 
 position, and accordingly beheved they could 
 be relied on. 
 
 The fact is emphatically to be noted that 
 conservative instincts on the part of peasants 
 are above all other things opposed to Socialism, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 
 
 89 
 
 and that they manifestly will, in the main, be 
 developed side by side with the growth of 
 democracy, whether that growth of democracy 
 is in cities or in rural localities ; conservative 
 instincts on the part of persons of substance 
 resident in towns are likewise, as in the case 
 of peasants, developed side by side with the 
 growth of democracy, as has been witnessed 
 both in France and America ; and, of course, 
 wherever power increases day by day in the 
 hands of the people, that infers a growth of 
 democracy, whether those who wield the power 
 inhabit rural or tirban districts. 
 
 ^-^ OP* THR >^ 
 
 UNIVEESIT 
 
90 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Prince Bismarck and the Prince Consort on Parliamentary 
 Government — Magnitude a Measure of Political Apprecia- 
 tion — Mass Meetings urged by Mr. Gladstone to drown 
 the Voice of Parliament and take Foreign Policy under 
 their control — Political Pre-eminence mostly infers Pre- 
 eminence generally — Immediately rests with Political Or- 
 ganizations, ultimately with the Force of Public Opinion — 
 The " Wire-Puller"— The " Caucus "—The " Phalanx "— 
 Literary Action creates Opinion — Mr. W. E. Forster a 
 "Professional Politician "—The " Machine "—Russell on 
 Grey and Fox — Corruption previously to American War 
 of Separation — Burke's Definition of Principles of True 
 Politics — Mr. Trevelyan on Political Life — Duke of Argyle's 
 Simile — Chatham, Burke, Rockingham, Fox, Grattan, 
 Washington, Franklin, not the Stuff Delegates are made of. 
 
 Among ourselves parliamentary government has 
 ceased to be characterized by its former efficiency. 
 Prince Bismarck recently observed that its golden 
 age was over in England ; and not long before 
 his decease, the late Prince Consort would seem 
 to have entertained a suspicion that this might 
 soon prove to be so, for he declared that it was 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 91 
 
 on its trial. This growing weakness in consti- 
 tutional countries (there would be no difficulty 
 in proving the fact from a large enumeration 
 of instances) is the usual consequence of demo- 
 cratic progress, the envy inseparable from which 
 ever tends to dwarf statesmanship and favour 
 mediocrity. In a democratic State, where the 
 people learn to manage their own affairs, there 
 is more freedom and a better education (a sound 
 education, in accordance with the prevalent ideas, 
 being naturally prized in a well-established de- 
 mocracy) than if they were to devote themselves 
 to carrying out grand policies, or than if, as a 
 rule, their most influential public men were to 
 try to emulate the two Pitts or Richelieu, and 
 the people are not on this account the less 
 prosperous. Much solid good can doubtless be 
 brought about, as hitherto, under the parlia- 
 mentary system, even should the gravest ap- 
 prehensions now entertained be realized, and 
 we may feel well assured that a democratic 
 nation in which order is firmly rooted will 
 invariably above all other things attach weight 
 to the belief which can never fail to find favour 
 in their eyes, that the happiness, enlightenment, 
 
92 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 and morality of the people ought to be the 
 chief objects aimed at by wise government. 
 They may be led away by passion, or by the 
 violence for the moment of distorted sentiment, 
 but a democratic nation are very apt indeed to 
 estimate correctly plain practical matters. With- 
 out looking further than to our knowledge of 
 what has occurred on the European Continent 
 and in the United States, every one must see 
 that persons in comfortable circumstances and 
 possessing a stake in the welfare of their native 
 land are by no means prone to imagine that 
 national happiness, enlightenment, and morality 
 can be advanced by invasions of the rights of 
 property, by setting aside the lessons to be 
 gathered from history, or by encouraging national 
 rivalries and armaments, which cost money and 
 bring about warfare ; and war, it is to be borne 
 in mind, when unjustified, is now felt by most 
 civilized human beings to be the greatest of 
 blunders and of crimes. Reputations and men 
 of overshadowing pre-eminence may not im- 
 probably in special instances, notwithstanding 
 any general tendency towards mediocrity, be 
 associated with democratic leadership. They 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 93 
 
 often have been so associated, but such associa- 
 tion will hardly again take place under our 
 modern parliamentary system, which, under a 
 democratic regime, more and more tends to 
 dwarf both reputations and men. 
 
 Magnitude daily becomes more and more a 
 measure of political appreciation, especially on 
 the western side of the Atlantic, and possibly in 
 times to come statesmen may be able to give 
 effect to patriotic effort directed towards 
 advancing the happiness, enlightenment, and 
 morality of large portions of mankind, equally as 
 at any previous epoch ; partly, perhaps, by reason 
 of agencies as yet undreamt of, such as new politi- 
 cal organizations or alliances, which are certain to 
 assume shape and character and force according 
 to the exigencies of the times, and partly as the 
 result of the novel intellectual and material 
 resources at their command. The abolition of 
 slavery in the United States presents an example 
 of what may be done by democratic leaders, but 
 never could have been said to be in any consider- 
 able degree due to anything akin to action 
 carried on under what is spoken of as the 
 parliamentary system. Franklin, Grattan, and 
 
94 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 O'Connell each in his day used democratic 
 strength for accompHshing vast projects, and the 
 attainment of none of these was principally 
 brought about by any line of conduct pursued 
 in Parliament or in any representative assembly. 
 The press in America, and the Volunteer and 
 Catholic Associations in Ireland, in these cases 
 mainly contributed to determine the final issues 
 arrived at. Democracy, we should bear in mind, 
 when endeavouring to estimate it aright, while 
 it takes counsel for the well-being of the people, 
 and with this view seeks to secure national 
 happiness, enlightenment, and morality, has not 
 invariably circumscribed its aspirations even 
 within those wide limits ; and though democracy, 
 as far as we can judge, is commonly unfavourable 
 to the prospects of individuals reaching the 
 highest degrees of eminence, democratic energy, 
 in the future as in the past, may on particular 
 occasions, and probably under circumstances to 
 some extent unprecedented in their nature, be 
 associated with distinguished achievement. 
 
 In the United Kingdom, as likewise in our self- 
 governing colonies still attached to the British 
 crown, and in the United States, the force of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 95 
 
 public Opinion ultimately inspires, directs, and 
 in all respects governs. It quickly makes its 
 impress apparent in the conduct of all depart- 
 ments. The Parliament of 1874 yielded an 
 obedience to Lord Beaconsfield, not usually 
 accorded to a British Minister, and mass 
 meetings were urged by his rival, Mr. Gladstone, 
 to drown its voice, and take foreign policy under 
 their control. The machinery set in motion was 
 successful ; it prevented Lord Beaconsfield from 
 fully giving effect to his views relating to Eastern 
 affairs. Parliament has thenceforward com- 
 manded less reverence, and similar machinery has 
 since, with similar results, been employed for the 
 accomplishment of other objects, aided and 
 methodized by experience acquired in America, 
 where the energy of politicians had been more 
 occupied than at home in carrying out political 
 organization as an accompaniment of democratic 
 progress. 
 
