LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ VLK * Samuel Xeasfe Ibis Boofc If tbou art borrowed by a H friend, Right welcome shall he be Co read, to study, not to lend, But to return to me nOC that imparted knowl- edge doth Diminish learning's store, But books, T find, if often lent, Return to me no more Class IRo. VLX *> THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SOCIAL REFORM ^ INCLUDING POLITICAL ECONOMY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY, AND STATISTICS, COVERING ANARCHISM, CHARITIES, CIVIL SERVICE, CURRENCY, LAND AND LEGISLATION REFORM, PENOLOGY, SOCIALISM, SOCIAL PURITY, TRADES UNIONS, WOMAN SUFFRAGE, ETC. . EDITED WILLIAM WITH THE CO-OPERATION OF MANY SPECIALISTS INCLUDING AMONG OTHERS Pres. E. B. ANDREWS, D.D., LL.D., EDWARD ATKINSON, Ph.D., LL.D., Prof. E. W. BEMIS, Ph.D., EDWARD BELLAMY, HELEN BLACKBURN, EMILY BLACKWELL, M.D., F. de L. BOOTH-TUCKER, WM. CLARKE, Prof. J. R. COMMONS, A.M., THOMAS DAVIDSON, A.M., Rev. S.W. DIKE, LL.D., Prof. R. F. FAULKNER, Ph.D., WM. LLOYD GARRISON, Prof. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, Ph D., Prof. A. T. HADLEY, A.M., BENJAMIN KIDD, REV. E. E. HALE, D.D., LL.D., THOMAS G. SHEARMAN, LADY HENRY SOMERSET, DAVID A. WELLS, LL.D., SYDNEY WEBB, LL.B., FRANCES E. WILLARD, LL.D., CARROLL D. WRIGHT, LL.D. FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY NEW YORK AND LONDON I8 97 Copyright, 1897, by FUNK & WAGNALLS Co. [Registered at Stationers' Hall, London, England.] Printed in the United States, America. To William X, Bull, WHOSE LOYAL FRIENDSHIP AND DEEP SYMPATHY IN THE AIMS OF THIS WORK HAS LARGELY MADE IT POSSIBLE. PREFACE. THE two main requisites of an encyclopedia are reliability and serviceableness in information. The first of these requisites has been sought in this encyclopedia by having every article either written or revised by some specialist on each particular subject. In the case of all proposed reforms the statement of the reform has "been written, or at least revised, by a believer in the reform ; but, together with this, or by reference to a corresponding article on the opposing side, a statement of the opposing view will be found. Individualists and socialists, gold monometal- lists, bimetallists, and believers in free silver, protectionists and free traders, prohibitionists and high-license advocates, believers and disbelievers in woman suffrage, appear in this ency- clopedia side by side. Historical, bibliographical, biographical, and statistical articles have been prepared and carefully revised by adequate authorities, mainly university professors and specialists. Serviceableness has been sought by making the work, while, as shown above, accurate and scholarly, yet popular and not technical. The encyclopedia is for general workers and students in social reform. It has been prepared by specialists for those who are not specialists. Its references to books are therefore in the main only to books available to English readers. Articles have been arranged as to length and quality with this idea of serviceableness in view. No articles, for example, will be found upon Presidents Washington and Lincoln. This is not because they did not contribute to social reform, and to a much larger degree than many who are considered in this encyclopedia, but because the general reader in reform does not need the story of Washington's or Lincoln's life. The space allotted to articles, therefore, has considered the needs of the reader more than the absolute importance of the subject. This work is a pioneer, the first of its kind. Its aim has been to give on all the broad range of social reform the experience of the past, the facts of the present, the proposals for the future. The subject is so vast, and may be made so inclusive, that almost any subject might have been included here ; but this encyclopedia aims to distinguish sharply between subjects that belong mainly to the individual and those that belong mainly to society. A few subjects, such as religion, science, etc., that concern both the individual and society, are treated only in their social aspects. The biographical portions will be found to be especially full. Of living persons the encyclopedia treats only those having national recognition, and has thus been compelled to pass by many earnest and often more useful and successful workers in local fields. To the important articles are appended brief bibliographies of the best available books upon the subject. There has been no attempt to make these exhaustive, but they will serve to guide the student in his search for more complete information. A general bibliography of social and economic bibliographies will be found in the appendix. The editor desires to express his indebtedness to a large number of writers who have most VI PREFACE. materially aided him by contributing or revising articles and by reading proof. The names of those who have contributed or revised signed articles will be found below. But there are many others whose names do not appear who have aided equally with these. A list of the firms who have granted courteous permission to quote from their publications is also appended. The editor desires to express his especial indebtedness to Mr. Louis E. Van Norman, A.M., for valued help in seeing the work through the press. If this work shall aid at all those who desire the truth in social reform in finding and in acting upon it, its aim will have been realized. W. D. P. BLISS. BOSTON, 1897. CONTRIBUTORS OR REVISERS OF SIGNED ARTICLES. All the articles in this Encyclopedia have been either prepared or revised by specialists. We give here only those whose names are signed. SAMUEL W. ABBOTT, M.D., Of the State Board of Health of Massachu- setts. ELISHA B. ANDREWS, D.D., LL.D., President of Brown University. EDWARD ATKINSON, Ph.D., LL.D. RACHEL FOSTER AVERY, Corresponding Secretary of the National Women's Suffrage Association. EDWARD BELLAMY. E. W. BEMIS, Ph.D. Rev. THOMAS A. BICKFORD. HELEN BLACKBURN, Of the ( British) National Society for Wom- en's Suffrage. EMILY BLACKWELL, M.D. FREDERICK DE L. BOOTH-TUCKER, Commander of the Salvation Army of the United States. ALBERT A. CARLTON, Formerly of the General Executive Board of the Knights of Labor. HERBERT N. CASSON, Founder of the Labor Church in the United States. ALBERT CLARKE, A.M., Secretary of the Home Market Club, Bos- ton, Mass., and President of the National Statistical Association. WILLIAM CLARKE. J. STORER COBB. JOHN R. COMMONS, A.M., Professor of Sociology, Syracuse Univer- sity. ERNEST H. CROSBY, A.M., LL.B., Ex-President of the Social Reform Club, New York City. THOMAS DAVIDSON, A.M. MILES M. DAWSON Rev. S. W. DIKE. LL.D., Secretary of the National Divorce Reform League. WILLIAM A. DUNNING, Ph.D., Professor of History and Political Science, Columbia University. GEORGE E. FELLOWS, Ph.D., Department of European History, Indiana University. ROLAND P. FAULKNER, Ph.D., Professor of Statistics, University of Penn- sylvania. MARTHA N. GALE. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. FRANKLIN H. GIDDINGS, Ph.D., Professor of Sociology, Columbia Univer- sity, First Vice-President of the Ameri- can Economic Association and of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Rev. N. P. GILMAN. ARTHUR T. HADLEY, A.M.. Professor of Political Economy, Yale Uni- versity. Rev. EDWARD EVERETT HALE, D.D., LL.D. AUBERON HERBERT, Editor of Free Life. ALFRED HICKS. RICHARD J. HINTON. EDITH M. HOWES. CHARLES D. KELLOGG, General Secretary of the Charity Organiza- tion Society, New York City. BENJAMIN KIDD. CONTRIBUTORS AND REVISERS. Vll ALFRED WATTS LEE. HENRY D. LLOYD. ELEANOR L. LORD. W. D. McCRACKAN. FREDERICK MILLAR, Editor of The Liberty Review. CAROLINE WILLIAMSON MONTGOMERY, President of the College Settlements Asso- ciation. W. A. MOWRY. N. O. NELSON, Founder of Leclaire Cooperative Commu- nity. FRANK PARSONS, Professor of Insurance, School of Law, Bos- ton University. Rev. GEORGE L. PERIN, D.D. ELTWEED POMEROY, Editor of Direct Legislation. AARON M. POWELL, President of the American Purity Alliance. ANNA RICE POWELL. JAMES B. REYNOLDS, University Settlement, New York City. FRANCES E. RUSSELL. H. B. SALISBURY. LUCY M. SALMON, A.M., Department of History, Vassar College. THOMAS G. SHEARMAN. Lady HENRY SOMERSET, Vice-President of the World's Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Rev. P. W. SPRAGUE. ELLEN G. STARR. Rev. GRAHAM TAYLOR, D.D. Rev. CHARLES M. THOMPSON, D.D. JOHN TREVOR, Founder of the Labor Church in England. GEORGE B. WALDRON, A.M. J. BRUCE WALLACE. DAVID A. WELLS, LL.D. E. J. WHEELER, A.M. FRANCES E. WILLARD, LL.D , President of the Woman's Christian Tem- perance Union. Rev. LEIGHTON WILLIAMS. ROBERT WOODS, Andover House, Boston, Mass. CARROLL D. WRIGHT, LL.D., United States Commissioner of Labor. Rev. JAMES YEAMES. VICTOR S. YARROS, LL.B. ACKNOWLEDGMENT. WE desire to express our acknowledgment to the following societies, firms, and individuals for courteous permission to use the quotations made from the following books on which they hold the copyright : The American Academy of Political and Social Science. Annals of the American Academy. The American Economic Association. Publications. D. Appleton & Company. City Government in the United States, by A. R. Conkling. Man versus The State, by T. Mackay and others. A Plea for Liberty, by Herbert Spencer. Primer of Political Economy, by W. Stanley Jevons. Progress and Wealth, by George Gunton. Recent Economic Changes, by David A. Wells. The Baker & Taylor Company. Our Country, by Dr. Josiah Strong. Mrs. L. N. Brace. Gesta Christi, by Charles Loring Brace. The Century Company. Municipal Government in Great Britain, by Albert Shaw. Columbia University, School of Political Sci- ence. The Political Science Quarterly. Thomas Y. Crowell & Company. Anarchy or Government, by W. N. Salter. American Charities, by A. G. Warner Distribution of Wealth, by Professor John R. Commons. Socialism and Social Reform, by R. T. Ely. Flood & Vincent. The Industrial Evolution of the United States, by Carroll D. Wright. Harper & Brothers. Wealth against Commonwealth, by Henry D. Lloyd. The M. W. Hazen Company. The Labor Movement, by George E. McNeill. Henry Holt & Company. History of American Currency, by W. G. Sumner. The Humboldt Library. Live Qitestions, by ex-Governor John P. Altgeld. A. J. Johnson Company. Johnson' 1 s Universal Cyclopedia. Longmans, Green & Company. Democracy and Liberty, by W. E. H. Lecky. G. P. Putnam's Sons. Economics, by Professor Arthur Hadley. A General Freight and Passenger Post, by James L. Cowles. Monopolies and the People, by C. W. Baker. Prisoners and Paiipers, by H. M. Boies. Walter Scott. The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, by T. A. Hobson. The Eight-Hours' 1 Day, by Messrs. Cox Swan, Sonnenschein & Company. Crime and its Causes, by W. D. Morrison. German Socialism and F. Lassalle, by W. H. Dawson. Illegitimacy, by Albert Leffingwell, M.D. Six Centtiries of Work and Wages, by J. E. Thorold Rogers. C. Osborne Ward. The Ancient Lowly. The World. The World A Imanac. THE ENCYCLOPEDIA SOCIAL RKFORM ABANDONED FARMS. The growth of modern commercial centers, the development of factory towns, the increasing part played in eco- nomic life by the railroad, the general drift of population from the country to the cities (see CITIES) have led, in certain sections of the coun- try, to the abandoning of farms. The extent to which this has taken place has been by some exaggerated, and the prominence given to the subject a few years ago led to investigations which have shown the exaggeration ; neverthe- less, the number of abandoned farms is not small, and the fact has a significance of the most serious character. As we shall see in this arti- cle, the evil is not confined to New England, altho most attention has been called to the fact in that section of the country. Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Massa- chusetts have made careful statistical investiga- tions into the subject, with the result (i) of find- ing that the extent to which farms in New Eng- land have been abandoned has been somewhat exaggerated ; and (2) of inducing the State to take steps to aid the sale and development of such farms, steps which have culminated in practical results. These States print lists of such farms for sale at favorable terms and send them free to any person who applies to the prop- er authorities of the respective States. Many farms have been thus sold and land developed and homes maintained. Altho, perhaps, New Hampshire and Vermont have been most active in thus selling farms, Massachusetts has most carefully investigated and reported upon the subject. The twenty- first annual report (1890) of the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor gives 78 pages to the subject, from which we quote the prominent points. " Many farms in the commonwealth have been aban- doned by their owners, but not abandoned as to culti- vation. Such farms have been leased to their present occupants, who derive a .Definition of living from them, or have been sold to Ahandonnd other farmers and incorporated with iea other farms. The result of the trans- x arms. f e rs last indicated is to reduce the num- ber of farms in the State, but not the number of acres of cultivated land. Many farms formerly cultivated for various crops are -now mainly devoted to the production of hay or dairy products ; and, in some cases, land formerly cultivated is now to be classed as woodland. Such changes are merely changes in the form of crop, and if made by the farmer for the reason that, all things considered, it is found more profitable at present to raise hay, dairy products, or wood than vegetables or grain, do not in- volve an abandonment of the farm, altho possibly the abandonment of the mode of cultivation formerly em- ployed. In order to secure uniformity and the greatest possible accuracy in the returns, and to eliminate as far as possible the effect of differences of judgment, in replying to our inquiries as to what should be con- sidered an abandoned farm, the following definition was placed upon the blanks sent out to the assessors : " By ' Abandoned Farms' in this inquiry are meant those formerly cultivated, but now deserted, upon which cultivation is now abandoned, and the build- ings, if any, unoccupied and permitted to fall into decay. In some cases the grass is still cut on these farms, but nothing is done in the way of enrichment of the soil, and the land is practically unproductive and left to run wild." Abandoned farm land in Massachusetts is princi- pally confined to the western counties. Sxich land aggregates 3.45 per cent, of the total farm acreage of the State, outside the limits of cities, and about 0.87 per cent. a __. , .. of the value of such farm land. In summary Of Nantucket and Suffolk counties no aban- Results, doned farm land is returned. The per- centage of acreage of abandoned farm land of total farm acreage, for the counties returning abandoned farm land, is highest in Hampshire County, reaching therein 6.85 per cent. It is lowest in Essex County, being therein only 0.06 per cent. The average size of abandoned farms with buildings is 86 acres, and for those without buildings 87 acres. The average value of abandoned farms with buildings is $894, and for those without buildings $561. The average value of buildings on abandoned farms is $337 per farm, ranging much less than the average value of buildings upon farms under cultivation. Much of the abandoned land may be bought for less than $10 per acre. While some of the towns containing abandoned farms show a recent decline in the value of agricultural products and property, this is not universally true, and the decline in certain localities is overbalanced by increase in others in the same county ; so that, not- withstanding the existence of abandoned farms, each county, except Nantucket, shows an increase since 1875 in the value of agricultural products, and every county shows an increase in the value of agricultural property. In some counties, also, an increase in the acreage of land under cultivation appears. Except in Barnstable and Dukes counties, the towns reporting abandoned farms show an aggregate increase in population since 1865 ; and, except in Barnstable, Dukes, and Franklin counties, an increase since 1855. The increase is not usually so great, however, as appears in the other towns in the counties respectively. In the towns containing abandoned farms, and having no important manufacturing industries, a decline in population generally appears. Abandoned Farms. Abandoned Farms. The abandonment of farming land is not entirely of recent date, altho it is still going on. Replies respect- ing this phase of the subject, made to the Secretary of the Board of Agriculture Causes for from 77 different localities, indicate that Abandonment i n 43 * these th f nu mber of abandoned . , J, farms is no greater than existed 10 years Of x arms, ago; in 25 the number was considered greater, in five it was believed to be less, while in four instances the replies indi- cated conditions similar to those prevailing at the ear- lier date. The following language may be thought appropriate to the present day : "Where is that long line of noble farmers that were so industrious and prosperous, extending from North River over Christian Hill to the Green Mountains, and those cattle drovers and merchants that did more business than all the stores in a half dozen Western towns to-day? All are gone. . . . Look over this town, and see the once expensive private dwellings going to ruin in strange hands. They show that far back a high order of architecture existed here, and that a wealthy and prosperous set of farmers and me- chanics occupied them. They are now in decay. The same thing may be seen, in a greater or less degree, in most of the rural districts of New England." However appropriate this may now appear, it was written 33 years ago, and formed part of an address delivered to his neighbors by a citizen of western Massachusetts. If the evil is not recent, neither is it local. It is not confined to Massachusetts, to New England,tothe West, wherein, it is said, more farms have been deserted by their owners than in the East, nor to the United States^ It is one of the features of modern civilization. While it is possible to accept that civilization as, upon the whole, good, no one, unless ultra-conservative, can accept it as a finality, or refuse to recognize the evils peculiar to it. It is not necessary to enlarge upon the causes which have led to the abandonment of farming land. No single cause can be given. If it were otherwise a remedy might be easily suggested. There are many factors which have contributed to the result, either directly or indirectly. Among others, which admit of no dispute, are the inadaptability of some of the land to the use of machinery and modern modes of cultiva- tion, the poorer quality of the soil in one locality as compared with that in another, or its remoteness from markets or from the railway which communicates with markets ; and beyond these, everything which has aided the growths of cities has at the same time tended to reduce the population of the remote towns. It must be remembered that the abandonment of farming land does not always imply either the aban- donment or the decline of agriculture. On the con- trary, notwithstanding this decline in some sections, an increase in other sections appears. A careful study of the tables relative to agricultural products and property will show that the increase is generally greatest in the vicinity of the large towns. These towns afford a ready market for perishable products, and this fact has led to a gradual change in the agri- culture of the State, which, developing along the lines of easiest resistance, has found its greatest profits in the products of the market garden and the dairy. Of this sort of agriculture there is considerable within the territorial limits of the cities themselves. The farmer near the large towns has frequently an advan- tage over those in the remote places, in his ability to sell his crops directly without the intervention of the middleman. There are economic reasons, therefore, growing out of the changed conditions of modern life, which have operated to draw some who have not yet abandoned agriculture into the proximity of cities. Every new census discloses a larger proportion of our population within city limits, and nothing pro- vokes more criticism than the failure of a city or large town to maintain in the census returns its expected percentage of growth. This growth is considered an evidence of progress, but it should be remembered that rapid growth in cities cannot be secured without retarding the growth in the country districts. In Massachusetts the immigrant seeks the city and fac- tory town. Often he comes from an agricultural life, and. desires a change. A movement from the city tow- ard the country would perhaps correct the evil of abandoned farms, but it would also check the growth of the city. In the present state of public opinion, which is largely controlled by the cities, and will be so controlled to a still greater extent in the future, any euch movement, if extensive enough to be effective, would at once be regarded as evidence of decadence in the cities affected by it. The larger towns and cities are constantly engaged in organized efforts to attract population by the intro- duction of new industries, by improving their systems of water supply and drainage, by increasing the effi- ciency of their public schools, by the establishment of public libraries and parks that is, by making it pos- sible to improve one s pecuniary position by residence within them, through the opportunity afforded for regular and remunerative employment, not, like agri- culture, subject to the contingencies of the seasons, and by enlarging the social advantages which are to- day deemed essential. Such efforts are considered commendable. It ought to be recognized, however, that their success involves a drain upon less favored municipalities. The concentration of population and wealth in cities and large towns, while it has its dangers, unquestion- ably opens enlarged social opportunities to all classes, even the poorest. There is, too, a strange fascination in city life which has always existed, and which leads many who are under its spell to prefer poverty and privation in the city to independence and comfort in the country. This fascination is intensified by the un- doubted benefits which the modern city offers to those within or near it. The delights of a country life and the indepen- dence of the farmer are prolific themes of poets every- where. Unfortunately, the masses of the people have usually, for various reasons, declined to take the same view. No doubt the poets are right, but men have to be raised above the ordinary level to enable them to accept such a conclusion. It is probably the existence of conditions more or less artificial that makes a city life seem preferable to so many, but these conditions have prevailed so long, and tend in so many ways to perpetuate themselves, that they cannot at once be changed. And yet it must be admitted that the promise which leads to the abandonment of country life is frequently unfulfilled. The movement from the country toward the city may affect, indeed, has affected, the labor market in two ways : it may lead to a dearth of agricul- tural labor in the depleted districts, thus adding to the burdens, which in too many cases the farmer already bears, and it may intensify the competition to which the city laborer is subjected, both as to employment and as to wages. This competition reacts upon those who come to the city for the purpose of improving their fortunes only to find the opportunities open to them constantly growing less. On the other hand, the life of the farmer, notwithstanding its burdens, was never so easy in many respects as at present. ... It could be easily shown that the hardships and poverty among farmers in the early part of the century were much greater than they are to-day. The improvements due to modern invention have lightened farm labor, while the railroad, the telegraph, and the press have brought the most retired farms into communication with the activities of the age. The farmer may not be able to amass wealth, nor can the majority of those in cities hope to do so. He is generally sure of a comfortable living as the reward of his toil, and the contingencies that affect his employment are usually no greater than those affecting employment in cities. If opportunities for large profits are not open to him, he is relieved from the risk incidental to such opportunities. That some of the burdens under which he suffers might be and ought to be removed is undeniable, but there are those in the city, working for low wages, liable to pe- riodical unemployment, to whom life upon the aban- doned farms would offer an agreeable change ; only they must first be convinced that such a change is de- sirable. It is sometimes assumed that there are many in our cities who would gladly go back to the land, if land were obtainable. This report shows that such land exists. Much of it is in towns which for natural beauty of scenery and healthfulness of situation are un- Can the surpassed in Massachusetts. These Abandoned towns have an honorable past and still -r. v possess possibilities of growth. In many * r "is I of them, as we have shown, agriculture Reclaimed ? still flourishes, and, presumably, many of the abandoned farms could be brought back to fertility, and become once more the sites of prosperous and happy homes. If this could be accomplished it would be a public benefit. Can legislation afford any aid? Many of the towns containing abandoned farms have small opportunity, compared with that possessed by the larger places, to make their advantages known. Abandoned Farms. Abbott. These advantages are by no means inconsiderable. Some of the abandoned land is no doubt rocky and poor, but it is not all of this class. In some cases, where its reclamation for agricultural purposes is im- practicable, it could be developed for summer resi- dence by those who would be glad to avail themselves of it, if its exact condition were known. Occupancy of this sort would be of benefit to the town inviting it. For most of the land the price is low, and probably much of it could be bought for occupation at a small outlay in cash. The States of New Hampshire and Vermont have undertaken to colonize their abandoned land, which is more extensive than exists in Massachusetts, and have invited immigration especially to that end. So far the Massachusetts Bureau. The Maine Labor Bureau for 1890 (p. 96) reports in that State 3318 abandoned farms and an average acreage of 767. The Legislature of Vermont in 1892 ordered a com- plete report as to its 376 farms said to be unoccupied, but found only 200 to be really so. New Hampshire in 1892 published a list of 322 farms for sale with vacant buildings, the list being entitled "Secure a Home in New Hampshire." In certain localities the abandonment of farms is still more marked. In 1889 the Commissioner of Agriculture and Manu- facturing Interests in Vermont issued a circular, stating that in the town of Reading there were 4000 acres of land offered for sale at $i or $2 per acre. One half of these, he says, " are lands which formerly comprised good farms, but with buildings now gone, and fast growing up to timber ; some of this land is used for pasturage, and on other portions the fences are not kept up, leav- ing old cellar-holes and miles of stone walls to testify to former civilisation." In the town of Vershire " there are from 35 to 40 farms, contiguous or nearly so, abandoned and unoccupied." In the town of Wil- mington there were 5000 acres in the same condition (The Nation, No. 1266). Statistics. But the condition is by no means pecu- liar to New England. A correspondent of the New York Nation, under date of November 23, 1889, wrote : " In the rural districts in Wayne County (New York) there are no less than 400 empty houses. The town of Sodus alone has over 50 deserted houses, and Huron has jo or more." In Michigan there were 7419 fewer farmers in 1890 than in 1880, tho the population had meanwhile in- creased 457,000 (Ninth Annual Report of Bureau of Labor Statistics for Michigan, 1892). Concerning the general depletion of agricultural sections, Dr. Josiah Strong gives the following state- ments and tables taken from census reports. (T/ie New Era, pp. 167 and 164). Of the 1502 townships in New England, 932, or 62 per cent., were more or less depleted. In New York 69.5 percent, lost population ; in Ohio, 58 per cent.; in In- diana, 49 per cent. ; in Illinois, 54 per cent.. The accom- panying table shows that the movement was common to the South and West as well as to the Middle and Eastern States, tho the rural districts in the region of large cities naturally felt their attraction most. Number of Townships. Number of Townships which lost Population, 1880-90. 704 895- 352 153 f 161 1,181 1,441 998 1,513 1,047 803 402 540 221 298 1,088 1,297 360 i,ii=; 244 4 133 79 J5 44 414 792 489 686 268 293 96 348 101 154 47 271 79 52J. California Delaware Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Iowa Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Massachusetts Michigan .... . . Minnesota..... Mississippi .... Missouri. . . Number of Townships. Number of Townships which lost Population, 1880-90. uti m& Nevada 18 New Hampshire New Jersey New York 6il North Carolina 861 Ohio Oregon 88 Pennsylvania 018 Rhode Island f. 2O South Carolina. . .... 8r Tennessee. Texas Utah 80 Vermont 187 Virginia 177 West Virginia Wisconsin 398 Total The following table shows this movement of popula- tion for ioo years : CENSUS YEARS. Popula- tion of the United States. Popula- tion of Cities. Per Cent, of Urban Popula- tion. Per Cent, of Rural Popula- tion. 179 3,929,214 13^472 3-35 96.65 1800 5.308,483 210,873 3-97 96.03 1810 7,239,881 356,920 4-93 95-7 1820 9,633,822 475,135 4-93 95.07 1830 12,866,020 867,509 6.72 93.28 1840 17,069,453 i,453.9Q4 8.52 91.48 1850 23,191,876 2,897,586 12.49 87.51 1860 3',443>32i 5,070,256 16.13 83.87 1870 38,558,371 8,071,875 20.93 79.07 1880 50,155,783 ",318,547 22-57 77-43 1890 62,622,250 18,235,670 29.12 70.88 (See AGRICULTURE.) Reference : Reports of Labor Bureaus, Massachu- setts, 1890 ; Maine, 1890 ; articles in Garden and Forest (vol. vi.) ; Chautauquan (vol. xvi.) ; The Nation (vol. xlix.) ; Granite Monthly (vol. xiii.). See also Aban- doning an Adopted Farm, by Kate Sanbprn (1894) ; Hunting- an Abandoned Farm, by W. H. Bishop, Cen- tury, 47, p. 915. ABBOTT, Rev. LYMAN, D.D., born De- cember 18, 1835, at Roxbury, Mass., was the third son of Rev. Jacob Abbott. He gradu- ated at New York University in 1853, and studied and practised law with his elder brothers Benjamin Vaughan and Austin. He wrote vari- ous law articles, and together the brothers pub- lished law books, and under the nom de plume of " Benauly" they wrote the novel Conecut Cor- ners, advocating the prohibitory temperance laws. Lyman Abbott later withdrew from the firm, and after studying theology with his uncle, the Rev. John S. C. Abbott, accepted a min- isterial charge over the Congregational Church of Terre Haute, Ind., in 1860. In 1865 he be- came associated with the American Freedmen's Union Commission as its general secretary. In 1866 he received and accepted a call to the New England Congregational Church in New York City, resigning in 1869. In 1871 he became edi- tor of the Illustrated Christian Weekly, re- signing it in the autumn of 1876 to assume, with Abbott, Rev. Lyman, D.D. Abolition Movement. Henry Ward Beecher, the joint-editorship of the Christian Union of New York City. The paper was published under the double management until the autumn of 1881, when Mr. Beecher withdrew and Mr. Abbott became editor-in- chief. It is here that Dr. Abbott has done his main work for social reform, his paper being the first general religious journal in the United States, if not in the world, to take up in any decisive way the labor question. Early articles in the Christian Union by Drs. Washington Gladden, P. S. Moxom, J. H. Rylance, Profes- sors R. T. Ely, W. S. Clarke, E. J. James, and others, with constant editorials and leaders by Dr. Abbott, have formed almost an epoch in the development of Christian social thought in this country. Of this journal, the name of which has lately been changed to The Outlook, Dr. Abbott still remains editor-in-chief ; and, in harmony with its rechristening, it is now giving greater attention than ever to social Christianity and the signs of the times. After Mr. Beecher's death (1887), Dr. Abbott was in clue time chosen his successor in the pastorate of Plymouth Church, a position he still holds a leader in progressive Christian thought. His recent lectures on Evolution and Christianity have elicited special interest. ABOLITION MOVEMENT. Abolitionist is a term used in the United States specifically for those who favored and sought to effect the abolition of slavery. We here consider the sub- ject simply in its relation to the United States. (For a general sketch of the history of the aboli- tion of slavery through the world, see SLAVERY.) It should not be forgotten, however, that the abolition movement in the United States was but^, part of this more general movement. Christianity, as expressed by its followers, while not until modern times doing away with slavery, has always tended more or less, and at times very directly and In General effectively, to ameliorate the con- History, dition of the slave. The position of St. Paul in regard to Onesimus is well known. It seems probable that, outside of Palestine at least, Christianity was largely propagated among the slaves and de- 'spised classes that so abounded through the Roman Empire. When Christianity became dominant, while it still did not abolish, it did limit and check and endeavor to control. Coun- cil after council legislated on the subject. Very many Christians voluntarily freed their slaves. Church moneys and benefactions were used for the purchase of the freedom of slaves, notably by Gregory the Great. In England herself, slavery had disappeared by the fifteenth cen- tury. England's greatest sin in this respect seems to have been in the trading and carrying of slaves for others rather than in importing or capturing them for herself. The philosophy, too, of natural rights, and the social compact theory, which, beginning in England, found their most logical and their most fearful expres- sion in France, asserted the inherent right of each individual to his own person, and the natu- ral wrong, therefore, of slavery in any form. It was these two tendencies, the one from Christianity, the other from French, so called, naturalism and revolutionism, that contributed mainly to the abolitionist movement in America. Its first open expression, however, was among the Society of Friends or Quakers. As early as 1671 George Early Fox, in England, had spoken Abolitionists, against slavery, and in 1696 the Pennsylvania Quakers advised their members against the slave trade. In 1774 all persons engaged in the traffic, and in 1776 all who would not emancipate their slaves, were ex- cluded from membership among the Friends. John Woolman (1720-73) and Anthony Benezet (1713-84) were prominent in this stage of the movement. In 1774 a Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery was formed by James Pemberton and Dr. Benjamin Rush, and in 1787 was reconstructed under the presidency of Franklin. The arguments of these earliest anti-slavery writers and workers were drawn mainly from general philosophic, humanitarian, and Chris- tian principles. With Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, and other Southerners, all of whom deplored and often spoke against, altho most of them practising slavery, other reasons entered in. While not insensible to the humanitarian arguments, they based their posi- tion largely on the above-mentioned French political principles then spreading through this country, and thus regarded slavery as a giant evil, inconsistent alike with the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the spirit of Christianity. Other abolition societies were or- fanized in New York (1785), Rhode Island (1786), [aryland (1789), Connecticut (1790), Virginia (1791), New Jersey (1792). The abolition of the slave trade by Great Britain in 1807, and by the United States in 1808, was a great advance. In 1777 Vermont formed a constitution abolishing slavery, and was soon followed by Massachu- setts and other States, while many others grad- ually abolished it. In 1819-20 the opponents of slavery made a stern resistance to the admission of Missouri as a slave State, but were defeated. The strug- gle, however, resulted in the so-called Missouri Compromise (1820), whereby slavery was legal- ized to the south of 36 30' N. Lat., and prohibit- ed in all States that might be formed north of it (Mason's and Dixon's line). California, how- ever, tho lying partly south of this line, was admitted as a free State (1850), the Southern party obtaining in compensation the amendment of the Fugitive Slave Law, making it penal to harbor runaway slaves or to aid in their es- cape. But this is to anticipate. From 1801-47 there were various efforts participated in by Jefferson, Henry Clay, James Madison, in the South, and Bishop Hopkins, Rufus King, Presi- dent Harrison, and Dr. Channing in the North, to colonize the blacks in Africa. Liberia was declared independent in 1847. In 1831-32 the insurrection of Nat Turner in Virginia excited a strong desire for gradual abolition. The first leader in immediate abolition was William Lloyd Garrison (see GARRISON), a Massa- chusetts printer, who (1829-30) worked with Lundy, in his The Genius of Universal Eman- cipation, published at Baltimore. In 1831 he be- Abolition Movement. Abolition Movement. gan publishing The Liberator in Boston, and by 1832 the New England Anti-Slavery Society was formed. In 1833 Garrison visited England and secured from Wilber- Immediate force, Zachary Macaulay, Henry Abolition. Brougham, and others, a condemna- tion of the colonization societies. Garrison's principles were, in his own words and they soon became the principles of all abolitionists, however they differed in meth- od that " the right to enjoy liberty is inalien- able ;" that " to invade it is to usurp the pre- rogative of Jehovah ;" that " every man has a right to his own body, to the products of his labor, to the protection of law, and to the com- mon advantages of society." He said: "We plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our In- dependence and the truths of Divine revelation as upon the everlasting rock. We shall send forth agents to lift up everywhere the voice of remonstrance, of warning, of entreaty, and of rebuke. We shall circulate unsparingly and ex- tensively anti-slavery tracts and periodicals. We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and the dumb. We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all partici- pation in the guilt of slavery. We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to speedy repentance." Such were the principles, and such, at least in the earlier stages, were the methods of the abolitionists. Garrison was a firm believer in Christ. He pro- claimed himself a follower of the Prince of Peace. Human life he came to regard as sacred above all things. Capital punishment and war, as well as slavery, were to him and to most abolitionists an abhorrence. Viewing the subject thus from the standpoint of morals rather than of any po- litical expediency, slavery was to him a sin not to be gradually abolished, but to be left. In the Liberator (vol. i., No. i, Saturday, January i, 1831), he wrote : " I will be as harsh as truth and as uncompromising as justice. On this subject I do not wish to think or speak or write with moderation. No, no ! Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm ; tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the ravisher ; tell the mother to gradually extri- cate her babe from the fire into which it has fallen, but urge me not to use moderation in a case like the present ! I am in earnest ; I will not equivocate ; I will not excuse ; I will not retreat a single inch ; and 1 will be heard. ' ' From the beginning, Garrison had declared for no union with slaveholders, and proclaimed the Constitution " a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." In Decem- ber, 1833, the American Anti-Sla- The Ameri- very Society was formed, with Be- can Anti- riah Green as president and Lewis Slavery Tappan and John G. Whittier, sec- Society, retaries. Theodore D. Weld, Sam- uel J. May, and Wendell Phillips began lecturing. In 1833 Miss Prudence Crandall, in Connecticut, opened her school to negro girls. She was ostracized, the Legislature forbade such schools, and she was imprisoned. Riots against abolitionists became frequent. Prices were reported to be set by the South on the heads of several of the leading aboli- tionists, ranging from $3000 to $2o,oooeach. The latter sum was offered by six Mississippians for Garrison's head, and the same amount, made up publicly in New Orleans, was offered for the person of Arthur Tappan. In 1837 a slave was burnt to death over a slow fire in St. Louis ; and for his words in denouncing this, Rev. Eli- jah P. Lovejoy, a Presbyterian minister who had established an abolitionist newspaper in Alton, 111., was mobbed and killed. Garrison, in Boston, was seized by a mob, dragged by a rope half naked through the streets, and was only rescued by a posse comttatus and conveyed to the mayor's office. Abolitionist lecturers and sympathizers were denounced from the pulpit and subjected to every indignity. Judge Bir- ney declared that " the American churches were the bulwarks of American slavery. ' ' Such were some of the obstacles that abolitionist " apos- tles" had to contend with. Yet while the ma- jority of pulpits either denounced the Garri- sonian agitation or else were silent on the subject of slavery, there were ministers in all denominations who were outspoken in their de- nunciation of this great wrong, and valiantly espoused the cause of the slave. In the Unita- rian denomination alone 170 ministers signed a protest against slavery, many of them preach- ing fearlessly against it, and willingly sacrific- ing favor and popularity in the cause of free- dom. As a not unnatural result of the popular preju- dice and indifference, the Garrisonian wing now became very radical. They were accused of ad- vocating every kind of innovation, from wom- an's rights to free love, and were freely de- nounced as " come-outers" and "infidels." Birney, the Tappans, Gerrit Smith, Whittier, John Jay, Edward Beecher, Thomas Morris, and others left the original organization of the Gar- risonians, and in 1840 organized the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. They felt that the time was come for the organization of a new political party, while the Garrisonians con tinued to radically urge their doctrines through all parties. As a result, in 1840 the Liberty Party (g.v.) was organized, and in 1840 J. G. Birney was nominated for President, and F. J. Lemoyne, of Pennsylvania, Vice-President, poll- ing 7059 votes. In 1844 Birney and Morris polled 62,300 votes. These were drawn mainly from voters for Clay. As a result, Polk was elected, Texas annexed, and a vast amount of slave soil added to the United States. The policy then began to prevail in the North of ad- vocating limiting of the slave area, and this led to the formation of the Free-Soil Party. (See FREE-SOILERS.) In this the Liberty Party was mainly merged, though a few continued to vote a Liberty Party ticket to a much later date. In 1 848 ex- President Van Buren was nominated as President by the Free-Soilers, and polled 291,363 votes. Meanwhile, the agitation over the Fugitive Slave Law was coming to a head. The Consti- tution having recognized slavery by Art. 4, Sec. 2 of that document, it was declared that persons held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, and escaping to another, should be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor might be due. To this was added the amendment referred to above on Abolition Movement. Absenteeism. the admission of California as a free State. The demand was made by the Free-Soil Party that this be repealed ; yet in 1852 they polled a diminished vote. The same year Harriet Beecher Stowe published her Uncle Tom' s Cabin, which at once produced a remarkable effect in enlight- ening the people in general, and arousing in them a sense of the injustice and evil of slavery. In 1855 Captain John Brown went to Kansas to vote, and to fight as well, against the efforts of Missouri border ruffianism and squatter sover- eignty to establish slavery in Kansas. The leading abolitionists were eagerly engaged in helping slaves to escape to Canada by means of the ' ' underground railroad/ ' or a series of houses whose inmates were willing to shelter and aid slaves in their secret flight to the North. In 1856 the Free-Soil Party was largely merged in the newly formed Republican Party, with Gen- eral John C. Fremont as standard-bearer. (See REPUBLICAN PARTY.) He polled, however, only 114 electoral votes to 174 by James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate. In 1856, May 19 and 20, Charles Sumner de- livered his speech in the United States Senate on The Crime against Kansas. The speech was an exposure of the cruel injustice of the Govern- ment of the United States toward the free citi- zens of Kansas, and was strong and fearless both in its argument and its invective. Whit- tier said that " it was the severe and awful truth which the sharp agony of the national crisis de- manded. ' ' It caused intense excitement among the pro-slavery members of the Senate. After the adjournment of the Senate, as Sumner sat writing at his desk, he was assaulted by Pres- ton S. Brooks, of South Carolina. He was so severely injured that it was four years before he could again take his place in the Senate, which Massachusetts had left unfilled during his ab- sence ; and he suffered from the effects of the murderous assault as long as he lived. In 1857 the validity of the Missouri Compro- mise was rejected by the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott decision. (See DRED SCOTT.) In 1859 John Brown made his effort to rouse the slaves at Harper's Ferry, was captured, and on De- cember 2, hung. In 1860 the success of the Republican Party led to the firing upon Fort Sumter (April 12, 13, 1861) and the opening of the war. The war at first was not fought to abolish sla- very, but simply to put down the re- The War bellion. But the anti-slavery feel- of the ing grew. The fugitive slave laws Rebellion, were abolished in 1864. January i, 1863, Lincoln issued, as a war meas- ure, his emancipatory proclama- tion ; and finally, in 1865, Congress passed the amendment to the Constitution abolishing sla- very in the United States. On April 9, 1870, the American Anti-Slavery Society disbanded, be- lieving its work fully done. (See NEGRO ; SLA- VERY ; PHILLIPS ; GARRISON, ETC.) References : Among the best are Von Hoist's United States (vol. i.) ; Wilson's Rise and Fall of the Slave Power; Greeley's American Conflict; Garrison's Speeches ; McPherson's Political History of the Rebel- lion ; Mrs. H. B. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin; John E. Cairne's The Slave Power Its Character, Career, and Probable Designs ; Parker Pillsbury's Acts of the Anti- Slavery Apostles ; Biographies of Garrison, Phillips, Brown, etc., etc. G. ABSENTEEISM, the practice of absenting one's self from one's country, station, estate, etc. In sociology it is used mainly of landlords absenting themselves from their lands and let- ting them out to tenants, the landlords giving no time nor care to their possessions except to receive the rents, which they spend in other places and communities. It has been an espe- cial evil in Russia, France, and Ireland ; but it is becoming common in the United States, where, through mortgage investments and fore- closures, many Western farms have fallen into the hands of companies or wealthy investors who have never seen the farms, but live on their rents, perhaps themselves residing in Lon- don or in Paris. The evils of absenteeism are not hard to dis- cover. There is, first, the loss of interest which a resident is apt to take in the things and per- sons about him. Thus he may be prompted to invest capital in local improvements, or to act as an employer of workmen. "It is not the simple amount of the rental being remitted to another country," says Arthur Young, " but the damp on all sorts of improvements. ' ' The good feeling which is apt to grow up be- tween a resident landlord and his tenantry has, again, material as well as moral results, which are generally beneficial. The absentee is less likely to take account of circumstances (e.g. t tenant's improvements), which render rack-rent- ing unjust. He is less likely to make allowance for calamities which render punctual payment difficult. " Miseries of which he can see noth- ing, and probably hear as little of, can make no impression" (A. Young). He is glad to get rid of responsibility by dealing with a ' ' middleman ' ' or intermediate tenant. Without the softening influence of personal communication between the owner and the cultivator of the soil, the " cash nexus" is liable to be strained beyond the limit of patience. There can be little doubt but that absenteeism has been one potent cause of the misery and disturbances in Ireland. The same cause has produced like effects in cases widely different in other respects. The cruel - est oppressors of the French peasantry before the Revolution were the fermiers, who pur- chased for an annual sum the right to collect the dues of absentee seigneurs ; and this evil it is not hard to trace in American life. The proverbial hardness and harshness of the agent who collects rents for absent owners is not invariable, but is frequent. There is, too, the not-to-be-forgotten effect upon the absentee himself of collecting rents from strangers to whom he pays no duties. Sometimes it may be indeed for the good of a community that a rich and luxurious, and perhaps immoral, landlord be absent from it, but this brings us to another subject. (See LUXURY.) Perhaps the safest generalization is that made by Senior, that " in general the presence of men of large fortune is morally detrimental, and that of men of moderate fortune morally beneficial, to their immediate neighborhood ;" but at least where holdings are at all equally distributed, it is generally best both for the occupier and the owner that the latter should be not far away. It must be remembered, too, that to those who hold that land should be held only by those who Absenteeism. use it, or that all land should be taxed to its full rental value, absenteeism is an evil incident to the present system that is to be over- come only by the overthrow of the Industrial present system. To others it is an Absenteeism, evil to be overcome by the greater insistence upon the duties as well as the rights of wealth. A strong statement of a different but very real form of absenteeism we quote from the report of the Church League of Lowell, Mass., made Octo- ber 9, 1893 : "It is largely true that the labor of Lowell earns the dividends, but they are mostly spent elsewhere, be- cause the stock of the mill corporations is owned else- where. Thus we are confronted by the worst kind of absenteeism. The profits earned here go from here, while the mass of poverty, want, and vice that accu- mulates in every large manufacturing center is dumped on the charity of our churches and the hospitality of our poorhouse. We see the dreary dwellings of the earners of scanty wages ; we see the premature age and disability of those broken down by the rapidly in- creasing speeding of machinery ; we confront the in- temperance and vice that follow from the hard condi- tions and hopeless despair of their bettering. The note- books of our ministers are filled with sad, sad cases of destitution, sickness, and death, made peculiarly sad by the life history of the mill operative. Professor Hadley, in his RailroadTranspor- tation (1886), p. 133, has some pertinent re- marks on absentee shareholders. ABSTINENCE, REWARD OF, an ex- pression in political economy, first used by Senior (q.v.) to denote the profits which he con- sidered to be the " natural" reward of the capi- talist for the use of capital which he had ab- stained from using in immediate consumption. The phrase is called " well chosen" by Mill, and has been widely adopted, and undoubtedly con- tains some element of truth ; but it is, neverthe- less, considered to be inapt by most economists to-day, since it is at least in great danger of misleading. Thus, when Jevons says, in his Political Economy Primer, that " Capital is the result of saving or abstinence," he either ex- presses a mere truism, or states what is very fre- quently not the fact. If he means that capital is wealth that has not been consumed in other ways, he says what goes without saying ; but if he means that capital is the result of saving and abstinence, so that the capitalist deserves to be rewarded because of his self-sacrifice, he implies what is very often not the case. All capital is by no means the result of careful saving and economy. It is notoriously very often the result of shrewd and fortunate investment by those who have lived at the same time in the utmost luxury and self-indulgence. It is made fre- quently by speculation and financiering in the " bulling" and " bearing" of stocks, in the engi- neeringof some corner or combination in the mar- ket, in land speculation, and in a hundred other similar ways. Many fortunes have been begun as the result, perhaps, of saving and abstinence and economy at the very start, but after this, have been made by the bold, shrewd, and fortunate investment of the little sum. If the reliance had been simply on abstinence and economy, there would have been no fortune. G. Bernard Shaw, in the Fabian Essays, calls " reward of abstinence" that " gleam of humor which still enlivens treatises on capital." 7 Addams, Jane. ACADEMIC SOCIALISTS. See SOCIAL- ISTS OF THE CHAIR. ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE. See AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE, THE. ACCIDENTS. See EMPLOYER'S LIABILITY LAWS ; CHILD LABOR ; INSURANCE. ACCUMULATION OF WEALTH. See WEALTH. ADAMS, FRANCIS, born in Malta, 1862 ; educated for the civil service. He became, however, a teacher and writer, issuing a volume of verse in 1884. He went the same year to Australia for his health, and threw himself into the labor movement, issuing his Songs of the Army of the Night in 1887. He returned to England in 1890 broken in health, yet continued to write for the cause of labor to the last in the Fortnightly Review, and issued The New Egypt just before a final hemorrhage. On September 4, 1893, he calmly and deliberately shot himself in the presence of his wife, and was buried " with clenched hands" in Margate Cemetery. ADAMS, HENRY C., was born in 1852, in Davenport, la., and received his education at Iowa College, from which institution he gradu- ated with the degree of A.B. in 1874. After Teaching for awhile he studied at Johns Hop- kins University, Baltimore, taking the degree of Ph.D. in 1878 ; he then went to Europe, where he stayed nearly two years. Returning to this country, he lectured on political economy and finance in Cornell University, Johns Hop- kins University, and the University of Michi- gan, until finally, in 1887, he settled permanent- ly at the University of Michigan. In that year he was elected statistician of the Interstate Com- merce Commission, and from that time, in addi- tion to the university work, has had charge of the railway statistics of the United States. He would not be considered a member either of the historical or the a priori school of politi- cal economy, to the exclusion of the other. While denying that there is such a thing as a historical school which is to endure, or that it is logical to recognize the existence of an a priori school, he believes most thoroughly in a study of industrial history to prepare one for the con- sideration of economic doctrines. On the ques- tion of the tariff, Mr. Adams believes in free trade. He does not believe in the nationaliza- tion of natural monopolies, but in the control of them through commissions. He has always been an advocate of bimetallism, and may be considered to believe in this now (1895) from a theoretical point of view. As to what may be sound in the present existing state of affairs in the United States he is not so clear. Mr. Adams is the author of Outlines of Lec- tures on Political Economy ; Public Debts : An Essay on the Science of Finance ; and The State in Relation to Industrial Action, be- sides pamphlets and magazine articles. ADDAMS, JANE. Daughter of the Hon. John H. Addams, State Senator of Northern Addams, Jane. 8 Adulteration of Food. Illinois. Miss Addams graduated at Rockford Female Seminary in 1881. In 1889, with Miss Ellen G. Shaw, she founded Hull House, in Chicago, and has continued at its head to the present, developing it into its phenomenal and unequaled usefulness and success. (See HULL HOUSE.) Miss Addams is author of numerous magazine articles, among which are The Sub- jective Necessity for Social Settlements and The Objective value of a Social Settlement. She has also contributed to the volume, Hull House Maps and Papers. A DDE RLE Y, The Hon. and Rev. JAMES. Born July i , 1 861 , and educated at Oxford, he left popularity there to become the first head of Ox- ford House, in East London. During the great dock strike he aided the dockers, raising ^800 for them. He wrote Stephen Remarx (1893), a Christian socialist novel, which has passed through many editions, and which outlines a church brotherhood of sacrifice and social effort, somewhat similar to one that ' ' Father Adderley ' ' has now formed in Plaistow (a working class suburb of London). Fr. Adderley is a leader in the London Christian Social Union, and editor of Goodwill, a Christian social monthly, adapted to parish use, with a present circula- tion of 24,000. He has also written The New Floreat and Christ and Social Reform, a tract for workingmen. Address (1895), 128 Edge ware Road, London, W. ADLER, FELIX, born August 13, 1851, in Germany, emigrated to the United States in 1857, and since that time has been a resident of New York. For a short time he attended the public schools, and was prepared for college in the Columbia Grammar School, whence he en- tered Columbia College in 1866, and was gradu- ated in 1870. Afterward he spent three years at the University of Berlin, where he took the degree of Ph.D. in 1873. Returning to America in the fall of that year, Dr. Adler was appointed lecturer or non-resident professor at Cornell Uni- versity in the spring of 1874. He founded the Society for Ethical Culture in New York on May 15, 1876, and has ever since been the leader and lecturer of that society. More or less similar so- cieties have been founded in Chicago, Philadel- phia, and St. Louis, in London, England, and Berlin, Frankfort, Strassburg, and elsewhere in Germany. Dr. Adler is also the head of the Department of Ethics in the Plymouth School of Applied Ethics. He has written a collection of lectures, pub- lished under the title of Creed and Deed, in 1877, by G. P. Putnam's Sons, and the Moral Instruction of Children, published in their In- ernational Educational Series by the Apple tons ; he has contributed to the North American Re- view, Forum, Popular Science Monthly, etc. On the labor question he is of the opinion that the science of ethics, as such, has a distinct and important contribution to make toward the solu- tion of this question, and agrees with Keynes, that a distinction is to be drawn between the ideal of economics, the science of economics, and the art of economics. He holds that it is the business of ethical science to supply the economic ideal, and disagrees with those who expect to draw the economic ideal from the study of social science. It is the function of sociology to formulate the laws which have gov- erned the development of society, but it cannot be expected to point out the direction which the development of society ought to take. Social science can tell us what has been and is ; ethi- cal science alone can tell us what ought to be. Dr. Adler favors a low tariff, but is not a free- trader ; he is in favor of more and more socializ- ing, but not of nationalizing, the use of natural monopolies, and is opposed to all schemes look- ing toward an irredeemable currency. ADLER, VIKTOR, a leading Austrian so- cialist, born in Prague, June 24, 1852. Edu- cated a physician, he has given up his profession for socialist propaganda. In 1866 he started the Gleichheit, and succeeded in uniting the divid- ed Austrian Socialist Party. He is now editor of the Ar better Zeitung, the organ of the Aus- trian Social Democratic Party ; he is author of many socialist tracts and short books on labor chambers, universal suffrage, etc. ADMINISTRATIVE NIHILISM, a phrase first used by Professor T. H. Huxley in an ad- dress before the members of the Midland Insti- tute, 1871, to describe the doctrine (which he opposed) of those who believe that the State should be limited in its functions to the protec- tion of its subjects from aggression. The ad- dress has since been published under this name of Administrative Nihilism. Professor Hux- ley quotes approvingly Locke's maxim, that " the end of government is the good of man- kind," and defines the good of mankind as " the attainment by every man of all the happi- ness which he can enjoy without diminishing- the happiness of his fellow-men." The ques- tion, then, of what the State should and should not do, he regards as to be decided, not a priori, but simply on the ground of whether it can be done better by the State or by private initiative a conclusion to which to-day almost all sociolo- gists adhere. ADULTERATION OF FOOD, in political economy, means " the act of debasing a pure or genuine article for pecuniary profit by adding to it an inferior or spurious article, or taking one of its constituents away. ' ' In England, as early as the thirteenth century, the legislature at- tempted, though with but partial success, to strike a blow against it, showing that it existed even then ; but it is modern invention and still more modern commercialism that has mainly produced it. Between 1851 and 1854 in England a sanitary commission, instituted in connection with The Lancet newspaper, and most ably conducted by Dr. Arthur Hill Hassall, made revelations of so startling a character that par- liamentary action took place ; and this, tho- at first ineffective, has been improved, till it is now somewhat effective, and has been followed by legislation in other countries. The most notable kinds of adulteration at present are the following : (i) The addition of a substance of inferior value, for the sake of adding to the bulk and weight of one more precious ; as the mixing of water with milk, fat with butter, or chiccory with coffee. (2)- The addition of a substance with the view of heighten- ing the color and improving the appearance of an Adulteration of Food. Age of Consent. article, as well as to conceal other forms of adultera- tion ; example, the coloring of pickles or preserves with salts of copper. ( 3 ) The addition of a substance designed to aid or increase the flavor or pungency of another ; example, the addition to vinegar of sulphu- ric acid. (4) The addition of a substance designed to insure that a larger quantity of another one shall be consumed ; example, beer, one of the chief adulterants of which at present is salt, put into the liquor to in- sure that when one employs it to slake his thirst, the more he drinks the more thirsty will he become. Some of the substances used for adulterating articles of food the salts of copper and sulphuric acid, for instance are poisonous ; but Mr. Harkness, P.C.S., of the Laboratory, Somerset House, who has had much experience in analyzing specimens sent thither on ap- peal, considers that at present adulteration does not prevail as extensively as the public believe, and that, as a rule, the purchaser of a debased article is more likely to suffer in purse than in health. AGAPE, a love feast, or feast of brotherhood and social communion, in the early Christian Church. The name comes from the Greek word aycnrr;, signifying love. At these feasts the rich Christians presented their poorer brethren with gifts, and all sat around the tables and ate to- gether as a token of their equality before God. The utmost harmony and fellowship prevailed. Prayer opened and closed the meeting, and a bishop or presbyter presided. A portion of Scrip- ture was read, expounded, and discussed ; and during the feast spiritual songs were sung. If any communication had been received from another church, or from an absent member or bishop, it was publicly read. Money was collected for widows, orphans, prisoners, the poor, and those who had suffered shipwreck. At the close the members embraced, and a " philanthropic pray- er" was pronounced. A spirit of practical sym- pathy and benevolence prevailed. The partici- pators did not seek for private spiritualities nor for personal enjoyment, but acted as " mem- bers one of another." In the second century persecutions checked the agape, and in the third and fourth centuries they degenerated into a kind of banquet, where the deaths of relatives and martyrs were commemorated, and where the clergy and the poor were guests. The in- crease of wealth at last rendered their original purpose abortive, and transformed them into positive evils, and too often scenes of iniquity. Councils denounced them for their riotousness and debauchery, and finally banished them altogether. The agape have been revived by the Mora- vians, who hold solemn feasts where wheaten bread and tea are set before the participants, and where prayer and praise are offered up. See GUILDS. SEC. I., ANCIENT LABOR GUILDS. AGE OF CONSENT. Age of consent laws, in their usual acceptation, refer to the crime of rape, and designate the age at which a young girl may legally consent to carnal relations with the other sex. Statutes pertaining to rape pro- vide, in varying phrase, for the punishment of ' ' whoever ravishes and carnally knows a female by force and against her will," at any age ; and also penalties for whoever unlawfully and car- nally knows a female child, with or without con- sent, under a given age. That age varies in different States in the United States and in dif- ferent countries. Under the old English com- mon law, the age was 10, sometimes 12 years. Until within the last decade the old Common Law period of 10, sometimes 12 years was the basis of the age of consent legislation of most of the States, and also of the law of Con- gress pertaining to rape in the District of Co- lumbia and other territory under the immediate jurisdiction of the National Government. ^It_ _itill- continues the basis of the age of consent _k.i\vs of Xorth Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama, wherein the age remains_at 10 years, and in Texas, Kentucky, Wisconsin, and Louisiana, wherein the age is 12 years. It was not until after the astounding revela- tions made by Mr. Stead, in 1885, of the crimes against young girls in London that the age of consent laws in the United States began to ar- rest attention, except in courts of law, on this side of the Atlantic. Even then the age of con- sent in England was 13 years. One outcome of Mr. Stead's shocking exposures was the speedy ^raising of the age by the British Parliament from 13 to 16 years, Mr. Gladstone and others advocating 18. The New York Committee for the Prevention of State Regulation of Vice has been at work for 10 years to thwart the periodi- cal efforts made to introduce in New York and other American cities the odious old world sys- tem of licensed and State-regulated vice ; but its members were quite unaware, until Mr. Stead's startling London revelations suggested the inquiry here, that, by the age of consent laws of New York and of most of the States, young girls of 10 years were made legally capa- ble or consenting to their own ruin, and that at that time in one State (Delaware) the age was _at the shockingly low period of 7 years ! Bad "as English law had been shown to be in its in- adequate protection of girlhood, our own legal position in relation to exposed young girls was found to be still worse. The New York Com- mittee, as soon as the facts were known, inaugu- rated a campaign of petitions to sundry State legislatures and to the Congress of the United States, asking that the age be raised to at least 1 8 years, and the work was also entered into earnestly and effectively by the Woman's Chris- tian Temperance Unions and the White Cross societies. Changes in the age of consent laws soon followed in many States. In New Hampshire and Utah the age is now (June, 1895) 13 years, the same as in England before Mr. Stead's investigation. In 10 Stateg. the aye is now 14 ygflffi viz. Maine, Vermont^ Connecticut, Michigan, Indiana, Missouri, Ida- ho, New Mexico, Arizona, North Dakota, Mary- land, West Virginia, Ohio, Illinois, Iowa, Min- nesota, Nevada, California, and Oregon. In Montana the age is 15 years. In 6 States the age is 16 years viz., Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Washington, South Dakota, Arkansas ; and also in the District of Columbia. In Tennessee the age is 16 years and one day, the one day having been added as a facetious amendment while the matter was under consideration in the Tennessee Legisla- ture. _ In Florida the age is 17 years. In four States Wyoming, New York, ' Colorado and Kansas the age is 18 years. In Delaware " an act for the better protection of female children," passed March 29, 1889, fixed the age at 15 years, now raised to 18 years. In Texas, in 1890, the age was reported by the Secretary of State as Age of Consent. 10 Age of Consent. 12 years ; in Louisiana, 12 years ; and in Missis- sippi, 16 years. Official answers to our last inquiries from these four States have not yet come to hand. Several attempts have been made in different States to lower the age of consent again after it had been raised. Thus far, fortunately, they have not been successful. In the New York Senate, in 1890, a bill was introduced to lower the age of consent from 16 to 14 years. It was reported favorably by the Senate judiciary com- mittee, but vigorous protests against the pro- posed retrograde legislation were promptly sent to Albany by the friends of purity, and the dis- reputable scheme was defeated. It was under- stood to have originated with Rochester attor- neys, who sought thus to provide a way of escape for a client, a well-to-do debauchee guilty of de- spoiling a young girl under the legally protect- ed age of 16. Another attempt was made in the New York Legislature, in 1892, this time in the Assembly, to lower the age of consent from 16 to 14 years. A motion made to amend thus the penal code was adopted by a vive voce vote, and was about to be declared carried, when the chairman of the judiciary committee, realizing its serious import, called for the yeas and nays, declaring that on such a measure the constitu- ents of every member should know how his vote was cast, and that all should therefore go on record. This effectually killed the unworthy amendment, proposed, it was understood, in the interest of the brothel-keepers of New York. In the Kansas Senate, in 1889, a bill was introduced and passed to lower the age of consent in that State from 18 to 12 years. The house was flood- ed with earnest protests, and its judiciary com- mittee reported adversely the disgraceful Sen- ate bill. According to the New York law, unless it can be shown in court that the girl resists to the uttermost limit of exhaustion the man who assaults her, the man can successfully plead her " consent." In noting the changes of the last decade in the age of consent laws of this country, it is a suggestive fact that the two States in which the age of legal protection for girlhood was first raised to 18 years are States in which women vote in Wyoming, upon equal terms with men, and in Kansas, in municipal elections, while they' have been followed by Colorado, another State that has enfranchised women. Under French and other continental common law the minor under the age of 21 cannot legally consent to her own corruption, and the adult who debauches her cannot plead " consent" in defence, and is subject to punishment. AARON M. POWELL. Says Emily Blackwell, M.D., in the Arena t January, 1893 ; " By fixing the age of legal majority the State declares that under this age young people have not the experience nor the maturity of judgment which would qualify them for independent action in matters of importance affecting their own in- terests. They are in consequence made incapa- ble of such action. Their consent cannot relieve a guardian from responsibility in the manage- ment of their property. Except in a few excep- tional cases they cannot make a contract which will be binding when they come of age. A minor cannot legally marry without the consent of the guardian. Surreptitious marriage with a minor is an offence punishable by law, and such a marriage can be annulled upon the ap- plication of the guardian. Thus their power of action is, in their own interest, so limited that their consent is not sufficient to make valid even perfectly legitimate transactions, nor does it avail to protect adults who assume it as sufficient authority. " Even in crime youth is allowed as an ex- tenuating circumstance, from the general feel- ing that the young are less able to resist exter- nal influences, and are less responsible for their actions than the adult. The establishment of reformatories for juvenile offenders testifies to the belief that their characters are still unformed for good or for evil. " In the case of girls, the State has not only extended exceptional protection to them as minors in reference to their legiti- mate social relations, it has also established a sort of legal majority The Age of in reference to those that are ille- Consent in gitimate. It has fixed an age be- the Differ- low which girls are held to be in- ent States. competent of assent to such illegiti- mate relations. ' Consent,' as it is termed, varied in all the different States, until recently, from the age of 7 to 12 years, and in many of them it is still only 10 or 12. This ar- rangement amounted virtually to the protection of children only of the years during which the physical abuse of children is so brutal an offence as to excite indignation even among the majority of persons of vicious life. The protection accord- ed in other respects to minors was distinctly and emphatically withdrawn from girls during the first few years of early womanhood, when it is most needed. " Such legislation is directly in the interest of vice. The line is drawn just where those who are interested in vice would have it. It is certainly as illogical as cruel that at an age when a girl's consent is not held sufficient for legal marriage, it should be held sufficient to justify her destruction. A man may not legally marry the minor daughter of another without his con- sent, but he is legally free to seduce her if he can. . . . "Wherever the age of protection has been raised the result has been for good only. It acts as a deterrent upon those who would mis- lead youth. It strengthens the hands of the in- dividuals and societies who work for the protec- tion and help of friendless youth. It would seem sufficient to state the case fairly to accom- plish the end, but the great, long-continued effort that has been needed to partially accom- plish this end testifies to the contrary." The following' is the present age of consent in the different States : Arizona, fo Arkansas, California, Colorado, rma es, 18 yea 17 18 4 rs; fc rfem lies, 14 ye 16 14 18 14 18 16 M irs. i i Delaware, ' '4 18 ' Florida, Georeia, 1 '4 Age of Consent. ii Agrarian Legislation. for males, 18 years ; for females,i4 years ' ' i? ' ' ' 14 ' stts, i 16 ' 15 \\ : H ' 18 ' ' 12 ' ' 12 ' 14 '4 i + 18 " ' ' 16 ' shire i+ " ' >4 ' 13 , ' H lina, >ta, ia, id, ' 18 " i+ 14 '4 15 14 ' 16 ' 16 ' )ta, ' i5 14 ' i5 . ' 12 13 i, nia, 14 ' 21 ' 14 ' 12 16 ' 18 ' ' T ' ' 12 ' 78 " Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hamp New Jersey, New Mexic New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming, It should be remembered, however, that these ages are continually being changed by legis- lation. Reference: For the latest information, see The Philan- thropist, published monthly for the promotion of social purity, the better protection of the young, the repression of vice, and the prevention of its regulation by the State. Editors, Aaron M. Powell and Mrs. Anna Rice Powell, United Charities Building, New York. AGIO (It. agio, exchange). A commercial term, used principally in Europe, to denote (i) the rate of exchange between the currencies of two countries. (2) The percentage of difference in the value of (a) two metallic currencies, or (I)) a metallic and a paper currency of the same denomination and in the same country, hence premium on the appreciated currency. (3) An allowance made in some places for the wear and tear of coin. Adam Smith uses the word some- times in the first and sometimes in the second sense, saying, for example, that the agio of the Bank of Amsterdam over the currency of Am- sterdam was generally about 5 per cent. AGRARIAN LEGISLATION. All laws or measures tending toward the abolition or limitation of private property in land are often termed agrarian legislation, in reference to the famous agrarian laws of Rome, which were till recently supposed to have operated strongly in this direction, and to some extent probably did so. This conception of agrarian legislation was common even among scholars as late as the be- ginning of this century. In 1793 the French convention introduced legislation to punish with death any one who should propose an agrarian law, by which they meant equal division of the soil among the citizens. The German scholars Heyne, Niebuhr, and Savigny first declared the true purpose of these Roman laws, discovering them to refer not to private, but only to public lands. They referred to the lands acquired by military conquest. "It was the practice at Rome," says Dr. Arnold, "and doubtless in other States of Italy, to allow indi- viduals to occupy such lands, and to enjoy all the bene- fits of them, on condition of paying to the State the tithe of the produce, as an acknowledgment that the State was the proprietor of the land, and the individual merely the occupier. Now, although the land was undoubtedly the property of the State, and although the occupiers of it were in relation to the State mere tenants-at-will, yet it is in human nature that a long undisturbed possession should give a feeling of owner- ship ; the more so as, while the State's claim lay dor- mant, the possessor was, in fact, proprietor, and the land would thus be repeatedly passing by regular sale from one occupier to another." The very idea of a citizen in ancient times conveyed the idea of a land-owner, and as new citizens were admitted to all Roman privileges, they received an allotment of land from the pub- lic domains. This necessitated an interference by the State with those who temporarily occu- pied the land ; and as these occupiers were gen- erally Roman aristocrats, the interference was resisted. It was to the interest of the aristocrats to keep the lands public property, and therefore they opposed all agrarian legislation. Their op- position to this distribution of land, together with economic tendencies that favored the wealthy, resulted in producing a large proportion of land- less citizens ; and the endeavor by some of the noblest Roman statesmen to provide these dis- possessed citizens with the land that rightfully belonged to them, occasioned some of the most notable struggles in Roman history. One of the first consuls to propose an agrarian law was Spurms Cassius, who, at a time of great poverty among the Roman workingmen, desired to have the public lands divided among them. The aristocracy defeated him, and finally secured his death for daring to propose an infringement upon their privileges. The first important agrarian legislation of a permanent nature actually passed was that pro- posed by the tribune Licinius Stolo, and carried, after a struggle of five years, in the year of Rome 383. The provisions of Licinius's bill, or roga- tion, were as follows : " Every Roman citizen shall be entitled to occupy any portion of the unallotted state land not exceeding 500 jugera, and to feed on the public pasture-land any num- ber of cattle not exceeding 100 head of large, or 500 head of small, paying in both cases the usual rates to the public treasury. Whatever por- tions of the public land beyond 500 jugera are at present occupied by individuals shall be taken from them, and distributed among the poorer citizens as absolute property, at the rate of 7 jugera apiece. Occupiers of public land shall also be bound to employ a certain number of freemen as laborers. ' ' For a time this law was enforced with very good effect. Poverty and inequality decreased. But by the year 62 1 the law was neglected ; and although large tracts of land had been acquired, there were large numbers of landless citizens in Rome. Wealthy capitalists secured the public lands and had them tilled by hired labor for profit. For 100 years there was no distribution of land. The pauper population of the city increased ic end, and the wealth and pride and atone of the aristocracy increased at the other. luxury A few Agrarian Legislation. 12 Agricultural. nobles began to practically own the greater part of the land, while most of the citizens were in want. Long occupation of public lands had con- fused public with private property, and given the capitalists and nobles a kind of proprietary claim to the land they occupied ; so that, while there was no doubt as to the wisdom and justice of a division of public land, there were many obstacles in the way. It was Tiberius Gracchus who at last had the boldness to propose an agra- rian law. He proposed that every father of a family might occupy 500 jugeraof the State land for himself, and 250 jugera additional for each of his sons ; but that, in every case where this amount was exceeded, the State should resume the surplus, paying the tenant a price for the buildings, etc., which he had been at the ex- pense of erecting on the lands thus lost to him. The recovered lands were then to be distributed among the poor citizens, a clause being insert- ed in the bill to prevent these citizens from sell- ing the lands thus allotted to them, as many of them would have been apt to do. His proposition was strictly in accord with the laws and spirit of the Roman constitution ; but it was nevertheless furiously opposed by the wealthy classes, who went as far in their lawless opposition as to assassinate Gracchus and his brother in cold blood. His measure was, however, carried into effect ; but its enforce- ment was so greatly hindered and evaded as to render it of little value to the suffering people. The aristocrats passed other laws directly oppo- site to that of Gracchus, and securing them in their usurpations. C. AGRICULTURAL COLLEGES AND EXPERIMENT STATIONS. The first agricultural school was founded by Fellenberg at Hofwyl, Switzerland, in 1806, and endured 30 years, educating 3000 pupils. The Albert Insti- tution, a great agricultural college, was found- ed at Glasnevin, near Dublin, Ireland, in 1838. A private experimental station was started at Rotham, England, in 1843. The Royal College of Agriculture at Cirencester, England, was commenced in 1845, and a college of agriculture at Dounton in 1880. The English government gives small grants to chairs of agriculture at South Kensington, the University of Edinburgh, and a few other less important institutions. In Prussia almost every province has its State-sup- ported school of agriculture. In France the Government gives large grants for agricultural education. The school at Gregnon occupies an old palace and possesses 1185 acres. In the United States, the first agricultural col- lege was established at Cleveland, O., in 1855. Under the provisions of the acts of Congress of J[uly 2, 1862, and August 30, 1890, colleges having courses in agriculture are in operation in all the States and Territories. In 14 States separate institutions are maintained for white and colored students. The total number of in- stitutions having courses in agriculture in the United States is 65. The organization of these institutions is so varied that an exact classifica- tion of them is impracticable. In a general way, however, they may be classified as follows : (i) Universities having colleges or departments of agriculture ; (2) colleges of agriculture and me- chanic arts ; (3) colleges of agriculture ; (4) sec- ondary schools of agriculture. In these institu- tions the college course in agriculture leading to a 1 degree covers four or, in some cases, three years. Shorter courses of one or two years, or of a few months, are also provided in many in- stitutions. Special courses in dairying and in other agricultural industries have been recently established at a few of the colleges. The total number of officers in the faculties in 1893 was 1282. The total number of students was 17,623, of whom 3160 were in the courses in agri- culture. The graduates from the courses in agriculture in 1893 numbered 265, and the total number of graduates in those courses since the establishment of the colleges is 3016. The total revenue in 1893 was $4,024,132, from the following sources : United States (including income of land grant of 1862 and appropriation under act of Congress of 1890), $1,463,215 ; State, $1,093,870; local communities, $10,003; indi- viduals, $60,906 ; fees, $301,141 ; farm produce,. $116,625 ; miscellaneous, $958,372. The value of additions to equipment in 1893 is estimated as follows : Farm implements, $26,559 '. build- ings, $1,035,589 ; library, $84,638 ; apparatus, $151,900 ; live stock, $16,276 ; miscellaneous,. $66,675 I total, $1,481,637. The Wisconsin dairy school, the first of its kind in America, grew out of the belief that it might be of direct and great help to dairy inter- ests. A study of the dairy instruction imparted in Denmark showed that the system there adopt- ed was not suitable for Wisconsin. There stu- dents are given the theory of dairying at the school and the practice by placing them one or two in a factory, where they serve an apprentice- ship. While many of the factories in Wisconsin were excellently managed, it was felt that the student should have actual practice while study- ing in the manufacture of butter and cheese under skilled instructors. The result was the Hiram Smith Hall, named in honor of Regent Hiram Smith, of the State University, who had worked faithfully in the upbuilding of Wiscon- sin's dairy interests, and especially for this school. Agricultural experiment stations are now in operation under the act of Congress of March 2,. 1887, in all the States and Terri- tories. Alaska is the only section of the United States which has no Agricultural experiment station. In each of Stations. the States of Alabama, Connecti- cut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and New York a separate station is maintained wholly or in part by State funds, and in Louisiana a station for sugar experiments is maintained mainly by funds contributed by sugar planters. In several States sub-stations have been established. Excluding the branch stations, the total number of stations in the United States is 55. Of these 49 receive the ap- propriation provided for in the act of Congress above mentioned. The total income of the sta- tions during 1893 was $950,073, of which $705 ,000 was received from the National Government, the remainder coming from State governments, private individuals, fees for analyses of fertil- izers, sales of farm products, and other sources. In addition to this the Office of Experiment Sta- Agriculture. Agriculture. tions has an appropriation of $2 5,000 for the cur- rent fiscal year. The value of additions to equipment in 1893 is estimated as follows : Farm implements, $8380 ; buildings, $59,578 ; libra- ries, $11, 216 ; apparatus, $17,672 ; live stock, .$7085 ; miscellaneous, $29,927 ; total, $133,858. The stations employ 532 persons in the work of administration and inquiry. The number of officers engaged in the different lines of work is as follows : Directors, 70; chemists, 119; agri- culturists, 54 ; horticulturists, 62 ; farm foremen, 25 ; dairymen, 7 ; botanists, 37 ; entomologists, 42 ; veterinarians, 26 ; meteorologists, 13 ; biolo- gists, ii ; physicists, 4 ; geologists, 4 ; mycolo- gists and bacteriologists, 5 ; irrigation engi- neers, 4 ; in charge of sub-stations, 33 ; secreta- ries and treasurers, 25 ; librarians, 8, and clerks, 2 7- For further details see report of the Secretary of Agriculture for 1893, from which the above has been in the main abridged. AGRICULTURALISTS. See PHYSIO- CRATS. AGRICULTURE. (See also LAND ; FARM- IKS' MOVEMENT ; COOPERATION ; ABANDONED FARMS ; GRANGE, ETC.) We here consider : 1. The history of agriculture. 2. The statistics of agriculture. 3. The economics of agriculture. I. History. (a) IX ANCIENT TIMES. The history of agriculture reaches back to the earliest times. On Egyptian hieroglyphs, As- syrian rolls, in Bible records, we have glimpses of its earliest history. It was agriculture that first produced civilization, since it first gave to man an abiding home. (See LAND.) Asia was probably its birthplace. To-day in Central Asia the tribes of pastoral nomads are made up of groups, each under the authority of the head of a family, and nothing is the subject of sep- arate ownership except clothes and weapons (Le Play, Ouvriers Europeans). When a group becomes too large a division is made by the head in a manner suggestive of the division made between Abraham and Lot. It was probably thus that land was first held, tilled by little groups of men, gathered for defence around or enslaved by some strong head of the family or group. We are probably, however, not to think of these as lit- tle communistic groups, as suggested by De Laveleye {Primitive Property). It is more probable, as suggest- ed by later writers (see LAND) that while the land was m one sense held in common, it was rather held by one strong man in despotism over the rest, whom he made to toil for him under conditions little removed from the lowest slavery. The implements of agricul- ture were of the rudest description such as those used in Turkev even to-day a crooked stick or curved beam serving for a plough, and other implements of propor- tional simplicity. Nevertheless, in Egypt, for example, considerable progress was made. Dio- dorus Siculus bears explicit testimony Egypt. to the skill of the farmers of ancient Egypt. He informs us that they were acquainted with the benefits of a rota- tion of crops, and were skilful in adapting these to the soil and to the seasons. The ordinary annual supply of corn furnished to Rome has been estimated at 20,000,- ooo bushels. From the same author we also learn that they fed their cattle with hay during the annual inun- dation, and at other times tethered them in the mead- ows to feed on clover. Their flocks were shorn twice annually (a practice common in several Asiatic coun- tries), and their ewes yeaned twice a year. For relig- ious as well as economical reasons, they were great rearers of poultry, and practised artificial hatching, as at the present day. Wilkinson's Egypt, giving many of the pictures and inscriptions from the tombs, etc., dis- closes a state of advancement which we little realize : " An Egyptian villa comprised all the conveniences of a European one of the present day. Besides a mansion with numerous apartments, there were gardens, or- chards, fish-ponds, and preserves for game. Attached to it was a farmyard, with sheds for cattle and stables for carriage horses. A steward directed the tillage operations, superintended the labourers, and kept account of the produce and expenditure. The grain was stored in vaulted chambers, furnished with an opening at the top, reached by steps, into which it was emptied from sacks, and with an aperture below for removing it when required. Hand-querns, similar to our own, were used for grinding corn ; but they had also a larger kind worked by oxen. In one painting, in which the sowing of the grain is represented, a plough drawn by a pair of oxen goes first ; next comes the sower scattering the seed from a basket ; he is fol- lowed by another plough ; while a roller, drawn by two horses yoked abreast, completes the operation. The steward stands by superintending the whole." The prominence given to agriculture among the Jews is well proven. Says Schaff's Bible Dictionary: "Agriculture was recog- nized and regulated by the Mosaic law Palestine, as the chief national occupation. Ina- lienable ownership under God of the soil was a fundamental provision, and renting the ground till the year of jubilee was alone possible. ' The land shall not be sold for ever : for the land is mine ; for ye are strangers and sojourners with me' (Lev. 25 : 8-16, 23-35). The encouragement such a pro- vision gave to agricultural improvements cannot be exaggerated. "That the land must rest one year in seven was another remarkable and most beneficent requirement (Lev. 25 : 1-7). The Jews were forbidden to sow a field with divers seeds (Deut. 22 : 9). For example, wheat and lentils must not be mixed, nor areas of them meet. The rabbis describe with minuteness how to vary the position of crops, yet avoid actual contact between them, and prescribe at least three furrows' margin between such divers kinds. The yoking to- gether of an ox and ass was prohibited, but is common enough among the present inhabitants. Horses were never used for farm-work. " Vineyards are enclosed in walls, and gardens are usually protected in the same way, or by banks of mud taken from ditches. Otherwise, in agricultural districts the absence of all fences or enclosures is and always was in striking contrast to our own practice. A brook or a cliff may serve as a boundary, but ordi- narily large stones almost covered by the soil are the landmarks (Deut. 19:14). Exceedingly beautiful to the eye are the vast fertile areas of Palestine, check- ered only by cultivation. As cattle find pasture through most of the year, there are no proper barns to be seen. Grass is cut in watered places with a sickle for 'soiling,' and stock is fed with this or with grain when the fields are dried up. More commonly, during periods of scarcity, the flocks and herds are driven to other feeding-grounds. Booths are some- times provided for inclement weather, and at night cattle are driven into caves or folds. " The permission to pluck and eat a neighbor's grapes or g/ain, but not to put the former in a vessel nor use a sickle on the latter, is not to be forgotten (Deut. 23:24, 25). There was also merciful provision that the poor might glean in the vineyard and harvest-field, and that something should be left for them (Lev. 19 :o, 10 ; Deut. 24:19). ". . . Oriental ploughing does not turn a sod, but merely scratches the earth to the depth of 3 or 4 inches at most, which is all the primitive and light plough and the small cattle of the East can do. Often always in the case of new ground a second plough- ing crosswise was practised ; and this is referred to by the word ' break' in Isa. 28 : 24. Steep hill-sides were prepared for planting with the mattock or hoe, an iron-pointed instrument of wood resembling in shape the modern ' pick' (Isa. 7 : 25). Good farmers ploughed before the rains, that the moisture might be more abun- dantly absorbed. The seed, being scattered broadcast upon the soil, was ordinarily ploughed in, as is still the custom. Light harrowing, often with thorn bushes, completed the process. In wet ground the seed was trampled in by cattle (Isa. 32 : 20). After its planting there was commonly little further labor bestowed upon the crop till it was ready for the harvest. Weeds were removed by hand when it was safe to do so (Matt. 13 : 28, 29). Irrigation was sometimes necessary. Agriculture. Agriculture. As the ingathering drew near, the fields must be pro- tected by the watchman in his lodge from the wild boar and other beasts, and from human marauders. The newly scattered seed and the" ripening crop also required to be defended against great flocks of birds (Matt. 13 : 4 ). Grain when ripe was in more ancient times plucked up by the roots. Later, it was reaped by a sickle re- sembling our own, either the ears alone being cut off or the whole stalk. Laborers, animals, or carts bore the harvest to the threshing floor, where the grain was separated from the ears and winnowed." Of Grecian agriculture little is known. The Greece that we know is the Greece of conquerors, who lived on the labors of slaves in mines, in fields, and in industries. The cultivation of the soil was despised, and has made little impress upon Greek literature. With the Ro- mans it was different. Says Schlegel (Philosophy of History, p. 253) : "It was in land and in the produce of the soil that their princi- The Roman pal and almost only wealth consisted. Emnire They were a thoroughly agricultural ^ ' people, and it was only at a later period that commerce, trades, and arts were introduced among them, and even then they occupied but a subordinate place." Their pas- sion for agriculture survived very long ; and when at length their boundless conquests introduced an un- heard-of luxury and corruption of morals, the noblest minds amongst them were strongly attracted towards the ancient virtue of the purer and simpler agricultu- ral times. Cicero puts into the mouth of Cato a fine picture of the ancient Roman enthusiasm in agricul- ture : " I come now to the pleasures of husbandry, in which I vastly delight. They are not interrupted by old age, and they seem to me to be pursuits in which a wise man's life should be spent. The earth does not rebel against authority ; it never gives back but with usury what it receives. The gains of husbandry are not what exclusively commendit. I am charmed with the nature and productive virtues of the soil. Can those old men be called unhappy who delight in the cultivation of the soil ? In my opinion there can be no happier life, not only because the tillage of the earth is salutary to all, but from the pleasure it yields. The whole establishment of a good and assiduous husband- man is stored with wealth ; it abounds in pigs, in kids, in lambs, in poultry, in milk, in cheese, in honey. Nothing can be more profitable, nothing more beauti- ful than a well-cultivated farm." Mr. Hoskyn, in his History of Agriculture, quotes the following interesting passage from Pliny, com- menting on Virgil : " Cato would have this point es- pecially to be considered, that the soil of a farm be good and fertile ; also, that near it there be plenty of labourers, and that it be not far from a large town : moreover, that it have sufficient means for transport- ing its produce, either by water or land. Also, that the house be well built, and the land about it as well managed. But I observe a great error and self-decep- tion which many men commit, who hold opinion that the negligence and ill-husbandry of the former owner is good for his successor or after purchaser. Now, I say, there is nothing more dangerous and disadvanta- geous to the buyer than land so left waste and out of heart; and therefore Cato counsels well to purchase land of one who has managed it well, and not rashly and hand-over-head to despise and make light of the skill and knowledge of another. He says, too, that as well land as men, which are of great charge and ex- pense, how gainful soever they may seem to be, yield little profit in the end, when all reckonings are made. The same Cato being asked what was the most assur- ed profit rising out of land, made this answer: 'To feed stock -well.' Being asked again what was the next, he answered: 'To feed with moderation. 1 By which answer he would seem to conclude that the most certain and sure revenue was a low cost of production. To the same point is to be referred another speech of his, 'that a good husbandman ought to be a seller rather than a buyer ;' also, ' that a man should stock his ground early and well, but take long time and lei- sure before he be a builder ;' for it is the best thing in the world, according to the proverb, 'to make use and derive profit from other men's follies.' Still when there is a good and convenient house on the farm, the master will be the closer occupier, and take the more pleasure in it ; and truly it is a good saying that 'the master's eye is better than his heel.' " In the later days of the empire the land was tilled only by slave labour, under landlords of gigantic wealth, who cared nothing for agriculture. Corruption set in, leading to the famous dictum of Pliny that it was the latijundia which overthrew Rome. The evil was fur- ther aggravated by the policy that the Romans pur- sued towards the inhabitants of the conquered prov- inces ; there none of the land was held as freehold, but it was solely vested in the Roman people, being all let out for the benefit of the State. On the conquest of Sicily the wealthy Romans flocked over and farmed the rents, as well as cultivated the lands by means of slave-labour. Indeed, the chief supplies of grain sent tr> Rome from Sicily, Sardinia, and Carthage were raised by means of slaves. (b) THE MIDDLE AGES. Agriculture in the middle ages was largely modified by the system of feudalism (%.v.). (See also MIDDLE AGES.) Under the incursions of the Goths, Vandals, and other tribes, it sank into the lowest condition. The rural condition of Europe in the tenth century was pitiable in the extreme. Universal rapine and violence made it unsafe to till open land, and unprofitable to undertake improvements. The impression that the year 1000 would see the end of the world, which was widespread, caused the fields to be still more deserted, industry still more aban- doned. After the year 1000 there was some re- vival of industry. The monasteries (see MONAS- TICISM), cultivating little tracts of ground, worked by the monks with their own hands, did much to spread the knowledge and practice of agricul- ture. In Spain the Saracens did more. By them and their successors, the Moors, agriculture was carried in Spain to a height which perhaps has not yet been surpassed in Europe. It is said that so early as the tenth century the revenue of Saracenic Spain alone amounted to 6,000,000 sterling probably as much as that of all the rest of Europe at that time. The ruins of their noble works for the irrigation of the soil still attest their skill and industry, and put to shame the ignorance and indolence of .their successors. In England agriculture seems to have been a little more prosperous than on the continent. Says Palgrave's Diction- England. ary of Political Economy : " Among the early Saxons the soil had been tilled by village communities. The land held by the associa- tion was divided into two main divisions : (i) round the homesteads lay permanent inclosures held as private property (cp. Tacitus, suam quisque domum spatio ctr- cumdaf) ; (2) beyond the village lay the common lands of the association. This latter portion consisted of (a) arable fields, sometimes two, generally three, and in later times four, in number ; (3) meadowland for hay ; (c) rough wild pasture for live stock. Of the three arable fields, one was cultivated each year for wheat or rye, another for oats, barley, peas, and beans, and the third lay fallow. Thus each field every third year was fallow. Both the meadow and arable lands were cut into strips and annually allotted to the use of in- dividuals from putting up for hay or from seed-time. Each partner held scattered intermixed parcels in each of the arable fields, so as to equalize the quality of the land, and to give each a share in the different crops cultivated. The farming was regulated by a system of 'field-constraint,' or later by the reeve of the mano- rial lord. After the crops were cleared, separate use terminated and common rights recommenced, the cat- tle and sheep of the community wandering over the fields before the common herdsman or shepherd (for a detailed account of the system, see Seebohm's 77^ ,- lish Village Community). Co-tillage remained a fea- ture of English farming after the Norman Conquest. Up to the close of the eighteenth century half the soil of England was thus cultivated, and in 1879, 600 acres at Stogoursey, near Bridgewater, were farmed on this sys- tem. By the close of the eleventh century the imme- diate lordship of the soil was vested in lords of manors, subject to regulated rights of user enjoyed by the co- operative farmers. The manorial estate was divided into three parts the demesne, the tenemental land of the associated farmers, and the lord's wastes, over which the live stock of the tenants grazed. The soil was tilled by serfs, by freemen, and by semi-servile tenants, who paid for their land by military or agricul- tural services. Out of these grades in the rural popu- lation sprang the freeholder, the copyholder, and the Agriculture. Agriculture. free wage-earning labourer. The most striking feat- ures in mediaeval farming were the violent alternations from perpetual cropping to barrenness, from indolence to intense labour, from famine to feasting. Scarcely anything was grown for markets ; nearly all the prod- uce was consumed at home by the producers. Arable land exceeded grassland. No manure was employed ; horses were scarcely ever used ; oxen were more eco- nomical ; their food, harness, and shoes were cheaper ; when dead they were meat for man. The crops were wheat, oats, barley, rye, beans, peas, flax, and hemp." Thorold Rogers ( 751,515,000 523,621,000 738,39/,ooo 661,035,000 Bushels. 5,167,015 15,825,898 29,761,305 44,"3,495 58,360,000 59,428,000 56,812,000 63,884,593 t6s, 000,000 t63, 000,000 t75,ooo,ooo t7O,ooo,ooo Bushels. 14,188,813 21,101,380 16,918,795 19,831,595 21,756,000 24,489,000 20,691,000 28,412,011 ^30, 000,000 t28,OOO,OOO t33,ooo,ooo t3O,ooo,ooo Bushels. 8,956,912 17,571,818 9,821,721 11,817,327 12,626,000 11,869,000 10,844,000 12,000,000 til, 000,000 til, 000,000 tl2, OOO,OOO t n, 000,000 1860 1870 1880 1885 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 1892 .. The importance of the agricultural interests may be also seen from the proportion of our peo- ple engaged in agriculture. The decennial cen- suses furnish the following figures as to the em- ployment of the people. The first column refers to the total of those engaged in definite occu- * Appendix to First Report of the Commission ap- pointed to inquire into the condition of women and children employed in agriculture. t Estimated by the Cincinnati Price Current. Agriculture. 18 Agriculture. pations i.e., those specified in the other col- umns : Manu- factur- Personal Total en- ing, Me- and Pro- gaged in Occupa- tions. Agricul- ture. chanical, and Min- ing Pur- suits. Trans- porta- tion. fessional Ser- vices. 1840 4,796,407 3.717,756 806,748 206,667 65,236 1850. . . . 5,371,876 2,400,586 1,034,469 561,796 996,318 1860.... 8,287,043 3,305,135 l,3"440 529,335 1870 12,505,923 5,922,471 2,707,421 1,191,238 2,684,793 1880.... 17.392,099 7,670,493 3,837,112 1,810,256 4,074,238 According to the Report of the Secretary of Agriculture for 1893, there are in the United States to-day about 6,000,000 farms on which dwell over 30,000,000 people. The history of agriculture in the United States divides itself naturally into four main periods : I. The colonial period ; II. From the War of Independence to about 1840, when rail- roads began to be built ; III. From 1840 to the War of the Rebellion ; IV. To the present time. In the early colonial period tools were scarce, pop- ulation sparse, labor often dangerous and usually ex- pensive and unremunerative. An English writer, Gee (On Trade, London, 1750), says : " If we examine into the circumstances of the inhabitants of our plantations and pur own, it will ap- pear that not one-fourth part of their product redounds to their own profit ; for out of all that comes here they only carry back clothing and other accommodations for their families, all of which is of the merchandise and manufacture of this kingdom. . . . All these advantages are received from the plantations, besides the mortgages on the planters' estates and the high interest they pay us, which is very considerable ; and therefore very great care ought to be taken that they are not put under too many difficulties, but encour- aged to go on cheerfully." Indian corn was the main native crop, wheat, oats, and rye being introduced from England. Slave labor was common, and in portions of the country, North as well as South, all but universal. The War of Independence affected the development of agriculture seriously, but after *he close of the war it began to revive. Attention was given to the breeding of horses, and about 1825 to neat cattle. The invention of the cotton-gin in 1794 by Eli Whitney, and the care taken by American planters to improve the stock by careful selection and cultivation of seed, soon placed the country in the foremost rank in the produc- tion of this great staple. A notable fact of this period was the great extension of the national area by the acquisition of Louisiana in 1803 and of Florida in 1821. From 899,615 square miles in 1783 the country was en- History larged to more than 2,000,000 square miles nf Ampripon in l8 33- To utilize the northern part of oi American the M ^ ss i ssi p p { valley two great routes Agriculture, westward were created the National Road through Wheeling and Columbus by the United States Government, and the Erie Canal by the State of New York. The third period, from 1840 to the War of the Rebel- lion, began under great financial depression (see CUR- RENCY), but soon developed great prosperity. The spread of railroads and the extent of the na- tional domain developed a new West. The American reaper was invented by Hussery in 1833, and McCor- mick in 1834. Hereafter inventions and improvements in agricultural machinery became continuous. Im- Erovements in cattle and horses and swine were rapid, and speculation set in. but was checked by the pas- sage of the Homestead Law (g.v.). The production of sugar became an American industry by the annexa- tion of Louisiana. In 1839 Congress voted $1000 for the investigation and collection of agricultural statistics and to procure seeds and cuttings for gratuitous distri- bution. This was the beginning of Government re- ports, which were issued through the Patent Office un- til the Department of Agriculture was organized in 1862. Between 1840 and 1850, five State societies were formed, and from this time State and district associa- tions increased rapidly. The first agricultural paper was The American Farm- er, begun at Baltimore in 1819. The period of the war affected the South badly, but nevertheless aided it in one direction, by making it agriculturally independent of the North. The North did not materially suffer. Prairies ploughed, planted, tilled, and their crops harvested by machinery raised crops which fed our people, our armies, and began to feed Europe. The Homestead Law became law in 1862, and rapidly accelerated the development of the new West. Immigration from Europe at once set in. Agri- cultural education was developed. The first American agricultural college was established at Cleveland, O., in 1855. In 1862 Congress granted from the public do- main to each State 30,000 acres for each Senator and Representative in Congress, " in order to promote the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes." In some States this was given to regular colleges and used to endow an agricultural department. In others it was used to found agricultural colleges or to endow those already existing. In New York it availed for the endowment of Cornell University. The United States Department of Agriculture was organized in 1862, and State boards have developed rapidly since. Ex- periment stations also contributed their help. In 1867 the organization of the Patrons of Husbandry, or Grangers, was established (see GRANGERS); but this already brings us to the present time. (See FARMERS' MOVEMENT.) II. Statistics of Agriculture. (a) THE UNITED STATES. Census Bulletin 378, prepared under the super- vision of Mr. W. H. Olcott, in charge of the divi- sion of agriculture of the Census Office, shows for the United States, by geographical divisions and by States and Territories, the principal statistics of agriculture as obtained at the Eleventh Census. In enumerating farms, no farm was reported of less than three acres unless $500 worth of prod- uce had been actually sold from it during the year ; and all land once plowed was consid- ered improved, unless afterward abandoned for cultivation. The value of products was estimated by the farmers when there was no exact account kept of the same. The statistics relating to the cultivation of po- tatoes and hay do not appear in this bulletin, as their revision has not been completed. The table shows the number, area, and valua- tion of farms in 1890, live stock on hand June i, 1890, and the agricultural products for the year 1889. The figures are preliminary and subject to modification in the final report. FARMS. The total number of farms enumerated in 1890 was 4,564,641, as compared with a total of 4,008,907 in 1880, an increase of 555,734, or 13.86 per cent. The total area of land in these farms in 1890 was 623,218,619 acres, 357,616,755 acres of which were im- proved. In 1880 there were 5363081,835 acres in farms, 284,771,042 acres of which were improved. Therefore, there was an increase of 87,136,784 acres, or 16.25 P er cent., of the total land in farms, and 72,845,713 acres, or 25.58 per cent., improved. The percentage of the total land surface in farms in 1890 was 32.79, as compared with 28.20 in 1880, and the percentage of the total farm area that remained unim- proved at the latter date was 42.62, as compared with 46.88 at the former. The value of these farm lands, including fences and buildings, was in 1890, $13,279,252,649 and in 1880 $10,197,- 096,776, showing an increase of 30.23 per cent, in their valuation since 1880. The value of farm implements and machinery in 1890 on these farms was $494,247,467 and in 1880, $406,520,- 055, showing an increase or 21.58 per cent, since 1880. The value of live stock on hand June i, 1890, on these farms was $2,208,767,573 and the value in June, 1880, was $1,500,384,707, showing an increase of 47.21 percent, since Agriculture. Agriculture. In the year 1889 the value of farm products was $2,460,107,454 and in the year 1879 the value was $2,212,- 540,927, showing an increase of 11.19 per cent, since 1880. LIVE STOCK AND LIVE-STOCK PRODUCTS ON FARMS. There were 14,969,467 horses on farms in 1890, which was an increase of 4,611,979, or 44.53 per cent., over the number reported in 1880. Of this number, 8,571,177, or 57.26 per cent., were reported in the North Central division. There were 289,316 horses reported on ranges in 1890, making the total number, including both those on farms and on ranges, 15,258,783. There were 2,295,532 mules and asses on farms in 1890, which was an increase of 482,724, or 26.63 P er cent., over the number reported in 1880. Of this number, 1,093,722, or 47.65 per cent., were reported in the South Central division. There were 19,253 mules and asses returned as on ranges in 1890, making the total number, includ- ing both those on farms and on ranges, 2,314,785- There were 57,409,583 swine on farms in 1890, which was an increase of 9,727,883, or 20.40 per cent., over the number returned in 1880. Of this number, 37,624,632, or 65.54 P er cent., were reported in the North Central division. There were 15,704 swine reported as on ranges in 1890, making a total, including both those on farms and on ranges, of 57,425,287. There were 1,117,494 working oxen, 16,511,950 milch cows, and 33,734,128 other cattle, making a total of 51,363,572 neat cattle on farms in the United States on June i, 1890, as compared with 993,841 working oxen, 12,443,120 milch cows, and 22,488,550 other cattle, making a total of 35,925,511 in 1880. There is therefore an in- crease of 123,653, or 12.44 P er cent., in the number of working oxen, of 4,068,830, or 32.70 per cent., in the num- ber of milch cows, and of 11,245,578, or 50.01 per cent., in the number of other cattle, the increase in the total number of neat cattle on farms being 15,438,061, or 42.97 per cent. In addition to the above there were 6,285,220 neat cattle reported on ranges June i, 1890, making a total of neat cattle on farms and ranges of 57,648,792. The total production of milk on farms in the United States in the year ending December 31, 1889, was 5,209,- 125,567 gals., equivalent to 315.48 gals, for each milch cow reported on June i, 1890, Statistics, and to 83. 