 Political pre-eminence, for the most part, 
 infers pre-eminence generally. The success of 
 any one who has to do with bringing to a 
 successful issue, through the intervention of some 
 legislative assembly, any line of policy honoured 
 
96 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 by his fellow-citizens is a very great and a very 
 real thing, and the honour associated in men's 
 minds with the policy is extended to himself. 
 While honour of this kind was rendered to those 
 who worthily represented their constituents, it 
 was in this country, and indeed throughout far 
 wider regions, recognized as a solid and one of the 
 highest objects of ambition ; but from the moment 
 when, more or less, representatives have been 
 superseded by delegates, honour of this descrip- 
 tion has unquestionably been less sought after. 
 
 The habits of obstructing business, of late so 
 notably developed in some parliamentary bodies, 
 assuredly have not conduced to any increase of 
 the respect meted out to them, very much, of 
 course, because of the diminution thence result- 
 ing in capacity for the discharge of duty ; but in 
 the United Kingdom, at all events, the chief cause 
 why Parliament has, during recent years, com- 
 manded less reverence than formerly, lies in the 
 fact that its political pre-eminence is largely 
 a thing of the past. Political pre-eminence 
 immediately rests with the political organizations 
 which practically direct the House of Commons, 
 and ultimately with the force of public opinion. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 97 
 
 Literary action every day more and more 
 creates public opinion, and its force can be 
 accurately measured, for it consists in the power 
 of the ideas entertained to move mankind, and 
 this is ever, from the nature of things, made 
 manifest by events. On both sides of the 
 Atlantic, the literary action, which in the main 
 forms opinion throughout the ranks of the public 
 at large, while it principally emanates from the 
 application to everyday topics of the highest 
 ability, from which it takes its best and most 
 prevalent type, is brought home by periodical 
 publications and the weekly and daily press to 
 all classes. The merit of these periodical publi- 
 cations and of the weekly and daily press is, 
 indeed, very varying ; and it is to be observed 
 that, eminent as is the ability often displayed, it 
 is the outcome of this literary action as a whole, 
 far more than that of individual exertions, which 
 deserves attention, as exhibiting before the world 
 the effects of the invention of printing — so far as 
 they have up to the present moment been un- 
 folded — effects already emphatically visible in 
 the moulding of the national mind among all 
 communities of civilized men. 
 
 H 
 
98 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 Doubtless it is important that political power 
 should only be in the hands of those who will 
 use it well, and this is pretty nearly equivalent 
 to saying that it should only be in the hands of 
 those who have education such as to qualify them 
 to do so ; but there obviously is more likelihood 
 that general public opinion will arrive at trust- 
 worthy conclusions than that any one class of 
 voters will, if want of education or any other 
 circumstance renders them unreliable. Whatever 
 may be the probability that particular classes 
 will judge impartially where prejudice is 
 excited, there is ground for hope that public 
 opinion will, in the main, suffice to guide aright 
 those with whom political power may be lodged, 
 in almost any conceivable case, in English-speak- 
 ing communities. They have a fair start, and we 
 are authorized to hope that freemen, who are in 
 a position to appreciate the lessons in good sense 
 and public virtue handed down by the annals of 
 their race, will never descend to the abasement 
 inferred by the uncontrolled ascendency of 
 corrupt influences. The power of money may 
 occasionally, as well as that of literature, 
 originate political action, and with perfect 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 99 
 
 propriety. The shareholders in a railroad 
 corporation, for example, large or small, may 
 most legitimately, by all suitable means, en- 
 deavour to safeguard their own interests, pre- 
 cisely as landowners, large or small, always 
 take care to do so. This is quite a different 
 matter from the exercise by any one of power 
 over a body outside which he is placed. 
 
 It is open to the leading public men of the 
 future, as one of the greatest triumphs of political 
 genius, so to mould the public opinion of our 
 great democracies as to ward off the ills to be 
 apprehended from an undue and extreme 
 development of socialistic tenets ; such a de- 
 velopment, that is to say, as would threaten 
 civilization, though in minor measure trial has 
 proved that, whether wise or unwise, there is 
 nothing very desperate about them ; but mean- 
 while, whatever is to be said of those possessed 
 of conspicuous literary talent who devote it to 
 public affairs, the honour formerly accorded to 
 successfully and without stint carrying out 
 useful lines of public policy is now, for the most 
 part, frittered away between the wire-puller and 
 the delegate, and general sentiment places neither 
 as high as the statesmen of former days. 
 
loo DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 Mr. Gladstone's plan of using public meetings 
 for the purpose of imposing a policy on govern- 
 ment was before long turned against himself on 
 a question regarding the Suez Canal ; and 
 similar plans, varied a good deal both in 
 character and in name (the name " Caucus " 
 being chiefly associated with liberal proceedings), 
 each day find greater favour with persons of 
 almost all parties. 
 
 True, the public man of the future may 
 include in his course of proceeding action in 
 political organizations, such as the " Caucus " or 
 the " Phalanx " (a rather favourite term with some 
 who adopt Conservatism as a party cry), and 
 also action in parliamentary assemblies, as his 
 predecessors have done in most free countries ; 
 but unless he himself originates the movement of 
 the public mind, he can only be in the position 
 of being bound to execute its behests, conveyed 
 probably by the wire-puller, unless, indeed, he is 
 a wire-puller himself The facts before our eyes 
 have rendered it clear that whatever creates and 
 shapes public opinion at the present day confers 
 political pre-eminence, while the events recorded 
 in modern history, even to a greater extent 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. loi 
 
 than those of ancient times, have amply demon- 
 strated that, as before stated, political pre- 
 eminence infers pre-eminence generally. It 
 does so alike in the cases of nations and of 
 individuals. In the case of the former, it is 
 only another name for superiority ; and where 
 individuals are concerned, common sense tells 
 us that the power conferring it, whether that of a 
 monarch, a multitude, or a legislative assembly, 
 can confer many of the things most valued, 
 including wealth, as well as the attainment of 
 social and political aims. Ambition, as a 
 passion, assumes various forms ; the desire for 
 its gratification, more than most desires, leads 
 great minds astray. They are apt to feel that 
 its gratification is to them everything, while the 
 object of ambition is itself comparatively nothing. 
 Hume inclined to hold — we may perhaps say 
 seems to have been pretty well persuaded — that 
 a young lady at her first ball will frequently 
 experience as vivid delight as an orator on 
 hearing the plaudits called forth by his most 
 admired exhibition of eloquence. In each in- 
 stance the passion of ambition is gratified. The 
 parallelism is complete, and could not be more 
 
I02 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 clearly illustrated by examples sought out from 
 the biographies of the most celebrated of those 
 who have been distinguished in political action. 
 
 It is not amiss to examine a little both the 
 machinery and the motives instrumental in 
 bringing about the political action of our own 
 day, and of the democratic times seen by all to 
 be near at hand. But whatever machinery or 
 motives appear likely to be the most potent, we 
 must ever recollect that the main causes of the 
 events of any age commonly are only in a 
 secondary degree affected by isolated effort of 
 any description whatsoever. 
 
 Mr. W. E. Forster is reported to have said to 
 a gathering of young men at Aberdeen, " I am 
 a professional politician, and it is probable some 
 of those who hear me will devote themselves to 
 the same pursuit." Whatever may be thought 
 of the politician class in the United States, 
 Mr. Forster, at any rate, brings the politician 
 class straight to the front, in declaring that he 
 belongs to it. In identifying himself with it, all 
 will admit he expresses himself with a candour 
 and an absence of circumlocution becoming to 
 a public man of the first rank, and even if 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW, 103 
 
 amused at the introduction among ourselves 
 of the phrase "professional politician," every one 
 will further admit that he " nothing extenuates, 
 nor sets down aught in malice." Possibly he 
 might seek to make some distinction between 
 the politician class in England and Americei, 
 but whatever difference may be found in details, 
 the public every day comes more and more to 
 the conclusion that they are essentially similar 
 in nature. 
 
 The doctrine has been maintained that in the 
 United States the method of appointment to 
 civil office is inconsistent with civil service 
 reform — that it is so faulty as to admit of no 
 amendment, but must be wholly set aside. It 
 is reproachfully termed "the machine."* What- 
 ever its merits, on the working of " the machine " 
 elections in the United States are supposed in 
 ordinary times principally to depend. The 
 number of the holders of civil office, and of 
 those aspiring to civil office, is immense. Of 
 postmasterships alone there are many thousands, 
 and these change with changes of Government. 
 The larger influences of literature, of capital 
 
 * North American Review ^ January, 1882, p. 40. 
 
TO4 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 when making its weight felt throughout exten- 
 sive districts and classes of the population, and 
 occasionally of political motives of a general 
 nature (such as was a desire to effect slave 
 emancipation, or to assert the rights of indi- 
 vidual States in curtailment of the powers 
 claimed by some for the commonwealth as 
 a whole, or vice versd), avail themselves of the 
 working of " the machine ; " and the persons 
 representing these influences are obviously with 
 some justice, and not necessarily with any idea 
 of giving offence, since the expression only 
 describes what they really do, spoken of as 
 pulling the wires which direct its movements. 
 
 Lord Russell considered that the names of 
 Grey and Fox might well be used to incite 
 public men to look to the welfare of their 
 country as the object of all their exertions.* 
 No one could better judge. 
 
 * Numerous other names among ourselves might also be thus 
 used, as likewise most of the greatest names connected with the 
 establishment of the independence of the United States, and 
 those of many who have subsequently attained the highest 
 distinction on the western side of the Atlantic. But the welfare 
 of their country is not, of necessity, the sole object with worthy 
 men in public life ; e.g. it cannot be so with lawyers, who must 
 think of their profession. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 105 
 
 There is some advantage in estimating as 
 accurately as we can the condition of things as 
 regards the politician class on both sides of the 
 Atlantic. Grey and Fox were not delegates, 
 were not initiated in the mysteries of the Caucus 
 and the Phalanx, and Wire-pullers were not in 
 their days recognized as persons of importance. 
 The underlying motives of much of the action 
 alluded to in the North American Review do 
 not appear from anything stated as to the 
 working of "the machine." They lie deeper. 
 So do the principles — the grounds of action — 
 on which reform can be brought about, if any 
 such there are ; and probably any which prove 
 potent in America would prove potent in British 
 communities elsewhere. So far as depends on 
 the political ascendency of sound sense and 
 public .virtue, we may hope such principles will 
 never be deficient in either force or vitality ; but 
 the most momentous question practically is how 
 to give them effect. 
 
 Previously to the revolt of the American 
 colonies, corruption even more prevailing at 
 home than in the colonies had seriously im- 
 paired the well-being of the British Empire ; 
 
io6 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 it soon, literally, in degree destroyed the British 
 Empire, to the extent of causing it to cease to 
 exist throughout those portions of America 
 where it was put an end to on the Liberal 
 principles of William III. being carried out by 
 Washington, Franklin, and their associates. 
 That their principles — their grounds of action — 
 were identical, was a great truth fully recognized 
 by Fox. 
 
 In the very midst of the reign of corruption 
 in Great Britain, in 1761, the creed of the 
 leading Liberals was embodied in one sentence 
 by Burke, " The principles of true politics are 
 those of morality enlarged, and I neither now 
 do, nor ever will, admit of any other." 
 
 Mr. Trevelyan considers that in those days 
 the prizes within the parliamentary arena were 
 too tempting — the pressure from without, under 
 a system of representation nothing better than 
 illusory, was too fitful and feeble — for statesmen 
 to find their interest in turning from the chase 
 after incomes and ribands to the pursuit of 
 undertakings which might promote the welfare 
 of the people. " Parties," said Lord Mansfield, 
 in 1767, "aim only at places, and seem regard- 
 
TD THE NEW. 107 
 
 (ess of measures." "The cure," wrote George 
 Grenville, " must come from a serious conviction 
 and right measures, instead of annual struggles 
 for places and pensions." Unfaithful to the 
 nation when in office, politicians no longer 
 pretended to be true to each other in opposition. 
 Amidst the turmoil of selfish ambitions and rival 
 cupidities which were seething around him, a 
 man did not venture to rely on others, and soon 
 ceased to merit that others should rely on him.* 
 Mr. Trevelyan is himself one of the most 
 prominent of those who, through the instrumen- 
 tality of literature, has proved that a grasp of 
 principles, endued with innate force in connexion 
 with parliamentary action, can do much towards 
 fashioning public sentiment. Like his eminent 
 uncle. Lord Macaulay, he would appear far to 
 prefer literary, whether political or non-political, 
 pursuits to those of party politics, provided 
 these latter are made to hinge on parliamentary 
 life. His must be accepted as an unexception- 
 able testimony as to how far they are, if unac- 
 companied by further avocations, worthy to 
 engross the attention of a man possessing liberty 
 
 ♦ Trevelyan's "Fox," p. ii2. 
 
io8 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 of choice. Referring to a passage in an essay 
 of Bacon's, " Certainly great persons had need 
 to borrow other men's opinions to think them- 
 selves happy," Mr. Trevelyan observes, " So said 
 a famous student who, to his cost, was likewise 
 a Minister of State ; and the truth of the saying 
 will hardly be questioned by a modern servant 
 of the Crown who knows what it is to sacrifice 
 health and sleep, books, art, field-sports and 
 travel, who during four days in the week enjoys 
 no social relaxation beyond the whispered hope 
 of a * count out ' exchanged with an overworked 
 colleague, and who looks for no material recom- 
 pense over and above a precarious income, half 
 of which is spent upon perfunctory festivities 
 that consume the few poor evenings which the 
 House of Commons spares, and the other half 
 barely replaces the capital that has been lavished 
 on the elections of a lifetime. But those re- 
 ceived commonplaces about the sweets of office, 
 which are little better than bitter irony when ap- 
 plied to the councillors of Queen Victoria, meant 
 a great deal in the ears of a statesman who had 
 the privilege of serving her grandfather." * 
 
 * Trevelyan's *♦ Fox," p. 115. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 109 
 
 In estimating the future working of demo- 
 cratic influences with reference to socialistic 
 tenets, we must have regard to the circumstances 
 affecting 7iot only the people^ but also their leaders^ 
 who are pretty much what circumstances make 
 them. Enough, it is hoped, has been brought 
 before the reader to justify conclusions as to the 
 consequences to be anticipated from their work- 
 ing as respects these tenets. Each day more and 
 more exhibits the force of public opinion acting as 
 the mainspring of political movemeiit, and enables 
 the world to realize the fact that public men, so 
 far as action in legislative assemblies is con- 
 cerned (to use a simile probably destined to 
 immortality, and of late much in vogue, em- 
 ployed by the Duke of Argyle), sometimes, 
 even if individually " beautiful creatures," worthy 
 of all admiration, like jelly-fish, have no ability 
 to resist the current by any strength or firmness 
 of their own. If they possess strength or firm- 
 ness, it is chiefly or entirely derived from the 
 power, interest, or organization, whatever it may 
 be, which delegates them to the legislative 
 assembly. This is fully to be comprehended 
 only on taking a view of the position of public 
 
no DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 men and of their objects of ambition, on which 
 things a good deal of light is thrown by Mr. 
 Trevelyan. 
 