18 gals, per head of population. The total production of butter on farms in the year ending December 31, 1889, was 1,024,223,468 Ibs., as compared with a total of 777,250,287 Ibs. in 1879, and the total production of cheese 18,726,818 Ibs., as compared with a total of 27,- 272,489 Ibs. in 1879, an increase of 246,973,181 Ibs., or 31.78 per cent., in the production of butter on farms and a decrease of 8,545,671 Ibs., or 31.33 per cent., in the pro- duction of cheese on farms. It should be borne in mind that the above figures for butter and cheese represent only that which has been produced on farms, and does not include the amount made in cheese and butter factories, the returns of which will appear in the report on manufactures, al- though the total of milk produced is shown. The total number of sheep, exclusive of spring lambs, on farms in the United States on June i, 1890, was 35,935,364. The number of fleeces shorn in the fall of 1889 and spring of 1890 was 32.126,868, yielding 165,449,239 Ibs. of wool, or an average of 5.15 Ibs. per fleece. The total number of sheep on farms in 1880 was 35,192,074, yielding 155,681,751 Ibs. of wool, or an average of 4.42 Ibs. per fleece. There was therefore an increase from 1880 to 1890 of 743,290, or 2. 1 1 per cent., in the number of sheep and of 9,767,488. or 6.27 per cent., Ibs. of wool. In addition to the sheep and wool reported on farms there were 4,940,948 sheep and 25,828,845 Ibs. of wool re- ported on ranges, which would make a total of 40,876,- 312 sheep and 191,278,084 Ibs. of wool in the United States. The figures appearing in this bulletin as to the amount of wool clipped are from the definite returns made to the Eleventh Census, and do not inchide the estimated amount of pulled wool or of wool that might have been clipped in the summer of 1890 after the enumeration of June i. As the live stock on ranges in 1880 was largely esti- mated, there are no comparisons made in this bulletin except for the live stock on farms. The following statement will show the live stock on ranges in the United States in 1890 as gathered by special agents : Horses 289,316 Mules and asses J 9,253 Swine 15,704 Neat cattle 6,285,220 Sheep 4,940,948 The total area devoted to the production of cotton in the United States in 1889 was 20,175,270 acres, and the total production in the fall of 1889 and the early winter of 1889-90 was 7,472,511 bales of 477 Ibs. net, amounting to 3,564,387,747 Ibs., an average of 176.67 Ibs. to the acre. In 1879 the total area devoted to cotton was 14,480,019 acres and the total production, 5,755,359 bales of 453 Ibs. net, amounting to 2,607,177,627 Ibs., an average or 180.05 Ibs. to the acre. There is, therefore, an increase of 5,695,251 acres, or 39.33 per cent., in the area and 957,210,120 Ibs., or 36.71 per cent., in the production. The returns which were made to the Census Office in bales have been reduced to pounds in accordance with the figures appearing in the statistical abstract pre- pared by the Bureau of Statistics of the United States Treasury Department in 1890. It will be noted that the weight per bale is heavier in 1890 than in 1880. There were 1,318,698 acres devoted to the cultivation of flax in the United States in 1889, 1,301,137 acres, or 98.67 per cent., being in the North Central division. There were 10,250,410 bush, of flaxseed produced, 98.40 per cent, of which was in the North Central division. There were 241,389 Ibs. of fiber produced, 72.09 per cent, of which was in the North Central division. There were 25,054 acres devoted to the cultivation of hemp in the United States in 1889, 23,468 acres of which, or 93.67 per cent., were in the State of Kentucky, the total production in the United States being ",5" tons. 10,794 f which, or 93.77 per cent., were in the State of Kentucky, Illinois being the only other State producing over ioo tons. CEREALS. The area devoted to the cultivation of cereals in the United States in 1889 was 140,217,545 acres, and the total production of cereals, 3,518,816,904 bush., such acreage and production being distributed among the different cereals as follows : PRODUCTS. Acres. Bushels. 2,122,327,547 Wheat .... 468,373,968 Oats 809,250,666 3,220,834 78,332,976 Rye 28,421,398 837,164 12,110,349 This area of 140,217,545 acres is an increase of 21,585,- 766 acres, or 18.20 per cent., since 1879. This increase, however, is not keeping pace with the growth of popu- lation, which increased 24.86 per cent, between 1880 and 1890, trie area per capita being 2.24 acres as compared with 2.37 at the Tenth Census, a decrease of 0.13 acres per capita. There has been an increase in the produc- tion or cereals since the Tenth Census of 821,236,675 bush., or 30.44 per cent., the total production per capita being 56.19 bush, as compared with 53.78 bush, at the Tenth Census, showing an increase of 2.41 bush, per capita. Of the area under cereals in the United States In 1889, 51.41 per cent, was under corn, 23.95 per cent, under wheat, 20.20 per cent, under oats, 2.29 per cent, under barley, 1.55 per cent, under rye, and .60 per cent, under buckwheat, as compared with 52.57 acres under corn, 29.87 acres under wheat, 13.61 acres under oats, 1.68 acres under barley, 1.55 acres under rye, and .72 acres under buckwheat in every ioo acres under cereals in RICE. There were 161,312 acres in the United States in 1889 devoted to the cultivation of rice, all of which were re- ported from 10 States, principally from Louisiana and South Carolina, the production amounting to 128,590,- 934 Ibs. VARIOUS STATISTICS. The following statements are all taken from the re- port of the Secretary of Agriculture for 1893 (printed in 1 The expenses of the Department of Agriculture dur- Agriculture. 20 Agriculture. Weather Service. ing the first quarter of the present year aggregate but $345,876.76, as against $402,012.42 for the parallel period of the fiscal year 1893. The first United States Commissioner of Patents, Henry L. Ellsworth, in the year 1836 con- ceived the idea of distributing new and Distribution improved varieties of seed among the f q 00 j a farmers of the United States, and from ui oeeas. that time he patriotically procured the seed and distributed it at his own ex- pense until the year 1830, when, upon his recommendation, Congress appropriated $1000, to be taken from the Patent Office funds, for the purpose of collecting and distributing rare and improved varieties of seeds, and prosecuting agricultural investigations and procuring agricultural statistics. And fiom this small beginning, 54 years ago, the Seed Division of the Department of Agriculture has grown to its present unwieldy, unnecessary, and extravagant proportions , so that in the year 1892 there was appropriated the sum of $135,400 for the purpose of purchasing seeds, bulbs, and cuttings for gratuitous distribution. The State Weather Service Division supervises 42 State weather services, covering the whole of the United States, except Alaska. It also establishes and supervises all volun- tary observations and forecast display stations, and the services in the cotton, sugar, and rice regions, and publishes the National Weather Crop Bulletin. The 2500 voluntary observers forward copies of their records to the central stations of their respective local services for use in the preparation of the reviews pub- lished monthly. Many of these State reviews are of a highly creditable character and valuable in determin- ing the climatic characteristics of the various States and Territories. For distributing weather forecasts and special warnings all available means have been utilized, and while the number of stations supplied at Government expense by telegraph or telephone has been materially decreased during the year, the num- ber of those to which forecasts, etc., are furnished at little or no cost has been largely augmented. Full forecasts are now received at 1622 stations, a re- duction of 200 during the year ; but nearly 5000 places received them gratuitously, an increase of over 1000 in the same period. Plans now being perfected will, it is believed, increase the number of stations receiving forecasts without expense to the Government by 1500 to 2000 in the near future. A number of railroad com- panies are effectively cooperating with the Bureau in the distribution of forecasts by telegraph. It is be- lieved that during the coming year it will be possible to extend the system to every community having in- terests to be benefited. The daily weather map is now issued at 72 stations of the Weather Bureau outside of Washington, D. C. The average issue is about 8000 copies, or about 2,500,000 copies annually a slight increase over last year. These figures by no means express the demand, which has grown to such proportions that it has sorely taxed the capabilities of the station force and the store of supplies. The exports of agricultural products from the United States for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1892, attained the enormous figure of $800,000,000 in round numbers, being 78.7 per cent, of our total exports. In the fiscal year fol- lowing this aggregate was greatly re- duced, but nevertheless attained the very respectable figure of $615,000,000, being 74.1 per cent, of all American commodities exported. The value of the foreign markets to our farmers and to the entire population of the United States can, therefore, hardly be overestimated. There are in the United States more than 6,000,000 of farms. Upon them dwell more than 30,000,000 of the population of this republic. Those farm dwellers fur- nish more than 74 per cent, of the value of the exports of this country. At present a review of our agricultural exports, with special reference to their destination, will show that in almost every line the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland absorbs by far the largest proportion. A few figures, showing exports of our principal agricul- tural products, will emphasize this very clearly. Of cattle, the total exports aggregated in value, for 1892, $35,000,000, of which Great Britain took $34,000,000 ; and in 1893, $26,000,000, of which the same country took .considerably over $25,000,000. Of beef products of all kinds, our total exports for 1892 exceeded in value $31,000,000, of which $25,000,000 went to Great Britain ; and in 1893, $28,000,000, of which Great Britain took $24,000,000, Exports. Of pork products, the total exports for 1892 aggre- gated in value $85,000,000, of which Great Britain took $47,000,000 ; and in 1893, $84,000,000, of which Great Britain took $53,000,000. Nearly the same average proportions prevail in breadstuff's and minor products, while in cotton they are even more conspicuous. Our total exports of corn for 1802 were $41,000,000, of which $20,000,000 went to Great Britain ; and in 1893, $24,000,000, of which $9,000,000 went to Great Britain. Our total exports of wheat for 1892 were valued at $161,000,000 ; of this, Great Britain paid $68,000,000. For 1893 the total exports of wheat were of the value of $93,000,000 ; Great Britain took of this $58,000,000. Of wheat flour, the total exports for 1892 were $75,000,- ooo ; to Great Britain, $47,000,000. In 1893 the total ex- ports were about the same as for 1892, while Great Britain took $48,000,000. The total exports of cotton for 1892 were $258,000,000 ; to Great Britain, $146,000,000. In 1893 the exports of cot- ton were valued at $188,000,000 ; to Great Britain were Sent $99,000,000. These figures prove not only how large a proportion of our total agricultural exports find their way to Great Britain and Ireland, but also how very large a propor- tion of our total agricultural exports is made up of a comparatively few leading crops. It must not be for- gotten that in the universal competition for enlarged trade constant efforts are being made, and will con- tinue to be made, by other countries producing a sur- plus of agricultural products, to wrest from us the su- premacy we now hold in supplying Great Britain and a few other countries that are not self-providing in such products ; that many of these other countries are British colonies, and that, except as regards cotton, there are none of which we enjoy the practical mo- nopoly. A review of our agricultural exports prompts a con- sideration of our agricultural imports. This reveals a large value in our im- ports of agricultural products. The Imports. question then comes up whether some, perhaps much, of this great total of annual agricultural imports, aggregating in value some $350,000,000, ought not to be produced upon our own soil, in proximity to those or our own markets, where this immense demand exists? The time will surely come when, under the favor- able conditions of soil and climate which this country possesses, a very large share of agricultural products now imported will be raised by American farmers. Our large imports of hides, fruits, nuts> and wines, aggregating an average of over $60,000,000 annually, could all be produced in this country. A considerable share of the fibers, including wool and silk, and, no doubt, a large portion of the tobacco now imported, could also be produced in the United States. PRINCIPAL CROPS, 1893. Corn. The area devoted to corn as estimated for the crop of 1893 makes an increase over that of 1892 of 1,409,807 acres, and was less by 40,737 acres than the census crop of 1889. Wheat. The total breadth harvested is estimated at 34,629,418 acres, as against 387554,430 in 1892, a falling off of about 3,925,000 acres. This is the lowest average estimate of acreage in the 14 years from 1880, inclusive, except that of 1885, and but 440,000 acres more than for that year. It is less by 2,649,744 acres than the average of the period 1880-89, and 3,556,742 acres less than the av- erage of the three years 1890-92. This diminution in the breadth was due in part to abandonment and a de- votion to other crops of parts of the acreage sown, because of the unfavorable winter and the dry sum- mer season. It was also, to some extent, an effect of low prices. The reduction of area was greatest in such surplus winter wheat States as Illinois, Missouri, Kan- sas, and California, and the range of decrease in the spring- wheat States of North and South Dakota and Minnesota was from 5 to 10 per cent. The total product as estimated amounts to 396,131,725 measured bush., which is about 3,000,000 bush, less than the crop of 1890, 215,648,275 less than the crop of 1891, and 119,818,275 less than that of 1892. This aggre- gate production falls below the average for the 10 vears 1880-89 to the amount of 53,563,634 bush., and is 84,648,956 bush, less than the average crop for the four years 1890-93, inclusive. Notwithstanding this remarkable falling off in the total product, there has been a fall in the price per Agriculture. Agriculture. bushel, so that the farm value of the crop is estimated at the comparatively low amount of $213,171,381, which is the lowest recorded since 1863. The average farm price per bushel is estimated at 53.8 cents, making an average farm value per acre to the cultivator of f6.i6, which is $6.84 less than the average for the period 1870-79 ; $3.81 less than the average for the decade 1880-89, and $3.11 below the average for the four years 1890-93, inclusive. Wheat crops of the 14 years 1880-93, with averages for two decades : YEARS. Total Production. Total Area of Crop. Total Value of Crop. Average Value per Bushel. Average Yield per Acre. Average Value per Acre. ggo ... Bushels. 498,549,868 Acres. Cents. Bushels. $12.48 881 88 2 , 88 2 n.6 887 ** 88i f,A f 8.38 885 8.05 886 36,806,184 68.7 8.54 887 . 68 i 8.25 888 415^868,000 880 69 8 8.98 Total Average for 10 years 1880-89 Average for 10 years 1870-79 449,695359 312,152,728 37,279,162 251187,414 $371,809,504 327,407,258 82.7 104.9 12. I 12.4 $9-97 13.00 3890 81.8 $9.28 1891 83.9 12.86 j8ga 8,35 i8u*. . . 53-8 6.16 Total o * o _._ Average for 4 years 1890-93 480,780,681 37,296,975 $345,882,413 71.9 12.9 $9-37 The following table shows the breadth, product, value per bushel and per acre of corn for the past value (farm), average yield per acre and average 14 years: Corn crops of the 14 years 1880-93, with averages for two decades. YEARS. Total Production. Total Area of Crop. Total Value of Crop. Average Value per Bushel. Average Yield per Acre. Average Value per Acre. 880 Bushels. Acres. Cents. Bushels. 881 ....... 63.6 18.6 11.82 882 783,867,175 48.5 883 68,301,889 9.63 884 ... . 69,683,780 25.8 885 . .... 32.8 26.5 8.69 S86 36.6 8.06 887 20. i 8-93 888 .... 8-95 880. 28.3 27.0 7-63 Total *7>034r43538 705,434,573 $6,689,423,698 .... Average for 10 years 1880 to 1889. Average for 10 years 187010 1879. 11703,443.054 1,184,486,954 70,543,457 43,741,33! $668,942,370 504,571,048 39-3 42.6 24.1 27.1 $9.48 "54 1800 20.7 $10.48 l8gt 10.98 1892 23.1 9.09 1893 36.5 22.5 8.21 Total 6,798,084,131 290,838,401 $2,824,644,936 .... Average for 4 years 1890 to 1893. 1,699,521,033 72,709,600 $706,161,234 41.6 23-4 $9.71 Oats. The estimated area of oats shows an increase of about 209,000 acres over the crop of 1892. No advantage, how- ever, was obtained from the enlargement of the area, as the aggregate yield was 22,180,150 bush, less than that obtained from the crop of the year previous. The average yield to the acre was 23.4 bush, against 24.4 in 1892. It was a little more than 3 bush, less per acre than the average, yield for the 10 years 1880-89, and was slightly less than the average yield pf the last four years, 1890-93, inclusive. The farm value of the crop, $187,576,092, was $21,677,519 less than that of 1892. The average value per acre was $6.88, the lowest since 1889, and was $1.34 below that of the decade 1880-89. Hay. The estimates for hay place the acreage at 49,613,469 acres, from which were harvested 65,766, 158 tons, valued at $570,882,872. This is an increase in acreage over the estimates of 1888 of 11,021,566 acres, which is made up mostly in States beyond the Mississippi. The increase in product was something over 19,000,000 tons, the in- crease in aggregate value being $161,383,307. The dif- Agriculture. 22 Agriculture. ference between the acreage of 1888 and that of 1893, if the figures be accepted as correct, would show a greater increase than can reasonably be accounted for in view of the conditions surrounding agricultural growth in the last five years. It must, therefore, be accounted for by the supposition that the figures of 1888 were greatly below the actual acreage at that date.* SUPPLY AND DISTRIBUTION OF WHEAT FOR 25 YEARS. It has for many years been assumed in all estimates of food consumption made by this department that the average quantity of wheat consumed in the United States is 4% bush, per capita. On this basis, with a population estimated for September i, 1893 (midway between March i, 1893, and March i, 1894), at 67,188,250, the total quantity of wheat consumed for food in the United States would be, in round numbers, 314,000,000 bush. The consumption for seed in the spring and fall of 1893 is estimated at 49,000,000 bush., making a total of 363,000,000. Adding to tnis the exports, the visible supply on March i, 1894, and the supply in farmers' hands at the same date, as shown by recent returns to this department, we get the following statement as to the distribution of the wheat supply during the year ending March i, 1894 : Millions of Bushels. Consumption for food , 314 Consumption for seed 49 Exports 176 Visible supply March i, 1894 76 Supply in farmers' hands March i, 1894 114 Total distribution 729 The supply, on the other hand, was reported as follows : Visible supply March i, 1893 79 Supply in farmers' hands March i, 1893 *35 Crop of 1893 396 Total supply 610 Apparent discrepancy 119 There is reason to doubt, however, whether the con- sumption of wheat for food during the year ending March i, 1894, has been as great as 4% bush, per cap- ita. It is not probable that there has been any reduc- tion in the quantity of wheat bread actually eaten, but in the matter of waste there was a wide margin for re- trenchment. During the pinching times of the past fall and winter many a crust and many a fragment of stale bread which ordinarily would have found its way to the swill-barrel has undoubtedly been used to satis- fy human hunger or to ward it off. This has been the case not merely in occasional instances, but in thou- sands of families ; for, besides the cases of pinching want arising from actual loss of employment, there has been a still larger number in which employment has been only partial, or in which wages have been mate- rially reduced. Even among many of those in comfort- able circumstances there has been increased care in the saving of food for the benefit of the needy, on whose behalf the appeals for help have been so fre- quent and so urgent. If the cheapness of wheat dur- ing the period in question may seem to have been fa- vorable to a continued use of an unstinted supply of bread, it must be observed, on the other hand, that the price of baker's bread has not generally fallen, and that the large proportion of our urban populations who depend on such bread have not received the nor- mal benefit due them as a result of the low price of wheat. IMPORTANT WHEAT CROPS OF THE WORLD. The following table shows the world's production of wheat by countries for the year 1893 as compared with that of 1892 and 1891. The latest official returns for the different countries were used wherever available. In certain cases these official statements are prelimi- nary and may be changed by the corrected estimates. There is little doubt, for instance, that the estimates for Germany and Russia will be reduced by the final returns. Many countries make no official estimate of wheat production, and in such cases the most trust- worthy commercial estimates were taken. The bushel used is the Winchester bushel, which has a capacity of 2,150.42 cubic inches. Where quantities were given by weight they were reduced to bushels under the assump- tion that 60 Ibs. of wheat cake make a Winchester bushel. The crops of the countries in the Southern Hemisphere are those gathered in November and December, 1892, and in January and February, 1893. In North America the total production of wheat in 1893 was 447,479,000 bush., a decrease of nearly 127,- 000,000 as compared with the preceding year and of 237,000,000 as compared with 1891. The large extension of the wheat area in Argentina brought up the produc- tion of South America from 51,000,000 in 1892 to 82,000,000 in 1893, an increase of 61 per cent. Europe produced 27,000,000 bush, more in 1893 than in the preceding year. Asia's share of the world's wheat production was 346,000,000 bush, as against 290,000,000 m 1892 and 345,000,000 in 1891. Africa s crop was 35,500,000, an in- crease of 1,000,000 bush, over 1892. Australasia's outturn stood at 41,000,000 bush, as compared with 36,000,000 in 1892 and 33,000,000 in 1891. The total world's crop of wheat for 1893 is estimated at 2,385,360,000 bush., which is less by 7,000,000 than the crop of 1892 and exceeds the crop of 1891 by about 21,000,000 bush. Cost per acre of raising wheat and corn in the United States. (See also table on next page.) Wheat. Corn. Rent of land $2.81 2.16 1.87 .96 37 $3-03 1.86 1.62 .42 1.80 1.22 5 1.26 Manure Preparing ground Seed Sowing or planting Cultivating Harvesting or gathering 1.19 1.20 3 Thrashing Housing Marketing Total $11.69 $11.71 CANE SUGAR. In regard to this kind of sugar Mr. Licht makes the following estimate for the principal countries which have a surplus for exportation . Cane-sugar production. COUNTRIES. 1893-94. 1892-93. Cuba Metric tons. 850,000 Metric tons. 682,768 Puerto Rico Trinidad 60,000 48,714 Barbados 65,383 Jamaica Martinique Guadeloupe Demerara Reunion Mauritius Java Brazil 260,000 2I5,OOO Philippine Islands United States 265,000 273,988 245,000 Peru Egypt 65,OOO Sandwich Islands 135,000 I25,OOO Total... 2,060,000 2,64^061 * Since this paragraph was written the figures of the last census, though not yet published, have been ob- tained from the Census Office, and show the area mown in 1889 to have been 52,948,797 acres, and the product obtained to have been 66,831,480 tons. BEET SUGAR. The following table presents Mr. Licht's estimate of the beet-sugar production of Europe for the season 1893-94 as compared with preceding campaigns : Agriculture. Agriculture. European beet-sugar production. COUNTRIES. 1893-94. 1892-93. 1891-92. 1890-91. 1889-90. 1888-89. Metric tons* Metric tons.* 1,225,331 Metric tons.* 1,198,156 Metric tons.* 1,331,965 Metric tons.* 1,264,607 Metric tons.* 786,566 753,078 588,838 650,377 694,037 787,989 466,767 526,387 196,699 180,377 205,623 221,480 145,804 Holland 46,815 69,765 Other countries 92,000 88,635 80,000 80,000 87,000 Total 3,428,515 3,710,895 3,633,630 2,795,851 Supply and distribution of cotton (bales of 400 Ibs. each). YEARS. Visible and In- visible Be- ginning of Year. CROPS. Total Actual Con sump- tion, t BALANCE OF YEAR'S SUPPLY. United States. Supply of Other Countries. Total. , End of Year. Burned, etc4 Visible. Invisible. ,725,000 ,578,000 ,453,000 ,320,000 ,525,000 ,324,000 ,346,000 ,961,000 ,540,000 ,267,000 ,548,000 ,168,000 ,616,000 ,405,000 ,939,000 ,679,000 ,800,000 ,841,000 ,614,000 ,499,000 ,434,000 ,266,000 3,540,000 4.733. 000 3,241,000 4,283,000 4,597,000 4,216,000 5,171,000 4.Q33' 000 5,425,000 5,637,000 6,556,000 7,519,000 6,073,000 8,058,000 6,485,000 6,420,000 7,480,000 7,450,000 8,000,000 8,079,000 8,525,000 10,170,000 10,800,000 8,044,000 2,025,000 3,036,000 2,083,000 2,320,000 2,309,000 2,018,000 1,897,000 1,506,000 1,398,000 1,894,000 1,837,000 2,510,000 2,350,000 2,434,000 2,007,000 2,100,000 2,478,000 2,100,000 2,350,000 2,580,000 2,488,000 2,399,000 2,600,000 6,758,000 6,277,000 6,366,000 6,917,000 6,525,000 7,189,000 6,830,000 6,931,000 7,035,000 8,450,000 9,356,000 8,583,000 10,408,000 8,919,000 8,427,000 9,580,000 9,928,000 0,100,000 0,429,000 1,105,000 2,658,000 3,190,000 0,644,000 5,820,000 6,312,000 6,425,000 6,632,000 6,656,000 7,082,000 7,140,000 7,272,000 7,223,000 8,081,000 8,646,000 9,035,000 9,499,000 9,290,000 8,597,000 9,371,000 9,757,000 10,167,000 10,524,000 11,055,000 11,726,000 11,816,000 11,470,000 ,696,000 ,785,000 ,591,000 ,682,000 ,619,000 ,732,000 ,318,000 ,214,000 ,068,000 ,499,000 ,922,000 ,362,000 ,704,000 ,505,000 ,230,000 ,210,000 ,248,000 965,900 902,000 ,I4O,OOO ,706,000 ,933,000 ,400,000 882,000 668,000 729,000 843,000 705,000 614,000 643,000 326,000 199,000 49,000 246,000 254,000 701,000 434,000 449,000 590,000 593.00 649,000 597,000 294,000 560,000 607,000 263,000 85,000 90,000 74,000 80,000 70,000 85,000 75.000 80,000 85,000 88,000 90,000 100,000 i 20,000 95,000 90,000 88,000 130,000 160,000 120,000 115,000 100,000 100,000 50,000 1876-77 .. l8?7 78. .. I 878-79 1879-80 1880 81 1881-82 1882-83 1883 84 1884-85 1885-86 1886-87 1887-88 1888-89 1889-90 Estimated cost of the principal items and total cost in the production of wheat and corn in the United States by sections per acre for 1893. (Consolidated from returns from nearly 30,000 leading farmers scattered throughout the United States.) WHEAT. STATES AND SECTIONS. h 8 & a j o I 44,22 21,214.537 9,044,488 11,485,966 1,102,300 3,968,280 77,690,104 805,093,851 crops, accompanied by falling prices in corn, and since 1882 there has been a general decline in prices. Scientific farming has, however, been considerably developed, and landlords have done somewhat to improve their estates. The fall of agricultural land rents has been great. According to the evidence of Sir James Caird before the Commission on the Depression of Trade in 1886, the annual income of landlords, tenants, and laborers was ^42, 800,000 less in 1886 than in 1876. The cultivated land of Great Britain occupied by owners was, June 5, 1893, 4,672,077 acres, or only 14.3 per cent, of the whole, and by tenants, 27,971,632, or 85.7 per cent. The official agricultural returns for 1886 state that the proportion of land held by tenants is slightly in- creasing. The following table from the same returns for 1893 (p. xxvii.) shows the areas devoted to different crops in 1873 and 1893 : CROPS. 505,712,887 293,000,000 340,908,398 61,666,699 70,335, T 93 24,717,907 20,887,888 17,504,524 10,000,000 1,432,917,496 Cultivated area, acres , Permanent grass, " . Corn crops, acres Wheat, " Oats, " Cattle, number Sheep " Pigs " 1873. 46,927,000 23,364,000 11,423,000 3,670,000 4,108,000 10,154,000 33,982,000 3,564,000 1893. 47,980,000 27,700,000- 9,171,000 1,955,000 4,436,000 11,208,000 31,775,000- 3,278,000 The following table (p. xxix.) tells the story of prices : 805,093,851 1,432,917,496 2,238,011,347 (b) BRITISH EMPIRE. Great Britain. Up to the middle of the last century agricul- ture in Great Britain was fairly prosperous ; since then the development of the manufactur- ing and commercial interests has on the whole reacted unfavorably on English agriculture. The careful studies of Arthur Young in the lat- ter part of the last century created much pro- gressive thought on the subject, and a Board of Agriculture was established in 1793, while the Napoleonic wars unduly stimulated English agri- culture ; but then came a sudden reaction. The farmers suffered severely by sheep rot and bad harvests, and the condition of the agricultural laborers was pitiful. In 1845 a General Inclos- ure Act was passed, and a commission appointed which has since become the English Land Com- mission. The repeal of the Corn Laws (1846) tem- porarily depressed but did not permanently hurt the land interest, as was feared. The terrible condition of the agricultural laborers was slight- ly alleviated, and down to 1873 English agricul- ture was more prosperous. Since 1873, how- ever, agriculture has been very much depressed. Down to 1882 there were a succession of bad YEAR. Wheat. Barley. Oats. PerQuarter. s. d. 58 8 PerQuarter. s. d. PerQuarter. s. d. 1878 46 5 24 4 1883 31 10 21 5 1888 16 9 1893 2 5 7 18 9 The total number of people engaged in England and Wales in agriculture and fishing, taken together, in 1891 was 1,336,945. The total value of the principal crops produced in Great Britain in 1893 and Ireland in 1892 in thousands of bushels was as follows : CROPS. Gt. Britain. Ireland. Wheat Oats 112,887 51,886 In 1892 there was imported into the United King- dom .24.857,002 of wheat, ^12,267,433 of wheat flour, g,- 425,211 of maize, ^5,013,546 of oats, .4,313,902 of barley. The amount of live stock in the United Kingdom in 1894 was: Horses, 2,067,549; cattle, 11,519,417; sheep, 33,- 672,208 ; pigs, 3,265,898. The condition of the agricultural laborer is stated by the Royal Commission on Labour to be much improved since the terrible days before 1834 or even 1850. Even yet, however, his wages, as based upon 38 estimates of the mean rates for all the districts inquired into by the Assistant Commissioners on Agricultural Labor, is stated to be only 13^. yi. pel- week. The Richmond Commission of 1879-81 put it 13.?. .d. per week. The average earnings of the Scotch agricultural laborers are said to be about 185. gd. per week. Much attention has been given to allotments in England. The Allotment Act of 1887 appointed a com- Agriculture. Agriculture. mission on the subject, and authorized compensation for growing crops, etc. The Local Government Act of 1894 empowers the parish councils to acquire, compul- sorily if necessary, land to be given out in allotments. The number of British allotments, detached from cot- tages and under one acre, was : In 1873 246,398 1888 357,795 1890 ..455,005 Ag: 1889. A National Agricultural Union has recently been formed to aid land-owners, give State-aided pen- sions to workingmen, to establish a Produce Post, im- prove the Agricultural Holdings Act, etc. The English Land Restoration League (q.v.) is working, on the other hand, through the Red Van movement to preach col- lectivist ideas among the agricultural laborers. NUMBER OF AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS IK EACH CLASS.* PROPORTIONAL NUMBER PER CENT OF HOLDINGS. Classification of Holdings. England. Wales. Scot- land. Great Britain. 1 England. Wales. Scot- land. Great Britain. No. No. No. No. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. From Ji acre to i acre .... 21,069 1,083 1,360 23,512 5.08 1.80 1.69 4-23 i " " 5 acres. ... 103,229 11,044 21,463 135,736 24.88 18.35 26.59 24.42 5 acres " 20 " .... 109,285 17,389 22,132 148,806 26.34 28.89 27.42 26.77 20 50 " .... 61,146 12,326 10,677 84,149 14.74 20.48 13-23 iS-M 50 100 " .... 44,893 10,044 9,778 64,715 10.82 16.69 I2.II 11.64 100 300 " 59,180 7,844 12,549 79,573 14.26 13.03 15-55 I4-3 1 300 500 " ",452 389 2,034 13,875 2.76 0.65 2.52 2.50 500 " 1,000 " 4,131 63 632 4,826 0-99 O.IO 0.78 0.87 IM g 663 Total J*O yu 0.13 1 ' ' 4i4>95o 60,190 80,715 555,855 100.00 IOO.OO 100.00 100.00 ACREAGE OF AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS IN EACH CLASS. AVERAGE SIZE OF HOLDINGS. Classification of Holdings. England. Wales. Scot- land. Great Britain. England. Wales. Scot- land. Great Britain. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. 'rom % acre to i acre .... 9,988 53 677 I1 > 1 95 y* * K y* i " " 5 acres. .. . 286,526 34,532 68,619 389,677 2% 3* 3*4 2& 5 acres " 20 - " .... 1,219,663 200,169 236,995 1,656,827 ii& "K2 ic% ii 20 50 " 2,042,370 420,482 361,675 2,824,527 33^ 34 33M 33* 5O IOD " .... 3,285,350 735,671 725,499 4,746,520 73 * 73& 74& 73* loo 300 " .... 10,285,988 I > 2 33,374 2,139,133 13,658,495 I73S* I57& 170^ 171% 300 500 " ... 4,328,722 143,623 768,823 5,241,168 378 369* 378 377& 500 ' 1,000 " .... 2,697,794 39,703 409,641 3,147,228 882 6m 653 631^ T cx-ifi^" 648 M 652* T onil^ Total 735 I 3 Io ,373 I 37, IO 4 I >3 OI ^ | M*y u ^ T 5 2 3/ A i Jo 1 ?* 24,891,539 2,818,547 4,848,166 32,558,252 60 46% 60 58* THE COLONIES. India is chiefly an agricultural country. Since 1870, the Indian Government has systematically worked to foster and improve Indian agriculture. The following table, taken from the Official Statistical abstract relating to British India for 1892 India. (P- 143), shows the amount of land held direct from Government in 10 provinces of British India ; and also the number of estates, of holders, the average area of each estate, and its average assessment in rupees. Statistics for Bengal and Bombay are not available : ADMINISTRA- TION. No. of Estates. No. of Holders. Average Area of each Es- tate. Average Assess- ment. Madras N. W. Provs.... Oudh Punjab Central Provs. . . Berars 3,389,508 122,728 12,400 36,814 120,926 181.236 5,648,504 2,712,293 182,811 3,146,631 108,401 Acres. 158 360 J ,237 1,510 356 rs. a. p. IS 9 4 375 o o 1,168 o o 688 o o 57 o o Coorg 18 132 Assam Lower Burma .. Upper Burma . 783,744 942,159 508,017 712,026 506,804 4-93 9-65 6.05 5-13 5 6 i 8 10 o The Statesman's Year-Book gives the following statement of land tenure and revenue in India : "In provinces where the zamindari tenure prevails (i.e., where single proprietors or proprietary brother- hoods possess large estates of several hundreds or thousands of acres), the State revenue is assessed at an aliquot part (usually about one half) of the ascertained or assumed rental. The revenue is payable on each estate as a whole ; the assessment remaining unchang- ed for the period of settlement. In provinces where the rdyatwari tenure prevails (i.e., where each petty proprietor holds directly from the State, as a rule cul- tivates his own land, and has no landlord between him- self and the government), the revenue is separately assessed at an acreage rate on each petty holding, and land revenue becomes payable at once (or after a short term of grace in the case of uncleared lands) on all ex- tensions of cultivation. The ravatwari proprietor may throw up his holding, or any portion of it, at the begin- ning of any year after reasonable notice, whereas the zaminddr, or large proprietor, engages to pay the rev- enue assessed upon him throughout the term of the set- tlement." The following table, from the same source, shows, so far as returns are available, the class of tenure in each province : * From official agricultural returns for 1886. Agriculture. 26 Agriculture. ZAMfNDARI AND VILLAGE COMMU- NITIES. RAYATWARI, ETC. Area Sur- veyed. Acres. Population of Surveyed Area. Revenue Rx. Area Sur- veyed. Acres. Population of Surveyed Area. Revenue Rx. Northwest Provinces 52,604,874 151337,846 71,576,576 33,802,188 12,650,831 20,860,913 4,481,581 1,369,100 2,441,807 Oudh Punjab Berars 11,340,244 1,012,260 55,934,676 51,355,983 59,869,505 47,602,321 29,998,314 734,601 available. 2,850,009 173,055 645,699 22,557 923,800 Coorg 187,641 8,i8x Upper Burma 8,899 30,067,323 10,336,536 517,590 25,296,868 15,163,506 2,871,774 297,889 4,464,183 2,549,362 822,341 24,650 Bombay Sind Ajmere 980,172 244,469 12,889 statistics Bengal . , No The Statistical Abstract relating to British India (p. 191) gives the crops as follows, in acres devoted to each : Rice. Wheat. Other Food Grains. Sugar- Cane. Tea. Cotton. Oil Seeds. Indigo. Tobacco. 27,225,102 18,573,982 76,452,323 1,040,332 266,219 8,859,429 8,498,058 541,308 .327,121 The following table shows the staple articles of import from India into the United Kingdom in the years 1887-91 YEARS. Cotton. Wheat. Jute. Seeds. Tea. Rice. Indigo. 887 4,815,185 1,447,868 888 3,069,808 889 5,223,808 3,618,980 1,612,684 800 891 3,485,455 888,736 802 . 4,812,180 AUSTRALASIA. According to the Australian Handbook for 1894 (p. 121), by the returns collected for 1892 in Australasia, 9,468,- 949 acres of land were under cultivation. The princi- pal crops were : Wheat, 3,822,950 acres ; oats, 566,072 acres ; barley, 88,322 acres ; hay, 1,329,902 acres ; pota- toes, 109,005 acres ; other, 3,552,698 acres. The live stock in 1892 was : Horses, 1,832,815 ; cattle, 12,437,165 ; sheep, 121,884,669 ; pigs, 1,112,316. Concerning the land tenure and condition of agricul- ture, the report on Australasia of the Royal Commission on Labour says of the different colonies : "Under the Land Act of 1890 pastoral lands are leased in Victoria in allotments capable of carrying from 1000 to 4000 sheep and 150 to 500 head of cattle, for any term not exceeding 14 years, from December, 1884. The rent of these allotments is computed at is. per head of sheep and 5^. per head of cattle. On the expiration of the lease the lessee is paid by the incoming tenant for the value of all improvements. The lessee may pur- chase 320 acres as a homestead during the currency of his lease. Agricultural and grazing lands are leased in areas not exceeding 1000 acres for the same term of years ; at the end of the term the land reverts to the Crown, and an allowance is made for improvements. Agricultural allotments, not exceeding 320 acres, may be selected after the issue of a grazing lease, which must be improved during the first five years to the value of i an acre. The holder pays rent at the rate of is. an acre, and at the expiration of six years may purchase his holding at 14$. an acre, or lease it at 2S. an acre for 14 years, after which it becomes freehold. In New South Wales the territory is divided into three zones eastern, central, and western. The maximum territory allowed in the eastern division is 640 acres, in the central, 2560. In addition to the selection, an area, not to exceed three times that of the selection, may be leased at an annual rental, with right to purchase during the currency of the lease. A first payment of zs. an acre must be made in advance, and after an interval of three years the next instalment of is. an acre is pay- able. In Queensland the maximum area which may be selected is 100 acres for homesteads and from 320 to 1280 for other selections. The selector occupies the land under a licence at a rental of not less than j,d. an acre. If he complies with conditions as to fencing and simi- lar matters, he may obtain a lease for 50 years, and his rent will be fixed by the Land Board every five years. He may purchase at not less than ios. an acre on proving residence for five years, rent already paid be- ing reckoned as purchase-money. In South Australia leases with the right to purchase are issued for 21 years, and the purchase may be made after six years' rental, at not less than $s. an acre. In the southwestern district of Western Australia the maximum area which may be selected is 100 acres, but in the other divisions ef the colony land may be taken up by selectors, who need not reside, in areas of from 100 to 5000 acres at not less than ips. an acre, payable in 10 yearly instalments. If selections are made without residence in the south- western division, double the amount must be paid. Selections may be made in New Zealand of not more than 620 acres of first-class, or 2000 acres of second- class land ; the price varies from $s. to 40.?. an acre. Deferred payment is permitted at 25 per cent, advance on cash prices, and perpetual leases are granted for 30 years, with right of renewal for 21 years at a rental of 5 per cent, on the cash price. A bill has, however, been introduced into the New Zealand Parliament, which is designed to take away the right of purchase in perpetual lease. . . . "Corn-growing is not as yet of the same value to the Australasian colonies as the breeding of sheep and cat- tle, but with the spread of irrigation it will probably increase. Wheat is principally cultivated in South Australia, Victoria, and New Zealand, oats in Victoria and New Zealand, barley in Victoria, and maize in Agriculture. 27 Agriculture. New South Wales and Queensland. The value of agri- cultural produce throughout Australia in 1890-91 is es- timated at 76,000,000. Within recent years irrigation colonies, on the model of those established successfully in Southern California, have been formed at Mildura in Victoria and Denmark in South Australia, for the purpose of fruit-growing. The land is granted to cul- tivators in blocks of one square mile and upwards, and the colony, as a whole, shares in the expenses of the irrigation works, which fertilise the whole domain. Upward of 90 miles of main irrigation have already been constructed, with 140 miles of subsidiary channels, and some 6000 or 7000 acres of fruit orchards planted. The results already achieved after four years of exist- ence are remarkable, and it is proposed to found an agricultural and horticultural college to promote im- proved methods of culture. Wages paid to agricul- tural labourers in Victoria for 1890 averaged 22$. id. a week for ploughmen, us. nrf. for female servants, igj. <)d. for farm labourers, 32$. 6d. for mowers, 25^. &d. for married couples, and 30.?. \d. for reapers. In all these cases rations were also given ; threshers and hop-pick- ers, who are paid by the bushel, do not receive rations, and get qd. and -$\d. a bushel respectively. In 1891 these wages had decreased from i to 3 per cent., except in the case of married couples and dairymaids, whose wages showed a small increase. " The importance of the pastoral industry is shown by the fact that there are in Australia and New Zealand 116,037,360 sheep and 10,953,551 cattle, whilst the capital invested in the industry amounts to .300,000,000. About 50,000 persons are employed in ordinary pastoral labour, whilst in the shearing season this number is doubled. The total amount of wool produced in New Zealand and Australia in 1889 was 535,435,633 Ibs., worth 21,887,- 754 viz., 49,500,000 Ibs. more than to 1888. In 1890-91, 618,- 052 bales of wool were exported from Australia, 83 per cent, of which were shipped to London. Nevertheless, the profits of the industry have greatly diminished in recent years, and the governments of the different col- onies are endeavouring to let their land in smaller areas and to encourage the growth of food-stuffs and the rearing of cattle. This diminution in the profits of pastoralists has been brought about in part by changes in the land laws. Settlers, who took up large areas when land was cheap, thinking that they would have the pre-emptive right to other large tracts, find that the loss of this right has diminished the value of their holdings. Indeed, station property is said to have de- creased 50 per cent, in value during the last few years. Again, other settlers have suffered much loss from rab- bits and marsupials ; though one squatter spent 10,000 on wire netting, he lost his sheep through allowing one hill to remain unfenced. In 1890-91 the Victorian Gov- ernment spent .37,000 in attempting to exterminate rabbits on the Crown lands." CANADA. The chief industry of Canada is agriculture ; 45 per cent, of her people are engaged in agriculture. Accord- ing to the census of 1891, the area of improved land in Canada was 28,537,242 acres, of which 19,904,826 were under crop. Only 10 per cent, of the land is yet under crop or pasture. The wheat crop of 1890 was 42,144,779 bush., of which 21,314,582 came from Ontario and 16,- 092,220 from Manitoba. The live stock in 1891 was : Horses, 1,441,037 ; cattle, 4,060,662; sheep, 2,513,977; swine, 1,702,785. The export of wheat from Canada into the United Kingdom was in 1892, 10,658,284 bush., India sending 23,324,825 and the United States 112,313,077. The timber wealth of Canada is very great. Accord- ing to Government returns in 1891, it amounted to 4,942,462 cubic feet, besides railroad poles, ties, shingles, etc. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. Up to December, 1891, 94,265,893 acres had been aliena- ted, leaving 40,979,890 acres. In the year ending March 31, 1891, the products were : Wheat, 2,727,490 bush. ; oats, 1,810,130; barley, 923,065; Kafir corn, 1,387,710 bush.; 6,012,522 gals, of wine; 1,423,- 043 of brandy ; 56,038,659 Ibs. of wool ; 6,833,660 of mohair, 3,228,094 of hides and skins, 2,801,398 of butter; 2,599,147 of raisins ; 30,344,400 oranges. (C) AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. Austria-Hungary is an empire where such different forms of tenure and such different conditions obtain in various parts of the empire that general statistics are misleading. The revolution of 1848, abolishing the old feudal burdens on the land, practically transformed the small peasant farmers into independent proprietors, while tlie great proprietors, unprovided with capital to hire farm hands, had to divide their large demesnes to a considerable extent into small holdings. The Report on Austria of the (English) Royal Commission on Labour says (p. 72) : "Large manorial landed estates, or /atifundia, are chiefly found in Bohemia, which has been called 'the stronghold of the feudal aristocracy,' and in Galicia, Moravia, and Lower Austria. They are very rare m Carinthia and Salzburg, and in Dalmatia, where the large properties are chiefly in the hands of the mer- chant or capitalist class, they are practically unknown. Adopting the division of Professor von Inama Stern- egg, who estimates as large landed proprietors (Gross- grundbesitzer) all who pay a yearly land tax of at least 1000 florins within one administrative area, the following table may be drawn up to illustrate the dis- tribution of these great estates in the various provinces of the Empire : Distribution of Large Landed Estates in Austria. TERRITORIES. No. of large Landed Estates. Percentage of Total Number of large Landed Estates in Austria. Percent- age of Land Taxa- tion. 10.7 11.97 Upper Austria 36 7.20 Salzburg o.l 0.90 Styria .... 2.6 6.49 0.8 1.81 0.4 1.71 Coast Lands Tyrol and Vorarlberg Bohemia 23 10 678 J-3 0.6 37-6 1.81 3-29 30.83 13.7 14.82 69 3.8 2.19 14.85 1.4 1.27 Dalmatia 0.4 0.86 Total .. 1,805 IOO.O IOO.O The large landed proprietors of Austria form one of the main electoral groups in Austria's at present (1895) very limited suffrage, a condition which is bitterly at- tacked by the Socialists. In Hungary, according to an official statement of 1893, quoted in The Statesman s Year Book^ the ownership of land was as follows : OWNERSHIP. Acres. Percentage of total Area. State 5-68 5 1 .10 4.79 Districts and parishes 12,338,930 617,615 17.69 .89 Church 3,229,257 4-63 Educational 189,145 .27 Private 45,631,54 65-44 Total IOO.OO According to a statement of 1888, the size of properties in Hungary and the number of proprietors was : Number. Total Area Acres. Unde 43 286 1,430 Over r 43 acres 2 8 " 2,348,107 118,981 13,757 4,695 231 21,489,900 9,639,600 20,363,200 9,523,800 5,619,900 According to the Oesterr. Stat. Handbuch (1892, pp. Agriculture. 28 Agriculture. 126-127), the average area devoted in Austria for 10 years (1881-90) was as follows : Wheat i,iog,42i Rye 1,976,950 Barley 1,096,057 Oats 1,833,128 Maize 360,921 Leguminous produce .. 267,248 Potatoes 1,063,598 Vines 224,451 Beet-root (for sugar) 204,541 Grass and clover for hay 3,938,943 Concerning the general condition of the agricultural population in Austria the Report of the (English) Royal Commission on Labour says (pp. 74-75): " It appears that the agrarian question is, not without reason, a matter for serious anxiety in Austria. The decay of peasant proprietorship (Bauernstand) is espe- cially regretted by politicians and economists. In 1881, in a single district (Bezirk) in Styria, no fewer than 700 small farms were put up for sale, and in one commune (Genteinde) the peasant proprietors had diminished by 33 within a very few years. Large numbers of peas- ant holdings have been bought up by the great land- owners, by corporate associations (Gewerkschafteti), or, as has been particularly the case in Galicia, by the Jews. ' Large estates,' says Dr. Michael Hainisch, referring specially to the Alpine districts, ' accumulate in a few hands, the free peasant proprietor (Bauer) leaves the home of his fathers, which falls to a depend- ent tenant farmer (Meier) unless the new possessor prefers to turn the fields into forest. . . . One hears everywhere of the distress of the small farmer, seldom of his prosperity.' At a general meeting of peasant proprietors, which was held at Wiener- Neustadt in March, 1892, a small farmer from Pottendorf (Lower Austria) described the position of his class in strong terms. 'Things cannot go on,' he said, 'as they are. We are no longer able to bear the burden of taxation. Our families live on potatoes and dumplings (Knodel\ and meat is only seen upon our tables once a year.' " Where the small independent farmer is not actually driven from the land by the pressure of competition and the burden of land taxation, which is said to fall comparatively more heavily on the small than on the large landed proprietors, he is often forced to sink into the position of a tenant, or to see his estate broken up into small holdings. The old patriarchal system, in which master and man ' ate at the same board,' and shared the same hearth, still prevails in the Alpine dis- tricts, but has almost disappeared elsewhere, more especially in Bohemia and Moravia. Custom is every- where giving place to competition. Dr. Hainisch is of opinion that except in the neighbourhood of the towns, where intensive farming brings in rich returns, or in those mountainous regions where the homesteads are large enough to make cattle-farming profitable, the peasant farm in Austria is destined either to be absorb- ed by the large landed estate or to be broken up into a number of small holdings (Parcellen). As education and the means of communication spread, many peasant proprietors will, he thinks, voluntarily exchange their immediate interest in the land for trade investments, or for tenant-farming under a landlord, while many others will sink into the position of day labourers, and those who remain on their estates will lose their conser- vative character, and adopt new methods and ideas. A recent writer in the Sozialpolitisches Centralblatt also states that 'the very conditions of existence (Existenzbedingungeri) of the smaller land proprie- tors seem to be threatened, and thereby one of the strongest supports of the whole constitutional system (Staatswesen) to be shaken.' " The condition of the agricultural day labourer is also far from satisfactory. Writing in 1872, Dr. Krafft stat- ed that at that time this class, at least in Bohemia, was chiefly recruited from the ranks of the cotters (Hausler}, market-gardeners (Gartler), and landless workmen (Miethsleute). Their wages were very low, while prices were so high that they were forced to live on water gruel, potato soup, bread, and dumplings." The report also gives the following table of daily wages for agricultural laborers in 1891 as taken from official calculations : TERRITORIES. Without Board. With Board. Lower Austria Kreutzer. Kreutzer. 66 Upper Austria Salzburgh 102.5 .s TERRITORIES. Without Board. With Board. Styria Kreut-zer. 86 Kreutzer, .5 Carinthia. 87 Carniola 82 Coast Lands 88 Tyrol and Vorarlberg... 67 Bohemia 6* Moravia 18 Silesia 66 Galicia .... Bukowina . eg 7 ^6 c Dalmatia 66 (d) BELGIUM. Belgium is a land of very small holdings. In 1845 there were 572,550 holdings; in 1880, 910,396. In size they were : Less than i hectare 594, 376- From i to 5 hectares 226,088 5 to 10 10 to 20 " 20 to 50 Above 50 48,390 25,893 12,186 3,403 Hectare = 2,47 acres. In 1880, 713,019 hectares were worked by owners, 1,270,- 512 by farmers. The main crops are wheat, oats, rye, potatoes. Agri- cultural statistics are at present collected by the Gov- ernment only once in every 10 years, and the most recent which have as yet been published are those for the year 1880. At that date the total number of men and woman engaged in agriculture throughout the kingdom was 1,199,319, or 21.77 per cent, of the whole population of the country ; 44.02 per cent, of the per- sons employed were women. (e) DENMARK. There is much subdivision of the soil in Denmark. The law is such as to prevent the formation of large estates out of small ones, while it is favorable to the division of land. The tenant has by law complete control of the land he rents. Twenty per cent, of the area of Denmark is unpro- ductive, and of this about one sixth is peat bogs. Six per cent, of the productive area is forest, and of the re- mainder more than one half is pasture and meadow land. The area under the different crops is divided as fol- lows : Corn, 3,029,404 acres ; potatoes, 128,849 acres ; clover, 456,585 acres. In 1891 the principal crops were ; Oats, 33,059,265 bush. ; barley, 22,571,447 bush. ; potatoes, 13,913,122 bush. ; rye, 18,677,262 bush. The value of the crops in 1891 was 355,214 kroner. Live stock in Denmark in 1888 were in numbers as follows: 1,459,527 head of cattle, 375,533 horses, 1,225,- 196 sheep, 770,785 swine. In 1892 Denmark exported 108,988 head of cattle ; 11,578 horses, and 185,844 swine. The total production of brandy in Denmark in 1892 was 7,435,388 gals. (/) FRANCE. Agriculture in France, according to the most recent statistics (census of 1886), employs 17,698,402 persons. Of the total area (52, 857,199 hectares), 36,977,098 hectares are under crops, fallow, and grasses ; 8,397,131 are forests : 6,986,678 are devoted to wheat ; 3,812,852 to oats ; 1,541,- 836 to rye ; 1,512,136 to potatoes: 1,792,816 to vines ; 1,120,- 764 to clover ; 5,228,080 to pasture. According to the Annuaire de I'Economie Publiqite for 1894, edited bv Maurice Block, the wheat crop was 97,923,075 hectolitres ; the rye was 22,802,805 hectolitres ; wine was produced of a superior quality, valued at 149,- 518,000 frs., and of the ordinary quality at 1,107,009,000 frs. Silk culture is carried on in 24 departments, em- ploying 141.500 persons. The land is divided into small holdings. According to La Grande Encyclopedic, vol. xvii., p. 1006, the num- ber of land holdings in 1891 was about 14,000,000, owned by about 8,000,000 persons, of which about 5,000,000 own agricultural holdings. According to official report for 1882, the agricultural holdings were as follows : Agriculture. 29 Agriculture. From 1.5 hectares. io. 20 . . " 20.30 30.40 ^ Proportion of the whole agricultural ar 1,866 ii 769 12 43' 13 Over Total 3,504 98 The small holdings are mainly in the departments of the Seine, the Rhone, Belfort, the North, Puy-de-D6me, Haute-Garonne, Gard. () GERMANY. Of the area of Germany, 94 per cent, is classed as pro- ductive and only 6 per cent, as unproductive. The acres given to the principal crops in 1892 were as fol- lows: Wheat, 4,879,860 ; barley, 4,174,537 ; oats, 9,849,666 ; rye, 14,026,470. In 1891 there were raised 18,558,379 tons of potatoes, 18,715,112 of hay, 9,488,002 of beet-root (sugar), 743,462 gals, of wine. In 1882 the total number of agricultural inclosures of all kinds, each cultivated by one household, was as follows : Under i Hectare. Between i and io Hectares. Between io and ioo Hectares. Above Hectares. Total. 