 All feel with the Roman poet, that the man 
 who is just and tenacious of purpose will not 
 be shaken in his solid resolves by the ardour of 
 citizens clamouring for what is base and bad, 
 nor yet by the frown of the monarch urging his 
 behests. Such a man as was contemplated by 
 Horace could hardly be of the stuff delegates 
 are made of. Chatham was not, who neither 
 flattered the popular impulses excited against 
 America nor the arbitrary prejudice of George 
 III.; nor was Burke, Rockingham, Fox, Grat- 
 tan, Washington, Franklin, or any one of the 
 American patriots of the highest mark who 
 established the independence of the United 
 States, all of whom, in their several spheres 
 on the opposite sides of the Atlantic, and not 
 always in connection with the proceedings of 
 any legislative assembly, in essentials exhibited 
 the same type of character. 
 
 There is no need to enter into any further 
 enumeration of individuals who have served 
 their country wisely and well, or further to 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. in 
 
 dwell on the novel modes of political action 
 which have arisen during recent years. Enough 
 has been here adduced to demonstrate by very 
 numerous instances that, in times not far remote, 
 energy y when adequately supported by influences 
 exerting their own proper force, and not merely 
 dependent on political ntanipulatio?i, has been able 
 to accomplish aims deserving of conspicuous 
 appreciation alike from contemporaries and 
 from posterity. The measure of approval ac- 
 corded will, in most instances, very much be 
 determined by the nature of the means employed 
 in attaining those aims. 
 
112 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Democracy Conservative or Revolutionary, according to Circum- 
 stances — Secret Societies — Prospects of Civilization — Ten- 
 dencies of Democratic Legislation — Athenian and Roman 
 Democracies, and Democracies in France and the United 
 States — Socialism opposed to Individualism in the Case 
 of Corporations as of Individuals — Democracy is capable of 
 development along with Monarchical, Aristocratic, and 
 Republican Forms of Government — Democracy may co-exist 
 with Monarchy, Aristocracy, or Plutocracy — Democracy 
 competent to counteract Socialistic Tenets — Lord Elgin — 
 Public Men of the Future — Sir William Blackstone and the 
 British Constitution. 
 
 Democracy, employing the word in its primi- 
 tive acceptation as denoting the power of the 
 people, is ever Conservative, when the people 
 enjoy legally established rights, franchises, and 
 property. When they do not enjoy these it 
 is revolutionary, and tends to overturn the 
 institutions and the individuals supposed to 
 hinder its development. The German Govern- 
 ments prior to 1848 were thought to do so, 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 113 
 
 and democracy pretty generally overcame them, 
 but found its check in various opposing forces. 
 The legally established rights, franchises, and 
 property now enjoyed by vast masses of the 
 population render, we may safely conclude, any 
 recurrence of the events of 1848 quite out of 
 the question, whatever other forms revolution 
 may assume ; and socialist movements are every 
 day more and more brought into collision with 
 these established rights, franchises, and property, 
 and therefore with democracy. That socialist 
 movements at present most arise in towns, at 
 this moment the principal centres of democratic 
 influence, perhaps tends to render this collision 
 all the sharper, but is not, apparently, a matter 
 of moment. 
 
 The effect of secret societies in fostering and 
 giving shape to local and national discontent is, 
 unquestionably, often important; and, on the 
 other hand, secret societies are by no means 
 rarely called into existence by the prevalence of 
 discontent. Action and reaction in this case are 
 mutual, and cannot be set aside in estimating 
 the causes of popular movements; but they in 
 no wise interfere with the general results arising 
 
 I 
 
114 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 from the ingrained proclivities of each portion 
 of the population. 
 
 According to Mr. Kay, the Government of 
 Louis Philippe had completely estranged the 
 affections of the small landed proprietors through- 
 out France. In the hour of necessity, therefore, 
 although they did not rise against the Govern- 
 ment, they vi^ould not rise in its defence, and 
 consequently it fell. The shopkeepers of Paris, 
 too, refused to fight for it. Since the Revolution, 
 however, which brought about the fall of Louis 
 Philippe, the peasant proprietors have uni- 
 formly shown themselves the friends of order. 
 In the insurrection of June, 1848, they flocked 
 to Paris by thousands, and shed their blood in 
 defence of Cavaignac, and for the sake of public 
 tranquillity. 
 
 Experience has demonstrated, as in remark- 
 able instances already alluded to, that the most 
 lasting institutions are those associated with a 
 disposition in the national mind to look back, 
 in order to derive benefit from the teachings 
 of the past, rather than to make trials in the 
 way of change from a love of new things. A 
 balanced system would seem to be seldom 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 115 
 
 fitted permanently to endure, as was apparently- 
 suspected of old by the few great men who 
 had a sort of vision that a mixed system, 
 somewhat resembling what we are familiar 
 with as the British constitution, might best 
 fulfil the purposes of government. Experience 
 has further demonstrated that while socialistic 
 tenetSy when extensively developed, fatally tend 
 to the disintegration and ruin of a nation, 
 they can hi modern times be largely and, for 
 most practical purposes, adequately restrained by 
 the control of supreme courts, like those of the 
 United States and of Cajtada, aided by the con- 
 servative strength of property, especially if belonging 
 to small landowners. But the efficiency of all 
 such action, whether on the part of courts or of 
 proprietors, must, from the nature of the case, 
 depend on the presence and preponderating 
 influence of public virtue. If men have not the 
 courage of their opinions, and sufficient firmness 
 of principle and of purpose to cause them to 
 guide their conduct by their convictions, those 
 convictions are of all the less worth. 
 
 Each day, in civilized countries, the action of 
 the State more and more is the expression of 
 
ii6 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 public opinion. Action, whether of the State or 
 of the individual, is determined by opinion, for 
 this, while often itself derived as well from pre- 
 vious mental operations as from the aspect of 
 facts, sets in motion the force of mind, and 
 ultimately, as a consequence, that of muscle. 
 Opinion is formed by the causes which create 
 and mould it ; and the action, accordingly, of 
 the State as of the individual, is brought about 
 as the result of those causes. Thus, the 
 probabilities of the future relating to Socialism, 
 as affected by the courses of public action 
 referred to, can be estimated with a good deal of 
 accuracy. 
 
 In conjunction with what has been forcibly 
 urged by Mr. Hodgkin, as already stated, with 
 regard to the prospects having to do with the 
 great democracies of the twentieth century, we 
 should do well to bear in our recollection that 
 corruption is opposed to preservation, and that 
 the derivation of the words denotes that cor- 
 ruption is closely allied with destruction. It is 
 diametrically the opposite of that manly virtue 
 (consisting, according to the classical ideas of 
 Greece and Rome, of the worthy attributes of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 117 
 
 man) which, above all other things, cultivates 
 the sense of duty. More than in any other form 
 of polity is manly virtue indispensable in a 
 democratic one to the well-being of the people ; 
 for in proportion to the fulness of democratic 
 power is freedom from external restraint, and as 
 a consequence more than in any other form of 
 polity are tendencies towards corruption fatal. 
 
 In every age inordinate luxury has frequently 
 accompanied corruption, has caused it, and been 
 caused by it. Inordinate self-seeking and 
 self-indulgence are felt by all rightly judging 
 individuals to be utterly at variance with the 
 inspirations of manly virtue and with the habits 
 created and shaped by those inspirations. " By 
 necessaries I understand," says Adam Smith, 
 " not only the commodities which are essentially 
 necessary for the support of life, but whatever 
 the custom of the country renders it indecent 
 for creditable people even of the lowest class to 
 be without. All other things I call luxuries." 
 Senior declares that a carriage is a decency to 
 a woman of fashion, a necessary to a physician, 
 and a luxury to a tradesman ; and " Le superflu 
 chose tres necessaire " is a phrase of Voltaire, 
 
ii8 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 which, as well as Senior's definition, may be 
 accepted as showing that the commodities of 
 life are to be judged of as to the degree in 
 which they are luxurious and superfluous, by 
 reference to the station and circumstances of 
 those possessing them. The accounts of the 
 extravagant luxury of many nations often at 
 first strike us as incomprehensible, chiefly by 
 reason of the strange forms it seems to assume 
 when measured by the ideas of persons to whom 
 any particular type of it is unfamiliar. Luxury 
 reached, doubtless, as high a pitch in Rome of old 
 as it ever has done anywhere, and we may safely 
 conclude that the luxury of New York, Paris, 
 and London cannot easily be surpassed. In 
 each instance the type varies, but we know for 
 certain that, whatever be its amount in modern 
 times, it differs in character from anything wit- 
 nessed in Nineveh, Babylon, or ancient Rome, 
 being modified by the prevalence of Christian 
 morals among the more cultivated races of 
 mankind, by their prevalence where the Chris- 
 tian faith is professedly accepted by the bulk of 
 the population as the guide of conduct, and 
 furthermore by their influence throughout that 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 119 
 
 yet wider sphere, where the humanizing effects 
 of that faith are principally manifested as 
 accompaniments of the outcomes of conquest, 
 commerce, and intellectual advancement. 
 
 We need dwell no further on the connection 
 between inordinate luxury and corruption than 
 to observe that fatal as this connection proved 
 to be in the democracies of antiquity, whether 
 republican or imperial in their form, overcoming 
 as it did public honesty, simplicity of habits, 
 and singleness of purpose, there is no reason 
 whatever to suppose it will not be equally fatal 
 in our vast and wealthy modern democracies, 
 unless counteracted by virtue, both public and 
 private, based on and in alliance with patriotic 
 sentiment and reliable principles of action. 
 
 Well, therefore, does Mr. Hodgkin ask with 
 reference to the great democracies of the 
 twentieth century, " With a higher sense of duty 
 than has bee7i shown by some of the governing 
 classes which have preceded them, will they 
 refrain from jobbing the commonwealth ? Warned 
 by the experience of Rome^ will they shrink from 
 reproducing, directly or indirectly , the political 
 heresy of Cains Gracchus^ that he who votes in 
 
I20 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 the forum must be fed by the State ? " In other 
 words, are the socialist dogmas once adopted 
 in Rome to be adapted or repudiated ? On 
 what is done about this will hinge the fortunes 
 of the most advanced and most progressive 
 portions of the human race, including the entire 
 fraternity of English-speaking peoples. Aug- 
 mented experience, more effective education, 
 and enlarged intelligence must unquestionably 
 render the great democracies of the twentieth 
 century from day to day increasingly alive to 
 the mischiefs to be apprehended from socialistic 
 excess, and to the necessity, in the interests 
 of the people, for maintaining the rights of 
 property. 
 
 Experience justifies us in assuming that when 
 public order is overthrown by force, unbridled 
 passion is pretty certain to manifest itself in 
 violent excess, and that reaction will thus be 
 brought about. Any such excess, at the present 
 day, will usually, in Europe and many other 
 parts of the world, be of a socialist type, and 
 when anarchy supervenes, anarchy will lead to 
 despotism. To avert such eventualities is a 
 worthy aim of statesmanship, and while provid- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 121 
 
 ing the safeguard of a widely spread and useful 
 education, at the same time by all suitable 
 means to strengthen the conservative forces of 
 the commonwealth (employing the word "con- 
 servative" in a large sense) ought to be the 
 desire of those most competent to derive benefit 
 from the lessons of history. 
 
 Nothing can be better ascertained than that, 
 as an effect of the insecurity of property and 
 consequent paralysis of industry, wage-earners 
 who live by manual toil are the first to suffer, as 
 also that they are those who suffer most, and 
 most severely, and most helplessly and hope- 
 lessly, all which facts a widely spread and 
 useful education enables them perfectly to com- 
 prehend ; that is to say, provided the educa- 
 tion is to the extent now prevailing in some 
 countries, which confers a capacity to compre- 
 hend whatever afTects public interests, according 
 to received standards of opinion, as in Canada 
 and the United States, without speaking of any 
 other proficiency. Neither in Canada nor in 
 the United States are wage-earners likely to 
 attach any undue importance to the words 
 " liberty," "equality," and "fraternity," nor to em- 
 
122 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 brace tenets subversive of the established order 
 of things. Indeed, when a railroad corporation 
 in the United States is anxious to disparage 
 attempts made in the interests of the public 
 to control its operations, its advocates frequently 
 incline to impute communist ideas to their 
 opponents, meaning thereby, that to interfere 
 with the property of a railroad corporation is 
 an application of doctrines favouring common 
 or collective, as distinguished from individual, 
 ownership, because the property of the company, 
 or of the persons composing it, is sought to be 
 injured, they would assert, for the advantage 
 of the entire community. An imputation of 
 Socialism or Communism, when sustained, would 
 probably, in either Canada or the United States, 
 prove fatal to any proposal dependent for 
 success on public opinion. 
 