2,323*316 2,274,096 653,941 24,991 5,276,344 These farms supported 18,840,818 persons, of whom 8,120,518 were actually working upon them. The system of land tenure and the condition of agri- cultural population is very different in different por- tions of the empire. In Prussia complete free trade in land exists. Or the various portions of the empire the report on Germany of the (English) Royal Commis- sion on Labour says : "In Westphalia and Oldenburg the agricultural la- bourer rents a small plot of ground from hisemployer on condition of giving him a certain number of days work in return for a lower rate of wages than would other- wise be paid in the district. The labourer (Heuerliny) is a small cultivator on his own account, not as a rule rich enough to possess a team of horses, but allowed the use of his employer's team when necessary, and receiving other assistance in kind. The relations be- tween the two parties are reported to be more favour- able than in any other part of Germany ; the employer is secure of a sufficient amount of labour, and the la- bourer in most cases contrives to amass considerable savings. Many families remain for centuries upon the same farms, and although their holdings are only on short leases, renewable at will, they come to regard them as their own property. Many of them add to their in- come by home industries, such as weaving, and occa- sionally, when there is little for them to do at home, they cross the border into Holland for a few months and work for wages. " In Southern Germany the same system of small hold- ings prevails, but here the labourer is himself a small freeholder, who ekes out the scanty resources of his own property by performing service for the farmers (Bauer) with more land than they can cultivate them- selves. This becomes the more necessary, because on the death of the small freeholder any land which he has accumulated does not pass intact to his appointed heir, as in Westphalia. It is, as a rule, subdivided amongst his children, who must recommence the labo- rious process of saving, if they are ever to be in a posi- tion of independence. " Mid-Germany i.e., the district between the Weser and Elbe, is the home of the different classes of peasant farmers (Bauer), and of what are known as free labour- ers (freie Landarbeiter). These are drawn from differ- ent classes of the village population, possessing larger or smaller plots of land held on different systems of tenure handed down from feudal times, and known as Kotter, Brinksitzer, Hausler, or Anbauer. To the larger farmer (Bauer), or to the large landed proprietor (Guts- besitzer), they are all merely day-labourers in the strictest sense of the term. " In the wide expanse of territory east of the Elbe the contract between the agricultural labourer and hisem- ployer takes a great variety of forms ; but in what Professor Knapp calls the most typical districts, where g^eat estates (Rittergtiter) are numerous and settle- ments of peasant farmers (Bauer ndorfer) few, the most usual form has hitherto been that known as socage- tenancy (Instenweseri). Here 'the landowner enters into a contract for a lengthened period, which assures him of the services not of an individual merely, but of a family. The family is settled in a cottage upon the landlord's estate, and must be prepared to provide a man and an assistant a so-called socager (Schar- werker)\.o perform the agricultural labour required upon the estate. A very small daily wage is paid in return ; the socage tenant generally receives a por- tion of garden ground for his own use in addition to his house, and a few acres of land are cultivated for him within the estate ; whatever these produce, whether corn, other kinds of produce, or potatoes, belongs to the socage tenant (Inste). Finally, the socage tenant has a right to thresh his landlord's corn during the winter in return for a certain proportion cf the yield.' This remuneration in kind is often more than he can use, but he is at liberty to sell it, and the proceeds, together with a very small daily wage, rep- resent the extent of his pecuniary resources. As a rule he owns a cow or a few sheep, and in all cases he keeps one or two pigs. As far as health and good nourish- ment are concerned the condition of such a labourer leaves little to be desired, and lately much has been done to remedy the miserable character of the cot- tages." Forestry in Germany is an industry of great impor- tance, conducted under the care of the State on scien- tific methods. About 34,347,000 acres, or 25.7 per cent, of the area of the empire, were estimated to be occu- pied by forests in 1889. In South and Central Germany from 30 to 38 per cent, of the surface is covered with forests ; and in parts of Prussia 20 per cent. From for- ests and domains alone Prussia receives revenue of about 4,000,000 sterling. (K) ITALY. Of the total area of Italy, 86.9 per cent, is considered productive. In 1892 11,188,048 acres were given to wheat, 773,485 to barley, 1,112,532 to oats, 354,774 to rye. Silk culture, though flourishing most extensively in Piedmont and Lombardy, is carried on all over Italy. In 1892 there were 531,869 persons employed in rearing silkworms, and 175,000 skilled and other workers (in- cluding 120,386 women and 36,586 children) were em- ployed in the treatment and manufacture of silk. In the census of December 31, 1881, there were 5,024,- 826 males of 15 years of age and upwards described as engaged in agriculture. The entire agricultural popu- lation, male and female, of 15 years and upwards, was thus about 10,000,000. According to last census, the number of persons of 15 years of age and upwards was to the whole population in the ratio of 678 to 1000 ; thus the whole agricultural population was computed to be 14,900,000. Concerning the general condition of the agricultural population the report on Italy of the (English) Royal Commission on Labour says (abridged) : " Agriculture has been called ' the backbone of Italy.' Very few parts of the civilized world, indeed, have a more distinctly agricultural character than this coun- try, where 'the rural labourers may be counted by millions, while the industrial operatives are only num- bered by thousands.' Great as is the importance of the agricultural question, however, it is extremely dif- ficult to grasp, owing to the extraordinary complexity and variety of the conditions of Italian land tenure. It includes the mediaeval manor (latifondo\ cultivated on the most primitive extensive system, the most per- fect system of intensive cultivation on a large scale ; ' petite culture' pushed to the extreme of specialisation, and the same methods applied to the most heterogeneous mixture of products ; rents varying from 5 lire to 2000 lire per hectare; peasant proprietorship, 'metayer' farming, feudal tenancies, and hired labour. In every separate district the phenomena of rural economy have special, exclusive, characteristic features, arising from an infinite diversity of local circumstances. "The net income of agricultural Italy is rather over 1,000,000,000 lire. Its direct taxes amount to 300,000,000, exclusive of the tax on salt, of the income tax (riccitfzza mobile), of the tax on cattle levied in many communes, of the indirect taxes, and, according to Sir D. Col- naghi, of 'the house tax,' which with the local sur- ' taxes amounts to about 139,000,000 lire.' " There are three typical forms of agrarian contract in Italy the ' metayer' system (mezzadria, mezzeria, colonid),m which the principle of profit-sharing finds its simplest expression ; the leasehold system (affitto), and the system of home cultivation by means or hired labourers (salurio). Each of these systems has given Agriculture 3 Agriculture, rise to innumerable deviations in practice, and each passes by insensible gradations into the other. Many agriculturists cultivate part of their land as metayers, part as leaseholders, and part as the farm servants of a landlord. "The 'metayer' system, according to the Italian Civil Code, is a contract by which the cultivator of a farm (mezzaiulo, mezzadro, colonti) has the right to divide with the proprietor the produce of the farm (Art. 1647 of the Civil Code) ; the loss through acci- dent of the whole or part of the harvest is borne in common by the proprietor and the metayer. "The wages of day labourers and farm servants vary in the different provinces, and according to capac- ity and occupation, from about 150 lire to some 300 or 400 lire per annum, but the general question of wages is complicated by the prevalence of the custom of mak- ing payments in kind, or partly in kind and partly in money, while some kinds of work, as, for instance, ploughing, manuring, and mowing, are often paid by the piece. Signer Bodio gives the average daily wages of an adult agricultural labourer at about 2 lire in summer and about i^ lire in winter. As during cer- tain portions of the year outdoor labour is at a stand- still, the average daily pay of an adult labourer during the whole year may be put at about i lire. Dairy- men get from 250 to 400 lire annually, with board ; cow- herds receive from 15 to QO lire per annum ; and casual labourers can earn about 450 or 500 lire in the course of the year, though they sometimes almost double this sum by odd jobs, and not unfrequently by rural thefts, while owing to their frugal habits their real wages are fairly high. Women earn about half as much as men, but they are often able to eke put their scanty wages by spinning, plaiting straw, as in Tuscany, or working in the silk-reeling mills, as in Piedmont and Lombardy. " Sicily, connected with the Italian kingdom, and yet separated from it, has special economic conditions complicated by the comparatively lawless state of society, and by the survival of ancient customs. The great stretches of treeless pasture land, cornfields, and fallows, which are found in the western provinces of the island, from Palermo to Girgenti, and from Trapani to Nicosia, are divided into large semi-fexidal estates or fiefs {latifondi ex-J ettdi) held by the descendants of the old nobility, or by rich bourgeois families. Most of these estates range from 500 to 1000 hectares in ex- tent, but many include 2000 or even 6000 hectares. On each fief there is a manor house (casamen(o\ usually in a state of dilapidation. The proprietors generally let the land for a money rent to rich manufacturers, for terms of years varying from three to six, or nine. These leaseholders, who are called gabellottior arbitri- anft, sometimes rent several properties, which they in turn sublet to other tenants. Somewhat primitive meth- ods of cultivation prevail, and a fourfold rotation of fal- low, wheat, barley, and pasture, which recalls mediae- val systemsof agriculture, is commonly observed. The peasants (villani) usually contract to plough and sow the lords' fields. "Turning now to the conditions under which the la- bouring classes in Sicily live, it appears that as a rule they are still very wretched and degraded. The day labourers are herded together in the towns in cottages, which are mere windowless hovels, where the common room is shared by the pigs and the poultry, and even occasionally by an ass or a mule. They have to go long distances each day to their work, and often, espe- cially when they are engaged by the week, they do not return to their homes in the evening, but sleep in the farmyard in which they are employed, or camp out in the fields. They migrate also from the plains to the mountains, as the different crops ripen in succession. In times of difficulty they have recourse to money- lenders, who exact a high rate of interest from them.' (') MEXICO. Agriculture in Mexico is still in a very primitive con- dition. Provision is made for the sale and occupation of public lands by a law of 1863. From 1877 to 1892, 15,680,631 hectares had been adjudicated for agricul- tural purposes, under 6093 titles. The Government has introduced into Mexico 1,181,000 vines, 26,000 olive trees, etc. The chief agricultural products are maize, barley, wheat, beans. Other products are coffee, tobacco, cotton, sugar-cane, rice, cocoa, etc. Large numbers of cattle are exported to the United States. (/) THE NETHERLANDS. The principal divisions of the area of the Nether- lands, according to the statistics of 1888, are as follows (in hectares, i hectare = 2.47 acres) ; cultivated land, 850,844; pasture land, 1,144,066; gardens and orchards,. 54,124 ; forest, 226,968 ; uncultivated land (heath), 712,523. The small estates are chiefly found in North Brabant, Guelders, Limburg, and Overyssel, while in South Holland, North Holland, Zealand, and Groningen large estates are more common. In 1891, 57.9 per cent, of all estates was held by the owners and 42.1 by the farm- ers. The estates in that year were in number as fol- lows : Above IOO Hec- tares. 206 From 75 to loo Hec- tares. 441 From 40 to 75 Hec- tares. From 20 to 40 Hec- tares. 18,361 From 10 to 20 Hec- tares. From 5 to 10 Hec- tares. Under 5 Hec- tares. 77,201 6,426 29,775 34.023 There were in the Netherlands in 1891, 271,900 horses j 1,532,100 cattle, 810,600 sheep, 987,900 swine. Of the area of Norway, only 3 per cent, is under cul- tivation, 22 per cent, is forest, and 75 per cent, is con- sidered unproductive. Most of the land is worked by owners in small holdings. In 1890, 10,478 acres were given to wheat, 122,040 to barley, 234,657 to oats. (/) ROUMANIA. The soil of Roumania is one of the most fertile in Eu- rope, and the annual export of wheat, rye, maize, bar- ley, rape-seed, pease, and wine is both large and in- creasing. The following table shows the chief cereals- grown in 1882 : ic id of ni es CKREAI.S. Hectares of Cultivated Land. Output in Tons. st Wheat )n Rye lv Barley 366,890 ft Oats : Maize 1,034,755 1,885,029 e. (m) RUSSIA. In Russia, in 1892, according to official data, 410,801,- 867 acres belonged to the State, 373,310,496 to peasants, 294,504,582 to proprietors, and 19,890,835 to the imperial family; 210,058,770, largely belongingto the State, was unfit for culture. The Statesman's Year Book gives the following statement as to the Russian village com- munities. (See RUSSIA.) The state of the redemption operation among the village communities of liberated serfs is seen from the following accounts up till October i, 1893. The ac- counts are shown separately for Russia and the west- ern provinces, where the conditions of redemption were more liberal for the peasants, according to the laws of 1863. in he n. y- Russia. Western Provinces. Number of male peasants who redeemed the land with State n- m Number of acres redeemed 61,544,610 27,505,195 }2> Value of the land, in roubles . .. 703,645,091 185,572,593 il- as ;s, Average price of the allotment. Average size of allotment, in io6r. oc. 64T. 560. y. Average price of the acre ur. 400. 6r, 5oc. o, Average former debt of the ot landowner to the State mort gage bank, per allotment Average sum paid to the land- 3?r. 33 C - z6r. 99C. 68r. 670. Moreover, 102,396 leaseholders redeemed their allot- ments (1,882,574 acres) for the sum of 21,243,401 roubles,. Agriculture. Agriculture. in South Russia and the western provinces, according to the laws of 1868-88, which recognize private owner- ship of land. In 1892 the total land and that held in private owner- ship was as follows : NATURE OF LAND. Total. In Private Own- ership. Acres. 287,969,552 174,958,734 425,520,714 210,058,770 Per cent. 26.2 iS-9 38.8 19. i Acres. 80,063,271 68,628,269 110,697,486 35i"5i5 66 Per cent . 27.3 23.2 37-6 11.9 Orchards, mead- ow, grazing, etc. Unfit for culture, roads, etc Total 1,098,507,780 IOO.OO 294,504,582 IOO.OO From 1883 to 1887 in Russia in Europe, exclusive of Poland, an average of 28,882,440 acres were devoted to wheat, 12,442,950 to barley, 34,886,700 to oats, 64,611,- 810 to rye. In 1888 there were 19,633,340 horses, 24,609,- 260 horned cattle, 44,465,450 sheep. The North Caucasus is becoming more and more a granary for Russia, and the crops of 1892 in the three provinces of Kuban, Stav- ropol, and Terek were : Wheat, 7,654,800; rye, 1,185,200 ; barley, 2,333,000 ; oats, 2,054,300 ; various, 1,069,300 ; total, 15,296,600 quarters ; potatoes, 714,600 quarters. The amount of hay gathered in 1892 attained 30,000- ooo tons in European Russia and 335,000 tons in Poland. (ri) SERVIA. Servia, though yet in a backward state, raised in 1891 wheat valued at .1,780,200 ; maize, .1,272,960 ; rye, ^388,800 ; barley, .345,216 ; oats, .226,592, besides large quantities of cattle, sheep, and pigs. (o) SPAIN. The productive area of Spain, reckoned at 79.65 per cent, of the whole, may be classed as follows: 1.6 per cent, olive culture, 3.7 vineyards, 19.7 grass, 20.8 fruits, 33.8 agriculture and gardens. The vine is the most im- portant feature in agriculture, and the area under vines was in 1888, 5,000,000 acres, the total production of wine being 616,000,000 gals. Oranges, grapes, nuts, and olives are raised also in large quantities for export. The leading crops are wheat, rye, barley, maize, hemp, flax, and pulse. The soil in Spain is greatly subdivided, and this sub- division has much increased of late years. In the year 1800 there were 273,760 proprietors, owning 677,520 farms, and there were 403,760 farmers. Now under the property tax the 3,426,083 assessments may be divided as follows : Properties paying 1 From From i to 10 Reales. From 10 to 20 Reales. From 20 to 40 Reales. From 4otOioo Reales. From loo to 200 Reales. From 200 to 5o Reales. 500 to 10,000 Reales and up- ward. 624,920 511,666 642,377 788,184 416,546 165,202 279,188 (/) SWEDEN. Only 8.1 per cent, of the area of Sweden is under cul- tivation, but the valuable forests cover 44.8 per cent., and the meadows 4.0 per cent. There are 328,646 culti- vated farms, which may be classed as follows : Farms of 2 Hectares and under. 2 to 20 Hec- tares. 20 to ioo Hec- tares. ioo Hectares and above. 70,652 210,586 32,280 3- I2 9 In 1892 the value of all the cereal crops of Sweden was about 271,000,000.7 kroner. In i8gi the area under the principal crops was as fol- lows (in thousands of hectares) : Wheat, 71.0 ; oats, 806.2 ; rye, 395.9 ; potatoes, 156.5. The yield of the principal products in 1892 was (in thousands of hecto- litres) : Oats, 24,472.2; rye, 9,306.1 ; barley, 5,015.3; wheat, 1,607.0 ; potatoes, 20,931.9. In 1891 there were in Sweden 2,420,110 head of cattle, 1,345,337 sheep, 489,045 horses, and 655, 373 swine. In 1891, 30,000 cattle and 27,000 sheep were exported. (q) SWITZERLAND. The Report on Switzerland to the (English) Royal Commission, affording the most recent information, says : " The total area of Switzerland is 15,964 square miles, and of this nearly one fourth is unproductive. Of the re- mainder, 5,378,122 acres are under cultivation ; the ara- ble land covers an area of 1,533,093 acres, or 28.5 per cent, of the whole ; 31.9 per cent, is meadow land ( Wie- sen), 36.5 per cent, pure pasturage ( Weideri), vineyards cover 1.6 per cent., and gardens 1.5 per cent, of the total area. The number of persons employed in the various branches of agriculture is 1,168,137, or more than half of the total population. The most important branches of agriculture are cattle-breeding, grass and fodder growing, and the milk and cheese industries, but though these occupations form the chief support of the agricultural population, it is a rare thing to find a peas- ant family which subsists solely on the produce of the land. Industry and agriculture are very closely con- nected in Switzerland ; 'the peasant -when unoccupied by his land easily finds some useful employment in a multiplicity of other labours, varying from tree-felling- and wood-carving to the manufacture of watch-springs. The artisan or factory-hand is, on the other hand, gen- erally half a peasant, possessing some few square yards of land, with a cow or a few goats.' " The Swiss system of land tenure, which is favourable to the formation of small freeholds, also contributes to the prosperity of the agricultural population. By far the greater part of the land is held in farms varying in size from 2 to 5 hectares, and in many industrial dis- tricts an innumerable quantity of minute holdings are to be found cultivated by members of the working class. The subdivision of property is in many districts carried to excess. This system is the foe to agricultur- al enterprise and one of the causes of the constant emi- gration from the pastoral districts. No Federal land code exists, but each canton possesses the power of framing its own laws relating to the tenure of land. In Aargau, Thurgau, and certain other cantons, there- fore, the Government has passed laws fixing the limit to the subdivision of the land at a minimum ranging- from 5000 to 20,000 square feet. The question of rent is. an unimportant one in Switzerland, as it is rare to find a farm which is not worked by the owners ; but owing to the continual subdivision of property the land is in many cases heavily mortgaged. "The existence of large areas of common land (All- mend) in Switzerland is of great benefit to the agricul- tural classes. These lands are said to be a survival from the times when the whole soil of the country was held by the nation in common., The first departure from this custom was made by the Romans, who grant- ed lands to veteran soldiers ; gifts of land to religious foundations to the Abbey of St. Gall, for example, in the eighth century did still more to establish the prin- ciple of private property ; but even as late as the thir- teenth and fourteenth centuries by far the greater part of the soil of Switzerland was held in common. In. 1803, under the influence of ideas which found expres- sion in the French Revolution, the commcn lands were to a great extent sold by the communes to private per- sons. It was believed that private ownership would lead to better cultivation and to the eventual decrease of poverty, but the result showed that the step had led in most cantons to the increase of pauperism. The common lands now existing include (i) gardens, or- chards, and vineyards, situated for the most part in valleys or on hill-sides ; (2) pasture lands both in the lowlands and on mountains ; (3) forests, where the in- habitants of the commune have the right of gathering firewood ; (4) marshes, ponds, peat bogs, and the shores of lakes. " Where farms are large enough to absorb more labour than the family of the owner can supply, they are cul- tivated by a staff of permanent labourers, who live with their employer and practically form part of his family. These labourers are engaged for long periods, and the best relations subsist between them and their employ- ers. Day labourers, on the other hand, find themselves Agriculture. 3 2 Agriculture. in a very unstable position, as the demand for extra labour is not continuous, but confined to certain sea- sons of the year, such as the hay harvest. The wages of farm labourers are paid either entirely in cash or partly in cash and partly in food, etc. The money wage varies between 7 and 10 frs. a week, while the cost "of maintenance probably amounts to from 90 cents, to 1.25 per day. A non-contract labourer, working from 280 to 290 days a year, makes a daily average of from 2 frs. 50 c. to 3 frs. 50 c. The wages of boys and wom- en may be reckoned at about 85 per cent, of the wages earned by adult males. Considerable differences are of course noticeable in different cantons : in Berne the average wages of male labourers are from 260 to 365 frs. a year, but good cowherds and stablemen are not to be had for less than from 400 to 600 frs. or even more. The average wages in Berne, Neuchatel, and Vaud are 2 frs. 50 c. a day in winter, 3 frs. 50 c. in sum- mer, and about 4 frs. during the harvest. The wages of contract labourers were formerly paid by the year ; now, however, monthly or even weekly payments are more general, and the mobility of labour which this change implies does not contribute to the advantage of the farmer. " The depressed state of agriculture has already caus- ed considerable emigration from the rural districts ; in 1860 the agricultural population of Zurich was estimat- ed at 107,000 persons, including women and children ; in 1870 this number had sunk to 104,000, and in 1880 fur- ther emigration had reduced it to 94,000. This state of things causes much uneasiness, and both the Cantonal and Federal governments have recently been called upon to determine the best means of fostering the agri- cultural interests of the country. In 1883 a Federal de- partment of agriculture was established, and nearly every canton has framed laws which tend to the ad- vancement of agriculture. During the years 1883-87 the grants made towards this object have been .12,120 per annum." (/-) TURKEY. Of Turkey it is impossible to get exact statistics. The Statesman's Year Book says : " Land in Turkey is held under four different forms of tenure viz. : (i) as ' miri,' or Crown lands ; (2) as lands, which form the largest portion of the territory of the Sultan, are held direct from the Crown. The Government grants the right to cultivate an unoccu- pied tract on the payment of certain fees, but continues to exercise the rights of seigniory over the land in question, as is implied in the condition that if the owner neglects to cultivate it for a period of three years it is forfeited to the Crown. The second form of tenure, the ' vacouf,' was instituted originally to provide for the religion of the State and the education of the people, by the erection of mosques and schools; but this object has been set aside or neglected for several generations, and the ' vacouf lands have mostly been seized by Government officials. The third class of landed property, the 'mulikaneh,' was granted to the spahis, the old feudal troops, in recompense for the military service required of them, and is hereditary and exempt from tithes. The fourth form of tenure, the 'miilk,' or freehold property, does not exist to a great extent. Some house property in the towns and of the land in the neighbourhood of villages is 'mulk,' which the peasants purchase from time to time from the Government. " Only a small proportion of arable land is under cul- tivation, owing principally to the want of roads and means of conveyance, which preclude the possibility of remunerative exportation. " The system of levying a tithe on all produce leaves no inducement to the farmer to grow more than is re- quired for his own use or in his immediate proximity. The agricultural development of the country is further crippled by custom dues for the exportation of produce from one province to another. " The system of agriculture is most primitive. The soil for the most part is very fertile ; the principal prod- ucts are tobacco, cereals of all kinds, cotton, figs, nuts, almonds, grapes, olives, all varieties of fruits. Coffee, madder, opium, gums are largely exported. It is estimated that 44,000,000 acres of the empire in Europe and Asia are under cultivation. Since the ravages produced by the phylloxera in France, Turkish wines have been largely exported to that country ; 20,308,521 litres in 1887-88, at an average cost of 31 francs the hectolitre. The forest laws of the empire are based on those of France, but restrictive regula- tions are not enforced, and the country is being rapidly deprived of its timber. About 21,000,000 acres are under forest, of which 3,500,000 acres are in European Turkey. The culture of silkworms, which had fallen off con- siderably, owing to disease amongthe worms, is again becoming an important feature. The value of cocoons produced in 1892 was over .800,000, and of raw silk /i, 200,000. The produce of 1893 was 20 per cent, superior. Most of the silk produced is exported, but some is used in the manufacturing of native dress material." III. The Economics of Agriculture. The importance of the part played in the so- cial and industrial life of man by agriculture and by the persons actively engaged in or direct- ly dependent upon agricultural employments it would be hard to overestimate. In the United States 44 per cent, of the population employed in gainful occupations are engaged in agriculture directly. Since 1820 the proportion of agricul- tural exports from the United States, compared with all its other exports, is as 78 to 22. But this shows only its direct influence. In- directly it influences all occupations. If 44 per cent, of our population are prosperous, it must affect the remaining 56 per cent. On the other hand, let the 44 per cent, engaged in agriculture be in distress, and it must affect every other class. This is not only because every man and woman and child in the country must consume the products of agriculture, but because the size of the farm population makes it the one great market for almost all manufactured articles which relate to the necessities of life, and be- cause the agricultural element affects our poli- tics and furnishes the great bulk of our materials of commerce. In every way it would be hard to overestimate the importance of this greatest in- dustry of the world. It was not until the tribes of the world first commenced agriculture, and so gave up their nomadic habits and settled down in fixed homes, that civilization can be said to have really commenced. On the other hand, there is probably no occupation so affected by the varying social and political conditions of man as agriculture, because no occupation so depends for its life on settled habits, peaceful life, and general prosperity. Let war break out, and commerce and manufacture seem often aided ; agriculture, however, suffers ; men eat as much in time of peace as in war, and there are more to eat. Again, agricultural communi- ties widely scattered over large areas are affect- ed by politics and legislation, but are not so easily able to affect legislation. As to what is needed for proper agricultural conditions political economists are still some- what disagreed, tho the teaching of facts is now bringing the various schools somewhat together. Early political economy, especially among the Ro- Early mans, had much to say about agri- Economic culture. (See POLITICAL ECONOMY.) Ideas. Cato, Cicero, Seneca, Pliny, Varrp, and Colomella treat agriculture in a half patronizing, half dilettante way, but yet give some good suggestions and teach the im- portance of all men having something to do with agriculture, and recommend small farms and free labor. It is a sad comment on their lack of earnestness that Rome fell largely on ac- count of its large farms, tilled by slave labor. The middle ages were too stormy to develop Agriculture. 33 Agriculture. much thought on agricultural lines, tho many of the monasteries and some of the noblest and greatest monks and bishops gave good examples of Christian cooperation and community life in the tilling of fields with their own hands and for the common good. (See MIDDLE AGES.) But it is the school of the physiocrats (e derived as follows : From international and national trade-unions a per capita tax of one fourth of one cent per member per month ; from local trade-unions and fed- eral unions, one cent per member per month ; and from central labor unions of city and State federated bodies, $25 per annum. All moneys shall be payable to the secretary of the Federation. ARTICLE X. Miscellaneous. SEC. 3. Any seven wage workers of one trade of good character, and favorable to trade-unions, and not members of any; body affiliated with this Federation, who will subscribe to this constitution, shall have the power to form a local body, to be known as a Fed- eral Labor Union, and they shall hold regular meet- ings for the purpose of strengthening and advancing the trades-union movement, and shall have the power to make their own rules in conformity with this con- stitution, and shall be granted a local certificate by the president of this Federation, provided the request for a certificate be indorsed by the nearest local or na- tional trades-union officials connected with this Fed- eration. The Federation publishes a monthly. The American Federationist, at 50 cents a month, and considerable tract literature. For all in- formation address the secretary (1895), Aug. McCraith, De Soto Block, Indianapolis, Ind. (See TRADE-UNIONS.) AMERICAN FORESTRY ASSOCIA- TION. The American Forestry Association (formerly Congress), composed of delegates from all the States, meets annually. The twelfth an- nual meeting was held at Washington, D.C. , De- cember, 1893. J. D. W. French, Boston, Mass. (1895), is corresponding secretary. Local or State associations have been formed in Colorado, Ohio, New York, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, Min- nesota, Texas, South Carolina, North Dakota, Wisconsin, and New Jersey. (See FORESTRY.) AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CHRIS- TIAN SOCIOLOGY, THE. Founded at Chautauqua July 20, 1893. The objects of the society, as stated in the constitution, are : 1. To claim for the Christian law the ultimate authority to rule social practice. 2. To study in common how to apply the prin- ciples of Christianity to the social and economic difficulties of the present time. Am. Institute of Christ. Sociol. 46 American Party. 3. To present Christ as the living Master and King of men, and His kingdom as the complete ideal of human society to be realized on earth. The institute is interdenominational, and aims to carry out its objects by publications, by lec- tures and addresses, by the establishment of libraries, professorships, etc., and especially by the formation of local institutes following prescribed courses of study. It holds at least one general meeting in each year, thus far in Chautauqua. There have been also institutes of the society held at Grinnell, la., Oberlin, O., and other places, largely under the guidance of Professor George D. Herron (g.v.), of Iowa College, Grinnell, la. AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF CIVICS. Organized in 1885. The purposes of this in- stitution, briefly stated, are to promote every- where and through all practicable agencies, in- cluding home influences, educational institu- tions, the press and the platform, the integrity, intelligence, patriotism, and vigilance, which are essential to the common weal under the rule of the people. The membership includes council- ors in every State, whose high character, com- manding influence, and subordination of selfish considerations to the public good qualify them for the high service in which the institute seeks to enlist them. The president of the institute (1895) is Henry Randall Waite, Ph.D. Control is vested in 33 trustees, chosen for pe- riods of one, two, and three years, who elect their own successors. Provision is made for a faculty, an advisory body, composed of members specially qualified for assistance in the formation of plans. The immediate supervision of its affairs is in- trusted to its president and the executive com- mittee of the board of trustees. It has corre- sponding members of its faculty in a majority of colleges, a corps of 230 lecturers, and the co- operation of a steadily growing body of council- ors, composed of citizens of the highest character in all parts of the country, chosen with a view to their willingness and ability to render useful service unitedly or as individuals. The work of the institute is carried on in sev- eral departments, as follows : I. EXTENSION DEPARTMENT. Department of Popular Work. The chief purpose of this department is to se- cure the cooperation, in efforts to promote good citizenship, of suitable organizations, of either adults or youths, in cities, villages, and rural communities. The institute seeks to bring such organizations, already existing or effected for the purpose, into relation with itself as auxil- iaries, and to interest them in provisions for the intelligent consideration of current events and all questions vitally related to good government, the maintenance of law and order, and the wel- fare of society. An important feature of the de- partment is its corps of lecturers, numbering upward of 225 citizens, all exceptionally quali- fied for useful service, through the delivery of addresses before lyceums, secular and religious associations of young people, teachers' institutes and other educational assemblies, religious meetings, students in colleges and public schools, working men's societies, law and order societies, municipal leagues, good government clubs, and other civic associations, and especially before the various organizations related to the institute as auxiliaries. II. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS. This department has recently been formed by the consolidation of the departments of Pub- lic School Work, of College and Professional School Work, and of Business Schools. It is devoted to the promotion, in cooperation with the officers and teachers of schools and colleges, of such instruction as shall most fully qualify American youth for the discharge of civic obli- gations. III. DEPARTMENT OF THE PRESS. Through this department the institute seeks to disseminate information as to its purposes, to enlist the cooperation of daily, weekly, and other publications and writers for the press ; and also to present to the members and the public generally, through its official organ, the American Joitrnal of Politics, the best thought of the day upon public questions, a record of the progress of efforts for political and social ad- vancement, and other valuable information. IV. DEPARTMENT OF LEGISLATION. Civil Service and Law Reform. In cooperation with members in the several States, it is sought, through this department, to promote legislation calculated to secure the proper administration of public affairs, to pro- tect and elevate the suffrage, and to give, in all the States, such form to laws affecting the social order as shall make them uniform, just, and effective in their operation. The institute has also established a depart- ment of Christian Citizenship, through which it seeks to promote activities as the result of "which the ideas and obligations representative of Chris- tianity may be made more largely contributory to the betterment of civic and social conditions. Professor Lawrence Phelps, principal of the Berkeley Temple of Applied Christianity, Bos- ton, and Professor Daniel Fulcomer, of the Uni- versity of Chicago, are associated in the direc- tion of this department. It will seek to promote local conferences of Christian citizens for the discussion of the best means of giving greater power and usefulness to Christian citizenship ; and will also seek to establish Christian citizen- ship classes in connection with Young Men's Christian Associations, Societies of Christian Endeavor, and similar organizations. The in- stitute is represented by the American Maga- zine of Civics (formerly American Journal of Politics), a monthly publication 01125 pages, which is its official organ. Its membership has extended until it has a sufficient nucleus for or- ganized and efficient work in some 600 of the more important centers of influence throughout the country. AMERICAN PARTY. The name chosen by three political parties at different periods in American Party. 47 Am. Prop. Rep. League. United States history. I. In 1852, when the Whig Party was breaking up, a secret organization had been formed, said to have been called the Sons of '76, or the Order of the Star Spangled Banner. Any member on being asked about the society was made to answer, " I don't know ;" hence the society was called the society of Know Nothings. It carefully avoided the subject of slavery, and tried to draw attention from that subject by con- fining itself to vigorous opposition to Catholics and aliens. Its first principle was " Americans must rule America. " In February, 1856, it held a convention, called itself the American Party, and nominated Millard Fillmore for President, and Andrew Jackson Donelson for Vice-Presi- dent nominations which were indorsed by the Whig convention in September. Fillmore, how- ever, carried but one State, Maryland, while his total vote was about 850,000. In 1860 Presiden- tial candidates were nominated again, but under the name Constitutional Union Party ; but the movement was practically merged in the growth of the Republican Party. II. A party under this name was organized in 1872 by some members of the National Chris- tian Association at Oberlin, O. It was opposed to secret societies, demanded prohibition of the saloon, recognition of the Sabbath, introduction of the Bible into the public schools, restriction of land monopoly, specie payments, justice to the Indians, and a direct popular vote for Presi- dent and Vice-President. Charles Francis Adams was nominated for President. Nomina- tions continued to be made down to 1884, when the nominee, S. C. Pomeroy, withdrew in favor of the Prohibition candidate, St. John, on his assurance that ' ' he stood on every plank of the American platform," since when the party has been practically merged into the Prohibition Party. III. Another party was organized under this name in Philadelphia September 16-17, 1887. It declares for the limitation of immigration ; exclu- sion from citizenship of "anarchists, socialists, and other dangerous characters ;" free schools, absolute religious freedom, the enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine, and condemns the grant- ing of land to aliens or to corporations. AMERICAN PROPORTIONAL REP- RESENTATION LEAGUE, THE. For a discussion of PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION see that subject. August n, 1893, a Proportional Representation Congress was held in Chicago, and as a result the American Proportional Rep- resentation League was founded. Its constitu- tion is as follows : " Article I. Name. This Society shall be known as the American Proportional Representation League. " Art. II. Object. Its object shall be to promote the reform of legislative assemblies by abandoning the present system of electing single representatives from limited territorial districts by a majority or plurality vote, and by substituting the following : " i. All representatives shall be elected at large, on a feneral ticket, either without district divisions or in istricts as large as practicable. " 2. The election shall be in such form that the re- spective parties, or political groups, shall secure rep- resentation in proportion to the number of votes cast by them, respectively. " Art. III. Membership. Any person in the United States or Canada who shall subscribe to the purpose of this League may become a member. The dues shall be $i per annum. Members are entitled to the pub- lications of the League without charge. "Art. IV. Officers. The officers shall be a President, a Secretary, who shall also be Treasurer, and a Com- mitteeman from each State and Territory in the United States and province of Canada. The officers shall be elected annually by ballots, to be forwarded to the Secretary by mail. The President and Secretary- Treasurer shall be chosen by the whole membership, and the Committemen by the members of their re- spective States, Territories, and provinces. " Art. V. Publications. An official bulletin shall be issued under the direction of the Secretary as often as the funds of the League will permit." The League has issued the following address to the public : " The political, social, and economic agitations which have taken hold of this generation, and turned the civilized countries into debating societies, betray a spirit of restless inquiry after truth which must sooner or later produce tangible results. And as the discus- sion nears the end, and the time for action approaches. thoughtful, earnest citizens are confronted with the fact that wherever reform must be obtained through political action, that action is delayed, if not prevented, by a system of representation which fails to accom- plish the purpose for which it was intended. The va- rious reformers as they approach the law-making bodies, whether they be city councils, State legisla- tures, or national congresses and parliaments, find that that branch of government which should reflect in miniature the whole country, instead mirrors the opinions of only a privileged few. Tho these re- formers may number a considerable part of the body politic, they find it impossible to secure representation in the halls of legislation. " The effect of this state of affairs has been to create a feeling of recklessness on the part of some men and of apathy on the part of others. Some propose to right their grievances by force ; others give up the fight and withdraw from the field in disgust. All are prone to despair when they realize the Herculean task of se- curing a hearing of the so-called representatives of the people. They see that Iowa, with 219,215 Republican votes and 201,923 Democratic votes, at the election of 1892 sent 10 Republican Congressmen and one Demo- crat to Washington ; that every 21,921 Republicans of that State has a representative, while the whole 201,923 Democrats have but one. In Kentucky the case is re- versed. The Democrats have a Congressman for every 17,436 votes, while the Republicans have one for 122,308. In Maine the vote was 65,637 Republicans and 55.778 Democrats, but the Republicans got all the four Con- gressmen. In Maryland the vote was 91,762 Republi- cans and 113,931 Democrats, but the latter got the six Congressmen. The Republicans of Texas have not had a representative in Congress since 1882. The Demo- crats of Kansas have not had a representative since the State was admitted to the Union, tho they have polled from a third to two fifths of the vote of the State during that time. And even the votes of the success- ful parties only mean that the persons who cast them merely preferred one of the party candidates to an- other ; instead of a free choice, they had a forced alter- native. " Many people attribute this state of affairs to the errymander. But while the practice of making dis- onest districts cannot be too strongly condemned, the gerrymander has been made the scapegoat for a sys- tem which of itself is wrong ; for it must be apparent that if one party has a majority in the whole State there is a tendency for it to have a majority in each district, no matter how its boundaries be made. If there be 49 Democrats and 51 Republicans in each town- ship, the Republicans will have all the representatives any way the districts are made, though the Democrats have 49 per cent, of the votes. Should there be 33 Re- publicans, 33 Democrats, and 34 Populists in each town- ship, the latter would have all the representatives, tho they had but 34 per cent, of the votes. It is only because the voters are not evenly distributed that the minority of a city, county, or State can secure any representation at all. Let this be expressed in tabular form : Districts. g h Voters. Representatives. c c bb a a a A C C bb a a a A c c bb a a a A c c bb a a a A c c b b a a a A c c bb a a a A c c bb a a a A Am. Prop. Rep. League. American Protective Association. "Supposing each letter to represent 1000 votes, the 'a's' with 21,000 votes secure all the representation, while the ' b's ' and ' c's ' with 14,000 votes each, or con- siderably more than half the total, have none. The fault lies in the system itself. While dishonest men can sometimes increase the evil effects, it is impossible for the wiser and more honest to secure good effects. It must make way for a system which is not only scien- tific and just in principle, but which is working to per- fection in Switzerland to-dayproportional represen- tation. 41 Proportional representation is based upon the principle that if a certain political unit, whether it be a State, city, or county, has a given number of represen- tatives, each proportionate part of the voters in that political unit should have one representative. That is to say, if a State with four Congressmen has 100,000 votes, each 25,000 voters should have one Congressman. Proportional representation accomplishes this by wip- ing out the district lines and allowing the citizens to vote as they please in the State. The total number of votes cast at the election is divided by the number of representatives to be chosen, which gives the electoral quotient, or quota, which is the number of votes necessary to elect one represen- A TWla.ra.tinn tative - Each P art y or group of voters is then given as many representatives as of Principles, the electoral quota is contained times in their vote. Nominations may be made as at present by parties or by petition, and the voting done as at present, the only difference being that the successful candidates are taken from the various parties in proportion to their respective votes, instead of taking them all from the majority party. Take as an example the Congressional election of In- diana in 1892. The total vote cast for Congressmen was : Republican, 253,640; Democratic, 259,184; Prohibition,i2,- 358; Populist,24,223,makingatotalof 549,405 votes. If 549,- 405 votes elect 13 representatives, one thirteenth of that number should elect one. Hence,dividing the total num- ber of votes cast, 549,405, by the number of representa- tives to be elected, 13, gives as the electoral quota 42,- 262. The 253,640 Republican votes divided by this quota give six full quotas and a remainder of 68 votes. The 259,184 Democratic votes divided by the quota give six full quotas and a remainder or 5612. As nei- ther of the remaining parties has enough votes to fill a quota, the remaining representative is taken from the party having the largest unfilled quota, the Populist. This would make the Indiana delegation six Republi- cans, six Democrats, and one Populist, instead of the two Republicans and n Democrats who were elected. " In the one case the districts are so constructed by nature or by parties that a small handful of voters holds the balance of power. By voting as a unit they are able to throw the election one way or the other. Hence these men have great influence -with the two dominant parties ; each feels that it must do everything to capture this vote, and as the independent controlling vote is almost invariably of the lowest moral type, the tendency is to nominate men of that stamp. In the other case the districts are abolished and the State votes as a whole, dividing the candidates proportion- ately among the variovis political parties. Then it is found that these professional politicians, who before controlled the elections, are not numerous enough all combined to fill a quota, and whatever their number, they can secure only such representation as their num- bers entitle them to. As the tendency now is to nomi- nate men acceptable to the worst elements of our polit- ical life, so under proportional representation the tendency would be to nominate men who were accept- able to the mass of the people. If the mass be good they will elect good men, if it be evil they will elect evil men ; they can elect whatever kind of representa- tives they wish, which they cannot now do. As under the present system candidates are nominated because of their cowardly, time-serving traits, under propor- tional representation only those can hope for success who openly declare themselves for some definite policy. " The great mass of the voters of this country are divided between the Republican and Democratic par- ties, but in most of the districts throughout the country one or the other has such a decided majority that the election is a mere formality. General Garfield, in a speech before the House of Representatives, in 1870, said : " ' In my judgment it is the weak point in the theory of representative government, as now organized and administered, that a large part of the people are per- manently disfranchised. There are about 10,000 Demo- cratic voters in my district, and they have been voting there for the last 40 years without any more hope of having a representative on this floor than of having one in the Commons of Great Britain.' " Twenty-three years have been added to the forty, and still the Democrats of that district maintain the for- lorn hope. If this be so of the Democrats in Iowa and Maine, and of the Republicans of Texas and Kentucky, what can be said of the new parties, the independent movements here and there throughout the country? Tho they poll many times more than enough votes to fill an electoral quota they are absolutely disfran- chised. In the election of Congressmen in 1892 there were 12,032,203 votes polled, and yet 5,531,965 of these voters can say, as they look upon the House of Repre- sentatives : ' There is not one among all these 356 members who represents us.' If the 356 members should vote unanimously upon any question, they would represent but 54 per cent, of the voters who voted at their election. And should a bare majority of the members pass a law it would represent only 21.4 per cent, of the citizens who voted at that election. Thus, in a government in which the majority is sup- posed to rule, it is found that the representatives of a trifle over one fifth of the people can make the laws for the remaining four fifths. " It will be said, of course, that these four fifths are not absolutely disfranchised, because, tho they fail- ed to elect the man they voted for in their district, their party fellows elected one in some other district. Cold comfort, indeed ! What consolation is it to the gold-money Democrat of Maine to know when his can- didate fails of election that the free silver Democrat of Missouri was successful? What does the free trade Republican of Kentucky care for the success of the protection Republican of Massachusetts? And even if these should be comforted by the fact that men bear- ing the same party name, tho professing different principles, are successful, what can be said of the mil- lion or more voters throughout the country who voted for the independent tickets? And what of the still greater number who voted not at all, or for the lesser of two or several evils? What of the intelligent citi- zens who long for fit representatives in the halls of legislation and proclaim popular government a failure because they have hoped in vain ? " The fact that minorities will secure representation is the least important of all the good which will result from the adoption of proportional representation. While it is true that an intelligent representative of the various reform, movements would temper the arbi- trary action of the majorities and be an educational force of great value, and should therefore be striven for by all men who wish to better the condition of so- ciety through legislative action, yet the great end to be gained by proportional representation is the direct representation of all the people. When every citizen votes with the full assurance that each individual vote bears directly upon the final result, the men who have withdrawn in despair from politics, as something with which an honest man can have nothing to do, will re- turn to their duty. There will be no wasted majorities and hopeless minorities cooped up in political slave pens ; each and every party will secure representation in proportion to its numbers, and a majority of the rep- resentatives in the Assembly will always represent a majority of the people. Then, and not till then, will legislative bodies become quickly responsive to the will of the people ; then, and not till then, will the citizen realize the power of his single vote ; then, and not till then, will honest government be possible ; then, and not till then, shall we have in fact what we have now in theory 'a government of the people, for the people, and by the people.' " The President of the League (1895) is Hon. Wm. Dudley Foulke, Richmond, Ind. ; Secre- tary, Stoughton Cooley, 22 Fifth Avenue, Chi- cago, 111. AMERICAN PROTECTIVE ASSOCIA- TION, THE. This association, commonly called the A. P. A., is a secret association, and is said to have somewhat changed its name re- cently, so that members sometimes declare that they are not members of the A. P. A. , and that there is no such organization. Nevertheless, the organization admittedly continues known to the public as the A. P. A., and contends for the principles identified with that name. Its plat- form, as announced to the public, adopted by American Protective Association. 