 Wage-earners form the most influential class 
 in most democratic nations, and their strong 
 inclination to consult what they imagine to be 
 their own interest is manifested by their trades- 
 union proceedings, and their strenuous support 
 of protection to native industries. There is no 
 necessity to consider whether they judge cor- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 123 
 
 rectly ; what is important to note is, that these 
 lines of action find favour in their eyes, and that 
 they are usually prepared to act just as vigorously 
 when the welfare of the nation to which they 
 belong is concerned as when questions bearing 
 on class discussions present themselves. All 
 classes in all nations will act conformably with 
 those varying influences which at the moment 
 chiefly affect them, and the best security that 
 these influences shall be of a wholesome nature 
 is to be found in the enlightenment flowing 
 from practically beneficial instruction. This 
 alone can render it possible for masses of per- 
 sons to arrive at safe conclusions regarding 
 the affairs either of the classes of which they 
 are members or of the nation at large. The 
 views entertained by masses are apt to gravitate 
 towards some central point, and to a certain 
 extent to be correct, even independently of 
 those masses possessing, as is fairly to be pre- 
 sumed, an average amount of intelligence. 
 Extravagances and crotchets are set aside in the 
 approach to this central point, while at the same 
 time the favourite doctrine, whatever it is, to- 
 wards which as towards a central point views 
 
124 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 generally tend, is intensified by the effect pro- 
 duced by mind on mind ; in England, very 
 much through means of the tall-talk of the ale- 
 house, and perhaps of temperance hotels, and 
 mechanics' institutes and clubs of various kinds, 
 in nearly equal measure. In every country 
 similar effects manifest themselves, wherever 
 persons principally congregate. In each instance 
 it will be found to be a remarkable and pre- 
 valent fact, that public sentiments^ as they grow 
 in intensity, feed on themselves. Washington 
 would appear to have habitually borne this in 
 mind, and to have been deeply impressed with 
 a conviction that the existence throughout 
 extensive districts of distinctive class or local 
 interests largely shapes opinion. 
 
 The multitude, when they have embraced 
 conclusions maturely formed, seldom are induced 
 by mere argument to deem them unfounded, 
 especially if they are held, truly or untruly, to 
 have been tested by a fair trial. When thus 
 tested, those cherishing them enjoy the benefit 
 to be derived from the most effective of all 
 educations, that of circumstances ; experientia 
 docet. It would be difficult to persuade Canadian 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 125 
 
 manufacturers, who consider they have been 
 raised from extreme depression to prosperity by 
 a protective system, that this system had been 
 all along merely characterized by folly ; and it 
 would be equally difficult to convince those of 
 the United States that the legislation for a long 
 series of years which, they feel, has created the 
 industries in which they are engaged, had been 
 from its commencement a stupid error. We 
 need not discuss the merits of protection ; the 
 thing to be thought of is, that the manufacturers 
 of Canada and the United States can scarcely 
 be expected, in the absence of new facts, to be 
 induced by mere argument to give up the courses 
 of policy which have met their approval, and 
 from which they believe they have derived 
 advantage. 
 
 In Europe, nations live in dread of each other, 
 and equally in dread of movements amongst 
 themselves, and in terror have equipped more 
 potent armaments than any ever before known. 
 The cruel strain induced by compulsory service 
 on those who win their livelihood by industry 
 is not easily to be imagined by those to whom it 
 is not familiar, and even by those to whom it is 
 
126 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 familiar can only be realized by looking at facts. 
 Rulers make all things bend to the keeping up 
 of warlike preparations. Taxation increases, 
 while the ability to bear it diminishes. Life 
 becomes hard to those who live by labour, and 
 discontent arises, and is wrought up to a climax 
 in individual cases by the action of mind on 
 mind, as also by the operation of secret societies. 
 A humane treatment of the poor may accom- 
 plish much in preventing the adoption of wild 
 resolves, and where destitution is cared for, 
 things will work all the more smoothly. Fanati- 
 cism, of course, is inconsistent with sound 
 reason, but sound reason has small chance of 
 influencing the masses of any people when they 
 are without hope and feel they have nothing to 
 lose. A weak creature, like a cat, will turn in 
 desperation, but not till driven against a wall ; 
 and where misery and despair are intense, 
 socialist excess is usually to be looked for in 
 Europe. The unrelieved distress of masses 
 causes fanaticism, and fanaticism causes crime. 
 
 If the hardships of life are bitter, if the evils 
 originating in grief, poverty, illness, and pain are 
 greater than can be borne with fortitude and 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 127 
 
 resignation by the bulk of mankind, it is to be 
 remembered that a desire to alleviate them is, 
 with most persons, an attribute of the heart. 
 This may frequently best express itself in volun- 
 tary acts. It never can, with any propriety, 
 permanently do so through means of legislation 
 alone. When an act is performed as a matter 
 of legal obligation, it is not, so far, performed as 
 a matter of benevolence. Few dangers are at 
 this moment more menacing than those growing 
 out of the habit of attaching undue weight to 
 sentimental appeals in favour of sentimental 
 legislation. Nations, like individuals, should be 
 just before they are generous ; well-known truths, 
 sanctioned by universal experience, more espe- 
 cially as to the necessity for maintaining the 
 rights of property, should be respected as being 
 things not to be tampered with. The disastrous 
 consequences of any tampering with them will, 
 for the most part, quickly enough affect the 
 welfare of the entire community, and very parti- 
 cularly, and in the first instance, the welfare of 
 those who have to support themselves without 
 aid from capital previously amassed. 
 
 Charity is twice blest ; it is blest in its effects 
 
128 . DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 on those who ^\y^ and on those who receive, in 
 cultivating kindly sentiment. But the bestowal 
 of bounty in any shape by a branch of the civil 
 administration produces no such benefit. It 
 cannot, from the nature of things, be in accord- 
 ance with the apostolic teaching, " If any man 
 will not work, neither shall he eat," and though, 
 in degree, a departure from the strictness of this 
 rule is allowable, and effects practical good, it is 
 scarcely conceivable that such departures should 
 not pretty generally interfere with the rights of 
 industry, as well as with the rights of property, 
 as everything must do which prevents their 
 finding their proper level. To enable paupers 
 through means of assistance meted out by Poor 
 Law Guardians to compete with independent 
 workmen (as was long done under the English 
 Poor Law), and thus to saddle the support of 
 paupers on ratepayers, interferes alike with the 
 rights of industry and the rights of property. 
 
 The bestowing of poor-law relief, consti- 
 tuting as it does a sort of insurance against 
 tumultuous violence which might threaten 
 property, may produce benefit as inducing 
 security ; yet still is the establishment more or 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 129 
 
 less extensively of a common and collective 
 ownership of a right to this relief — an ownership 
 totally differing in character from several or in- 
 dividual ownership. All such bestowing of relief, 
 however it may be sought to be justified as 
 inducing security, is opposed to the dictates of 
 what has hitherto been recognized as economic 
 science ; that is to say (so far as, independently 
 of adventitious circumstances, it alone is con- 
 cerned), it is opposed to the dictates of truth, 
 since science is the knowledge of truth. Know- 
 ledge and science are in effect convertible terms. 
 If the whole of the means of any one were 
 taken by public authority and put into a 
 common purse or fund, this, according to the 
 literal and ancient meaning of the phrase, would 
 be confiscation ; and in degree it is quite as 
 truly confiscation to take a portion and put it 
 into a common purse or fund for the relief of 
 poverty. When a house is accidentally burnt, 
 its value is lost, unless the house has been 
 insured ; and if it has been insured, the premium 
 on the fire policy is lost ; but there can be no 
 difficulty in coming to the conclusion that, 
 though there will be loss in both cases, great 
 
I30 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 evils can be avoided alike by maintaining a 
 system of poor-law relief, and by paying to keep 
 up a fire policy. The part of prudence is to be 
 wise in time. In England, where poor-law 
 relief is presumed in legal theory to make loss 
 of life from starvation impossible, those depend- 
 ing on unskilled manual labour for the most 
 part regard the provision secured to them in 
 this shape as a safeguard against want in illness 
 and old age, and incline to dwell on their title 
 to it, and on other legal rights, far more than on 
 notions about liberty, equality, and fraternity, 
 and the innate rights of man, or on subversive 
 projects of any description whatsoever. 
 
 Mr. Winn Knight, M.P. for West Worcester- 
 shire, at one time secretary to the Poor Law 
 Board, speaks in a paper of comparatively recent 
 date of the true cause of the Chartist risings of 
 1837, 1^3^) i839> 3^s being a struggle to stop out- 
 door relief, long persisted in by the early Poor 
 Law Commissioners of Somerset House. Than 
 Mr. Winn Knight no higher authority on this 
 subject can be named, and what he states must 
 be accepted as proving, by a most painful 
 demonstration, the strength of the influence 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 131 
 
 exerted by the poor-law system on the indigent 
 classes affected by it. The experience gained 
 through means of these outbreaks enables us, in 
 some degree, to estimate its extent. 
 
 In this country, party conflict has fortunately 
 not obscured the perception amongst any order 
 of persons of the duty appertaining to all, to 
 co-operate to the utmost of their ability in 
 promoting the welfare of their native land ; and 
 the philanthropic efforts to elevate the needy 
 and depressed, which have of late formed so 
 large a part of our public action, are often, 
 doubtless, somewhat socialist in their aspect, so 
 far as they tend to confer this world's goods on 
 those who have them not. The character of 
 these efforts may certainly bear the socialist 
 stamp as distinctly as does our system of poor-law 
 relief ; but this constitutes no reason why they 
 ought to be condemned, provided that, without 
 taking this into account, they are justified by 
 their merits and by circumstances. To elevate 
 those classes on whom fortune has not smiled, 
 to present, so far as practicable, opportunities to 
 all for helping themselves, and to lessen the ills 
 which press on large portions of our population. 
 
132 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 are objects of policy second to no others in 
 importance, and are ends worthy to be sought 
 after by each individual who appreciates their 
 magnitude. 
 
 Among recent writers, no one more than 
 M. Taine is entitled to speak with authority of 
 things in France According to M. Taine, 
 " Quels que soient les grands noms, liberte, 
 egalite, fraternite, dont la Revolution se decore, 
 elle est par essence, une translation de la propriH^ ; 
 en cela consiste son support intime, sa force 
 permanente, son moteur premier et son sens 
 historique." * 
 
 * Socialistic legislation already sanctioned by Parliament, 
 cannot fail to be moulded and affected in all sorts of ways by 
 a centralized and graduated Bureaucracy, and thus to aid in 
 building up what is with strictest propriety to be designated 
 as " State Socialism " (if any system of the sort ever is built up 
 in this country), such as seems to have found favour with Prince 
 Bismarck and other Ministers of State at various times. But 
 whether such legislation consists in giving poor-law relief, in 
 giving food along with elementary education, in providing houses 
 for the populations at the public expense, in the compulsory 
 cultivation of land, or in fifty other things which might be named, 
 the transfer of property or of money's worth is as much its 
 essence as it was, according to M. Taine, the essence of "La 
 Revolution " in France. The compulsory of cultivation of land, 
 we may presume, would cause loss of money, else it need not 
 be compulsory. 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 133 
 
 Imperialism, or the giving effect to principles 
 of imperial policy, ever has been associated 
 with military force and with the subordination 
 of mankind to that force — it was so in the days 
 of the Roman praetorian guards ; it is so now — 
 and nothing is more remarkable in our own day 
 than the intolerable pressure induced by im- 
 perial armaments. This pressure is, without the 
 least exaggeration, intolerable; it cannot be 
 endured, and will assuredly, in some way or 
 other, be brought to an end — perhaps by 
 bankruptcy, perhaps by revolution, perhaps 
 by war and mutual exhaustion. 
 
 That mere repression carried out by Im- 
 perialism can, in most instances, obliterate ten- 
 dencies to socialistic excess seems improbable. 
 Along with a widely spread and useful education, 
 imperial power may indeed occasionally accom- 
 plish a good deal ; but inasmuch as, according to 
 present appearances above all other things, the 
 strain often induced by Imperialism gives rise to 
 socialistic proclivities, the advantageous effects, 
 under a form of polity fitly to be designated as 
 Imperialism, of a widely spread and useful 
 education would, in most cases, too possibly be 
 
134 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 minimized. To be largely beneficial in its 
 political consequences, such an education must 
 be accompanied by reform, wherever there is 
 crying need for reform. To render the multitude 
 in any such case, through means of instruction, 
 increasingly appreciative of the evils brought 
 about by those set over them, can scarcely con- 
 duce to contentment, as regards their national 
 institutions ; and at this moment the political 
 evils weighing down the most numerous popu- 
 lations are generally considered chiefly to press 
 on national resources and happiness, in those 
 countries where Imperialism prevails. 
 
 As already observed, according to present 
 appearances above all other things, the strain 
 often induced by Imperialism gives rise to 
 socialistic proclivities. The second French 
 Empire, its system, and the pressure induced by 
 it, had a great deal to do with moulding Social- 
 ism into its modern shape, and the Napoleonic 
 dynasty perished in a convulsion which was 
 socialistic in its nature. Before the German 
 Emperor had long worn his imperial crown, he 
 was confronted by the presence in his legislature 
 of Socialists. And in Russia, the very palace of 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 135 
 
 the late emperor was undermined, and he him- 
 self, not long afterwards, was assassinated in the 
 midst of his guards. 
 
 The reader's attention is again requested to 
 the great fact, that the weightiest problem of the 
 future, at least among English-speaking peoples, 
 manifestly is, how far democracy can afford safe- 
 guards agaifzst the mischiefs to be apprehended 
 from an unrestrained development of Socialism ? 
 On this depend the prospects of civilization ; its 
 scope, type, and influence. There is not, so far 
 as we can judge, any other ground for rational 
 hope than what is presented by the enlightened 
 intelligence of mankind, acting through the in- 
 strumentality of the power of the people, that is 
 to say, of democracy ; any other ground of 
 rational hope which may seemingly once have 
 existed, exists no more. 
 
 It is to be remembered that a democratic nation 
 in which order is firmly rooted will, above all 
 other considerations, attach weight to the belief 
 which can never fail to find favour in their eyes, 
 that the happiness, enlightenment, and morality 
 of the people ought to be the chief objects aimed 
 at by wise government. All tending to benefit 
 
136 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 the commonwealth will be favoured by demo- 
 cratic legislation, when based on sound principles 
 and a worthy appreciation of facts ; decision as to 
 what does so must obviously presuppose the con- 
 sideration of every great question which presents 
 itself, such consideration not being limited to de- 
 bating the means of resisting attacks on property, 
 e.g. it will comprise questions about currency, 
 protection, and foreign policy. That it cannot 
 exclude these follows from the very nature of 
 things. Should Socialism ever for a moment 
 triumph, this would infer the triumph for the 
 moment of those who obtained, without com- 
 pensation, the possessions of parties theretofore 
 enjoying them by virtue of legal sanctions ; 
 socialistic principles would have triumphed 
 over individual rights and that individual 
 energy to which civilization is mainly due, 
 and over what had been accomplished in 
 creating wealth and well-being. The Athenian 
 and Roman democracies afforded full scope to 
 individual character, and the having secured in 
 France a carriere overte au talent, marks the 
 kind of equality established by the democratic 
 empire of the Napoleons. Democracy in the 
 
WORLD AND THE NEW. 137 
 
 United States primarily derived its strength from 
 individual independence and the spirit of free- 
 dom ; and the experience more particularly of the 
 municipal corporations of New England proves 
 that an effective way to put down and provide 
 against local grievances is to invigorate local 
 popular bodies, so that each invasion of public 
 rights shall be checked under the pressure of 
 popular opinion, while this- popular opinion, 
 formed and kept alive by the working of local 
 institutions, is available for shaping the counsels 
 of the community at large. Socialism would 
 uproot or nullify all these local bodies, so far as 
 rendering property a matter of common owner- 
 ship and bringing about a general change of 
 laws could do so, and is as utterly opposed to 
 individualism in the instance of each municipal 
 corporation (say in New England) as to in- 
 dividualism in the case of each individual owner 
 of property who might be spoiled by the appli- 
 cation of its doctrines. 
 