49 American Protective Association. the Supreme Council at Des Moines, la., May 4, 1894, is as follows : " i. Loyalty to true Americanism, which knows nei- ther birthplace, race, creed, nor party, is the first req- uisite for membership in the American Protective Association. " 2. The American Protective Association is not a polit- ical party and does not control the political affiliation of its members, but it teaches them to be intensely active in the discharge of Constitution, their political duties in or out of party lines, because it believes that all the problems confronting our people will best be solved by a conscientious discharge of the duties of citizenship by every individual. " 3. While tolerant of all creeds, it holds that subjec- tion to and support of any ecclesiastical power, not created and controlled by American citizens, and which claims equal if not greater sovereignty than the Government of the United States of America, is ir- reconcilable with American citizenship. It is, there- fore, opposed to the holding of office in National, State, or Municipal Government by any subject or supporter of such ecclesiastic power. " 4. We uphold the Constitution of the United States of America, and no portion of it more than its guarantee of religious liberty; but we hold this religious liberty to be guaranteed to the individual and not to mean that under its protection any un-American ecclesias- tical power can claim absolute control over the educa- tion of children growing up under the Stars and Stripes. " 5. We consider the non-sectarian free public school the bulwark of American institutions, the best place for the education of American children. To keep them as such we protest against the employment of subjects of any un-American ecclesiastical power as officers or teachers of our public schools. " 6. We condemn the support out of the public treas- ury by direct appropriation, or by contract of a secta- rian school, reformatory, or other institutions not owned and controlled by public authority. , " 7. Believing that exemption from taxation is equiva- lent to a grant of public funds, we demand that no real or personal property be exempt from taxation, the title to which is not vested in the National or State Governments, or in any of their subdivisions. " 8. We protest against the enlistment in the United States army, navy, or the militia of any State, of any person not an actual citizen of the United States. " g. We demand for the protection of our citizen labor- ers the prohibition of the importation of pauper labor, and the restriction of all immigration to persons who can show their ability and honest intention to become self-supporting American citizens. " 10. We demand the change of the national naturali- zation laws by a repeal of the act authorizing the' natu- ralization of minors without a previous declaration of intention, and by providing that no alien shall be naturalized or permitted to vote in any State in the Union who cannot speak the language of the land, and who cannot prove seven years' continuous residence in this country from the date of his declaration of inten- tion. "u. We protest against the gross negligence and laxity with which the Judiciary of our land administer the present naturalization laws, and against the prac- tice of naturalizing aliens at the expense of committees or candidates, as the most prolific source of the present prostitution of American citizenship to the basest uses. "12. We demand that all hospitals, asylums, reforma- tories, or other institutions in which people are un- der restraint, be at all times subject to public in- spection, whether they are maintained by the public or by private corporations or individuals. "13. We demand that all National or State legislation affecting financial, commercial, or industrial interests be general in character, and in no instance in favor of any one section of the country, of any one class of people." The organization was founded at Clinton, la., about 1887, by H. F. Bowers, and has now grown to large numbers. It has spread into Canada, and has crossed to England and Aus- tralia, and is now organized as an international movement with a general platform as far as nationality is concerned, but contending for the same general principles. A member of the or- der says, in a printed circular : 4 " The A. P. A. is not a ' benefit ' order it gives nei- ther life insurance, sick benefits, nor any other financial aid, as an order. The membership is not confined to natives of the United States ; but all Protestants after rigid scrutiny and if satisfactory are eligible for membership that is, men of 18 years and upward. The order is, first of all, American and Protestant. It is, at the same time, aggressive it means fight ! with the ballot and with every other legitimate weapon. " Of the men who make up its membership, it should be said that recent inquiry developed the fact that in the order there were nearly 1800 clergymen of various Protestant denominations ; college presidents and pro- fessors, editors by scores, school-teachers by hundreds; bankers, railroad magnates,merchants,manufacturers, professional men of every description ; artists, mechan- ics, salesmen, soldiers, and sailors. In some of the Western cities, every official, from mayor down, is a member of the order. " Of course it is a secret order, because it is fighting a secret foe the Jesuits. Would it be wise for a com- mander to make his plan of attack public before the battle? What success would Grant, Sherman, Sher- idan, or others have had, had they given to the news- papers all their plans ? The members are men who are sick of the apathy and supineness so prevalent in Protestantism, in Americans generally, who allow Rome to trample in the dust their most cherished institutions without a word of protest and allow the many-tentacled mon- ster to seize and control city after city, without even a murmur." The reasons given for the existence of the order are stated by the same writer to be as fol- lows : "The Roman Catholic attack on our public-school system. "The attempted foreignizing, by force, of whole communities, in language and religion, by Romish priests. " The complete control of our great cities by Ro- manism. " The fact that our army and navy are almost wholly Romanized. " The remarkable increase of untaxed church prop- erty. " The frequent desecration of the American flag by priests. "The Jesuit control of the heads of the Government at Washington. " The well-known public declaration of the Pope that the United States is his one bright hope for the future. "The universal brag and bluster of Romish orators and newspapers that Americans are cowards, and that all the good which has ever come to this nation has come from Romanists." We give these quotations, not as coming offi- cially from the order, but as unquestionably cor- rectly showing the feeling of the order. As a proof of the need of the order, the Rev. James B. Dunn, Secretary of the Committee of One Hundred, of Boston, Mass., in a tract published by the committee, quotes from the papal ency- clical of January 10, 1890, where the Pope bids Roman Catholics " Even in politics, always to serve first the interests of Catholicism, and to submit themselves in obedience to the will of the Pontiff as to God Himself, and that the civil laws are binding on them only so long as they are comformable to the Roman Catholic religion. In that same encyclical the Pope says it is a duty to resist all civil laws hostile to anything ordered by the Church, and a crime to obey them. These being the facts, is it not quite certain that whatever his private or personal opinion and feelings may be as an Ameri- can citizen, every good Roman Catholic must support the Church as against the State ? . . . " That cases happen in which the State demands one thing from the citizen, and religion the opposite from Christians, and this undoubtedly for no other reason than that the heads of the State pay no regard to the sacred power Papal of the Church, or desire to make it sub- Enevclicals ject to them. No one, however, can * J " V J' V doubt which is to receive their prefer- ence. ... It is an impious deed to break the laws of Jesus Christ for the purpose of obeying the magistrates, or to transgress (lie laws of American Protective Association. 50 American Protective Association. the Church under the pretext of observing the civil law. . . . " If the laws of the State are in open contradiction with the Divine law, if they command anything prej- udicial to the Church, or are hostile to the duties im- posed by religion, or violate in the person of the Su- preme Pontiff the authority of Jesus Christ, then in- deed it is a duty to resist them and a crime to obey them a crime fraught with injury to the State it- self. . . . " Furthermore, in politics, which are inseparably bound up with the laws of morality and religious duties, men ought always and in \^\^ first place to serve, as far as possible, the interests of Catholicism. As soon as they are seen to be in danger, all differences should cease between Catholics. Since the fate of States de- pends principally on the disposition of those who are at the head of the Government, the Church cannot grant its patronage or favor to men whom it knows to be hostile to it, who openly refuse to respect its rights ; who seek to break the alliance established by the na- ture of things between religious interests and the in- terests of the civil order. On the contrary, its duty is to favor those who, having sound ideas as to the rela- tions between Church and State, wish to make them both harmonize for the common good. These princi- ples contain the rule according to which every Catho- lic ought to model his public life." Dr. Dunn also quotes Vicar-General Preston, in a sermon, as saying : " Every word Leo speaks from his high chair is the voice of the Holy Ghost, and must be obeyed. To every Catholic heart comes no thought but obedience. It is said that politics is not within the province of the Church, and that the Church has only jurisdiction in matters of faith. You say, 'I will receive my faith from the Pontiff, but I will not receive my politics from him.' This assertion is disloyal and untruth- ful. . . . You must not think as you choose ; you must think as Catholics. The man who says, ' I will take my faith from Peter, but I will not take my poli- tics from Peter,' is not a true Catholic. The Church teaches that the supreme Pontiff must be obeyed, be- cause he is the vicar of the Lord, Christ speaks through him." And from one of Cardinal Manning's sermons on ecclesiastical subjects, representing the Pope as saying : " I acknowledge no civil superior; I am the subject of no prince ; and I claim more than this. I claim to be the supreme judge on earth, and director of the consciences of men ; of the peasant that tills the field, and the prince that sits on the throne ; of the house- hold that lives in the shade of privacy, and the legisla- ture that makes laws for kingdoms. I am the sole last supreme judge on earth of what is right and wrong." Of these and other similar quotations Dr. Dunn says : "In view of such declarations and teachings, we ask, Can a good Romanist be at the same time a loyal American citizen ? " Many Romanists, no doubt, mean to be loyal citizens of the Republic, and honestly think they are ; yea, we are quite willing to believe that the great body of them have no wish to interfere with the liberties and institutions of America, and that if called upon to choose between serving our Government and the pow- er at Rome, think they would abjure Rome. But it must be remembered that they belong to a system in which free agency is impossible. As we have seen, the Vatican claims absolute and supreme authority in all things, civil as well as spiritual, and every member of that Church is bound to render to the Pontiff abso- lute and unquestioning obedience. This being true, is it not quite certain that whatever his private or personal opinions and feelings may be as an American citizen, he must support the Church as against the State ? . . . Can any person who is loyal to Roman- ism be true to Republicanism? Can a Romanist be a good citizen of America ? . . . " The United States Supreme Court has decided that the law of one of our States, disfranchising Mormons, is constitutional, on the theory that the man who takes the oath the Mormons are required to take cannot be a good citizen. Why should not this principle be ap- plied to those who confess allegiance to the Papal hierarchy ? How much longer will this flagrant viola- tion of citizenship be permitted in America? " Is it not high time for the nation to decide which is supreme, the Church or the State to which authority citizens owe allegiance ? " How long would the nation allow one eighth of her population to enjoy all the rights and privileges of American citizenship, while owning allegiance to any other foreign power, say Austria or Russia ? Why permit this to be done with those who own allegiance to the Pontiff at Rome ? . . . " Let Romanists who would become citizens of the United States be required not only to take the oath of allegiance to the Government, but to take an oath also renouncing all primal allegiance to the Pope. This is not a question of religious intolerance, nor is it one of antagonism to foreigners who are willing to homologate with us in accordance with the spirit of our institutions. We would not cut down by a single span the splendid proportions of national freedom ; we would not abridge the liberty of party, sect or individ- ual. But this is a question of self-protection and self- preservation, and the law of self-preservation is su- preme in all social and political organizations. We would guard and preserve our liberty from the hands of hate and the assaults of foes. " Romanism is a political system. It is a political power ; as a political power it must be met, as a politi- cal force it must be treated when viewed in its rela- tion to our institutions. It does not make any differ- ence whether the political power that assails our insti- tutions is on the snores of the Baltic, on the shores of the British Channel, or on the shores of the Tiber, it must be met. We can have no divided citizenship. No man should be allowed to participate in the politi- cal affairs of this country who is the subject or ally of a foreign power that is at war with our national insti- tutions. No ballot for the man who takes his politics from the Vatican r' Such is probably as good a statement of the position of the A. P. A. as can be made. The order claims to-day (1895) about 2,000,000 mem- bers in the United States. Its prominent (1895) members are said to be : Supreme President, W. J. H. Traynor, of Detroit ; Vice-President, Adam Fawcett, of Ohio ; Secretary of State, O. B. Jackson, of Boone, la. ; Chaplain, J. J. Gosper, of San Francisco ; Secretary, C. J. Beatty, of Saginaw, Mich. ; Treasurer, H. M. Stark, of Milwaukee ; Trustees, F. C. Campbell, of Minneapolis ; N. D. McDonald, of Cheyenne, Wyo. ; and W. H. Nichols, of Braddock, Pa. There are various minor orders of a similar nature, some started as a split from the A. P. A. , some much older than the A. P. A., and of a somewhat, similar nature, such as the Order of American Mechanics and the Junior Order of American Mechanics, which number some 200,- ooo members, and theTatriotic Order of Sons of America these three admitting only natives of the United States to membership. Then there are the Knights of Malta, the Alfredians, the Order of Deputies, and that oldest and univer- sally known Protestant order, the Orangemen. The National League for the Protection of American Institutions (q.v.) is an unsectarian league to secure constitutional and legislative safeguards against any appropriation of public funds for sectarian schools or any sectarian pur- poses. (For an answer from the Roman Catholic standpoint to the statements of the A. P. A. see ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL RE- FORM.) But Romanists are by no means the only ones who criticise and oppose the attitude of the Arguments A. P. A. The Rev. H. K. Carroll, against the D.D., a Methodist clergyman, and A. P. A. one of the editors of The Indepen- dent, writes, in the Methodist Re- view for March-April, 1895, a strong plea for Protestants to conquer their prejudices and to American Protective Association. 51 American Protective Association. remember that the Church of Rome is a Chris- tian Church; and, as far as its fundamental doc- trines go, orthodox. Concerning the assertion that Roman Catholics cannot be good citizens, Dr. Carroll says : "i. Are Catholics disloyal? I do not remember ever to have seen the affirmative of this question supported by the citation of any act. It is commonly argued from the doctrine of papal supremacy. Catholics, it is urged, know no higher law than obedience. The peo- ple obey the priests implicitly, the priests are in com- Elete subjection to the bishops, and the bishops are ound to do whatever the Pope tells them. This Pope is a foreign potentate who assumes to be superior to kings and governments ; and he would, if he could, subordinate the State to the Church. In answer let me ask, Is it not obvious that he could not if he would ? Where is there a State over which he exercises even a shadow of sovereignty? There are countries, like Italy, Austria, Spain, and Portugal, which are over- whelmingly Catholic. Surely there, if anywhere, this assumed prerogative would be asserted. It is not. The Pope has no quarrel, even with the Government of Italy, on this point. All that he asks of King Hum- bertand he asks this less and less often and more and more perfunctorily is that the seat of his spirit- ual empire be made papal or neutral territory, so that he shall be independent of all governments. Every- body admits that this concession will never be made. Now, if the Pope cannot obtain control over a Catholic power, what possible chance has he of doing so over a great Protestant power like the United States ? The idea of such a thing seems to me preposterous. If the Church is as cunning, as unscrupulous, as adept in trickery as it is sometimes said to be, why has it not carried its point in Italy, where the Church has its seat of government, and where the people a^e intensely Catholic ? If the Pope really desired to subvert our Government, of which there is not the slightest evi- dence, what object could he have in view ? The es- tablishment of a monarchy? This is inconceivable. It is true enough that the idea at Rome used to be that monarchies were of divine right ; but this idea has been modified, and the Dr. H. K. Pope has recognized in France the old- Carroll's est son of the Church the divine right of republics. If our own republic were Views. ever intolerable to the Holy See, why were Catholics allowed to assist in es- tablishing it? " A hypothetical case is sometimes put, thus : Suppose an issue were to arise in which Catholics had to choose between their country and their Church, between their patriotism and their religion what then? Ire- ply, that this question is just as pertinent respecting members of other denominations as of Catholics. It is often said by way of condemnation that if a Catholic had to choose between his faith and his country's re- quirements, he would sooner give up his allegiance to his country than to his religion. Well, who wouldn't ? Religion embraces our duty to God. Isn't that our highest duty? And if conflict comes, who that is worthy of the Christian name would abjure his faith ? This is only an idle question ; such an issue is in the highest degree improbable ; but our prejudice pro- yokes our fears, and our fears are wild and unreason- ing." Concerning the relation of the Roman Catho- lic Church to our public schools, Dr. Carroll says : "2. Does the Church of Rome desire to destroy our public school system ? ' Destroy' is a strong word. I doubt whether it is right to apply it even to the most hostile opinion that prevails among the hierarchy. The most any Catholic has asked for is exemption from payment of the public school tax or division of the school funds. In neither case would the system be de- stroyed. If the first alternative were adopted it would impair the integrity of the system and limit it. It would not be for all the people, as it is now, but only for the larger part of them. If the second proposal were accepted we should have in this country the con- ditions that prevail in England and elsewhere. We should have both the secular and religious elements represented in our public schools. The system would be greatly changed and impaired, but it would not be destroyed. It would not be fair, I think, to say that the hierarchy would destroy our public school ; but it is fair to say that they are not satisfied with it as it is." Concerning a much-quoted passage from the Boston Pilot, which says that " no good gov- ernment can exist without religion ; and there can be no religion without an Inquisition, which is wisely designed for the promotion and pro- tection of the true faith," Dr. Can-oil explains that this does not call for a revival of the tor- tures of the Middle Ages, but refers to one of the present sacred congregations, Congregatio Sacrt Officii, or Romance et Utuversalis In- quisitionis, bodies " whose duty it is to examine and repress heretical and depraved doctrines and offenses." Another strong argument against the position of the A. P. A. not used by Dr. Carroll in this article is, if there be danger to American lib- erty in the Roman Catholic Church, that danger comes from the ignorance of many in her com- munion, and that the best way to overcome this is not to organize against Roman Catholics, and so drive their children from our public schools into parochial ones, where they will simply grow more subservient to their priests, but rather to welcome them to oiir schools, giving them a fair share of the teachers, treating them in every way fairly, and so to educate the children away from whatever there may be that is false in the Romish system. It can be shown that democratic ideas are making fatal inroads into the Church of Rome. In this encyclopedia we are concerned only with social and political questions, but if any hold that the Church of Rome is dangerous to demo- cratic liberty, it is asserted that they have only to look at statistics to see that the one way to increase the power of Rome is to organize against her. She appears to be growing in this country simply because so many Roman Catho- lics have immigrated to our shores. As a mat- ter of fact, she does not retain even those who are naturally her own. From 1850-94, 13,462,367 immigrants have landed in this country ; of these, at least three fifths, or 8,077,419, have been Roman Catholics, while, according to the census of 1890, there were only 6,231,417 Roman Catholic communicants or members in the whole country. Roman Catholics themselves know that they are not holding their own against democratic institutions. Cardinal Gibbons, in his pastoral letter of 1883, says : " While we are gratified with the number of converts who em- brace the true faith, we have reason to be ap- palled in considering the vast number of souls that are straying away from the fold. If we look for the descendants of those families that have been immigrating from Catholic Europe to this country in one uninterrupted march from the beginning of the present century, how many of them shall we now find ranking among the most bitter and unrelenting enemies of the Church ?" The Catholic Mirror, of Baltimore, in 1885 stated that the Catholic population of this country naturally ought to be 20,000,000, and was only 8,000,000. Therefore many who are by no means favorable to the political influ- ence of the Roman priesthood argue that the one way to defeat it is to let Rome alone and to spread democratic education, and that the one way to extend the power of Rome is to organize against her and drive her children into paro- chial schools. American Protective Association. 52 American Social Science Asso. References: For literature and recent information favorable to the American Protective Association see The Patriotic American, Detroit, Mich., W. J. H. Tray- nor, publisher. See also arguments pro and con in the A'orth American Review. AMERICAN PURITY ALLIANCE, THE, was incorporated under this name only in 1895, but is the continuation of the New York Committee for the Prevention of State Regula- tion of Vice, which commenced its work in 1870, and has held 19 annual meetings. Its constitu- tion in its articles of public interest is as follows : " In view of the widespread suffering, physical dis- ease, deplorable hereditary results, degradation of manhood and womanhood, and the peril to the home, society, and the State, involved in the prevalent im- morality, we do hereby agree, with a prayerful reli- ance upon Divine aid, to form ourselves into an Asso- ciation, to be governed by the following Constitution : " Article I. This association shall be called the American Purity Alliance. " Art. II. The objects of this Alliance are the re- pression of vice, the prevention of its regulation by the State, the better protection of the young, the res- cue of the fallen, the extension of the White Cross among men, and to maintain the law of purity as equally binding upon men and women. Art. III. Any person who consents to the prin- ciples of this constitution, and who contributes an- nually f i or more to its funds, may be a member of this Alliance, and shall be entitled to a vote at the meetings. " Art. VIII. Any purity or White Cross associa- tion founded on the same principles may become auxiliary to this Alliance by contributing annually the sum of $5 to its treasury." Says the latest report of the Alliance (1895) : " As we enter upon the twentieth year of our work in behalf of a high and equal standard, of morality, alike for both sexes, we are reminded, in a retrospective view, that the past 19 years of service have made a history for which we had no plan in our informal be- ginning. It was in the summer of 1876 that a few of us organized as a Committee, with the revered Abby Hopper Gibbons as our president, to respond to an ap~- peal brought to us by a deputation from the Interna- tional Federation for the Abolition of State Regulation of Vice, an organiza- History. tion of which Mrs. Josephine E. Butler, of England, is the heroic, consecrated leader. The grave and painful message which these delegates the Rev. J. P. Gledstone and Mr. H. J. Wilson, M.P., of England brought to us to warn us of the danger to which we were exposed, was intensified by the fact that an effort was made about that time to establish the old-world system of State- sanctioned vice in New York. We found local work to do at once to thwart the evil scheme, and it has proved that we have had need to keep continued and unremitting watch and guard over legislation in our own and other States all these intervening years. Meanwhile, we have also done what we could to spread a knowledge of the important mission of the International Federation and the principles involved in the movement, which were very little understood in this country. We have worked in quiet ways, chiefly through the types. The Philanthropist, published monthly for nearly a decade, has reached and awa- kened the interest of a valuable constituency of earnest, thoughtful people scattered throughout the country, who have given us their helpful cooperation, and our work has thus extended and broadened. We therefore find it desirable now to give ourselves a more fitting title, hence the change of name to that of The Amer- ican Purity Alliance, by which we can also give those who have become our allies their proper recognition in auxiliary societies and otherwise." The League works by the dissemination of literature, meetings, the holding of purity con- gresses, the careful watching of legislation, etc. , and has devoted itself especially to raising the age of consent, to preventing attempts to lower the age, and to agitation against the State control or licensing of prostitution. Its President (1895) is Aaron M. Powell ; the Chairman of its Executive Committee, Emily Blackwell, M.D. ; its Corre- sponding Secretary, Anna Rice Powell, 243 East Sixth Street, Plainfield, N. J. ; its Treasurer, Elizabeth Gay, West New Brighton, N. Y. ; its office, 39 Nassau Street, Room 37, New York. See also AGE OF CONSENT ; PROSTITUTION ; SOCIAL PURITY ; WHITE CROSS MOVEIHENT, etc. AMERICAN RAILWAY MASTER ME- CHANICS' ASSOCIATION. See RAILWAY, ORGANIZATIONS OF. AMERICAN RAILWAY UNION. See RAILWAY EMPLOYEES, ORGANIZATIONS OF. AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSO- CIATION, THE . This association was f ou n d- ed in 1865. Its present constitution is as follows : I. This society shall be called the American Social Science Association. II. Its objects shall be classified in five departments : The first, of Education ; the second, of Health :the third, of Trade and Finance ; the fourth, of Social Economy ; the fifth, of Jurisprudence. III. It shall be administered by a president, as many honorary vice-presidents as may be chosen, a treas- urer, a secretary, and a council, charged with general supervision ; five department committees, established by the council, charged with the supervision of their respective departments ; and such local committees as may be established by the council at different points, to serve as branch associations. The council shall consist of the president, treasurer, and secretary, the chairman and secretary of each department, and 10 directors, with power to fill vacancies and to make their own by-laws. The president, vice-presidents, treasurer, chairman, and secretaries of departments, and directors shall be chosen annually by members of the association, and shall hold office till their succes- sors are chosen. The president, or in his absence a director, shall be chairman of the council. The chair- man of the local committees shall be chosen at the pleasure of their respective committees. Whenever a branch association shall be organized and recognized as such by the council, its president shall be ex-officio one of the vice-presidents of the American Associa- tion, and, together with the secretary and treasurer, shall be entitled to all the privileges of membership in that association. And whenever a local department shall be organized and recognized as such by the council, its chairman shall become ex-officio a member of the parent association. The chairman and secre- tary of each department, with the consent of the presi- dent of the association, may appoint such special de- partment committees as they may think best. The general secretary shall be elected for three years, unless he resigns, or is removed by a two-thirds vote of the members present and voting in a regular meeting of the council ; and out of his compensation he may pay the salary of an assistant secretary, who may also be secretary of one department. IV. Any person may become a member by paying $5, and may continue a member by paying annually such further sum as may be fixed at the annual meeting, not exceeding $10. On payment of $100, any person may become a life member, exempt from as- sessments. Honorary and correspond- ing members may be elected and ex- empted from the payment of assessments. V. The council shall have sole power to call and con- duct general meetings, and to publish the transactions and other documents of the association. The depart- ment committee shall have power to call and conduct department meetings. VI. No amendment to this constitution shall be made, except at an annual meeting, with public notice of the proposed amendment. It has not been the practice of the association to elect members, but to extend a particular or a general invitation (as now) to all who are in- terested in social science, and wish to promote the spread of sound knowledge on the important topics involved in education, health, finance, jurisprudence, and social economy. Founded American Social Science Asso. 53 American Statistical Association. at the very close of the Civil War, it has since aided, directly or indirectly, in the formation of other valuable societies the National Prison Association, the Civil Service Reform Society, National Conference of Charities, several of the State conferences and charity organization socie- ties, the American Historical Association, Ameri- can Economic Association, etc. It has also been instrumental in promoting departments or pro- fessorships of social science in many universities and colleges which are now doing an extensive work of instruction. Its present officers (1895) are : President, F. J. Kingsbury, Waterbury, Conn. First Vice-Presi- dent, H. L. Wayland, Philadelphia, Pa. Vice- Presidents, Francis Wayland, New Haven, Conn. ; Daniel C. Oilman, Baltimore, Md. ; Wil- liam T. Harris, Washington, D. C. ; Carroll D. Wright, Washington, D. C.; Mrs. John E. Lodge, Boston, Mass. ; Lucy Hall-Brown, M.D., Brook- lyn, N. Y. ; Mrs. Caroline H. Dall, Washington, D. C. ; S. W. Dike, D.D., Auburndale, Mass. ; Charles A. Peabody, New York ; Andrew Dick- son White, Ithaca, N. Y. ; Grace Peckham, M.I., New York ; Henry B. Baker, Lansing, Mich. ; Dorman B. Eaton, New York ; Henry Villard, New York ; H. Holbrook Curtis, M.D., New York ; R. A. Holland, Stl Louis, Mo. ; John Eaton, Washington, D. C. General Secretary, F. B. Sanborn, Concord, Mass. Treasurer, An- son Phelps Stokes, 45 Cedar Street, New York. The secretary says of the founding of the as- sociation : " It was the scarcity of material for the investigation of social questions, indeed, which suggested to the founders of this association the importance of bringing together in this way the persons interested in the de- velopment of civilization here, and in setting forth its results and its unsolved problems for the information and guidance of each other. However the conception of such a society as ours originated and I fancy it was obtained from the earlier society of the same name in England, now unhappily defunct the idea was communicated in practical form to the American public by my colleagues of the Massachusetts Board of State Charities, in August, 1865. This board, the earliest of some 15 which now exist in the United States, and which convene every year in the National Conference of Charities, had found since October, 1863, when it was established, that the gen- eral information it sought in regard to Its Object, the topics of Poverty, Industry, Insan- ity, Pauperism, Crime, and Disease were very hard to obtain, because there was no common center to which such facts would naturally be drawn. Its seven members, therefore, after nearly two years of active service, united in summoning those persons interested in these and in other social top- ics to meet in convention at the Massachusetts State House in Boston, and there organize an association similar to that existing in England, and to another in Belgium. To this invitation about 300 persons, from all parts of the Northern States except the extreme West, responded ; and the American Social Science Association was then and there founded, under the presidency of Professor William B. Rogers, then at the head of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, but extending his regard over the whole field of sci- ence as much as any man in America." Speaking of the development of social science in this country, after referring to the develop- ment of the census and of national and State labor bureaus, the secretary says : "Not a single lunacy commission, State board of health, labor bureau, or prison commission existed, I think, in the United States when we organized the as- sociation in 1865. There was but one State board of charities, as I have said, and that had made but one report. It existed till it had made 15, all more or less valuable for the facts they contained. It was then succeeded by another State board in Massachusetts, with fuller powers among them those of a lunacy commission and this second board has made 12 re- ports. The New York State Board of Charities has made 23 annual reports ; that of Rhode Island as many ; that of Pennsylvania, 21 ; that of Ohio, 15 ; and the other States a smaller number, because they report only biennially. Now, all these volumes, if brought together, make a library by themselves; and if we add to them the 18 volumes, small and large, of the Nation- al Conference of Charities, and the publications- some of them very valuable of the New York State Charities Aid Association, the New York Prison Asso- ciation, and the National Prison Association, a great collection of material of much variety and importance is available in a dozen libraries throughout the coun- try for the use of students." AMERICAN STATISTICAL ASSOCIA- TION, THE. This association was organized in 1839, and has a membership of about 600. A quarterly publication was begun in 1888, by means of which special statistical monographs are being presented to the public, and in addi- tion this journal contains a record of current statistical literature, which is intended to inform the members concerning the most important and recent statistical inquiries made in foreign countries. With this in view there is now pre- pared a rtsumt of the foreign periodicals and journals devoted to statistics. This publication has reached its twenty-fourth number, and is already recognized as a valuable record of statis- tical work. The present constitution of the association is as follows : ART. I. This association shall be denominated the American Statistical Association. ART. II. The objects of the association shall be to collect, preserve, and diffuse statistical information in the different departments of human knowledge. ART. III. The association shall be composed of fel- lows and honorary members. ART. IV. All members shall be chosen by ballot ; nomination for membership shall first be submitted to the Board of Directors ; if approved by them, the names shall be presented to the association, and for election the affirmative votes of four fifths of the mem- bers present shall be necessary. Each fellow shall pay annually $2, or $20 at some one time. ART. V. Fellows only shall be entitled to vote, but honorary members shall have the right to sit and de- liberate in all the meetings of the association. ART. VI. The officers of the association shall be a president, five vice-presidents, a recording secretary, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer, a librarian, and three counselors, who, together with the president and secretaries, shall form a Board of Directors for the gov- ernment of the institution, three of whom shall consti- tute a quorum at any meeting regularly convened. There shall be also three standing committees of three members each viz., on Publication, on Finance, and on the Library. ART. VII. The association shall meet in the city of Boston on the third Friday in January, April, and Oc- tober, and at such t other times as the Board of Direct- ors shall appoint. At the annual meeting in January the association shall hear reports of the Board of Di- rectors, of the treasurer, of the librarian, and of the standing committees, elect officers, and transact other business, yacancies may be filled at any regular meeting. Five members shall be necessary to form a quorum for transacting business and the election of members, but a less number may adjourn the meeting. ART. VIII. No alteration in this constitution shall be made except on notice at a previous meeting, and by a vote of three fourths of the members present. NOTE. Each member shall be entitled to receive all reports and publications of the association. Its presidents have been Hon. Richard Fletch- er, A.M., LL.D. ; George C. Shattuck, M.D., LL.D. ; Edward Jarvis, A.M., M.D. Its present officers (1895) are : President, Fran- cis A. Walker, Ph.D., LL.D. Vice-Presidents, Hamilton A. Hill, A.M. ; Hon. Carroll D.Wright ; Richmond Mayo-Smith, A.M. ; Hon. Horace G. Wadlin ; Henry C. Adams, Ph.D. Correspond- American Statistical Association. 54 Anarchism. ing Secretary, E. R. L. Gould, Ph.D , Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md. Treasurer, John S. Clark, Esq., 646 Washington Street, Boston, Mass. Secretary and Librarian, Davis R. Dewey, Ph.D., Institute of Technology, Bos- ton, Mass. Assistant Secretary, Gary N. Calkins, Columbia College, New York. Counselors, John Ward Dean, A.M. ; Samuel W. Abbott, M.D. ; S. N. D. North, Esq. Committee on Publication, Davis R. Dewey, Ph.D. ; Walter C. Wright, Esq. ; Roland P. Falkner, Ph.D. Com- mittee on Finance, Hamilton A. Hill, A.M. ; Lyman Mason, A.M. ; George O. Carpenter, Esq. Committee on Library, Hon. Julius L. Clarke ; Rev. Robert C. Watterston ; Rev. Sam- uel W. Dike, LL.D. (See also AMERICAN SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION and INTERNATIONAL STA- TISTICAL INSTITUTION.) AMSTERDAM, BANK OF. See BANK OF AMSTERDAM. ANABAPTISTS, a name commonly given to that body of Christians who reject the baptism of infants and administer the rite only to adults. The doctrine first arose amid the discussions as to infant baptism which were held in the early Church. Thomas Munzer (1520), the leader of a set of enthusiasts called the prophets of Zwickau, did much to spread the beliefs of Anabaptism through Saxony and Switzerland. Waldshut became one of their centers of propagation. Revolting from the rigid rule of the State and from the false formalism of the Church, they carried their opposite principles too far ; and it is certain that in some places the movement, guided by ambitious and licentious men, broke loose from all moral principles into lawlessness and lust ; but for the most part Anabaptists have been a much maligned and misrepresented class of people, who earnestly desired and sought for a greater fulness of truth and brotherhood than any institutions then existing could provide. Their doctrines were : The equality of all Chris- tians, the community of goods, the baptism of the Spirit, adult baptism, and the establishment of the kingdom of heaven on earth. About 1525 the " peasant war" broke out, partially caused and largely supported by these doctrines. The laboring classes were at this time very cruelly oppressed by the government, and the teachings of Anabaptism spread rapidly through Holstein, Westphalia, and the Netherlands. Again and again they were checked, and scattered, and persecuted even to death ; but traveling preach- ers continued the agitation, and organizations sprang up wherever persecution turned its back. In 1534 they became masters of Munster ; they destroyed all churches, and appointed 12 judges to rule over the city. A tailor named Bockhold had himself History, crowned king, and for a year the city was given over to every kind of madness and licentiousness. At the end of that time several Protestant princes conquered the city and restored peace and or- der by executing the ringleaders- of the up- roar. In Amsterdam and other cities Ana- baptists, who had little in common with the lustful fanaticism of Buckhold, began to spread their doctrines. The Revelations of St. John was their chief source of doctrine ; and their main desire was to found a new kingdom of pure and primitive Christians. David Joris (1501-56), one of the chief of these, united Liberalism with Anabaptism, introduced much mystical theology, and strove to unite the different Christian sects. Another promi- nent leader was Menno Simons. In spite of dangers and persecutions he gathered together the scattered and disheartened Anabaptists of Germany and the Netherlands. He explained his belief in a book published in 1556, Elements of the True Christian Faith, which is still an authoritative book among the Mennonites. His adherents believe in strictly following the teach- ings of Scripture, in rejecting the taking of oaths, every kind of revenge, war, divorce (ex- cept for adultery), infant baptism, and the under- taking the work of a magistrate. Their belief is that while magistracy is necessary for the present time, it is foreign to the kingdom of Christ. The education and theology of the col- leges they set very little value upon. Menno called his adherents " God's congregation ; poor unarmed Christian brothers. ' ' In Germany the Mennonites are called Taitfgesinnte, and in Holland, Doopsgesinden. The church is the literal communion of the saints, which must be kept pure by strict disci- pline. They are Universalists in regard to grace and Zwinglians in their view of the Lord's Sup- per. They celebrate the rite of feet-washing. Their bishops, elders, and teachers serve gratis. They are split into many divisions, mainly the strict and the mild Mennonites. The latter are known as Waterlanders, from a place in Hol- land. Some of their divisions take names from the peculiarities of their dress Buttoners, Hook- and-eye-ers, etc. The purity of their lives, how- ever, commands respect, and their industry makes them prosperous. References : The Social Side of the Reformation, by E. B. Bax; A Valuable Chapter in Ethic of Free Thought, by Karl Pearson ; also Ranke and other writers on the Reformation. ANARCHISM (Gr. av, privative., and a government), the social doctrine of the abolition of government of man by man, and the consti- tution of society without government. Under this general definition of anarchism there are, however, two schools of anarchists, so totally distinct and even opposed in their doc- trines, their methods, and general characteris- tics, that we must consider them separately and distinguish between them at every point. The two schools are those of the individualist anarch- ists (often called in this country philosophical anarchists), and, secondly, the school of anarch- ist communists. The individualist anarchists, though perhaps the fewer in number, are, in this country especially, the abler body of think- ers, and carry out to their fullest logical results the principles which a great many individualists accept but do not fully carry out. Individualist anarchists do not believe in the use of force not because they hold that it is wrong to use it, but simply because they are aware that the use of force never truly liberates, while their aim is ab- solute liberty their motto being " Liberty, not the daughter, but the mother of order." They Anarchism. 55 Anarchism. start from the philosophy of individual sover- eignty, and apply it to the problems of social science with relentless logic. While by no means objecting to organization and coopera- tion, provided it be voluntary, they would have all organization spring from the individual. Anarchist communists, on the other hand, form a wholly different school of thought. They do not believe in government, and they do be- lieve in overthrowing it by force. On its ruins they would plant a communal life, whose ideal is very little different from that of the socialists, except that it is not to be realized through the State. Most of the men who are called anarch- ists in the press, particularly of Europe, and al- most all the bomb-throwers and dynamiters of recent years on either continent have been an- archist communists. The school is mainly Euro- pean, as individualist anarchism is mainly Ameri- can. Anarchist-communism counts among its followers names favorably known to science and letters, such as Krapotkin and Reclus, while many, even of the dynamitards, have been men of education and sometimes refinement. Never- theless, it is mainly a movement among the working classes, particularly of France, Italy, Spain, and, to a less extent, Germany and Aus- tria. In England there are but few anarchist communists. In America they are found only in a few cities. The so-called Chicago anarch- ists were anarchist communists. Individualist anarchism, on the other hand, is not a class movement, but almost purely intellectual, nat- urally drawing its strength largely from the classes possessed to-day of intellectual advan- tages. It will thus be seen that in philosophy, method, and general characteristics the two classes of anarchists are carefully to be distin- guished. Both are distinctly revolutionary and opposed to the State ; but the one starts from the individual, and advocates a revolution through ideas ; the other starts from the com- munity, and advocates a revolution through force. We print a statement of individualist anarchism by Victor Yarros, one of its foremost American representatives ; and a statement of anarchist communism, by Pierre Krapotkin, perhaps its most distinguished representative. Says Mr. Yarros : 1. INDIVIDUALIST OR PHILOSOPHICAL ANARCHISM. The individualistic or philosophical anarchists favor the abolition of " the State" and govern- ment of man by man. They seek to bring about a state of perfect freedom of an- _. .. archy. To comprehend the precise e nition j[ m p or j. o f t^is statement it is essen- an a e- ^ a j ^ Q g ras p an( j bear in mind the en ' definitions given by the anarchists to the terms employed in their expo- sitions. The current misconceptions of the an- archistic doctrines are chiefly due to the persist- ent, though largely unconscious, habit of inter- preting them in the light of the popular defini- tions of the terms " State," " government," etc., instead of in the light of their own technical use of these terms. The average man, on being told that the anarchist would abolish all governmental restraints, not unnaturally concludes that the proposition involves the removal of the restric- tions upon crzmzna/ conduct, the relinquishment of organized defense of life, liberty, and property. Those who are familiar with the doctrine of non-resistance to evil, preached by the early Christians and by the modern Tolstoians, gen- erally identify anarchism with it. But such in- terpretations are without any foundation. The anarchists are emphatically in favor of resistance to and organized protection against crime and aggression of every kind ; it is not greater free- dom for the criminal,' but greater freedom for the non-criminal, that they aim to secure ; and by the abolition of government they mean the removal of restrictions upon conduct intrinsi- cally ethical and legitimate, but which ignorant legislation has interdicted as criminal. The an- archistic principle of personal liberty is abso- lutely coincident with the famous Spencerian " first principle of human happiness," the prin- ciple of "equal freedom," which Mr. Spencer has expressed in the formula, " Every man is free to do what he wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any other man." It is, in fact, precisely because the anarchist ac- cepts this principle without reservation, and in- sists on the suppression and elimination of all aggression or invasion all conduct incompati- ble with equality of liberty that he declares war upon the ' ' State' ' and ' ' government. " He defines "State" as "the embodiment of the principle of invasion in an individual or band of individuals, assuming to act as representa- tives or masters of the entire people within a given area. ' ' * Government he defines as ' ' the subjection of the non-invasive individual to an external will ;" and " invasion" as conduct vio- lative of equal freedom. Perhaps the clearest way of stating the politi- cal program of the anarchists will be to indi- cate its relation to other better known theories of government. The anarchists, agreeing with the view of the true Jeffersonian Democrats, that the Program. best government is that which gov- erns least, sympathizing with the position of the old Manchester individualists and laissez-fatre-ists, who believed in a minimum of government interference, as well as with the less vague doctrines of the more radical modern individualists of the Spencerian school, who would limit the State to the sole function of protecting men against external and internal invaders, go a step farther and demand the dissolution of what remains of "government" -viz. , compulsory taxation and compulsory military service. It is no more necessary, con- tend the anarchists, that government should assume the protective military and police func- tions, and compel men to accept its services, than it is that government should meddle with production, trade, banking, education, and other lines of human activity. By voluntary or- ganization and voluntary taxation it is perfectly possible to protect liberty and property and to restrain crime. It is doubtless easy to imagine a society in which government concerns itself with nothing save preservation of order and punishment of crime, in which there are no * The definitions here given are those formed and consistently used by Benjamin R. Tucker, the editor of liberty, the organ of the philosophical anarchistic movement. Anarchism. Anarchism. public schools supported by compulsory taxa- tion, no government interference with the issue of currency and banking, no custom-houses or duties on foreign imports, no government postal service, no censorship of literature and the stage, no attempt to enforce Sunday laws, etc. The laissez-faire-ists of the various schools have familiarized the thinking public with such a type of social organization. Now, the anarchists pro- pose to do away with the compulsory feature of the single function reserved for government by the radical laissez-faire-ists. In other words, they insist on the right of the non-aggressive individual to "ignore the State," to dispense with the protective services of the defensive or- ganization and remain outside of it. This would not prevent those who might desire systematic and organized protection from combining to maintain a defensive institution, but such an in- stitution would not be a government, since no one would be compelled to join it and pay toward its support. Anarchy, therefore, may be de- fined as a state of society in which the non-in- vasive individual is not coerced into cooperation for the defense of his neighbors, and in which each enjoys the highest degree of liberty com- patible with equality of liberty. With regard to the question of putting down aggression, the jurisdiction of the voluntary de- fensive organization would of course extend to outsiders, and not be limited by its membership. The criminal are not to secure immunity by de- clining to join defensive associations. As the freedom of each is to be bounded by the equal freedom of all, the invader would be liable to punishment under anarchism no less than under government. Criminals would still be tried by juries and punished by executive officers. They would not be allowed to set up ethical standards for themselves and to do what is right in their own eyes. Such a doctrine involves not the abolition of government, but the widest possible extension of it. It repudiates all ethical princi- ples and abandons all attempts at enforcing jus- tice and protecting rights. Every man is al- lowed under it to govern his fellows, if he has the will and the power, and the struggle for exist- ence in the simplest and crudest form is revived. Anarchism, on the other hand, posits the princi- ple of equal liberty as binding upon all, and only insists that those who refrain from violat- ing it should not be interfered with in any way, either by individual governors or combinations of would-be rulers. Anarchists reject governmentalism because they find no ethical warrant and no practical necessity for it. It appears to them self-evident that society, or the community, can . have no greater claims upon the in- 8 dividual than the component mem- . 5. bers of it have. The metaphysical Anarcnism, an( ^ m i s i ea di n g analogies between society and organism, upon which is usually founded the governmentalist's theory of the prerogatives of the State, anarchists reject with undisguised contempt. "The commu- nity," or " the State," is an abstraction, and an abstraction has neither rights nor duties. In- dividuals, and individuals only, have rights. This proposition is the corner-stone of the anarchistic doctrine, and those who accept it are bound to go the full length of anarch- ism. For if the community cannot rightfully compel a man to do or refrain from doing that which private and individual members thereof cannot legitimately force him to do or forego, then compulsory taxation and compulsory co- operation for any purpose whatever are wrong in principle, and government is merely another name for aggression. It will not be pretended that one private individual has the right to tax another private individual without his consent ; how, then, does the majority of the members of a community obtain the right to tax the minor- ity without its consent ? Having outgrown the dogma of the divine right of kings, democratic countries are uncon- sciously erecting the dogma of the Government divine right of majorities to rule. Aggression. The absurdity of such a belief is apparent. Majorities, minorities, and any other combinations of individuals are entitled to insist on respect of their rights, but not on violating the rights of others. There is one ethical standard, not two ; and it cannot be right for government to do that which would be criminal, immoral, when committed by individuals. Laws of social life are not made at the polls or in legislative assemblies ; they have to be discovered in the same way in which laws of other sciences are discovered. Once discov- ered, majorities are bound to observe them no less than individuals. As already stated, the anarchists hold that the law of equal freedom, formulated positively by Spencer and negatively by Kant, is a scientific so- cial law which ought to guide men in their vari- ous activities and mutual relations. The logical deductions or corollaries of this law show us at once our rights and our duties. Government vio- lates this great law not only by the fact of its very existence, but in a thousand other ways. Gov- ernment means the coercion of the non-invasive, the taxation of those who protest against being forced to join the political organization set up by the majority. It enacts statutes and imposes re- straints which find no sanction in the law of equal freedom, and punishes men for disobeying such arbitrary provisions. It is true that governments profess to have the public welfare in view, and to enforce nothing save what morality and jus- tice dictate. Justice, however, is invariably con- founded by governments with legalism, and by the enforcement of justice they often mean the enforcement of the very laws which they enact in violation of justice. Thus laws in restraint of trade and of exchange are enforced in the name of justice, whereas justice demands the fullest freedom of trade and exchange. Strict- ly speaking, the enforcement of justice cannot be undertaken by government at all, since a government that should attempt to enforce jus- tice would have to begin by signing its own death-warrant. A government that would en- force equal freedom and let the inoffensive alone would be, not a government, but a volun- tary association for the protection of rights. In republican countries men loosely speak of their ' ' free government, ' ' tneir ' ' government by consent." In reality there is no such thing as government by consent. Majorities rule, and the minorities are forced to acquiesce. Anarchism. 