 The nation or State in its collective and, we 
 may say, corporate character is the one sovereign 
 agent for material, moral, and social ameliora- 
 tions; and democracy always has deemed the duty 
 
138 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 of the State to extend to dealing with questions 
 specially affecting the food, housing, health, 
 culture, and amusement of wage-earners, some- 
 times adopting measures more or less socialist in 
 their aspect, as was the devoting of public funds 
 to providing the panem et Circenses in Rome 
 of old, and as is the giving of poor-law relief in 
 England ; and it is pretty certain to continue to 
 look on this as emphatically the duty of the 
 State, perhaps caring equally for the bulk of 
 the people generally. Wage-earners, in every 
 nation under heaven, are producers of wealth, 
 and in them naturally resides the amount of 
 influence inferred by that fact. In any com- 
 munity, all possessed of power, to whatever class 
 they belong, will quickly find themselves 
 interfered with by whatever mars general 
 prosperity. 
 
 No great gift of prophecy is needed to assure 
 us that to the extent stated democratic ten- 
 dencies will in future exhibit features similar to 
 those which have characterized them throughout 
 all time. Where affected by varying interests 
 or forces, they may not always bring about 
 results unvarying in their type. Most demo- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. \-yf 
 
 cracies, for example, have been well inclined to 
 act in foreign affairs ; but it would be rash 
 to attempt to say how far this course is likely 
 to be pursued, either in the British Islands or the 
 United States. The United States Government 
 sometimes has decided to do so, and sometimes 
 to refrain, in compliance with Washington's 
 strongly expressed sentiments in favour of 
 maintaining neutrality. 
 
 Democracy — the power of the people, it is to 
 be borne in mind — is capable of being developed 
 alike under or side by side with monarchical, 
 aristocratic, and republican forms of govern- 
 ment. The principles, or grounds of action, 
 growing out of or necessarily belonging to it 
 are not invariably much affected by these forms. 
 It frequently is an efficient element of vigour 
 and activity in the State under all of them. 
 When unconciliated and uncontrolled, if it 
 becomes predominant, it usually overwhelms all 
 opposition, but in numerous cases a modus vivendi 
 (to employ a strictly appropriate phrase) is 
 arrived at between it and other powers firmly 
 rooted in national sentiments and habits ; e.g. 
 with aristocracy in England and in ancient 
 
140 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 Rome ; or with monarchy, as in England and 
 China ; or with plutocracy, as in England, 
 ancient Rome, France, and the United States. 
 The condition of things thus brought about 
 may endure, as we know from experience, very 
 long indeed. 
 
 The power of the people, i.e. democracy, will 
 ever be competent in any nation fully to 
 counteract subversive tenets so soon as the 
 ills threatened by them are generally under- 
 stood by the enlightened intelligence of that 
 nation. These ills are more watchfully and 
 persistently guarded against in the United 
 States than perhaps anywhere else, though 
 spasmodic exertions to repress outrage have 
 been occasionally carried out on a more exten- 
 sive scale when measures of precaution are not 
 habitually taken in time. The habitual taking 
 of such measures in the United States is very 
 much owing to the presence of numerous small 
 landowners, but also to the overwhelming 
 weight of property, both real and personal, 
 largely aggregated in immense masses. In 
 useful political education, and accordingly in 
 capacity to appreciate political facts and ten- 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 141 
 
 lencies, the population of the United States 
 must be admitted to be in advance of most of 
 their contemporaries ; and in seeking to form an 
 opinion with regard to the future, as to how far 
 democracy can afford safeguards against the 
 mischiefs to be apprehended from an tin- 
 restrained development of Socialism, we may- 
 gather instruction from observing that it does 
 afford such safeguards under our own eyes in 
 America. 
 
 That its excesses can be curbed and kept 
 within strict bounds has thus been shown to 
 be possible ; the curbing and keeping of them 
 within strict bounds in each case in future times 
 must obviously depend on the circumstances of 
 each case, and on the influences brought to bear 
 on it. 
 
 In accordance with the figure of speech 
 known as Metonomy, a population directed by 
 the power of the people, Le. by its own power — 
 by democracy — is often spoken of as a demo- 
 cracy, and its principles of action, its modes of 
 thought, and its social habits exhibit the demo- 
 cratic impress. The late Lord Elgin, a shrewd 
 observer, from an entry in his journal under 
 
142 DEMOCRACY IN THE 
 
 date December 17, 1857, seems to have con- 
 sidered that the secret of governing a democracy, 
 was at that time understood by men in power, 
 and that it consisted in never interfering to 
 check an evil until it had attained such propor- 
 tions that all the world saw plainly the necessi- 
 ties of the case ; that then any amount of moral 
 or material power could easily be obtained, but 
 that if interference were attempted at an earlier 
 period, neither thanks nor assistance would be 
 forthcoming. Evils are incident alike to demo- 
 cracy, aristocracy, monarchy, and all human in- 
 stitutions. Strange indeed will it be if the public 
 men of the future, who are enlisted in the ranks of 
 those anxious to maintain order, the rights of pro- 
 perty, and the framework of civilization, do not 
 plainly perceive that by waiting (provided they 
 can do no better) till the evils certain to be 
 brought about by a development of Socialism, 
 if for the moment unrestrained, have attained 
 such proportions that all the world can, as Lord 
 Elgin says, see the necessities of the case, they 
 will get any amount of moral or material force 
 they require. They may not, of course, be great 
 statesmen, even though they should occupy high 
 
OLD WORLD AND THE NEW. 143 
 
 place, but presumably they are likely to be 
 endued with ordinary discernment. 
 
 No one of the issues to be decided by the 
 course of events is more important than this — 
 as to whether, in times to come, throughout 
 those lands where constitutional rights are rudi- 
 mentally based on the maxims of Anglo-Saxon 
 law, each person is to have secured to him the 
 liberty so to use his own rights as not to hurt 
 another ; the importance of which issue will, at 
 all future periods, be appreciated and all the 
 more prized by every one who follows the teach- 
 ings of Sir William Blackstone, such liberty 
 being, according to him, the special outcome of 
 the British Constitution. If in after ages it 
 receives an ever-increasing sanction from new 
 legislation developed in accordance with new 
 needs, it will not by reason of its origin be any 
 the less valued. 
 
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