57 Anarchism. The principle of consent is clearly fatal to gov- ernmentalism, for it implies the right of the non-invasive to ignore the State and decline to accept its services. Ethically a man has a per- fect right to do this, for the mere refusal to join the political organization (which is merely an insurance association) is not a breach of the principle of equal freedom. Our " free govern- ments" deny this right, hence they are im- moral. They cannot become moral except by ceasing to be governments and becoming pure- ly voluntary associations for defense. Apart from the question of compulsory taxa- tion and compulsory military service, on the abolition of which anarchists alone lay stress (although they readily admit that the police functions of government will be the last to dis- appear), there is little, if any, difference be- tween anarchists and Spencerian individualists on the question of government interference. The cessation of such interference with economic relations with the issue of money, banking, wages, trade, production, etc. is advocated on the ground that the solution of the social prob- lems is to be found in liberty rather than in regulation, in free competition rather than in State monopoly. On the subject of public edu- cation, postal service, poor laws, sanitary super- vision, etc., anarchists, in common with ad- vanced individualists, hold that government in- terference is as pernicious practically as it is unwarranted ethically. Corruption and ineffi- ciency are evils inseparable from government management, and there is nothing which gov- ernment does that could not be done better by private enterprise under free competition. In short, the anarchists object to government- alism because it is unethical, as well as unnec- essary and inexpedient. Government is either the will of one man or the will of a number of men, large or small. Now, the will of one or many is not a criterion of right and justice, while for the adjustment of the conflicting inter- ests of the members of society such a criterion is an absolute necessity. Majority rule, and even the rule of a despot, may be, under certain conditions, preferable to a state of civil chaos ; but as men advance and study the facts of their own development, they begin to realize the truth that there is no relation whatever between right and numbers, justice and force. Majority rule is discredited along Majority with despotic rule, and ethical sci- Eule ence becomes the sole guide and Discredited, authority. The social laws require to be applied and enforced as long as predatory instincts and invasive tendencies continue to manifest themselves in human relations, and this necessitates the maintenance of associations for the protection of freedom and the punishment of aggres- sion. But the governmental method is not adapted to the promotion of this end. Govern- ment begins by coercing the non-invasive indi- vidual into cooperation for defense and offense, regardless of the' fact that a benevolent despot- ism is not a whit more defensible than a selfish despotism. In general, it may be stated that any meth- ods not in themselves invasive are regarded as legitimate by the anarchists in the furtherance of their cause. But they rely chiefly, if not entirely, on the methods of education theoreti- cal propaganda of their views and of passive re- sistance to government. In violence, so-called propaganda by deed and subter- ranean plotting against existing institutions, they do not believe. Methods. Political changes may be brought about by revolutions, and possibly also such economic changes as are contemplated by the State socialists. But freedom can rest only on ideas and sentiments favorable to it, and revolutionary demonstrations can never abolish ignorance and the spirit of tyranny. Freedom cannot be forced on those who are not fit for it. The emancipation of the people from the aggression of government must come through their own deliberate choice and effort. Anarchists can but disseminate true political teachings and expose the nature and essence of fovernmentalism. Anarchists, however, do not elieve that it is necessary to convert the whole people in order to carry their principles into practice. A strong and determined minority could, while remaining passive, successfully re- sist the attempt of government to tax them and otherwise impose its will upon them. Public opinion would not approve of a government campaign of violence against a number of intelligent and perfectly honest individuals banded together for the sole purpose of carrying on their legitimate activities and asserting their right to ignore injunctions and prohibitions hav- ing no authority from an ethical point of view. Even if anarchists believed in the use of vio- lent methods, and if they thought that violent resistance to government would hasten their emancipation, they would certainly resort to it, since it is not immoral or invasive to use force against invaders there would be one impor- tant difference between them and other schools of reformers. Anarchists would not prevent others from living under government side by side with them, while other reformers seek to impose their schemes on the whole community in which they live. Thus the State socialists, in pursuance of their program of State monopoly of capital, -intend to suppress all competition and all rivalry on the part of individual owners of capital. The anarchists, on the other hand, if allowed to remain outside of the governmental organization, would force no one to join them or follow their example. Still, as a matter of fact, anarchists abjure violence even in their own in- terests, vividly realizing the truth that the prog- ress of justice and freedom is arrested in a state of war. Peace is an essential condition to the spread of rational ideas and the growth of the sentiment of toleration. Appealing as they do to the ideas and feelings of justice, it would be suicidal for anarchists to encourage violence and excite the lowest passions of men by revolu- tionary tactics. To reform by ordinary political methods the anarchists are also opposed, at least under present conditions. As they do not seek any new positive legislation, they can expect noth- ing from politics. They demand the repeal of the legislation which improperly restricts men's freedom of action, and such repeal they cannot secure while being in a minor- Anarchism. Anarchism. ity. Whether they would cooperate with other parties in attempting to carry specific measures of repeal, would depend largely on circumstances. It is to be remembered that, while the anarchists are strenuous in their oppo- sition to every vestige of government, they do not expect to realize their entire program at one stroke. They are prepared for very slow and gradual reform, and would welcome the suc- cess of any single libertarian proposal. They would rejoice in the triumph of the free-trade idea, the repeal of the laws perpetuating land monopoly and monetary monopoly, and the abo- lition of special privileges. If they do not form themselves into a political party for the purpose of attaining one or more of these objects, it is because they can do more by other methods. Moreover, to enter into the political arena is to recognize, by implication, the principle of gov- ernment. To vote is to coerce or to threaten coercion. Behind the ballot is the bullet of the soldier, ready to force the defeated minority into submission. The voter does not merely assert his right to self-government ; he sets up a claim to govern others. The anarchist cannot em- ploy a method which would put him in such a false light. Thus 'the anarchist is neither a government bomb-thrower nor a revolutionary bomb-throw- er. He objects to the use of violence by the government as well as against it. He restricts himself to the method of education and such passive resistance as is exemplified by a refusal to pay taxes or rent or import duties on com- modities purchased in foreign countries. VICTOR YARROS. ,, Historical Sketch of Individualist Anarchism. Philosophical anarchists usually regard Proudhon as the founder of their school of social science ; but there were in America, altho far less widely known, men entertaining anarchistic views before Proudhon's time. We will, therefore, first notice the anarchist movement in America, and then consider it in other countries. America, or at least the United States, with its early extreme individualism and fear of the State (see CENTRALIZATION), was the fitting birthplace of anarchistic thought. Josiah Warren, a plain and only moderately educated New Englander, but of unusually independent and earnest spirit, was probably the first to enunciate pre- cise anarchistic conceptions. He had become interested in the social views and plans of Robert Owen (q.v.), at this time first taking root iii the land ; had Warren. joined the Owenite community at New Harmony; had carefully studied its principles and mused upon its failure, till finally, about 1828, he reached the conclusion that its principles were exactly the opposite of the true ones, and that, instead of the communistic idea of each working for all, as Owen taught, the true way to pro- duce order, harmony, and well-being, was for each to live, in his own way, absolutely untrammeled by others, so far as he did not intrude upon the simi- lar privileges of others. His thoughts took especial- ly a financial turn, and he came to the conclusion that cost was the true limit of price ; that usury and profit in all their forms were, therefore, economically wrong, and, moreover, that they would disappear under per- fectly free competition. He sought to put his ideas into practice, to actually test them before giving them to the world, and therefore started, and for two years successfully carried on, a store in Cincinnati, where cost was the limit of price, and where usury and profit were eliminated. Finding that he was doing a busi- ness of $150,000 a year a large amount for Cincinnati in those days he was convinced of the practicality and correctness of his idea, and therefore closed his busi- ness to devote his lite to the propagation of his ideas. His main writings were True Civilization, a short work, first published in 1846, and Equitable Commerce, in which he elaborated his ideas of cost as the limit of price. These books found at least a few thoughtful readers. Stephen Pearl Andrews declared at a later day that the True Civilization was the text and basis of all his own writings, and John Stuart Mill refers to Warren with expressions of deepest interest and re- spect. Others, however, were thinking in the same line. Lysander Spooner, who has but recently passed away, may be called the Nestor of anarchism, of the ex- treme individualistic school. Commenc- ing public life as a young lawyer in Worcester, Mass., he first showed strong Other analytic and argumentative powers in Americana several pamphlets defending Deism * XIUCIll ' ltI18 ' against Christianity, but soon passed more and more into sociological studies and controversyj coming to hold and defend extreme views as to individual sovereignty and the tyranny of the State. As early as 1844 he established a private mail between Boston and New York, and later ex- tended it to Philadelphia and Baltimore, achieving suc- cess, until at last compelled to stop, owing to petty and constant persecution and annoyance from the Government. From that time he devoted his great abilities to the promulgation of his ideas. During the anti-slavery contest he did good work as an abolition- ist, and incorporated his views in The Unconstitution- ality of Slavery. His legal acumen appears in his Trial by Jury, in which he reverts to the early and true meaning of the phrase a trial by one's peers ; and pro- tests against the absurd and monstrous system (as he claims it to be) of ignorance and injustice now pass- ing under that name. How far he carried his ideas appears in an unsigned monograph from his pen, en- titled Revolution. Stephen Pearl Andrews was a disciple of Warren. As Warren especially studied economic questions, so Andrews studied the family and marriage. His Science of Society, published in 1850, is still considered by phil- osophical anarchists a classic on the subject. Warren himself declared it a better statement of his own ideas than he himself could write. (For further account, see ANDREWS.) We now first come to the influence of Proudhon in America, Colonel William B. Greene, of Boston, being the first in this country known to have declared himself a follower of the great Frenchman. Colonel Greene's book on Mutual Banking is one of the most acute and searching inquiries into the monetary problems to be found in the literature of the subject. Colonel Greene was a keen, logicial thinker and a profound scholar. He was a remarkably witty speaker and writer, and his book, entitled Socialistic, Communistic, Mutualistic, and Financial Fragments, shows his power and ver- satility. E. H. Heywood, a writer on various subjects, was another disciple of Warren. He is the author of a number of very able pamphlets. Charles T. Fowler, also a disciple of Warren, was a Unitarian minister when he first fell under the influence of Warren. He studied Proudhon, and after leaving the church, devot- ed himself to the propaganda of anarchistic doctrines. He died a few years ago, leaving an admirable series of pamphlets on social and economic problems. These men, however, while holding essentially an- archist views, and contributing, severally, to the devel- opment of anarchism in the United States, did not adopt the name anarchist, and did not really start the movement which has taken such definite shape under that dis- p r p SM1 t tinctive denomination. The man who, ~^ . assimilating and profiting by the teach- Writers. ings of Proudhon, Warren, Greene, and the American and English individual- ists, formulated a consistent and comprehensive anar- chistic philosophy, and started the practical anarchistic movement, is Benjamin R. Tucker, the editor of Liberty, the organ of anarchism. Mr. Tucker was a young man, a student of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, when he, becoming interested in social reform, sought the acquaintance of Warren and Greene. The latter called his attention to Proudhon's What is Property ? and so impressed was he with the originality and value of that revolutionary (in an intellectual sense) and epoch-making work, that he set himself the task of translating it into English. No work has ever enjoyed the privilege of a more competent rendering into another language. The vigor and eloquence of Proud- hon's style was fully preserved in the translation, and to this is due a large share of the influence exerted by Proudhon's work in America and England. A few years later Mr. Tucker started his paper, Liberty, which has been for more than a decade the recognized authority on anarchism. Mr. Tucker does not strictly Anarchism. 59 Anarchism. follow Proudhon, any more than he strictly follows Warren. He rejects the inconsistencies of the former as he does the crudities of the latter. He may be said to have organized the various anarchistic ideas eco- nomic, political, etc. into a coherent and systematic whole. Where Proudhon was vague and Warren inade- quate, Mr. Tucker is clear, logical, consistent, and scien- tific. Mr. Tucker has influenced a considerable number of able men in journalism and other professions, as well as some of the prominent men in the labor movement. We will only mention here the name of Dyer D. Lum, one of the leaders of the early Greenback movement, who died a few years ago. Mr. Lum, while sympathizing to some extent with the methods of revolutionary re- formers, was for several years before his death a vigorous and scholarly champion of the economic and political ideas of anarchism. The growth of anarchism has not been rapid, and its history is not eventful or sensational. Its indirect in- fluences, however, have wrought great changes in social science and in the intellectual attitude of sociolo- gists and reformers. In Europe, the real history of philosophic anarchism begins with Proudhon. (For a fuller notice of his life and teachings, see PROUDHON.) We study him here but in brief, in relation to the movement of anarchism. Born in 1809, after a bitter Europe. personal experience with poverty and ill-paid work, he published in 1840 his great work, what is Property ? Of this an admirer says : " He first with genius, and With learn- ing and acumen rarely equalled, pleaded for absolute liberty of the individual and the doing away of all gov- ernment. Property in its modern sense he showed to be not the product of individual labor on the part of the owner of the property, but the product of the labor of others, taken from them by legalized wrong, or by aid of monopolies and class legislation created by the State. Hence the truth of his celebrated sentence,"" Property is theft." The cure, he argued, was to do away with all government, and then each individual could retain that which he had produced, so that justice and order and well-being would be the result of liberty." The book exposed him to new persecution from the Government and learned societies, which continued more or less to his death in 1865. He passed much of his life, banished from France, in Belgium. Yet he was ever active and at times popular in France. He was elected in 1848 to the Constituent Assembly by 77,000 votes, which, together with his frequent impris- onments and banishments, as well as the suppression of books, shows his power and influence in his genera- tion. Yet few followed him understandingly. Proud- hon himself declared that even those who voted for him did not understand his views. He believed that in America (as seems to be the case) his thoughts would first take root. His principal writings besides the above named are : The Creation of Order in Human- ity (1843) i ^ System of Economical Contradictions (1848) ; Justice in the Revolution and in the Church (1858) ; Justice (revised edition, 1859-60). Proudhon was right ; few followed him understand- ingly. The movement that sprang from his teach- ings has in the main, in Europe, been anarchist com- munism, which is no more like philosophic anarch- ism than Proudhon was like Bakpunin. The real followers of Proudhon and philosophical anarchism, in Europe, can almost be counted on one's fingers, tho their influence has been more marked than this might seem to indicate. In Germany Caspar Schmidt, better known under his nom de plume of Max Stirner, laid what some re- gard as the ethical foundations of anarchism in his Der Einzige und sein Eigenthum (1843). John Henry Mac- kay, a Scotchman by birth, but with a German mother, and brought up in Germany from boyhood, has devel- oped philosophic anarchism in poems, a novel (T/ie Anarchists, translated into English, 1891), and other works. In England philosophic anarchism under this name has had scarcely any development at all ; but perhaps this is only because so much of its individu- alism, of which there has been considerable develop- ment, has come so near to philosophic anarchism in such writers as Herbert Spencer, Auberon Herbert, Wordsworth Donisthorpe, Thomas Mackay, Frederick Millar, and others. A notice of the first three will be found under each name. II. ANARCHIST COMMUNISM. The following statement of anarchist com- munism is abridged from a tract on Tlie Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution, by Pierre A. Krapotkin : " All things belong to all, and provided that men and women contribute their share of labour for the production of necessary objects, they are entitled to their share of all that is produced by the community at large. ' But this is commu- nism,' you may say. Yes, it is communism, but it is the communism which no longer speaks in the name of religion or of the State, but in the name of the people. . . . The tendency of this clos- ing century is toward communism, not the mo- nastic or barrack-room communism formerly ad- vocated, but the free communism which places the products reaped or manufactured in common at the disposal of all, leaving to each the liberty to consume them as he pleases in his own home. " This is the solution of which the mass of the people can most readily take hold, and it is the solution which the people demand at the most solemn epochs. In 1848 the formula ' From each according to his abilities, to each accord- ing to his needs ' was the one which went straight to the heart of the masses, and if they acclaimed the republic and universal suffrage, it was because they hoped to attain to com- munism through them. In 1871, also, when the people besieged in Paris desired to make a su- preme effort to resist the invader, what was their demand ? That free rations should be served out to every one. Let all articles be put into one common stock and let them be dis- tributed according to the requirements of each. Let each one take freely of all that is abundant, and let those objects which are less plentiful be distributed more sparingly and in due propor- tions this is the solution which the mass of the workers understand best. This is also the system which is commonly practised in the rural districts (of France. France). So long as the common lands afford abundant pasture, what commune seeks to restrict their use ? When brushwood and chestnuts are plentiful, what commune forbids its members to take as much as they want ? And when the larger wood be- gins to grow scarce, what course does the peas- ant adopt ? The allowancing of individuals. " Let us take from the common stock the arti- cles which are abundant, and let those objects whose production is more restricted be served out in allowances according to requirements, giving preference to children and old persons that is to say, to the weak. And, moreover, let all be consumed not in public, but at home, ac- cording to individual tastes and in company with one's family and friends. This is the ideal of the masses. " But it is not enough to argue about ' com- munism ' and ' expropriation ; ' it is further- more necessary to know who should have the management of the common patrimony, and it is especially on this question that different schools of socialists are opposed to one another, some desiring authoritarian communism, and others, like ourselves, declaring unreservedly in favour of anarchist communism. In order to judge between these two, let us return once again to our starting point, the Revolution of the last century. " In overturning royalty the Revolution pro- Anarchism. 60 Anarchism. claimed the sovereignty of the people ; but, by an inconsistency which was very natural at that time, it proclaimed not a permanent sover- eignty, but an intermittent one, to be exercised at certain intervals only, for the nomination of deputies supposed to represent the people. In reality it copied its institutions from the repre- sentative government of England. The Revo- lution was drowned in blood, and, nevertheless, representative government became the watch- word of Europe. All Europe, with the excep- tion of Russia, has tried it, under all possible forms, from government based on a property qualification to the direct government of the lit- tle Swiss republics. But, strange to say, just in proportion as we have approached nearer to the ideal of a representative government, elected by a perfectly free universal suffrage, in that same proportion have its essential vices become mani- fest to us, till we have clearly seen that this mode of government is radically defective. Is it not, indeed, absurd to take a certain number of men from out the mass, and to intrust them with the management of all public affairs, say- ing to them, ' Attend to these matters ; we ex- onerate ourselves from the task by laying it upon you ; it is for you to make laws on all man- ner of subjects armaments and mad dogs, ob- servatories and chimneys, instruction and street- sweeping ; arrange these things as you please and make laws about them, since you are the chosen ones whom the people has voted capable of doing everything !' It appears to me that if a thoughtful and honest man were offered such a post he would answer somewhat in this fashion : " ' You intrust me with a task which I am unable to fulfil. I am unacquainted with most of the questions upon which I shall be called on to legislate. I shall either have to work to some extent in the dark, which will not be to your ad- vantage, or I shall appeal to you and summon meetings in which you will yourselves seek to come to an understanding on the questions at issue, in which case my office will be unneces- sary. If you have formed an opinion and have formulated it, and if you are anxious to come to an understanding with others who have also formed an opinion on the same subject, then all you need do is to communicate with your neigh- bours and send a delegate to come to an under- standing with other delegates on this specific question ; but you will Argument, certainly reserve to yourselves the right of taking an ultimate deci- sion ; you will not intrust your del- egate with the making of laws for you. This is how scientists and business men act each time that they have to come to an agreement. ' ' ' But the above reply would be a repudiation of the representative system, and nevertheless it is a faithful expression of the idea which is growing everywhere since the vices of repre- sentative government have been exposed in all their nakedness. Our age, however, has gone still further, for it has begun to discuss the rights of the State and of society in relation to the individual ; people now ask to what point the interference of the State is necessary in the multitudinous functions of society. " Do we require a government to educate our children ? Only let the worker have leisure to- instruct himself, and you will see that, through the free initiative of parents and of persons fond of tuition, thousands of educational societies and schools of all kinds will spring up, rivalling one another in the excellence of their teaching. If we were not crushed by taxation and exploited by employers, as we now are, could we not our- selves do much better than is now done for us ? The great centres would initiate progress and set the example, and you may be sure that the progress realised would be incomparably supe- rior to what we now attain through our minis- tries. Is the State even necessary for the de- fence of a territory ? If armed brigands attack a people, is not that same people armed with good weapons the surest rampart to oppose to the foreign aggressor ? Standing armies are always beaten by invaders, and history teaches that the latter are to be repulsed by a popular rising alone. While government is an excellent ma- chine to protect monopoly, has it ever been able to protect us against ill-disposed persons ? Does it not, by No Need of creating misery, increase the num- the State, ber of crimes instead of diminishing them ? In establishing prisons into which multitudes of men, women, and children are thrown for a time, in order to come forth in- finitely worse than when they went in, does not the State maintain nurseries of vice at the ex- pense of the tax-payers ? In obliging us to com- mit to others the care of our affairs, does it not create the most terrible vice of societies indif- ference to public matters ? . . . " Let others, if they will, advocate industrial barracks or the monastery of authoritarian com- munism, we declare that the tendency of society is in an opposite direction. We foresee millions and millions of groups freely constituting them- selves for the satisfaction of all the varied needs of human beings some of these groups or- ganised by quarter, street, and house ; others extending hands across the walls of cities over frontiers and oceans. All of these will be com- posed of human beings who will combine free- ly, and after having performed their share of productive labour will meet together, either for the purpose of consumption, or to produce ob- jects of art or luxury, or to advance science in a new direction. This is the tendency of the nineteenth century, and we follow it ; we only ask to develop it freely without any govern- mental interference. Individual liberty ! ' Take pebbles,' said Fourrier, ' put them into a box and shake them, and they will arrange them- selves in a mosaic that you could never get by intrusting to any one the work of arranging them harmoniously. ' ' ' Now let me pass to another part of my subject the most important with respect to the future. " There is no more room for doubting that religions are going ; the nineteenth century has given them their death-blow. But religions all religions have a double composition. They contain, in the first place, a primitive cosmog- ony, a rude attempt at explaining nature, and they furthermore contain a statement of the public morality born and developed within the mass of the people. But when we throw religions overboard or store them among our public rec- Anarchism. 61 Anarchism. ords as historical curiosities, shall we also rele- gate to museums the moral principles which they contain ? This has sometimes been done, and we have seen people declare that as they no longer believed in the various religions, so they despised morality and boldly proclaimed the maxim of bourgeois selfishness, ' Every one for himself.' But a society, human or animal, can- not exist without certain rules and moral habits springing up within it ; religion may go, moral- ity remains. If we were to come to consider that a man did well in lying, deceiving his neighbours, or plundering them when possible (this is the middle-class business morality), we. should come to such a pass that we could no longer live together. You might assure me of your friendship, but perhaps you might only do so in order to rob me more easily ; you might promise to do a certain thing forme, only to de- ceive me ; you might promise to forward a let- ter for me, and you might steal it, just like an ordinary governor of a jail. Under such condi- tions society would become impossible, and this is so generally understood that the repudiation of religions in no way prevents pub- lic morality from being maintained, Ethical Side, developed, and raised to a higher and ever higher standard. This fact is so striking that philosophers seek to explain it by the principles of utilitari- anism, and recently Spencer sought to base the morality which exists among us upon physio- logical causes and the needs connected with the preservation of the race. ' ' Let me give you an example in order to ex- plain to you what we think on the matter. ' ' A child is drowning, and four men who stand upon the bank see it struggling in the water. One of them does not stir ; he is a partisan of ' Each one for himself,' the maxim of the com- mercial middle class ; this one is a brute, and we need not speak of him further. The next one reasons thus : ' If I save the child, a good report of my action will be made to the ruler of heaven, and the Creator will reward me by in- creasing my flocks and my serfs,' and thereupon he plunges into the water. Is he, therefore, a moral man ? Clearly not ! He is a shrewd cal- culator, that is all. The third, who is an utilitari- an, reflects thus (or at least utilitarian philoso- phers represent him as so reasoning) : ' Pleasures can be classed in two categories, inferior pleas- ures and higher ones. To save the life of any one is a superior pleasure, infinitely more intense and more durable than others ; therefore, I will save the child. ' Admitting that any man ever reasoned thus, would he not be a terrible egotist ? and, moreover, could we ever be sure that his sophistical brain would not at some given mo- ment cause his will to incline toward an inferior pleasure that is to say, toward refraining from troubling himself? There remains the fourth individual. This man has been brought up from his childhood to feel himself one with the rest of humanity ; from his childhood he has always regarded men as possessing interests in common ; he has accustomed himself to suffer when his neighbours suffer, and to feel happy when every one around him is happy. Directly he hears the heart-rending cry of the mother, he leaps into the water, not through reflection, but by instinct ; and when she thanks him for saving her child, he says, ' What have I done to de- serve thanks, my good woman ? I am happy to see you happy ; I have acted from natural im- pulse, and could not do otherwise ! ' " You recognise in this case the truly moral man, and feel that the others are only egotists in comparison with him. The whole anarchist morality is represented in this example. It is the morality of a people which does not look for 'the sun at midnight a morality without com- pulsion or authority, a morality of habit. Let us create circumstances in which man shall not be led to deceive nor exploit others, and then by the very force of things the moral level of humanity will rise to a height hitherto unknown. Men are certainly not to be moralized by teaching them a moral catechism ; tribunals and prisons do not diminish vice they pour it over society in floods. Men are to be moralized only by placing them in a position which shall contribute to de- velop in them those habits which are social, and to weaken those which are not so. A morality which has become instinctive is the true moral- ity, the only morality which endures while re- ligions and systems of philosophy pass away. ' ' Let us now combine the three preceding ele- ments, and we shall have anarchy and its place in socialistic evolution. ' ' Emancipation of the producer from the yoke of capital ; production in common and free con- sumption of all the products of the common labour. ' ' Emancipation from the governmental yoke ; free development of individuals in groups and federations ; free organization ascending from the simple to the complex, according to mutual needs and tendencies. ' ' Emancipation from religious morality ; free morality, without compulsion or authority, de- veloping itself from social life and becoming habitual. " The above is no dream of students, it is a conclusion which results from an analysis of the tendencies of modern society ; anarchist com- munism is the union of the two fundamental tendencies of our society a tenden- cy toward economic equality and a tendency toward political liberty. Fundamental So long as communism presented it- Tendencies. self under an authoritarian form, which necessarily implies govern- ment, armed with much greater power than that which it possesses to-day, inasmuch as it implies economic in addition to political power so long as this was the case communism met with no suf- ficient response. Before 1848 it could, indeed, sometimes excite for a moment the enthusiasm of the worker who was prepared to submit to any all- powerful government, provided it would release him from the terrible situation in which he was placed, but it left the true friends of liberty in- different. "Anarchist communism maintains that most valuable of all conquests individual liberty and moreover extends it and gives it a solid basis economic liberty without which politi- cal liberty is delusive ; it does not ask the indi- vidual who has rejected God, the universal ty- rant, God the king, and God the Parliament, to give unto himself a god more terrible than any Anarchism. 62 Anarchism. of the preceding God the community, or to abdicate upon its altar his independence, his will, his tastes, and to renew the vow of asceti- cism which he formerly made before the cruci- fied God. It says to him, on the contrary, ' No society is free so long as the individual is not so ! Do not seek to modify society by imposing upon it an authority which shall make every- thing right ; if you do, you will fail as popes and emperors have failed. Modify society so that your fellows may not be any longer your enemies by the force of circumstances ; abolish the conditions which allow some to monopolize the fruit of the labour of others ; and instead of attempting to construct society from top to bot- tom, or from the centre to the circumference, let it develop itself freely from the simple to the composite, by the free union of free groups. This course, which is so much obstructed at present, is the true, forward march of society ; do not seek to hinder it, do not turn your back on progress, but march along with it ! Then the sentiment of sociability which is common to human beings, as it is to all animals living in society, will be able to develop itself freely, be- cause our fellows will no longer be our enemies, and we shall thus arrive at a state of things in which each individual will be able to give free rein to his inclinations, and even to his passions, without any other restraint than the love and respect of those who surround him. ' " This is our ideal, and it is the ideal which lies deep in the hearts of peoples of all peoples. We know full well that this ideal will not be at- tained without violent shocks ; the close of this century has a formidable revolution in store for us ; whether it begins in France, Germany, Spain, or Russia, it will be a European one, and spreading with the same rapidity as that of our fathers, the heroes of 1848, it will set all Europe in a blaze. This coming revolution will not aim at a mere change of government, but will have a social character ; the work of expropriation will commence, and exploiters will be driven out. Whether we like it or not, this will be done independently of the will of individuals, and when hands are laid on private property we shall arrive at communism, because we shall be forced to do so. Communism, however, cannot be either authoritarian or parliamentary, it must either be anarchist or non-existent ; the mass of the people does not desire to trust itself again to any Savior, but will seek to organize itself by itself." HISTORY AND METHODS OF ANARCHIST COMMUNISM. Anarchist communism, tho more or less indebted to the thoughts of Rousseau, Prqudhon, Ruge and others, owes its origin as a movement to the Russian Bakounin. Born of aris- Origin. tocratic and even princely parentage, Michael Bakounin, at first an officer in the Russian Army, threw up his commission at the age of 21, disgusted by the oppression of the Government and the consequent sufferings of the poor, and studied philosophy, reading Hegel and Schopen- hauer in St. Petersburg and Berlin. Coming into revo- lutionary circles mainly under the influence of Arnold Ruge, who represented the extreme Hegelian left, Ba- kounin took part in the Dresden insurrection of 1848, and was arrested and condemned to death, but eventually handed over to the Russians and imprisoned in Schlus- selberg and in 1852 sent to Siberia. Hence, however, he eventually escaped, through Japan and the United States, and, in 1861, appeared in London, a revolutionist, declared by his enemies to be half-crazed by his years of suffering and imprisonment. Be this as it may, he threw himself into revolutionary propaganda of every kind, mainly as an Internationalist, but sometimes in- consistently as a Panslavist, and occasionally as a Nihilist. Switzerland, Italy, and Southern France were the main scenes of his efforts, but he contrived to fill all Europe with his spirit of revolution. Gradually his utterances became wilder and his position more extreme. He commenced to preach the gospel of pan- destruction. When the International (q. v.) was founded in London under the presidency of Marx in 1864, Bakou- nin did not at first connect himself with it. But later, realizing what capital could be made of it, he threw himself into the movement, and almost captured the In- ternational for anarchism. He did capture it in Italy, Spain, Southern France, Belgium, and to a large ex- tent in Switzerland and other countries. In 1872, how- . ever, Marx as president contrived to have the congress, of the International called at the Hague, where Bakou- nin could not come, since he was only secure in Switzer- land, and would have been arrested in traversing any country through which he could have reached the Hague. At this congress, therefore, the adherents of Bakounin were defeated, and the General Council of the International was transferred to New York City. It resulted in the death of the International ; but out of the split came the modern movements of democratic socialism and anarchist communism, economic schools, which, altho previously to 1872 they had been more or less confaunded, are now utterly distinct and even opposed. The ultimate ideals of the followers of Marx and Bakounin were not, however, so different. They both believed in communism, and communism was the early name for all socialism as well as for anarchist communism ; but the split came in methods. The followers of Bakounin believed in destroying the State ; Marx stood for capturing the State by legitimate polit- ical means, and through the State establishing the So- cial Democracy, or communism. Both opposed the present State ; but one sought to overturn it at once by force, the other sought to capture it and use it. For a while it seemed doubtful which policy would win. For a considerable time, the anarchist communists, especially in the southern countries, were stronger than the socialists. The working classes did not see the strength of the socialist programme. Anarchist -com- munism, if it appealed less to their heads, appealed more to their instincts. It appealed to revolutionary deed. Words, its advocates declared, were cheap ; it is the propaganda by deed that makes men think. The propaganda by deed has ever been the favorite policy among anarchist communists, being defended, though not practised, even by such men as Krapotkin and Reclus. But organization among anarchists has never prospered. Their policy lends itself to individual deed. Bakounin did not quietly accept his defeat by Marx at the Hague. He and his adherents called another con- gress in Switzerland, and declared that they were the true International. From this time anarchist com- munism had an organized existence. (For further details as to the preceding period, see BAKOUNIN ; INTERNATIONAL.) In 1876 Bakounin died, Elisee Reclus, Paul Brousse, and others gathering around his grave, ready to carry on his work. In October of the same year a congress was held atOrganization. Berne, and enunciated the principles of anarchist communism, altho still under the name of socialism. It denounced even the Paris Commune, as not having entirely eliminated the prin- ciple of authority. At this congress two Italian dele- gates were present, Carlo Cafiero and Enrico Mala- testa, and went home to head a revolution in April, 1877, in the Italian province of Benevento. They burnt the archives and laid their hands on what arms and money they could find, and distributed them to the people. The same year a congress was held at Verviers, where Krapotkin first appeared on the- scenes under the name of Scrachqff. In 1878, Brousse and Krapot- kin commenced publishing the Ai ovg labor in America, which are closed and " * barred against American boys, swing Learn open, wide and free, to all foreign com- Trades 1 ers. Labor in free America is free to all save the sons of Americans. " These are neither idle nor exaggerated statements. They are sober, solemn truths, expressed with studied moderation. So-called American labor to-day is a complete misnomer, as far as the trades are concerned. How has it come about that the United States alone among the nations of the earth has not merely sur- rendered possession of her field of mechanical labor to foreigners, but aquiesces when the foreign possessors exclude from that field her own sons?" Professor E. W. Bemis, at the time of Chica- go University, in an article first appearing in the annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, contends that these state- ments cannot be substantiated. He says : "Most of our trade-unions have so little prejudice against any nationality, native or foreign, that they keep no records of the number of each in their mem bership. . . . " While the foreign born are in the majority in many of the hard-handed industries, this is not because of our labor organizations, but often in spite of their efforts, of late increasing, to prevent by restricting immigra- Apprenticeship. 72 Apprenticeship. tion this form of competition of those with a lower standard of living. Where the American born are not in our unions, it is either because the American boy does not like manual labor, and so is not engaged in the trades in which there are unions, or else he refuses to join the union of his trade. Many unions write that the Germans take most readily to labor organization, while in Chicago the native farmers' boys from the Atlantic seaboard States are least responsive. An intense, self-sufficient individualism, which was more fitted to our earlier history, where organization of cap- ital was also little develop'ed, than to the present era of the corporation and the trust, keeps a large, but of late, decreasing percentage of the American boys actually in our trades from joining the unions of those trades. Nor can it be even shown that the majority of trade-unions seek to unduly limit apprentice- ship. In 1891 Professor Bemis investigated this question, embodying the results in a paper which appeared in the proceedings of the American Social Science Association for that year. Mr. Bemis says : " Of the 60 to 70 trade-unions in the United States then having a national or international organization, 48, with a membership of over 500,000, made returns to the writer. Most of the other unions are small and known to place no restrictions on apprentices. Now of these 48 unions, 28, embracing 222,000 members, or 45 per cent, of the above 500,000, had no restrictions upon ap- prenticeship ; in 10 unions, with 197,000 members, or 39 per cent, of all, restriction was left to the locals. Nearly all of these 197,000 were carpenters, printers, cigar-mak- ers, painters, and decorators. N o returns were received from most of the building trades aside from the carpen- ters, but it is known that where they have any restric- tions upon apprenticeship, they are usually a matter of local regulation. Let us examine a little the restrictions in these unions. Only those branches of the cigar-mak- ers' organization which make the better grade of cigars attempt any restriction Statistics, at all of apprentices. Where restric- tion is attempted, it is usual to allow one apprentice to a shop and two apprentices where from five to 10 journeymen are employed. The term of apprenticeship being three years, and the nat- ural working life of cigar-makers over 15 years, there is, in the application of this rule, opportunity for a con- siderable yearly increase in the number of cigar-mak- ers. It may be a sufficient evidence that the cigar- makers do not unduly restrict the number of appren- tices if I state that the Chicago union, with a member- ship of 1900, has between 700 and 800 apprentices. " Of the ii local typographical unions in New York State investigated in 1886 by the New York Bureau of La- bor Statistics.eight reported some restriction of appren- tices. The very moderate rule common to most of these was one apprentice to four or five journeymen, the term of learning being four years. But such rules are of com- paratively little avail in keeping down the number of apprentices because of the large number trained in the country newspapor offices, where, in the absence of tmions t no rules are applied. All of the n unions, as stated in the report, admitted to their membership on equal terms with any others those boys who had learn- ed their trades in non-union establishments. The Chicago Typographical Union allows one apprentice (in newspaper and two in job offices) to the first 10 journey- men and one apprentice to every five journeymen there- after. A veteran printer of the union has found this rule would allow for the 1700 membership of one of the Chi- cago unions about 250 apprentices, but the number em- ployed is only about 140, very clearly proving that not as many boys desire to be apprentices in the printing trade by nearly one half as the union rules would allow. " In view of the common belief that the building trades are successful in limiting the number of apprentices, it is very significant to note the fact brought out in the Massachusetts census for 1885, that in none of the building trades was there one half, and in most cases not one fourth, as many apprentices as the union rules would allow. Amonjj the blacksmiths there was one apprentice only to 28 journeymen ; among the carpen- ters, i to 62 ; among the machinists, i to 20 ; among the masons, i to 105 ; among the painters, i to 89 ; among the plumbers, i to 44 ; among the printers, i to IQ ; among the tinsmiths, i to 16. In Wisconsin, in 1889, ac- cording to the fourth biennial report of the Commis- sioner of Labor and the industrial statistics of that State, there was only one apprentice to every 13 among the masons ; one to every 12 among the carpenters ; one to every 12^ among the painters, while there \vere three apprentices to every four journeymen among the plumbers. " Two of the most exclusive unions in this country are the Tile-Layers and the Flint Glass-Workers. The former, with a small membership, requires a learner to serve two years as an apprentice, and then he must be able to secure a two years' contract as a laborer at $3 a day for the first year and $3.50 for the second. He must then be able to earn $4 a day and pay an initiation fee of from $25 to $100, according to the locality. " The Flint-Glass Workers allow only one apprentice to every 20 men, unless there are less in a shop, and he must serve four years. By adding an initiation fee of $100 in case of emigrants, and having other stringent shop rules, they keep up wages to from $6 to $9 a day for their members in this skilled trade during the 10 months' work season. But these examples of a labor trust modeled after the increasing examples of the same among capitalists are the exception in the labor world. " Only 17 of the 48 unions making returns as above stated had any national rules restricting apprentices, - and only 14 of these unions, with 71,000 members, or 14 per cent, of the 500,000 in the 48 unions, reported any success in the enforcement of such rules. Of these 71,000, 9500 were glass-workers, 5417 were hat-makers, 28,000 were iron-moulders, and 20,000 were journeymen tailors." Mr. Bemis continues in his article in the An- nals of the American Academy : "Altho the writer of the Century articles charges the trade-unions with the downfall of the apprentice- ship system the only system known until very recent- ly tor imparting trade instruction he says in the June number, 1893 : ' At the sixth annual convention of the Pennsylvania Association of master house painters and decorators, held at Scranton in January last,, one of the delegates read a paper on the apprentice- ship system as observed in nis trad.e. He said that after a personal investigation among at least 600 master painters and decorators of Philadelphia and vicinity,, he had discovered that not an average of one in 15 had a single apprentice in his business, and that the larger the workship or establishment, the greater seemed the abhorrence with reference to the employment of boys- to learn the trade, many of the masters going so far as to say that in all their experience as masters, extend- ing over 15 to 35 years, and employing from 15 to 50- and as high as 80 workmen, they had never bothered their brains teaching a boy the business.' " The downfall of the apprenticeship system is due largely to the introduction of machinery and the con- sequent subdivision of work in large shops. This renders it impracticable for the employer to take a personal interest in each of his men, or to give them an all-round training. It is more profitable to set the learner at work upon a single machine or branch of work, where he will soon acquire speed. The boy pre- fers this, because he is eager to begin earning as soon as possible. But the apprenticeship system as man- aged under modern conditions is at best a poor method of trade instruction. It is a picking-up process. Scores of wage-earners have assured me that very little actual teaching is done for the boy in the appren- ticeship, but he must do a great deal of drudgery, run more or less danger of moral contamination, and can only learn what he may incidentally pick up by watch- ing others. This is a great waste of time. There is no awakening of keen ambition and love of the work ; no adequate training or imparting of dignity to the work. A journeyman is hardly ever paid, as he should be, when on piece-work for the time lost in teaching an apprentice. This alone accounts for much of whatever opposition there may be among journeymen to a large number of apprentices." Such seem to be the facts as to the situation. For a discussion of the question of industrial education, see article under that name. A suggestive treatment of the problem of ap- prentices is reported from Neuchatel in Switzer- land : "A new law for the regulation of apprenticeship- in Neuchatel came into force in February, 1891, from which much good is expected. The aim of the law is to raise the status of ap- prentices and to develop industrial skill Switzerland. in the different trades practised in the canton, but especially in the watch-mak- ing industry. To this end all appren- tices are placed under the supervision of the com- munal authority, which can delegate its powers to a select committee, composed of equal numbers of employers and employed. Where Conseils de Prud'~ Apprenticeship. 73 Aquinas, St. Thomas. hotnmes or trade syndicates exist this supervision can be entrusted to them. The committee must from time to time visit the workshops where apprentices are employed and see that the latter are properly taught and treated. Masters are forbidden to take apprentices without a written contract, or to employ them in other than their proper occupation, and they are also re- quired to allow them sufficient time for religious and secular instruction. The hours of labor are fixed at 10 per day for apprentices between the ages of 13 and 15, and at n hours a day for those over 15, the hours devoted to education being included in these limits. As a rule, no apprentice can be required to work at night or on Sundays or holidays. The Council of State of the canton appoints a commission in connection with the cantonal department of industry and agriculture, which must be as representative as possible of the trade-unions recognized by the State. The function of the commission is to consider all schemes which may result in the improvement of the position of appren- tices, and to examine all apprentices on the expiration of their apprenticeship. "The persons admitted to these examinations must be apprentices of Neuchatel or other Swiss cantons who have served at least half of their time with an employer resident in the canton. The examinations include the- oretical knowledge, but lay greater stress upon the practical work turned out by the apprentice. Can- didates who satisfy the examiners are provided with certificates from the Minister of Industry and Agricul- ture, stating the results of the examination. Prizes consisting of books, tools, or a savings-bank account are given to the best candidates, and exhibitions are provided for those who are desirous of further perfect- ing themselves in their trade. The sum of 3000 frs. is to be devoted annually to prizes from the cantonal budget, and the work executed by the candidates who pass their examination is to be publicly exhibited. All the provisions of this law are equally applicable to women." Foreign Report on Switzerland of the English Royal Commission on Labor. References Labor Reports, General Subject of Ap- prenticeship (New York, 1886 ; Maine, 1888) ; Statistics of Apprentices (Kansas, 1890 ; Missouri, 1884) ; Ap- prenticeship in Europe (New York, 1886) ; Apprentice Schools (New York, 1886); Trade-Unions and Appren- tices (California, 1887-88 ; Ohio, 1881 ; New York, 1886 ; Pennsylvania, 1889; Michigan, 1889) ; Laws Relating to Apprentices (North Carolina, 1888).' See also the Cen- tury, 1893, passim, and Professor E. W. Bemis, reply in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, September, 1894. AQUINAS, ST. THOMAS, the chief repre- sentative of the theology, philosophy, and eco- nomic teaching of the medieval Church. He was born in 1225 or 1227, at the castle of his fa- ther, the Count of Aquino, in the territories of Naples ; and he received his education at Monte Cassino and the University of Naples. When but 17 years old, in spite of the opposition of his family, he took the habit of the Dominican or- der at Naples, and was afterward sent away to study theology and philosophy under the fa- mous Albertus Magnus at Cologne and Paris. Aquinas early gained distinction as a student of theology, and began his lectures, which were given at Paris, Rome, Bologna, and other places. He was on familiar terms with many princes of his time, and especially honored by the kings of France and of Naples, who frequently sought advice from him. The Popes also were not .slow to recognize the merit of Aquinas ; and Clement IV. offered him the archbishopric of Naples and the abbacy of Monte Cassino, both of which were declined. It was on the route to the Council of Lyons, whither he had been spe- cially summoned by Gregory X. , that Aquinas died, March 7, 1274. He was canonized in 1323 by Pope John XXII. In his life there was a union of simple piety with the greatest philo- sophical power. He fulfilled the ecclesiastical ideal of a saint and a Father of the Church. As a theologian his name stands with that of Au- gustine. To us Aquinas represents scholasticism, the philosophy of the middle ages. From the be- ginning the Christian Fathers, like the later Al- exandrians, had made philosophy the handmaid of religion ; and we find in scholasticism the same ex- Philosophy. altation of theology over all other knowledge. Scotus Erigena, the earliest schoolman, said : " There are not two studies, one of philosophy and one of religion ; true philosophy is true religion, and true religion is true philosophy. ' ' Hence the greatest work of Aquinas, the Summa Theologiee, aimed to give a summary of all the science of the time. Into the philosophical and theological part of the Summa it is not necessary to go at length in this article. It may be said that the whole philosophical effort of the middle ages was to reconcile the demands of reason with the dog- mas of the Church. So in the Summa Aquinas asserts the existence of two sources of knowl- edge revelation and reason. Revelation in- cludes Scripture and Church tradition and teach- ing. Reason, in this sense, is natural truth, such as came to men through the philosophy of Aris- totle and Plato. Natural truths are to be appre- hended by the individual reason and the super- natural truths of revelation by faith. Yet these two kinds of truth are not at variance, since they rest on the Absolute One, who is God. Philoso- phy and theology are, therefore, harmonious. There are three principal divisions of the Summa Theologies, which may be said to treat respec- tively of God, man, and the God-Man. The latter part of the third division was added after the death of the author. Of the other works of Aquinas, his commentaries on Scripture and on Aristotle, and the Adversus Gentiles, dealing with Mohammedan science, it is not necessary to speak further. All his writings lead up to the Summa. To Aquinas theology is the sum of all science, and hence he is little interested in economics. But since the scope of the Summa was so wide,, he naturally was obliged to deal to a certain extent with both politics and economics. His statements Economics, have great value to students of so- cial questions, because he so thor- oughly represented medieval Church thought. Most of his teaching on these subjects may be found in various passages of the Summa. In regard to private property, Aquinas justi- fied individual ownership. He argued that the results of private ownership were beneficial, and he adopted from Aristotle the theory that property should be owned separately, but used for the common good. Aquinas, however, had to deal with the fact that the Christian Church at first seemed to condemn private property and to glorify communism. There was even in the canon law itself an apparent approval of com- mon ownership, and in one place a declaration, quoted from Clement of Rome, that all men ought to have the use of the things of this world in common. Hence some explanations and qualifications were necessary, if he wished to harmonize his own position with that of the early Church. By natural law, in one sense, Aquinas, St. Thomas. 74 Arbitration and Conciliation. there was no reason why a. piece of land should belong to one person rather than to others. But in another sense, Aquinas says, since it was de- sirable that the land should be cultivated with- out interruption by violence, the private owner- ship might be called natural. It is natural by way of consequence, tho not natural abso- lutely. Private property was due to positive enactments of law ; but tho natural law did not introduce it, neither did it forbid it. Thus Aquinas justifies, tho with the qualifications mentioned, the principle of individual owner- ship. In dealing with the subject of property as it concerned the monastic orders, or as it affected the highest sort of Christian living, Aquinas takes the conservative view. He holds, in opposition to many in the monastic orders who wished for absolute poverty, not only indi- vidual, but corporate, that property is only in- jurious when it hinders the spiritual life. A moderate property, especially if possessed by a religious order, is not necessarily an evil. Following naturally from his views as to pov- erty and private property comes the position of Aquinas in regard to the bestowal of charity. He does not unduly exalt almsgiving, as some Church writers had done. The practice is ob- ligatory ; but at the same time alms need only be given, as a general thing, after a man has provided for himself and his family in a proper way. The giving should usually be from the superfluity what remained after legitimate ex- penses. One example of Aquinas' teaching on politics may be referred to. On the question of the right of government to tax its subjects, he favors the subjects rather than the prince. He says that rulers should seek the common good of the people in preference to their own advantage. Hence they should not take from their subjects by taxation save when some public need arises. Their revenues should be derived from their own special possessions. But it is right that they should tax their sub- jects for such purposes as the common defense against an enemy, etc. This opinion was ad- vanced in answer to an inquiry put to Aquinas by the Duchess of Brabant. In treating of commercial ethics, Aquinas fol- lows generally the teaching of the earlier Church Fathers, and stands firm for the application of Christian principles to trade. He agrees with the old views as to usury, and especially with those of his instructor, Albertus Magnus. Usury is wrong. Money is a consumptible ; the bor- rower has a natural right to make use of it when loaned, and the lender should not ask a payment for its use in addition to the return of the original sum, as this would be a double charge. Aquinas, however, allows the right of the lender to make a charge for any loss that might occur from the payment of the money being deferred be- yond the set time. Though usury is a sin, it is not wrong, he teaches, for a man to borrow from a usurer for some good purpose, or for one to lend money to a usurer for .saf e-keeping, having no desire o"f gain. Trade was, in Aquinas' view, a base thing, and even sinful when carried on for the sake of gain. But it was not so when the trader pur- Eight of Taxation. sued it as a means of livelihood, and was con- tented with a moderate profit, which he used for good purposes. Further, trade was also right when it served the public interest and provided a country with the necessities of life. The civil law was wholly imperfect, then as now, from a Christian standpoint, in its provisions regarding business. The Christian principle was, accord- ing to Aquinas, that no one should ever demand or pay more than a just price. He was con- scious of the opposition between his teaching and the civil law, but he explains that human law has its necessary limitations, and does not prohibit everything that is wrong. Divine law is higher, and must forbid all things that are opposed to justice and virtue. It was necessary, therefore, for Aquinas to protest against apply- ing the principles of the civil law only to busi- ness, and to assert the pre-eminence of the Christian and Divine law. He makes competi- tion subsidiary to justice. The scholastic philosophy reaches its culmina- tion in Aquinas, and no medieval writer has had more influence than he. The Summa Theologies was meant to be exhaustive, to be a compendium of all knowledge, and it remains the most complete body of moral and theological science ever written. It is even now, to a great extent, a recognized manual of the theology of the Roman Catholic Church. References: There is no adequate account of the economic teaching of Aquinas ; which may be best collected from Aquinas himself. See the Summa Theologies as to private property, Secunda Secundse, Quaestio 77, Articulus 3 ; Q. 66, Art. i, 2 ; as to volun- dae, Q. 94, Art. 5 ; as to price, Secunda Secundae, Q. 77 ; as to usury, Q. 78 ; as to taxation, De Regimine Juaa-- orum among the Opuscula. The best brief account will be found in C. Jourdain, La Philosophic de S. Thomas d'Aquin, 1858. See also W. J. Ashley, Eco- nomic History, vol. i., part i, 1888, and his article on Aquinas in Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy, to which article we are in the mam indebted for that portion of our article bearing on Aquinas' economic teaching. ARBITRATION AND CONCILIATION (INDUSTRIAL). (For courts of conciliation other than industrial, see CONCILIATION, COURTS OF. See also STRIKES AND PULLMAN STRIKE. For arbitra- tion between nations, see INTERNATIONAL ARBI- TRATION. ) We are concerned in this article with arbitration and conciliation as applied to the set- tlement of industrial disputes alone. We con- sider, first, definitions ; secondly, the history of the subject ; thirdly, the difficulties, advan- tages and -various -views of the different kinds of arbitration and conciliation. I. DEFINITIONS. Arbitration and conciliation are not identical. Says Mr. Henry Crompton in his Industrial Conciliation : " Arbitration is not the same as conciliation, but may be used when conciliation has failed, or where there has been no attempt at conciliation. Arbitration is 'after the fact,' and implies that a cause of difference and a dispute have arisen. By arbitration this may be settled, a compromise effected, and war averted ; and that whether the dispute relates to past arrangements, as to what are the terms of an existing contract, the just application of those terms to a new state of things, or whether the difficulty is to agree upon future prices or conditions of labor. Desirable as this obviously is, conciliation aims at something higher at doing before the fact that which arbitration accomplishes after. Arbitration and Conciliation. 75 Arbitration and Conciliation. It seeks to prevent and remove the cause:? of dispute tefore they arise, to adjust differences and claims be- fore they become disputes." There are various kinds of both arbitration and conciliation. There is, in the first place, the general distinction between voluntary and compulsory arbitration and conciliation. Voluntary arbitration takes place when the parties to the dispute, of their own tutll, refer the matter at issue to the decision of a board or body of arbitrators, or even to one arbitrator, as may be agreed upon Voluntary by the parties interested. They Arbitration, may do this of their own desire, or be induced by the mediation of out- side parties or by public sentiment. It is, nevertheless, voluntary arbitration, unless they are compelled by law to have recourse to such arbitration. The appeal may be made to arbitrators or to an arbitrator chosen in a great variety of ways. The arbitrating body may be chosen for the occasion, or it may be a standing board chosen by one employer and his employees, or by the united employers and em- ployees, either of one trade or of one city or geo- graphical section, or, again, the appeal may be to a board of arbitration appointed by the State or by outside parties. In all these cases it is still -voluntary arbitration, even tho the ap- peal be to a board appointed by the State. Compulsory arbitration arises only when the law compels any employer or employee to sub- mit the question at issue to arbitration, and to abide by the result. Unless the law compel both the submission of Compulsory the question and the abiding by the Arbitration, judgment it cannot be called actu- ally compulsory arbitration. An intermediate form of arbitration may, however, be conceived of, and in a sense actually has been developed, where the law com- pels parties at strife to appear before a board of arbitration upon summons and to state their case and submit to examination, with or without evi- dence, yet where the law does not compel the parties to accept the decision. In such a case the hope is that by compelling the parties at strife to state and argue the case before respon- sible men, the judgment arrived at by such men and the publication of their decision will induce, or, perhaps, by the power of public sentiment even compel, the acceptance of the decision without compulsion by law. Again, the case may be conceived of, tho we believe it has not been developed, where the law compels par- ties who have voluntarily resorted to arbitration to abide by the result. In full compulsory arbi- tration, however, both the resort to and the abid- ing by the decision of arbitrators must be re- quired under the penalty of the law. Such are some of the forms that arbitration may assume. Conciliation has, or may have, a similar variety of forms. Compulsory concilia- tion in its full sense may seem a contradiction of terms ; nevertheless, the law may require, and often has required, as in France particular- ly, the maintenance of boards of conciliation, by which all questions liable to create strife must be decided, subject to appeal to various higher courts of law or of arbitration. Conciliation, too, when voluntary, may be of many kinds. A particular employer or firm may agree with his or its employees on a board of conciliation to de- termine all matters on which differences are likely to arise, or a board of conciliation may be chosen by the united employers and employees either of a particular trade or of a particular town or geographical section ; or government (national, municipal, or State) may appoint boards of conciliation ; or, finally, private parties a church (as in New York City) or any body of men may appoint a board or committee of conciliation. Once more, in combinations of both arbitra- tion and conciliation there is chance for still more variety, while finally, as to the methods of choosing, constituting, and conducting boards, the differences are beyond computation, and can- not at length be noticed here. The main differ- ences, however, must be kept in mind. There are often extreme objections raised against and difficulties encountered in the way of one form of arbitration and conciliation which do not apply to another. Of scarcely any indus- trial problem is it more difficult or more danger- ous to make general statements. Before at- tempting any general consideration, therefore, the history should be carefully studied in con- siderable detail. II. HISTORY. The history of modern industrial arbitration and conciliation belongs almost wholly to the last quarter of a century, yet finds its origin in Prance early in the century, and there connects itself in an interesting way with the medieval methods of settling industrial disputes. (See GUILDS.) We shall study the history by coun- tries, commencing with France. In the silk trade of Lyons there existed, in the last century, created by the trade guild or corporation, a Tribunal Cpmmun, for the settlement of industrial disputes, French. which was a part of the recognized _, . J M guild system of the medieval period ._ j*f m aes It was broken up by the law of March,Frud homines. 1791, abolishing all the French guilds. The silk manufacturers, however, felt its loss, and taking advantage of a visit of Napoleon to their city, they petitioned for an institution similar to their old court. This was granted by the law of March 18, 1806, and Lyons thus saw the first of what became the famous French Conseils des PrutThommes (boards of conciliation, composed of skilled men of a trade). This first conseil and its immediate successors were not composed, as the conseils are now, equally of employers and employees. The employers were in the majority, 4 and in a sense the working men were not really repre- sented at all, for this first conseil consisted of five mer- chants and four chefs d' ateliers or overseers, and thus was representative of all the early conseils. They were what their name implied, councils of the heads, or skilled men of the trade. Nevertheless, they attempt- ed the work of modern boards of conciliation, and with considerable success. Similar conseils were started at Rouen in 1807 ; Nimes, 1807 ; Avignon and other places, 1808. By the law of 1809 workmen themselves were admitted to the conseils, tho not in equal number with the manufacturers, this not being granted till 1848, and then being soon withdrawn. In 1810 a conseil ^was formed in the soap manufacturing trade in Marseilles, and from this time entered other trades. After 1810 the system spread through all France and into the adjacent countries. There are at present 117 conseils in France, four in Paris alone handling some 24,000 cases annu- ally. The conseils at present in France consist of two com- mittees, or bureaus : a bureau of conciliation, called a bureau particulair, and a bureau of arbitration, called a. bureau general. The bureau of conciliation is com- posed of one employer and one workman, whose office is to form a tribunal to which, without the cost, delay, or vexation of legal process, can be referred disputes Arbitration and Conciliation. 7 6 Arbitration and Conciliation. between working men themselves or between working men and their employers. The jurisdiction of this bureau, however, is limited at present to the interpreta- tion of contracts and disputes involving amounts not over $40, though a bill has already passed the Cham- ber of Deputies to raise the limit to $100. Two thirds of the cases that come before them are stated by the Report on France of the (English) Royal Commission on Labour, to be settled at a cost not exceeding 30 centimes (6 cents), the cost of issuing a citation notice ; 75 per cent, of the cases refer to wages. The bureau is compelled to sit at least three times a week. The bureau of arbitration (bureau general) is com- posed of three employers and three workmen, and con- siders cases that cannot be settled by the bureaus of ar- bitration. Witnesses may be called, and are compelled to appear. Counsel may not appear. Appeal can be taken to the Tribunal of Commerce if the sum involved is over $40. Workmen and employees alternately pre- side. In each commune (township) or circonscription, the employers elect their representatives and the work- ing men theirs. Details vary, but usually any working man of 25 years, who has worked three years in the place, has a right to vote for the workmen's represen- tatives. The conseils have judication alone in the trades for which they are appointed. From 1879 to 1888 the bureaus of conciliation tried 410,280 cases, of which 66 per cent, resulted in conciliation, or were withdrawn before j udgment, and 33 per cent, proved irreconcilable. The bureaus of arbitration heard 119,487 cases, of which 67,222 were withdrawn before judgment, 40,659 were finally decided, and 9886 were admitted to appeal. Less than one fifth of these ever came up for appeal, and of these only 32 per cent, were reversed. The difficulty of settlement, however, appears to be on the increase. In 1887, of 41,917 cases before bureaus of conciliation, 15,656 were not conciliated. In 1888, out of 41,117 cases, 16,319 were not conciliated. In 1889, out of 43,141, 16,178 were not. In 1890, in the conseil for the textile trade in Paris, 3112 cases came up and 1124 could not be con- ciliated, and in 1891, 2841 cases came up and 949 could not be conciliated. According to Maurice Block's An- nuaire de I' Economie Politique, of the cases appearing before the bureaus of conciliation from 1876-80, 71 per cent, of the cases were conciliated ; in 1881, 61 per cent.; in 1882, 64 per cent.; in 1883, 64 per cent.; since 1883, not over 53 per cent. This is perhaps due to the in- creasing size of industrial disputes. The conseils, it will be remembered, are limited to the comparatively minor matters of personal or implied contracts be- tween employers and workmen, such as payment of wages, absence from work, poor work- manship, apprenticeship ; but the in- _, , creasing need has led to the question Ijrencn. whether the conseils could not be made Conciliation, to settle more important matters, as in the cases of strikes, etc. It has been generally felt, however, in France, that their machinery was not adequate to such cases, and organizations of both employers and workmen have endeavored to construct machinery of their own to this end, while latterly the State has tried its hand. The most important of French strikes that of the Carmaux miners in 1892 was settled by the in- tervention of M. Loubet, the prime-minister. Accord- ing to the English Report on France (1894), out of 1212 employers' associations in France, 144 had provision for conciliation or arbitration, and out of 1588 working men's associations, 648 (in 1891). On December 27, 1892, a law "was promulgated in France providing for a new form of arbitration. In case of industrial disputes (strikes, etc.), it is the duty of the justice of the peace to urge (not require) having recourse to conciliation or arbitration, and he may or- ganize a board of arbitration if he choose. Conciliation, however, must be voluntary and unanimous, not im- posed by a majority vote. The law has scarcely had time to work, but in 1893 634 strikes are reported, and in 109 conciliation or arbitration was tried. Of these attempts, 43 were initiated by the employees, 40 by jus- ticesof the peace, five by employers, and two by m'utual agreement. Employers declined conciliation 33 times, employees five. In 54 cases, committees of conciliation were appointed; 38 led to conciliation, 21 being com- promised. In 17 cases unreconciled disputes were re- ferred to arbitration, but objections to the decision were raised six times by employers, three times by the employed, and twice by both. In 16 cases, strikes "were continued after attempts at conciliation, but 10 were initially compromised. Arbitration and conciliation in Belgium has little that is new. Conseils des Prud'hommes were established in Belgium, as in France, on the basis of the French law of 1806, but were so controlled by the employers and by head workmenj whose interests lay more with the employers than with bona fide workmen, that they gave little satisfaction. The workmen's grievances were somewhat allayed by the law of 1859 and still more by the law Belgium. of 1889. At present the Belgian Conseils des Prud'hommes resemble very closely the French. In Belgium, too, as in France, the diffi- culty of settlement seems to be rising, as appears in the following figures taken from the Annuaire Statis- tique de la Belgique, 1802, and quoted in the Report on Belgium of the English Royal Commission on Labour. YEAR. Cases. Concili- ated. Arbi- trated. Not Settled. 1882.., rt-8 1883 2,183 t;6o 1884 2,287 1885 3> 2 72 488 1886 1887 3.509 2,333 336 554 1888 r889 4,578 6o< 1890 1891 4.531 5,078 3i399 457 838 7 967 As in France, again, there has been recent effort in Belgium to establish courts of arbitration and concilia- tion other than the Conseils des Prud'hommes. In 1876, after the strike at Marrinout, M. Weiler, mining en- gineer for the collieries, organized what were called chambers of explanations, which were practically boards of conciliation. They were somewhat success- ful, and in 1886, after the riots of that year, the Govern- ment passed a law establishing councils of industry and labor to act as boards of conciliation. Up to May 30, 1892, 50 councils had been established. But their success has not been great. The mining industry in Belgium is one where the miners work under very severe conditions, and strikes are constantly arising too bitter and too large for courts of conciliation to effect to any marked degree. Passing from Belgium to other continental European countries our account is abridged from the very val- uable and recent reports of the various countries made to the English Royal Commission on Labour. Special courts for the settlement of industrial dis- putes have in some form or other been provided for by the German law since the beginning of the century. . . . The Germany. incorporation into France of the left bank of the Rhine during the Napoleonic wars brought the Rhine provinces under the Napoleonic Code, which provided for the formation of Conseils de Prud'hommes. ... Councils of this kind were instituted in 1808 for Aix-la-Chapelle and Burtscheid, and in 1811 for Crefeld and Cologne ; when the provinces reverted to Prussia the councils were left intact, and an effort was made to extend the system to other parts of the country. . . . By an Order in Council of August 7, 1846, they -were called "Royal Councils," and em- powered to deal with all disputes arising between man- ufacturers and their foremen, workmen, and appren- tices ; home workers were also included under their jurisdiction. . . . The restriction of the power of the guilds effected by the Prussian Industrial Code of 1845 had led to dissat- isfaction among artisans with the legal provisions for settling industrial disputes. The tendency of Prussian legislation appeared to be in the direction of relegating all disputes to the ordinary courts, while the artisans demanded special industrial courts on the model of those existing in the Rhine provinces. A committee of employers and employed, summoned by the Government to Berlin to consider the matter, drew up a bill for the establishment of industrial courts, which became law on February 2, 1849. Only n courts were established. . . . The procedure of these courts was not laid down with any exactness, and their con- stitution was not very clearly defined in the Act; these defects, combined with the delay attending their deci- sions, go far to account for their comparatively small success. The Industrial Code of 1869, which regulated the in- dustries of the empire, contained a section, since re- pealed by the Act of 1890. . . . In the amendment to the Industrial Code of 1881 con- cerning the guilds, provision was made for the estab- lishment of courts of arbitration, for the settlement of Arbitration and Conciliation. 77 Arbitration and Conciliation. disputes between members of the guild and their journeymen or apprentices, and a further amendment of 1887 extended the jurisdiction of these courts in some cases to non- members. Further, the insurance laws of 1883 and 1884 provided for arbitration in disputes be- tween employers and their work-people with regard to the amount which the employers should contribute to the sick funds, or the compensation due under the Ac- cident Insurance Law. On the whole, however, the State provision for arbitration and conciliation in Ger- many has proved ineffective, and the advocates of this method of settling industrial disputes have, ever since 1873, made repeated efforts to secure additional powers. ... In 1886 a resolution was passed "To request the Chancellor of the Empire to introduce a bill for the com- pulsory establishment of industrial courts, with the con- dition that the assessors in such courts shall be elected in equal numbers by employers and employed sep- arately, and by ballot." The insertion of the word " compulsory" was due in a great measure to the influ- ence of the socialist members, and it was omitted in the further resolution passed in 1889. The law, finally passed on July 29, 1890, which came into effect on April i, 1891, holds to the old principle of leaving the institution of industrial courts in the main to the communal authorities. It differs from the sec- tions of the Industrial Code, which it supplants, by in- cluding a series of provisions for the formation, under certain circumstances, of a board of conciliation. _ The preamble states that " in many recent strikes it has been felt that, altho both sides were ready to treat, negotiations could not be initiated without long delay, because no regular and authoritative body existed which could undertake the conduct of such negotia- tions. The present law attempts to establish a body of this kind. . . ." The authorities of a commune, or of a number of communes combined, may establish such a court ; should they prove remiss, the employers and workmen concerned may appeal to the central Govern- ment to order the establishment of a court. All ex- penses not covered by fees, costs, and fines must be met by the commune. The court consists of a presi- dent, nominated by the communal authorities and ap- proved by the Government, and at least two assessors ; but whatever be the number, half must represent the employers and half the employed. They are elected by ballot, and must be over 30 years of age ; neither pau- pers nor persons under any legal disability are eligible, and all persons elected must have_ resided or been employed for two years in the district. Women may neither vote nor be elected. The elec- torate includes all persons over 25 years German Law. of age, who possess the qualifications required for assessors. The assessors, who cannot refuse election, except for special reasons, are compensated for traveling expen- ses and for loss of time. The contending parties may not be represented by lawyers or by persons who are professionally engaged in legal proceedings. The courts may take the evidence on oath both of the par- ties concerned and of witnesses or experts. If the mat- ter in dispute exceeds the value of 100 marks (.5), an appeal may be made against the decision of the court to the regular courts of the district. Any industrial court may convert itself into a board of conciliation when appealed to by both parties. . . . The decisions of the court, when acting as a board of conciliation, are not legally binding, and cannot be enforced ; in other cases the court notifies its decision to the parties concerned, who must declare within a given time whether they accept it or not. ... In any case, the result of the negotiations must be public. The court must give its opinion on industrial questions when required to do so by the Government or the communal authorities, and it is empowered to make suggestions to these authorities on matters relating to the persons or establishments under its jurisdiction. The law rec- ognizes the existing rights of the guilds and their courts, but calls upon all other industrial courts to revise their constitution before April i, 1892, and to re- model it in accordance with the existing law. So far 179 courts have been formed in the six largest German States, or 133 in Prussia, 13 in Bavaria, 13 in Saxony, nine in Wurtemberg, seven in Baden, and four in Hesse. Alsace and Lorraine, in spite of their great industrial development, have as yet taken no advantage of the Act, and the fact that Saxony has no more courts than Bavaria seems to show that there is no definite relation between the provision for arbitra- tion and the probable need of it. The Sozialpolitisches Centralblatt calls attention to the very few cases in which industrial courts have exercised the power given to them by the Act of re- solving themselves into boards of conciliation. One successful instance is, however, recorded in Kiel, in September, 1892, when a pending dispute between brewers and their work-people was averted. The Leip- zig court has established an information office which furnishes advice gratis to workmen. The assessors attend in turns and give the workmen the benefit of their experience; and tho the office has lately been in difficulties, owing to the complaints of the unorgan- ised workmen that its benefits were confined to those who were organised, it continues to exist and to do useful work. It was established in April, 1890, and in the first year of its activity gave advice to over 1000 workmen. Efforts have been made from time to time in Ger- many to organise voluntary boards of arbitration and conciliation in the different industries, but except in the printing trade little has been achieved in this direc- tion. In 1873 tne Economic Club ( Verein fur Soztal- politiK) issued a report on the subject, and presented a petition to the Reichstag praying for the "speedy pro- mulgation of a (normal) law authorising boards of con- ciliation." The trade-unions were in favour of estab- lishing such boards, and, about 1870, boards seem to have been formed in Griinberg, Guben, Danzig, Berlin. Stralsund, Barth and Zingst, Rostock, Offenbach, and Biebrich. The details recorded of these boards are both meagre and contradictory ; and their history does not appear to have contributed much to the records of successful arbitration. In Switzerland, boards of conciliation and arbitra- tion have already been instituted in connexion with 25 trade-unions, and in some cantons they have been es- tablished and supported by the cantonal governments. The principal object of these boards is to draw up wages lists and workshop rules, which employers and employed both agree to observe. The unions in which they have been established have found them both active and efficient. The board of the Embroiderers' Federation Switzerland, considered 665 cases of disputes between October, 1885, and March, 1889, 554 of which it brought to a satisfactory conclusion. The cantons where they have been established are Geneva, Neuchatel, Vaud, and Urban Bale. The Tribunaux d' Arbitrage Industriel. which were instituted at Geneva in 1874, consisted of a justice of the} peace as president and two arbitrators, elected re- spectively by the employers and employed. These arbitrators acted from political motives, and hence the boards proved a failure. They were consequently abolished in 1883 to make room for Conseils de Prud'- hotnmes on the French pattern. Disputes referred to these courts are first brought before the conciliation board, then before the board of arbitration, while a court of appeal gives the final decision as to all cases in which the damages are estimated at more than 500 frs. The judge and clerks are paid by the State, and the whole process is free both to employers and employed. Besides their judicial functions the prud' - hommes are authorised to superintend the training of apprentices, the sanitary condition of workshops, and to make recommendations to the Government for the advancement of trade and industry in the canton. They thus form a kind of chamber of commerce. A peculiar feature in the constitution of these boards is that counsel is not allowed to either side, but plaintiff and defendant are represented by members of the trade to which they belong. To facilitate this representation the prud 'hommes are divided into 10 trade groups. . . . In 1888, 753 cases were brought before the board of conciliation, 21 of which were withdrawn, and 522 were settled ; the remaining 210 were passed on to the board of arbitration, 203 of which were settled by it and six by the court of appeal. The total number of cases for the first three years amounted to 2182, of which 1995 concern- ed questions of wages and compensation, 113 were cases of dismissal, 12 were connected with men who had left work without warning, 55 with breach of apprentice rules, five with certificates (Forderung eines Zeugnis- ses), and two with breach of contract. The disputes on wages questions thus form 91.3 per cent, of the total number, and the percentage of disputes settled by con- ciliation, which in 1885 amounted to 55.6, had risen in 1888 to 69.3. The beneficial results of the board meet with general recognition, and it is proposed to extend its competence to agriculture also. An Act conferring similar powers was passed at Neuchatel in 1885, with this difference, that whereas the Geneva boards are compulsory, in the canton of Neuchatel they are optional, and are only formed in places which obtain the necessary powers from the cantonal Government. Each board consists of from 16 to 30 sworn members, and the president, who is elected for six months, is alternately an employer and Arbitration and Conciliation. Arbitration and Conciliation. a workman. Each board has a court of conciliation and a court of arbitration. The officials of the board are elected and paid by the cantonal Government. These boards possess the same administrative powers as those of Geneva. Chaux-de-Fonds is the only place which has hitherto availed itself of the powers con- ferred under this Act, but the court established there nas become a fixed institution, and is now regarded as indispensable. In Italy institutions for the settlement of disputes between labour and capital hardly exist. In the event of strikes, the political authorities are called upon to restore order ; after which, by common consent, the question is either referred Italy. to the president of the local chamber of commerce, or, as at Rovigo, to the heads of the working men's associations, or, as at Genoa, to some influential person. But the labour chambers are now beginning to assume the position of arbitrators in disputes arising between masters and operatives. The recently organised chain ber of Venice proposes in addition, under Art. 31 of its regulations, the establishment of a mixed industrial court of arbitration. This principle of arbitration has also been adopted by the Government. As the commissioners of 1878 pointed out, boards of conciliation ought to be pecu- liarly easy to establish in Italy, where traditions of the mediaeval trading associations still linger. " From the time of the communes, and throughout the most splen- did period of Italian industry, the colleges (le Univer- sita) of merchants and craftsmen had the right of elect- ing special judicial bodies which exercised both the functions or the modern commercial tribunals and those which are generally relegated to the colleges of Probi Viri." The commissioners of 1878, after many inquiries, came to the conclusion that the institution of boards of arbitration (Collegi di Probi Viri) would be well received both by employers and employed. Six- teen chambers of commerce and 22 prefects pronounced decidedly in their favour; four prefects and 10 chambers of commerce hesitated ; to chambers of commerce and eight prefects were hostile. Nevertheless, no bill was agreed upon till June, 1893, and as yet little has resulted. Of other countries Dr. E. R. L. Gould writes in the Yale Review (February, 1895) : "Provisions in Austria for dealing with industrial difficulties are fairly similar to those made in Germany and need not be separately described. " In the Scandinavian kingdoms of Sweden and Den- mark disputes have to be decided, in the former coun- try before a police court, in the latter by a suit at law the same as any ordinary breach of contract. A proj- ect is now before the Danish Parliament looking to the creation of industrial Scandinavia, tribunals to consist of not less than four members, with a president chosen by them. Representation of both orders is to be equal. The sanction of the com- munal authorities is requisite. Questions arising under existing contracts are to be tried in these courts. As boards of conciliation only will they deal with col- lective disputes. There are no voluntary boards of any prominence in either of these two countries." We come now to the in many ways more im- portant study of arbitration and conciliation in England, and notice England, the first, Professor Jevons' sum- mary of the early English legisla- tion on the subject. He says in his The State in, Relation to Labour, p. 150 : " Under the Elizabethan statutes there was no place for arbitration, because the conditions of labour were placed entirely in the hands of magistrates. But the decadence of that legislation was marked by the stat- ute of the 20 Geo. II., cap. 19, which introduced a new principle by giving summary jurisdiction to justices of the peace in disputes between masters and servants when the term or hiring is one year or longer. A justice of the peace may decide all such disputes, although no rate or assessment of wages has been made that year by the justices of the peace of the shire, etc. Extensive powers were given to the magistrates for coercing refractory servants and apprentices, although there was the alternative of discharging them from their engagements. By the 31 Geo. II., cap. n, the powers of the act were extended to the case of agri- cultural servants hired for less than a year ; but the magistrate's interference was clearly limited to dis- putes arising during the currency of a hiring, and no power was given to bind servants beyond that term. " During the eighteenth century a series of acts was partly the same as those known as the Combination Acts, which provided means for the settlement of dis- putes in particular trades, especially those engaged with cotton. The act of the 43 Geo. Ill, (1803), cap. 151, was of a more elaborate character, and enabled disputes between masters and weavers, or such as arise with persons engaged in ornamenting cotton goods by the needle, to be settled by referees appoint- ed by a justice of the peace. Such acts were, how- ever, consolidated and replaced by that of the 5 Geo. IV., cap. 96, which established one general law relat- ing to arbitration of disputes in every branch of trade and manufacture (1824)." Besides these laws, attempts were early made in Eng- land at voluntary arbitration. It is said that disputes were invariably settled in the pottery trade as early as 1836. The carpet- weavers in 1839 adopted a system of voluntary conciliation, consisting of a yearly meet- ing with their employers to determine wages. The system was still in practice in 1856. A Macclesfield Silk Trade Board of Arbitration was established in 1849, i Q direct imitation of the French Conseils des Prud hommes, but it lasted only four years. In 1853 and 1854 the National Association of United Trades for the Protection of Industry was successful in conciliating several disputes. But it was not until 1860 that any important and permanent board of conciliation was established, the first being modelled after the French conseils, and established through the efforts of Mr. A. J. Mundella in the hosiery and glove trade of Nottingham. Boards of The trade had long suffered from dis- c onc iH a tion astrous strikes, and in that year had had three strikes, one lasting n weeks and threatening a general lockout. Concilia- tion came as a needed relief. The Nottingham board was soon followed by a similar board in the building- trades of Wolverhampton, created by the efforts of Sir Rupert Kettle. The boards were very successful, and were copied rapidly. The action of these boards is purely voluntary ; the only power used is the appeal to honour. The boards are made up of an equal num- ber of representatives of employers and employed, the officers usually being a president, vice-president, and two secretaries, one for each class. All have an equal vote. Meetings are held monthly, quarterly, or when needed. The boards have a sub-committee to settle minor difficulties. Expenses are met by both parties. At first the working men were admitted to the room, only to sit on a rude bench before their employers, and. only allowed to speak when spoken to. To-day they sit around one table, employer and employe alternating. Conclusion is not usually reached by sho w of hands. Mr. Crompton, writing of these boards, says: "The proceedings of the board are very informal, not like a court, but the masters and men sit round a table, the men interspersed with the masters. Each side has its secretary. The proceedings are without ceremony, and the matter is settled by what the men call a ' long-jaw ' discussion and explanation of views, in which the men convince the masters as often as the masters the men. Of course this does not mean that every member of the board is always convinced, though it seems that even this is very often the case ; but when they are not thev are content to compromise. . . . It is, in fact, conciliation, and is far better than the de- cision of a court or of an umpire. The 'long-jaw,' ending in agreement, may take a longer time, but is the true practical way out of the difficulty." Mr. Mundella, in 1868, after eight years' experience on the board, thus speaks on this point : "When we came to make our rules it was agreed that the chairman should be elected by the meeting, and should have a vote, and a casting vote when neces- sary. I was chosen the chairman in the first instance, and I have been the chairman ever since. I have a casting vote, and twice that casting vote has got us into trouble, and for the last four years it has been resolved that we would not vote at all. Even when a working- man was convinced, or a master convinced, he did not like acting against his own order, and in ome instances we had secessions in consequence of that ; so we said, Do not let us vote again, let us try if we can agree ; * and we did agree." Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy gives the following detail of the board established in 1869 in the manufactured iron trade of the north of England : " The men belonging to the different works select in each case by ballot a delegate, and the employers be- longing to a single firm are similarly represented by a single delegate. The members of the board thus con- stituted elect a president, together with one secretary^ Arbitration and Conciliation. 79 Arbitration and Conciliation. from among the delegates of the masters, and a vice- president, together with a second secretary, from among the delegates of the men. They also elect a standing committee, as it is called, consisting of five representatives of the men and 10 representatives of the masters (five of -whom alone are able to discuss or vote on any question) ; and of this committee the presi- dent and vice-president are ex-officio members, with- out enjoying any power of voting;. The standing com- mittee meets every month, or, if occasion demands, more frequently, and the board itself meets twice a year and at other times when summoned by the com- mittee. In the first instance, all questions are laid before the committee. They are submitted in writing to the secretaries seven days before the meeting ; the writ- ten reply of the other side is usually placed before the same meeting, and an agreement of submission signed by the parties concerned. If the standing committee cannot arrive at an agreement, the referee, who is a permanent official, is called in and can take evidence ; and in this way all questions may be settled, except a general advance or reduction in wages, or the appoint- ment of an arbitrator. These questions the board alone can decide, and it also determines matters re- ferred to it from the standing committee, selecting an arbitrator if it cannot itself arrive at an agreement. The necessary expenses of the board are defrayed by the subtraction of a penny every fortnight from the wages of every workman earning upward of half-a- crown a day, and by requiring each firm to pay an amount equal to that thus subtracted from the wages of their employes. Up to September i, 1889, the stand- ing committee had held 318 meetings and adjusted 850 disputes, and the board itself had met 109 times." This board has proved to be one of the most important and successful. In 1868 formal boards of arbitration and conciliation were established in the pottery trade in Staffordshire, in the Leicestershire _ . , . hosiery trade, and the Nottingham lace Boards Ol Ar- trade. Legislation, too, was introduced bitration and to aid the movement, an act to establish Conciliation equitable councils of conciliation (30 and * 31 Victoria, cap. 105) being passed in 1867, and another in 1872 (35 and 36 Victoria, cap. 46). Neither, however, proved really opera- tive, save as matters of education. In 1872 a joint committee to settle disputes was appointed in the coal trade in Durham, and soon after in Northumber- land. Of these joint committees, Schulze Gaever- nitz, writing in 1890, says that "for 16 years these com- mittees have been uninterruptedly active. . . . Their decisions have scarcely ever been disputed, and neither party has ever raised any objection to the com- mittee as an institution. The Northumberland Joint Committee has since its establishment discussed and decided a total of almost 4000 cases." Nevertheless, alongside of this favorable view must be put an unfa- vorable view, which we shall consider later. In 1873 a joint committee was established in the Cleveland iron- stone mining industry, and has been successful. In 1875, three other boards were established, particularly the South Wales Miners' Sliding Scale and Joint Com- mittee, and almost every year since this some new board, and often more than one, has been organized, tho down to 1889 no distinctively new feature was developed. Since 1889, however, a new form of board of conciliation has appeared. Down to this date all boards had been connected with some particular in- dustry, but in 1889 the London Chamber of Commerce took the lead, in connection with the trade-unions of London, in an effort to establish local district boards unconnected with any one trade. In 1890 a board was established, and the same year the chambers of com- merce in Bristol, Hull, Leeds, Manchester, Walsall, and Wolverhampton followed the example. Since then the movement has been almost constant. Yet while we trace this growth of boards of concilia- tion, we have now to chronicle that many of the older ones are failing. According to the Report of the Royal Commission on Labour (1892), the board of the Notting- ham hosiery and glove trades has, after 20 years, now become " practically extinct, though a desire to revive it is expressed on the side of the operatives." The arbitration portion of the pottery trade board has been given up, tho the committee of conciliation still continues. The board in the wrought-nail trade lasted only one year. Dissatisfaction is reported with other boards, while the existence of some of the boards most successful has not prevented some of the greatest strikes England has yet known. The Newcastle arbi- tration agreement, representing " the matured experi- ence of the colliery proprietors and of a compact body of 5000 coal-miners, is often praised, yet the subse- quent history of the coal-mining industry, with its gigantic strike, is hardly an advertisement of the suc- cess of the agreement. Says Mr. W. P. Reeves, Min- ister of Labour in New Zealand, writing in the Review of Reviews (American edition) for August, 1894 : " Even in the case of England one has only to read the dry list of strikes published monthly and yearly by the Board of Trade to see to how great an extent vol- untary arrangements and optional conciliation have failed. When one takes up a magazine article or pamphlet by some worthy and optimistic disciple of Sir Rupert Kettle or Mr. Mundella, and reads that in 17 years the board of arbitration for the manufactured iron trade has settled 800 disputes, that the London Chamber of Commerce has drawn up a series of ad- mirable conciliation rules, or that the powerful trade- unions of the boiler-makers has in 13 years never spent more in a year on labor disputes than 9 per cent, of an annual income of $650,000, one is almost stirred to hope that the industrial millennium is within our horizon. Yet we turn to hard matter-of-fact records, and note *hat in 1889 the strikes in the United Kingdom num- bered 1 145; that in 1890 their total was 1028; thatin 1891 it was 875 ; that in 1892 it wasfoi ; and that for 1893 the fig- ures seem certain to be rather higher than for the preced ing year. Surely these prove that private voluntary boards are at the best but an imperfect palliative. . . . Thus the attempt a year or two since to form a central board for the British tailoring trade broke down igno- miniously at the first award. Equally unfruitful was a well-meant endeavor made in the manufactured steel trade in the west of Scotland. The Macclesfield Silk Trade Board lasted only four years. Such stumbles on the threshold might be looked for. But it is signifi- cant to recall the break up of Mr. Mundella's model board establishment for the Notts lace and hosiery trade, and dissolved after 20 years of service. Nor, I read, is Sir Rupert Kettle's elaborate scheme, now re- sorted to in the Wolverhampton building trade, popu- lar as it was for many years. Seventeen years of use- fulness did not save the South Wales Miners' Joint Committee. Nor did a 25 years' life prevent the Con- ciliation Board for the Staffordshire pottery trade coming to an end in 1892. Like it, the Leicestershire Hosiery Board met the same fate after a long career. I cannot find that more than five of these trade con- ciliation boards have been newly set up since 1889. Yet the British strikes during the last quinquennial period have averaged nearer 900 than 800 a year. The chambers of commerce in Londo^ Bristol, and other cities have indeed established general conciliation b'oards. But, except in the metropolis, they would seem to have done little or nothing. A few similar efforts in the colonies have had the like result. "I must not be understood as wishing to belittle the undoubted usefulness of boards of conciliation. I do but point out that their utility lies chiefly in arranging in a friendly way those minor points of difference which seldom lead to strikes. Nevertheless, he would not be a very acute observer who could not see that it is these same minor points which, left unsettled, occa- sionally lead step by step to the worst and most em- bittered conflicts. The causes of some of the most lamentable and heartfelt strikes and lock-outs have been curiously inadequate." Mr. Reeves goes on to make a plea for compulsory arbitration which we shall consider later. We are now concerned simply with the -history of the subject, and of compulsory arbitration there has been no history. The last point that we must notice in the history of the subject in England, is the distinguished success that has been reached in some important cases, in the settlement of large strikes, by the voluntary interpo- sition of men of unusual influence and unquestioned standing in the community. This was notably the case with the great dock strike of London in 1889. About 150,000 workmen were involved in the strike ; it had paralyzed the commerce and affected the trade of all London. It naturally arrested universal attention. Very great sympathy was felt for the dockers. Support came in from the wealthy and the poor. Australia sent funds. The clergy and members of the nobility contributed. About .40,000 passed through the hands of the strikers' com- mittee. Their side was ably organized and led by John Burns, Tom Mann, Ben Tillett, and others. Neverthe- less the dock companies were strong and determined. It was a desperate battle. Such were the conditions when Cardinal Manning, the Lord Mayor, the Bishop of London, and Sydney Buxton, M.P., undertook con- ciliation, and were finally successful, winning most of the points for the dockers. The dock companies yielded, they said, to an "external pressure" which "may have very far-reaching consequences in the future." Cardinal Manning undoubtedly exerted the greatest influence Strikes. Arbitration and Conciliation. 80 Arbitration and Conciliation. in securing the result. It was very largely the per- sonal weight of the committee that gave it its success, coupled with the fact that they acted at an opportune time. Similar was the influence of the Bishop of Dur- ham and others in the great coal strike these, together \yith other smaller ones, showing what public sen- timent can do in settling even vast and heated con- troversies, when voiced by persons of commanding influence acting at opportune times. Perhaps even more significant is tha part that Gov- ernment has commenced to play. We give from the Weekly Times of November 17, 1893, the text of the Government's invitation to the Coal-owners' and Mi- ners' Federation to submit their differences to a con- ference, with a member of the Government, the Earl of Rosebery, as chairman. It is a document of historical importance, as the first step of this kind taken in any large way by Government, and because, as is well known, it led to the settlement of a most protracted and widely spread contest. The text is as follows : "Sir: The attention of her Majesty's Government has been seriously called to the widespread and dis- astrous effects produced by the long continuance of the unfortunate dispute in the coal trade, which has now entered on its sixteenth week. "It is clear from information which has reached the Board of Trade that much misery and suffering are caused not only to the families of the men directly in- volved, but also to many thousands of others not en- gaged in mining, whose employment has been ad- versely affected by the stoppage. "The further prolongation of the dispute cannot fail to aggravate this suffering, especially in view of the approach of the winter, when the greatly increased price of fuel is likely to cause distress among the poor- er classes throughout the country. " Moreover, the Government have little doubt that the effect of the stoppage of industry is rapidly extending and increasing, and that unless an early settlement is effected, lasting if not permanent injury may be done to the trade of the country. " The Government have not up to the present con- sidered that they could advantageously intervene in a dispute the settlement of which would far more usefully be brought about by the action of those con- cerned in it than by the good offices of others. But, having regard to the serious state of affairs referred to above, to the national importance of a speedy termination of the dispute, and to the fact that the conference which took place on November 3 and 4 did not result in a settlement, her Majesty's Government have felt it their duty to make an effort to bring about a resumption of negotiations between the employers and employed, under conditions which they hope may lead to a satisfactory result. " // appears to them that an advantage might accrue from a further discussion between the parties of the present position of matters under the chairmanship of a member of the Government, who it is Jioped will not be unacceptable to either side. " Lord Rosebery has consented, at the request of his colleagues, to undertake the important duty which such a position involves. " I have, therefore, to invite the (Miners' or Coal-own- ers') Federation to send representatives to a conference to be held forthwith under his chairmanship. In dis- charging this duty, it is not proposed that Lord Rose- bery should assume the position of an arbitrator or timpire, or himself vote in the proceedings, but that he should confine his action to offering his good offices in order to assist the parties in arriving oetween t Item- selves at a friendly settlement of the questions in dis- pute, "lam, etc., "W. E. GLADSTONE." The latest significant step in the history of arbitration and conciliation in England took place in the settle- ment of the great boot trade dispute of this year (1895), and its significance consists in the deposit or money on both sides to assure their abiding by the agreement. Says the Times of April 26, 1893 : "There have been many boards of conciliation before to-day, but they have always lacked effective means of enforcing their decisions. It is a novel and important feature in this agreement that an attempt is made to provide a sanction for their decrees. . . . The agree- ment provides that immediate steps shall be taken to draw up piece-work statements for lasting and finish- ing piece-workers, and for welted work at Northamp- ton ; the employers to have the option of payment by time or piece These statements are to be drawn up by a joint committee of employers and operatives, and any differences are to be determined by an umpire. Boards of arbitration and conciliation are immediately to be reconstituted with revised rules, and empowered to settle all questions submitted to them concerning wages, hours of labour, and conditions of labour which cannot be settled mutually by employers and employed. No board is to require an employer to employ any particular workman, or a workman to work for any particular employer. No board is to claim jurisdic- tion outside its district, or to interfere with the rights of employers to make reasonable regulations for time- keeping or the preservation of order in their factories ; or to put restrictions on the introduction of machinery or the output therefrom. Provision is made for finan- cial guarantees for the carrying out of the agreement ; and any question as to its interpretation is to be set- tled by Sir Courtenay Boyle, whose decision is to be final. It is understood that work will be generally re- sumed not later than the agth inst. " The two parties to the settlement have deposited sums of fooo each with Sir Courtenay Boyle and Sir Henry James in accordance with the terms of the agree- ment. . . . Mr. Ward, President of the Federation, addressed a -meeting of Leicester manufacturers on the terms of settlement, which he described as a charter of rights for the manufacturers, under which three fourths of the disputes which afflicted their industry zvould be rendered impossible." Boards of conciliation in connection with trade-unions have existed in Australasia in several industries for many years. The Federated Seamen's Union drew up a scheme for such a board, which was accepted by the Australasian Australasia. Steamship Owners' Association in 1884. ... In case of failure to come to an agree- ment, the board was empowered to appoint two arbitra- tors. In 1886 the union refused to submit a case to the board, and the owners declared the agreement broken. The Boot Manufacturers' Association and the Opera- tive Boot-Makers' Union of South Australia have established a board of conciliation consisting of five em- ployers and five employes elected by their respective associations for 12 months at a time. ... A board of conciliation also exists in connection with the Amal- gamated Carpenters and Joiners. Five workmen mem- bers meet five employers and endeavour to arrange a settlement; the union's report for 1890 shows that some 30 disputes were settled in that year. In the building trades, if an isolated union fails to settle its difficulties by sending a deputation to the employer, the matter may be referred to arbitration, or to a board of con- ciliation ; where this course is not adopted, or where it proves a failure, a ballot is taken to test the wishes of members in regard to a strike. The conciliation board connected with the Building Trades Council and the Contractors' Association put an end to a strike which arose during the building of the Hotel Australia, owing to an alteration in the hours of work without due notice. After hearing the representations of the board, the contractor agreed to defer the change for seven days ; when the men returned to work, however, he re- duced this period of notice to 48 hours. Where no regular board of conciliation has been established, differences are sometimes adjusted by conferences between the two parties. In 1873 the master printers of Victoria entered into an agreement with their employes to hold a series of conferences at regular intervals with satisfactory results. The demands of the Seamen's Union in New South Wales were met by a conference in 1890, and a further conference was held in September of that year between the marine engineers and the shipowners, which for the time set- tled their differences. The most frequent method, however, of settling dis- putes is by the intervention of bodies representing the federated unions in each colony. The majority of unions are now affiliated to some central body, and matters in dispute are accordingly referred to the cen- tral council when the lesser unions fail to effect a set- tlement. It then devolves on the officers of the council to intervene, and, either by sending a deputation to the employers, or by other forms of mediation, to put an end to the dispute. Should these efforts fail, the council again consults the individual unions as to the necessity of a strike. Thus the South Australian United Trades and Labour Council intervened in some 15 disputes of a more or less serious character, and in nearly every instance succeeded in improving the position of their members. In one instance they called a conference and obtained an agreement providing for the closing of butchers' shops at six on all week days except Saturday and abolishing Sunday work, except in the case of Government contracts. In two other in- stances they obtained reductions of working hours for carriers and for iron-workers. Such conferences sometimes result in drawing up a Arbitration and Conciliation. 81 Arbitration and Conciliation. written agreement as to the future conditions of labour, and this method of promoting social peace is strongly- recommended by the New South Wales Commission on Strikes. In most industries there have as yet been no such agreements, and in the few cases in which the custom has obtained, the agreement has only lasted a few years. In New South Wales there have been two arbitra- tion acts, the first passed in 1867, "to make arbitration more effectual," and the second in 1891, to establish councils of conciliation and arbitration in accordance with the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Strikes of 1890. No other colony has as yet (1893) passed any act on the subject, though a number of schemes have been prepared, and bills have been in- troduced into the various legislatures. . . . The act of 1891 divides New South Wales into five industrial dis- tricts ; in each of these a council of conciliation is to be formed, two members of which are to be appointed on the recommendation of the organised employers and two on the recommendation of the organised employes. , . . The act is to continue in force for four years, viz., till March, 1895. At a meeting of the Trade and Labour Council of Sydney, held after the passing of the act, to elect the nominees, a motion was brought forward to postpone such election until a compulsory clause was inserted in the act, on the ground that without such a clause employers would never agree to arbitra- tion. The motion met -with some approval, but was re- jected on the ground that it was necessary to test the act before condemning it. The history of arbitration and conciliation in the United States is more varied, but not so encouraging. The following sketch of the history is . abridged from the Report on the United United States of the English Royal Commission States. n Labour. One very early instance of arbitration is recorded at the beginning of the eigh- teenth century, when a copper arbitration board was established in the mines of Simsbury, now called East Granby, in Connecticut. These mines, however, were soon exhausted, and for a time were converted into a State prison. The next recorded attempts at a peace- ful settlement of industrial disputes is not until those of the Sons of Vulcan between 1865 and 1876. On February 13, 1865, a Committee of Boilers met a Committee of Iron Manufacturers and agreed upon a sliding scale of wages, thus to this extent forming a board of conciliation. It was agreed that the price for smelting 1 iron was to t>e $9 for every ton of 2240 Ibs. when iron sold at 8J^ cents a pound, and that the price for smelting -was to be reduced 25 cents for every fall of a quarter of a cent in the selling price. Ninety days' notice was required to terminate the scale from either side, but it only lasted a few months. In 1867, after a strike in which the men had been successful, another scale was drawn up. By this the price for smelting was to be $8 a ton when iron sold at five cents a pound, with a 25 cents' reduction for every fall of a quarter of a cent in the price of iron. The agreement could be terminated with 30 days' notice on either side. This scale remained in force for seven years, but was modified so as to allow of an advance in wages whenever the price of a pound of iron varied by a tenth of a cent. It did not provide for any fall in that price below three cents a pound, and when the price did fall below three cents the employers proposed a reduc- tion of $i a ton, and the employes one of 50 cents. After a four months' strike the men were, as before, successful, and resumed work on the 50 cents' reduc- tion. In 1876 the various classes of ironworkers united to form the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin-workers of the United States, and several scales were drawn up for different branches, wages rising or falling in most cases with every fluctuation of a tenth of a cent in price. The method of fixing wages by sliding scale has continued among iron- workers up to the present time with more or less success. In 1870 some of the shoe manufacturers of Massa- chusetts formed a committee of five to meet with the committee of the Knights of St. Crispin, and to draw up a scale of wages for the ensuing year. This was the first board of arbitration or conciliation in Massa- chusetts, and it was established in an industry which had been harassed more than any other by industrial conflicts. For a time the system worked well. In 1871 the committee met again to determine prices for the second year, but during the year difficulties arose be- tween the employers and the Crispin organization, and at the beginning of 1872 the manufacturers returned no reply to the invitation of the Crispin committee. The collapse of the order, following upon a prolonged strike, led, in 1875, to the formation of the Shoemaker*' League, which again established a board of arbitra- tion ; but the league had so little influence, that at the end of the year it was dissolved by a unanimous vote. The next year witnessed a revival of the Knights of St. Crispin and of their board of arbitration, and to pre- vent a repetition of the previous troubles, it was de- termined that no strike should be declared except by the vote of the board and the unanimous consent of the employes in the establishment concerned. In 13 months the board settled over 100 difficulties, and its working was regarded with favour by the manufacturers, although they took no active part in its proceedings. It was composed of n members, each representing a different branch of labour. The members were elected for one year, and chosen, as Mr. Carroll D. Wright says, " Not alone for their integrity and general intel- lig'ence, but also because they were regarded as supe- rior workmen, each being an expert in his branch of the business." In cases referred to them for arbitration, the decision of the board was final, in other cases an appeal might be made to the lodge, or local branch of the order. Meetings were held as often as required, generally twice a week. Members received no pay- ment for evening attendance, but for time deducted from their working hours they were paid at the rate of 30 cents an hour. The order gradually gave way be- fore the Boot and Shoe Workers' International Union, so that the attempt to substitute arbitration for strikes was not permanently successful. The work, however, accomplished by this board did much to show the value of the principle. We must notice also efforts of the Miners' National Organization to establish arbitration in the Tuscarawas Valley, Ohio. Their intention was defeated by the action of the Crawford Coal Company immediately after the award of 1874. In 1887 a second attempt was made, but it had little success. In 1879 the firm of Straiten & Storm, cigar manufacturers of New York, established a board of conciliation among their employes. The constitution of the board is in some respects peculiar. It consisted of two parts, a cigar- makers' board and a packers' board, and each body chose a delegate from the other body to sit with them, the firm being represented on both. The Cigar-Mak- ers' Board of Arbitration, as finally constituted, con- sisted of four cigar-makers, chosen out of 15 delegates selected by the three departments, one packer, elected from the packers' board, three foremen appointed by the firm, and one member of the firm. The Packers' Board of Arbitration was composed of two packers, chosen out of seven selected by the packers as a whole, one cigar-maker elected from the cigar-makers' board, the packer foreman, and one member of the firm. On both boards, therefore, the employes were in a majority, and one of their number was in a position to give the casting vote in case of a division of interests. Wages were twice advanced by order of this board in 1879, and a further advance was made in 1880, though the board did not then grant the full amount demanded. As the election of the workmen's representatives took place within the factory, there is some reason to suppose that it was not entirely free. When, after about eight years of existence, the workmen did exercise a free choice, the board was abolished by the firm. It had been combined with a benefit fund, to which all the employes were compelled to contribute a certain sum, but the benefits were only paid to workmen who met with an accident or fell ill while working for the firm. Any workman leaving forfeited all claim to any benefit, as well as to the sum which he had paid into the fund. In 1878 Mr. Joseph D. Weekes was sent to inspect the English boards of conciliation, and on his return pre- sented a report to the Governor of Pennsylvania. The result was the Wallace act of 1883, by which voltrntary boards of arbitration might be established in Pennsyl- vania. Before the awards of these boards can become binding, they must be accepted by both parties to the arbitration. The Ohio arbitration act of 1885 provided for similar boards for Ohio, but in this case both parties must pledge themselves beforehand to accept the award. Boards of this character have been established in Massachusetts, New York, and California. The Massa- chusetts act of 1886, as amended in 1887, provides for the appointment of a State board of arbitra- tion composed of three persons, of whom one represents the employers, another Statfl the labour organisations, and the third Boards is an impartial citizen recommended by the other two. The California State Board of Arbitration and Conciliation, appointed by an act of 1891, is similarly constituted. Of the three "competent persons" composing it, "one shall represent the employers of labour, one shall represent labour employes, and the third member shall represent Arbitration and Conciliation. 82 Arbitration and Conciliation. neither and shall be chairman of the board." The con- stitution of the New York Board of Mediation and Arbi tration, established in 1887, is somewhat di fferent ; one of the three arbitrators is to be elected from the party "which at the last general election cast the greatest number of votes for governor of this State," another from the party casting the second greatest number, while a third is to be selected " from a dona fide labour organization of this State." In California the members are elected for one year only ; in New York, for three, and in Massachusetts all the members serve three years, but only one retires every year, so that the per- sons composing the board are never all changed at once. By an amendment of 1890 to the act constituting the Massachusetts Board, in cases involving special tech- nical difficulties, the two parties in dispute may each ap- point an expert to serve on the board for the particular case. All three boards, though not nominally compul- sory, possess very extensive powers. The Massachu- setts Board may, upon the application of the employer, or of a majority of his employes, or of their duly author- ized agent, open an inquiry, which it may make public or not at its own discretion and at any stage in the pro- ceedings. Where both parties refuse arbitration the board may attempt to mediate between them, and, failing that, may, if it thinks fit, investigate the cause or causes of the controversy and publish a report, find- ing the causes and assigning the responsibility. When a decision is given, it is binding upon the parties for six months, or until the expiration of a 60 days' notice of an intention not to be bound by it given by one party to the other. Two instances are recorded in which such notice was given in the report of the Massachusetts Board for 1887 : but in neither case was the award in- terfered with at the expiration of the period of notice. The New York Board has also a power of investigation which it may exercise when its services as an arbitra- tor are refused, and after arriving at the facts of a con- troversy, it may make them public and lay them be- fore the Legislature. It is also empowered to suggest amendments to the existing laws touch- ing labour questions. The California State Boards. Board is similarly charged with the duty of investigating all disputes which threat- en to end in a strike, and is empowered to publish the results of its investigation. In its report for 1889 the New York Board claims that the extensive pow- ers granted to it by the act deter parties " from making undue exactions or unjust conditions," but neither here, nor in Massachusetts, nor in California, is any provision made in the act for compelling the observ- ance of the award. The decision of the boards is only accepted where the parties are willing to accept it. The reports of the Massachusetts Board for 1888, i8gi, and 1892 speak with satisfaction of the number of wage lists drawn up by the board, for which application is often made afterward by other manufacturers, and which, therefore, serve as a standard of prices. Fur- ther, manufacturers often apply to the board for ad- vice in fixing the rate of wages or the price for a new kind of work. The report for 1891 states that the yearly earnings of the employes affected by contro- versies, which were dealt with by the board in 1890, amounted to $4,056,195, and that the total yearly earn- ings of the factories were $12,044,525. The expense of maintaining the board was $8,108.86, so that, if success- ful in preventing strikes, it implies a considerable saving to the community. The report for 1888 states that some firms enter into a written agreement with their employes to submit all differences which may arise to the arbitration of the board. All the three boards have power in all cases to sum- mon witnesses and to examine them under oath, as well as to require the production of books containing the record of wages paid. They may also appoint ex- perts to assist the arbitrators in cases which present technical difficulties. A special voluntary board may always be substituted for the State board at the wish of the parties concerned, and this temporary body is endowed for the time being with all the powers which the act confers upon the permanent arbitrators. Two instances of the appointment of such a voluntary board are recorded in the Massachusetts report for 1887. . . . Laws providing for the settlement of disputes between employers and employed by arbitration have been en- acted by the Congress of the United States, and the legislatures of Colorado, Maryland, New Jersey, Iowa, Michigan, and North Carolina, as well as the States previously mentioned. By an act of 1892, the Governor of New Jersey is authorized to appoint a State Board of Arbitration to hear appeals from local arbitration boards, as well as to arbitrate directly between em- ployer and employed when the parties in dispute desire it, and to hold an inquiry into the cause of the contro- versy when they do not. In 1888 Congress passed an act " for the creation of boards of arbitration or commission for settling con- troversies and differences between railroad corpora- tions and other common carriers engaged in interstate and territorial transportation of property or passen- gers and their employes." Before such a board of arbitration can be constituted, one of the parties must submit in writing its wish to refer the dispute to arbi- tration, and this proposition must be accepted by the other party. The railroad company and the employes may then each select an arbitrator, and these two select a third, all three impartial and disinterested persons. The board thus constituted has power to subpoena and compel the attendance of witnesses, to administer oaths, and to require the production of papers and writings j but no witness is to be compelled to disclose the secrets or produce the records of any labour or- ganization, a clause which would effectually protect the officials of the Knights of Labor. The parties ex- amined may be represented by counsel. The President may select two commissioners, one of whom must reside in the district where the controversy has arisen. They, together with the Commissioner of Labour, ex- amine into the causes of the controversy and the best means of adjusting it, and must report the result of such an inquiry to the President and to Congress. All the powers of the board may be delegated to these commissioners, and their decision must be immediately made public. But here, as in other cases in which State arbitration is provided for by law in the United States, no penalties are provided in case the parties refuse to accept the award, and there is, therefore, no sanction attached to the act other than such as may be constituted by a dread of public opinion. ... It does not compel a settlement. ... It is always possible for either party to declare that they have nothing to arbi- trate .... In this case there is nothing to be done, but to publish an official statement of the circumstances, which may or may not have sufficient weight to bring about a settlement. The appointment of the United States Commission in regard to the Pullman strike was simply to investigate the facts and make recom- mendations for the future. It was not a committee of arbitration. As regards the separate States, Kansas has an act copied from the Ohio law, but it has been pronounced by the Kansas Labor Commissioner to be a dead letter. The same fate has befallen most of the arbitra- tion acts, and it is reallv only in Massachusetts and New York that the principle of arbitration can be said to be firmly established. Even in Massachusetts, however, arbitration cannot be said to be very successful, though this is probably mainly due to the recent industrial de- pression. Says the last report (1895) of the Board of Arbitration : "The differences which have arisen between employers and employes in this commonwealth during the year 1894 have been sufficiently numerous, and have made larger demands upon the time and attention of this board than in any former year. The uncertainty of the financial situation, ap- prehension of unfavorable results of proposed legisla- tion, and a general failure of confidence throughout the business world were perhaps the principal causes of a depression, the like of which has not been known in this country for a century at least. One result of this Unfortunate condition of things, as observed by this board, has been a general reduction in the rate of wages and amount of earnings all over the State. " In some industries the reduction may be stated more or less definitely as so much per cent. In others, the rate of wages has remained nominally the same, or nearly the same, but a shortening of the working time has also had the effect of reducing the earnings. Reductions in wages, one following upon another, have been met by opposition and protests. Strikes have been frequent, but for the most part without effect. "In particular instances, when the assistance of the board has been sought, it has succeeded in breaking in some degree the force of the blow, and in securing a promise of better wages when business should im- prove, but when manufacturers throughout the State were saying almost as one man that the market for their products was lifeless, and that in their judgment, as prudent men, it would be folly in fact, an impossi- bility to continue operations without a reduction in wages, it was very difficult for any one, even the most hopeful, to argue successfully against that position. The board could not be blind to the main facts, uncer- tainty and want of confidence. It could not alter the general conditions, and in many instances could only counsel a return to work on the ground that it was better to be at work with any wages than to be idle. Massachu- setts' Last Report (1895). Arbitration and Conciliation. Arbitration and Conciliation. " This sort of advice is not always accepted. It looks like an admission of defeat, and generally amounts to that, and therefore is not likely to be accepted until the situation is clearly desperate. " Whenever the parties to a controversy have been willing to accept a fair settlement, arbitration and con- ciliation have produced results as beneficial as ever to all concerned. When settlements have been reached in this way, there has been no cessation of business and no loss of earnings while the matters in dispute were under consideration. " On the other hand, it is safe to say that every strike that has been either wholly or partially successful has cost the winners far more than the results were worth, and subject the employer to great trouble and anxiety as well as pecuniary loss. It is simple justice to add that some of the strikes which have occurred during the year have been preceded by offers from workmen, apparently made in good faith, to submit the questions at issue to arbitration either by the State board or by a board to be selected by the parties for themselves. During the last year, the employes have been relative- ly more favorable to arbitration than employers." Very recently the great strikes on railroads and local transit systems have led to a renewed discussion of arbitration in such cases. The commission appointed to investigate the Pullman strike has reported the following recommendations : " i. The commission would suggest the consideration by the States of the adoption of some system of concil- iation and arbitration like that, for instance, in use in the commonwealth of Massachusetts. That system might be re-enforced by additional provisions giving the board of arbitration more power to investigate all strikes, whether requested so to dp or not, and the question might be considered as to giving labor organ- izations a standing before the law, as heretofore sug- gested for national trade-unions. 2. Contracts requir- ing men to agree not to join labor organizations or to leave them, as conditions of employment, should be made illegal, as is already done in some of our States. 3. The commission urges employers to recognize labor organizations ; that such organizations be dealt with through representatives, with special reference to conciliation and arbitration when difficulties are threat- ened or arise. It is satisfied that employers should come in closer touch with labor and should recognize that, while the interests of labor and capital are not identical, they are reciprocal. 4. The commission is satisfied that if employers everywhere will endeavor to act in concert with labor ; that if when wages can be raised under economic conditions they be raised vol- untarily, and that if when there are reductions reasons be given for the reduction, much friction can be avoid- ed. It is also satisfied that if employers will consider employes as thoroughly essential to industrial success as capital, and thus take labor into consultation at proper times, much of the severity of strikes can be tempered and their number reduced." A bill embodying these recommendations has been introduced into Congress (see PULLMAN STRIKE), and the New York State Board of Arbitration has made similar recommendations in the case of the strike on the Brooklyn trolley cars. Perhaps the best example of the successful adoption of the principle of conciliation in the United States occurs among the bricklayers of New York City. Mrs. J. S. Lowell says in an article in The Voice, April 4, 1805 : "The bricklayers of New York, belonging to eight strong trade-unions, and numbering 4000 men, have not lost one hour of work, either by strike on their own part or lockout on the part of their employers, during the past 10 years. The reason is simple, wien one knows it, and the matter for wonder is that the exam- ple has not been followed in all other trades in this city. " In the summer of 1884 the bricklayers struck for three months for a nine-hour day and failed, and that experiment, in addition to others in the past of the same kind, was enough for An Ex- them and enough for their employers. arrmle in anc * m t ' le s P rm S of 1885 there was form- a v v ec ^ ky the Mason Builders' Association Mew York, and the bricklayers' unions a Joint Ar- bitration Committee, ' to meet every Wednesday evening, to hear grievan- ces and settle all disputes between employers and em- ployees.' This joint committee has continued in exist- ence until now (10 years on March 24), and each year an agreement as to wages, hours of work, overtime, holidays, and other matters of mutual interest, has been made by the committee, composed of equal num- bers of employers and of employees, the former rep- resenting the Mason Builders' Association, the latter the eight bricklayers' unions. " Besides the annual agreements, the committee set- tles questions arising between individual employ- ers and employees ; and the fact that no strike and no lockout has occurred between the members of the or- ganizations represented on the joint committee since its establishment seems to show that these men at least have found the way to avoid ' labor differences.' " On the formation of the committee, it was provided that in case of non-agreement an umpire should be chosen ; but it has never been necessary to choose an umpire, which says much for the reasonableness and justice of the members of the committee. " When the first annual agreement was made in 1885, it provided that wages to May, 1886, should be 42 cents per hour, and that the working-day should be nine hours ; the agreement from May, 1894, to May, 18951 provided -, . _ , that wages should be 50 cents per hour, vxains Under and that the working day should be the Agree- eight hours. These gains have been ment. made, as has been said, without loss of work by either strike or lockout, and without ill-feeling on either side." In New York City also, we find an illustration of what a board of conciliation can do, even tho or- ganized by a body outside any one trade. The Church Association for the Advancement of the Interests of Labor, a Protestant Episcopal organization, in New York, organized three years ago a Council of Concilia- tion and Mediation, with Bishop Potter as its president, with one working man and one business man as other members. It has been active and useful on more than one occasion. Of its last success, The Outlook of March 30, 1895, says : "Through the offices of the volunteer Council of Conciliation and Mediation, of which Bishop Potter is president, an agreement was reached between the Electrical Contractors' Association and the Electrical Workers' Union by which the employers granted an eight-hour day, to begin May i, while the men con- sented to the continued employment of all those who had taken their places during the strike, provided these new men could pass an examination as to com- petency ' in accordance with the rule hitherto pre- vailing in the trade.' The number of electrical work- ers involved in this strike was not very great, but the unions in all but one of the allied building trades had decided to support the electrical workers, and at one time the strike threatened to assume disastrous pro- portions. When the Board of Mediation began its in- vestigation, it found that neither side understood the others position. Each side had approached the other with statements of how little it was willing to do, but both approached the Council, in which each had con- fidence, with statements of how much they were will- ing to do. The difference between these methods turned out to be all the difference between a basis of war and a basis of peace." III. DIFFICULTIES OF, ARGUMENTS FOR, AND VIEWS HELD AS TO ARBITRATION AND CON- CILIATION. Such, in brief, is the history of industrial arbi- tration and conciliation. It suggests various conclusions to various minds. Of the theoreti- cal and, to a less extent, the practical value of arbitration and conciliation all are agreed, tho to some the difficulties seem insurmountable. A few points in regard to the difficulties must firm- Difficulties. ly be kept in mind : (i) The oppo- sition to and difficulties in the way of arbitration and conciliation do not spring from either side alone. It is certainly not from the side of the employee that the greatest oppo- sition has come, tho, as we shall in a moment see, there may be especial and not inadequate reasons which make employers particularly un- willing to adopt arbitration. Nevertheless, it should be noted that organized labor almost invariably has been willing to submit to arbitra- tion rather than attempt a strike. Says Professor R. T. Ely ( The Labor Move- ment in America, p. 146) : Arbitration and Conciliation. 84 Arbitration and Conciliation. " The difficulties in the way of arbitration have come chiefly from the side of employers, for it is a rare thing when laborers refuse to arbitrate their difficulties with their employers. Few cases of such refusal have ever come under my notice." Almost all labor platforms favor arbitration. " One of the aims of the Knights of Labor, as found in their declaration of principles, is : 'To persxiade all employers to agree to arbitrate all differences which may arise between them and their employees, in order that the bonds of sympathy between them may be strengthened, and that strikes may be rendered un- necessary." Says the Constitution of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners, Art. 9, Sec. i : " Whenever a dispute arises between an employer or employers and members of this brotherhood, the mem- bers shall lay the matter before the local union, which shall appoint an arbitration committee to adjust the difficulty ; then, if said committee cannot settle the dispute, the matter shall be referred to the union." The International Typographical Union rec- ommends that ''When disputes arise between subordinate unions and employers which cannot be adjusted after con- ference between the parties at issue, the matter be then settled by arbitration." And in another place the constitution of this body contains these words : " Recog- nizing strikes as detrimental to the best interests of the craft, it directs subordinate unions not to order a strike until every possible effort has been made to set- tle the difficulty by arbitration." Among the standing resolutions of the Iron Moulders' Union is this : " Resolved, that strikes are not beneficial to our or- ganization, and that it would be to our interest to evade as much as possible all strikes, and not to resort to them until all other means at our disposal are exhausted." The question may then be asked, If labor or- ganizations are so much in favor of arbitration and so much opposed to strikes, why do strikes occur so often ? To this it may be answered, (i) just because employers will not arbitrate. (2) Almost all care- ful thinkers are agreed to-day that occasionally strikes are justified if the laborer is to raise his condition. Under competition only a deter- mined and united stand on the part of the labor- er, sometimes carried to the length of a bitter strike, can prevent the lowering of wages. (See STRIKES.) The fact of a strike, therefore, by no means proves the unwillingness of the laborer to resort to arbitration. Nevertheless, all the fault does not lie by any manner of means on the part of the employers. Strikes, and sometimes great strikes, are often precipitated, not usually, indeed, by the labor agitator or paid secretary (tho this, of course, sometimes happens), but by the heat and pas- sion and ignorant thoughtlessness of the rank and file of a labor union, who, smarting under a real or fancied grievance, will not take into con- sideration either involved conditions, extenuat- ing circumstances, or the advice of sober leaders, but will rashly vote a strike, and then sometimes appeal to arbitration after they have struck. It not unf requently happens, as is reported to have been the case with Mr. Debs in the Pullman strike , that the leader of a union does all he can to pre- vent a strike, is outvoted in the union, and thus finds himself forced, as an officer of an organiza- tion, to carry on and manage a strike which he "h&s tried to prevent. Such a situation is held by some to illustrate the tyranny of trade-union- ism ; but it is to be questioned whether submis- sion to organization and obedience to its vote is not better in the long run than lack of organiza- tion, even tho at times it does compel the individual to act contrary to his own choice. Be this as it may, there is no question that one of the difficulties in the way of arbitration and con- ciliation, and especially in the way of getting bodies of men to submit to unfavorable decisions of arbitrating bodies, lies in the hasty spirit of embittered members of labor unions smarting under low wages and harsh conditions. The greater opposition, too, that employers show to arbitration can be easily explained. They argue that, whether the pres- ent system be right or not, under this system industry is conducted Employers' by individuals, and as long as this Opposition. be so, the individual must be left free to manage his own business in his own way. If the community adopts social- ism, that is another thing ; but unless a com- munity adopts socialism, with all that it involves of evil as well as of good the individual, they claim, must be left free to manage his business as best he can. The interference of outside par- ties, they declare, is intolerable. ' ' We have the responsibility," they say, "we must have the power." Hence they often resent the interfer- ence of arbitrating boards even in cases where they may admit there has been injustice on the side of the employer. They argue that the em- ployer should be quietly induced to adjust the wrong ; but to adopt arbitration is to adopt a principle contrary to the present system and one that cannot work under it. In the discussions arising during the great Pull- man strike, it was said by many railroad men that when Government control of railroads was proposed, that that was all very well ; but that if Government did undertake to control, it must go on and also own. Many business men feel that if arbitration become the rule, private conduct of business is at an end. Still more object to boards of conciliation because of their experi- ence with what they consider the ignorant and unreasonable conduct of labor organizations. They object, not to organizations, but to such organizations. They refuse to recognize the or- ganizations of their employees, they assert, sim- ply because they cannot do so and run their business. It is with them not a matter of choice, but of necessity. This leads to the third and main difficulty with conciliation and arbitration the difficulty presented by the Massachusetts report, quoted above. Wages fall owing to universal indus- trial conditions. Wage-earners become dissat- isfied and strike, or appeal to arbitration. It may not be the fault of the wage-earners ; they may be striking against a lowering of wages that does bring living below the level even of human endurance. The arbitration board to which the wage-earners appeal may feel this. Nevertheless, what can it do ? The trouble lies neither with the employers nor employees, but with general conditions, and these arbitration cannot change. All the board can do, then , is to urge the wage-workers to submit, and this but increases the unrest and dissatisfaction. There is no question that this, in such general indus- trial conditions, is the main reason why, altho we find an increasing willingness to arbitrate. Arbitration and Conciliation. Arbitration and Conciliation. arbitration so often fails. From this state of affairs socialists draw the conclu- sion that what is needed is not ar- Argument bitration, but a change of system, for and they often denounce arbitra- Compulsory tion and conciliation as reactionary Arbitration, measures. It is claimed by some that the hope of the movement lies in compulsory arbitration Says Mr. Reeves, in the article quoted above : " I have already shown how unsatisfactory is the re- sult of leaving the parties themselves to be led by their own good sense. That has been earnestly urged and patiently tried for many years in England. What is the outcome ? We may sum it up as 4300 strikes in the last five years. In the United States the picture is even darker. There mercenaries shoot down strikers, unpopular managers are assassinated, the militia has to be called put, unionists are put on their trial, charged with poisoning blacklegs. Matters are not so bad in Australia, but is either side in the colonies satisfied with the position ? I doubt it ; the banking crisis, and the partial collapse following thereupon, having made striking for the present a hopeless game. The employ- ers have been emboldened by their success in refusing arbitration, previous to their victories of 1890, to make a practice of refusal. They do as they did in the Queensland Shearers' strike and at Broken Hill. In New South Wales, as in New Zealand, certain employ- ers have gone so far as to decline to recognize unions, and to avoid engaging unionists. But unionism is neither dead nor dying for all that. The present state of things in Australia cannot last, and the people will be wise to take this opportunity of arranging a substi- tute for industrial tugs-of-war. " If any one could show a single settlement of a labor quarrel brought about by the Victorian or New Sotith Wales acts, or by all the well-meaning speeches made in New Zealand in favor of optional conciliation boards, I would admit that there is something to be said both for private conciliation and for legislation of the weak- kneed order. But as the Victorian act has been use- less, and the New South Wales act worse than useless, and as a New Zealand employer of standing stated last winter to a Parliamentary comniittee that he could not recall a single labor quarrel in the colony that had been composed by private arbitration, it would seem that we must be bolder if we wish to be effectual. " The day is gone by for arguments against the right of the State to intervene in labor disputes or even against the expediency of its doing so. The case for intervention was put so pithily and clearly by the New South Wales Commission on Strikes in 1890 that I need not try to vary their language. ' No quarrel should be allowed to fester if either party were willing to accept a settlement by the State tribunal. Industrial quarrels cannot continue without the risk of their growing to dangerous dimensions, and the State has a right in the public interest to call upon all who are pro- tected by the laws to conform to any provision the law may establish for settling quarrels dangerous to the public peace.' Pity that the commission did not advise, or New South Wales Parliament enact, a law effectual to give force to this admirable declaration of principle. I scarcely need then at this time of day to combat the suggestion, once made by a respectable English states- man, that the sole duty of the State in relation to labor quarrels is to ' keep the ring.' The wisdom of a house- holder who might allow his family and servants to settle a domestic dispute by smashing the furniture and each other, while he contentedly locked the front door and kept strangers from the door-step, would not impress any one. But it would be about on a par with that of the upholders of absolute non-intervention by the State in the worst class of strikes and lock-outs. " If we are forced to see that voluntary arbitration by systematic private arrangement has had, at best, a very partial success in England and none elsewhere, we must turn to the State. If we are compelled to admit that State voluntary systems, inadequate in America, have been still-born in England, New South Wales, Victoria, and Germany, we must fall back on compul- sion. If we are driven to pronounce the use of com- pulsion in France in settling minor disputes uniformly successful, we may in reason suggest that the experi- ment of applying compulsion to major disputes be fairly tried. " We are told that compulsory arbitration would fail because the arbitrators would be ignorant of the busi- ness technicalities of the trades brought into court. But our law courts go into such details every day, and with the aid of expert evidence usually contrive to comprehend them. It is objected that no compulsion could force an unwilling master to keep his factory open, or men to work unless they choose. Of course not ; but a court can affix a penalty to an award and make a recal- Awards citrant owner or union and its mem- J~ *i ^ bers pay. Moreover, in these countries oe Enforced ? people do not defy the law. If it is in- tolerable, they agitate to have it amend- ed ; and if it works injustice it is amended. We are assured that business men will not allow a court to regulate their methods of management. But the directors and shareholders of registered companies now constantly submit to the keenest scrutiny of their affairs and the most searching interference therein by judges. We are warned that compulsory arbitration will be resented as an unwarrantable interference with the liberty of the subject. The same has been said of Factory acts. Truck acts, Mining, Shop Hours, Em- ployers' Liability, Workmen's Wages, Ten Hours acts,. et hoc genus omne. Yet all these are accepted and obeyed. In the 'Ann Arbor' case, an American court forbade boycotting on railways. The other day a judge ordered the servants of the Union Pacific Rail_ way to accept a 10 per cent reduction, and not to strike" I cannot learn that these injunctions caused a civil war; Alarming pictures are drawn of tyrannical awards, under which factory owners will be forced to carry on at a ruinous loss or men ordered to labor at less than a living wage. Granted that an arbitration court be insane ; given a lunatic president flanked by two crazy assessors, and I will admit that the awards might speedily cause a revolt. But under the same con- ditions an ordinary law court might do the same. We are justified in assuming that a president appointed by the State would be swayed by reason, and that assess- ors, elected by unions of employers and workmen re- spectively, would be men of more than average good sense. To the objection that an examination by arbi- trators of a firm's books cannot be thought of, it may be answered that this applies to voluntary arbitration just as much as the other sort. If it is unreasonable in the one case, it is so in the other. But one of the most useful of English voluntary boards reports that the repugnance of employers to this inspection has been slowly overcome. A weightier argument is that reck- less and irresponsible workmen might continually harass masters by dragging them before courts and boards. The remedy to this would be found by confin- ing the functions of the arbitration court and local con- ciliation boards to settling differences between masters and trades-unions or registered associations of labor- ers. A little reflection will show that to allow any rov- ing workman, or half-dozen workmen, to take their master of a day or a week into court over some two- penny halfpenny quarrel would make a mockery of any arbitration system. Registered unions have some- thing to lose funds, influence over their members, a character among workers generally. They would not be likely to run the risk of being mulcted in costs for the sake of trifles, and of seeing their union's funds seized or a levy made upon their members. Even were they reckless at the outset, one or two experiences would soon teach them better. The Compulsory Ar- bitration Act that regulates the Nova Scotian mines allows the court to order an employer' to pay into court a fort- Argument. night's wages of his men, and an equal sum for himself. Thus can security for costs be obtained from both sides in a case. To such safeguardsshouldbe added district conciliation boards elected by masters and unions. These, unfurnished with compulsory powers, would stand as a buffer be- tween disputants and the arbitration court. The lat- ter should be reserved for serious conflicts, and for cases where the good offices of the boards have failed. I am sanguine enough to think that they would not often fail when the alternative to accepting them would be an appearance before the more formal, cost- ly, and distant court of arbitration. In France and Massachusetts, of course, conciliation and arbitration are undertaken by the same body. On the whole, however, it would perhaps be wiser to separate them, excellent as such a board as that of Massachusetts would be with the addition of compulsion. . . . "The general election in New Zealand has. insured the passing of a Compulsory Arbitration act within the next six months, and I venture to think that New Zea- land is in this likely to be but a step ahead of the con- tinental colonies. To those of us who think this exper- imentinevitable, it seems of more moment to study the methods of making it than to attend to primitive out- Arbitration and Conciliation. 86 Arbitration and Conciliation. cries against socialistic interference with the liberty of the subject. . . ." On the other hand, Mr. Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor of the United States, makes a strong argument against compulsory and for voluntary arbitration. Says Mr. Wright in the Forum for May, Argument 1893, in an article entitled Compul- against sory Arbitration an Impossible Compulsory Remedy : Arbitration. The settlement of disputes aris- ing between employers and em- ployed, by such means as will in- sure the peaceful cooperation of both parties, is a result which should be hailed by all as a step in advance, and indicates, whenever tried, a desire to adjust those questions which have been so fruitful of strikes and consequent distress." Mr. Wright then goes on to show how volun- tary arbitration can, and compulsory arbitration cannot, work. He says : " Coming to specific regulations which must exist in some form under any system of compulsory arbi- tration, the difficulties begin to appear and the obsta- cles grow apparently insurmountable. In the first place, the court must either be one consisting of judges authorized to hear the facts, determine the law. enter the judgment, and enforce it ; or onehavingthe right to summon a jury to determine the facts, the, court having the power to pass the judgment and enforce its de- cision. It does not matter which form might be adopt- ed ; the court would have to be one of the rank of the county courts of the country, from which appeals can be made to the highest court of a State, and in inter- state difficulties from the lower federal courts to the Supreme Court of the United States. " In the initiative, let it be supposed that A represents the employer. He issues an order to his employees that wages will be reduced 10 per cent, on a certain day. For the sake of easy calculation, let it be sup- posed that the wages are $2 per day, on the average, in A's works. His proposed reduction then, if carried out, would leave wages at $1.80 per day. The work- men resist this proposition, and insist that they will work no longer for him unless the $2 per day can be retained. But A issues his order, and the workmen strike. A then appeals to the court of arbitration for his locality, and a summons is issued under the seal of the court, citing the workmen to appear and answer as to why the demands of the order of A should not be obeyed. If they appear and make answer, all well and good. If they do not, then they will be subject to judgment by default; or, in some cases, the proper officers of the court may bring them bodily into court to answer the allegations of A. But they are brought into court. A presents his case, the employees present theirs, the court makes a decision and upholds A, de- ciding that he is justified in cutting down the wages of his workmen 10 per cent., reducing them from $2 per day to $1.80. ' r Now two results may follow this action. The men, under the decision of the court, acquiesce and return to work at $1.80 per day, or they refuse to return to work at that priceV^LThen comes the execution of the judgment of the court if the workmen will not obey that judgment. It is levied on them personally or on their property by proper process and by the proper officers of the court. They may be arrested and brought into the factory. If the sheriff or the single officer authorized to serve the execution cannot do it alone he can summon the posse comitatus. If the posse be insufficient he can appeal to the governor. The order of the court must be enforced, and all the power of the government brought to enforce it. This means compulsion, and at the point of the bayonet. The men must accede to the decision of the court of arbitration and work for $1.80 per day, whether they will or not. $. " Let us instance the reverse. The court decides against A, and the judgment is that he shall pay $2 per day. He declines to do so, or he does not obey the judgment of the court. Execution then follows, and is served by the proper officer. If he cannot serve it alone he summons the posse comitatus. If the posse be insufficient the officer appeals to the governor of the State, and A must continue his works and with wages at $2 per day under the persuading infhience of loaded rifles, or the execution may be levied on his property. He must obey, under the ruje of compulsory arbitra- tion, the order of the court.^"In other words, he must pay $2 per day when, it may be, the market cannot be supplied with goods on any such basis. He cannot close his works without disobeying the order of the court ; he cannot pay the $2 per day without loss of his property. Compulsory arbitration then works confis- cation. In either of these instances law has stepped in to fix arbitrarily, and to enforce its fixing by all the civil and military power of the State, either the price at which a man shall sell his labor, under penalties, or the price at which the producer shall sell his goods, under penalties, gut the plan does not provide that tiie consumer shall purchase goods at the fixed price, under penalties, which should be done if there is any logic in compulsory "arbitration. " What further may occur : The employer submits, it may be, to the judgment of the court, continues the operation of his works, and pays the $2 per day, as or- dered by law, altho he knows perfectly well that he cannot sell his goods if he disobeys the law. He there- fore has two things to which he can resort : i. Adul- terate his goods to such an extent that he recoups a loss of 10 per cent, in wages; 2. Make a 'combine' with all other manufacturers of like goods to control prices, in order that whenever a court of arbitration decides that certain wages shall be paid there will be no competition, the trust or 'combine' regulating the price in accordance with the decrees of the court, and therefore caring nothing what the decrees may be, be- cause the consumer must bear the expense of the de- cree. This means the highest, even prohibitive, rates of duty. Or another economic condition may be the result of the decree of the court. A submits to the de- cision and continues to pay $2 per day, and tries to sell his goods in the old way. This allows his neighbor to enter into dangerous competition with him until such time as he is summoned into court and is compelled to abide by the same rules, it thus taking but little time to force the whole industry involved into the trust or- ganization. If the illustration be reversed in all cases to apply to men who strike for higher pay, thus becoming the plaintiff in the action and summoning the manufac- turer, the manufacturer must appear or lose the case by default, or, if he does appear, be subject to the de- cision of the court. It may be a rise of wages would follow, when all the results just indicated would be met. " It does not require much stretch of the imagination to see that as each industry becomes involved in the economic results of compulsory arbitration, combina- tion grows more and more severe in all its terms. Every great industry would be forced into the trust through the action of the sheriff, or the posse comi- tatus under him, or the military force of the State en- forcing the decision of its courts, which it is bound to do. The trust represents consolidation, and, in the minds of leading socialists, is but the stepping-stone to State socialism. If the trust be honestly and faithfully administered in the interests of the public and this must be the result, or the trust must go under the State socialist asks, Why not create a greater trust and have the Government itself the trustee? This is not the place to argue such a question, but the question may be asked here whether the advocates of compulsory arbitration are ready to accept the full and logical con- clusion of their system by forcing, at the point of the bayonet, all industries under State control, and thereby establish, by military force, the rule of State socialism ? " How much simpler it would be to enact a law, with proper penalties, establishing the prices of goods and the wages of all labor. Then when any one, a manu- facturer, or a seller, or a laborer, violated the law he could be prosecuted in a criminal court and the proper penalty applied. This would do away with all the cumbersome machinery of the court of compulsory arbitration and accomplish precisely the same result the death of industry. What Mr. Wright does advocate may be seen by his recommendation of voluntary arbitration quoted in Part II. of this article. Most trade- unionists agree with Mr. Wright in opposing compulsory arbitration. Mr. John B. Lennon, Treasurer of the American Federation of Labor, writes in The Independent for May 2, 1895: "We believe in arbitration if it be voluntary. But we have more faith in conciliation, in the settling of disputes or threatened disputes before they reach the Arbitration and Conciliation. Arbitration and Conciliation. .. j obiec cause ft is not arbitration. Arbitration means a peace- ful settlement ; compulsion means force. And we do not believe it to be the province of the Government to interfere, or so commence to take part in the settle- ment of these trade questions, believing that neither Congress nor the State legislatures have the necessary technical knowledge relating to the different crafts ; nor is it possible for them to have such knowledge as would enable them to settle trade disputes on just and fair grounds. We object to compulsory arbitration, as the introduction, in a degree at least, of a system of slavery ; as, if compulsory, it must be followed by penalties which would probably make it a penal offense for a man to quit work or to continue it if a board of arbitration should have decided against him. We also consider such a method inconsistent with the princi- ples of our American Government and with the actual rights of men." Such are some of the arguments pro and con for various kinds of arbitration. Yet arbitration of some kind all would favor, saving only those extreme socialists who consider everything reactionary which does Opinions, not immediately introduce socialism. All others agree that labor and capital must be friends, not ene- mies, and that this can be reached only by each side understanding each other, to which end nothing can more conduce than coming together, in case of industrial disputes, for friendly arbi- tration, or, better still, in permanent boards of conciliation before disputes have arisen. Professor J. B. Clark, Smith College, North- ampton, Mass., says : " Arbitration is in itself an appeal to equity and a departure from the competitive principle. ' ' Professor Henry C. Adams, Lecturer on Politi- cal Economy in the University of Michigan and Cornell University, says : " Arbitration is not the missing coupling be- tween labor and capital, but it is the thing for which, at the present time, it is practical that working men should strive. Its establishment is the first step toward the overthrow of the wages system. ' ' Professor E. J. James, of the University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia), says : ' ' Arbitration has the great advantage of sub- jecting the acts of the parties to it to the effi- cient and powerful control of an energetic pub- lic opinion. It recognizes indirectly what is too often overlooked that the interests at stake are not merely those of the laborer and employer, but also those of the community at large. The latter has such a great stake in the contest that it cannot afford to stand idly by and permit the former to disturb society to its foundations, and destroy in their struggle the very conditions of sound economic progress. " John Jarrett, Esq. , Secretary of the American Tinned-Plate Association, says : " I know of no better remedy, in the adjust- ment of all differences that may arise between employers and employees, than arbitration and conciliation." Hon. Joel B. McCamant, Chief of Bureau of Industrial Statistics, State of Pennsylvania, says : " Arbitration, in my opinion, is the only rea- sonable coupling between labor and capital. ' ' The first step to arbitration is organization, both of employers and employees. Says Dr. Gould, in a recent article in the Yale Review, February, 1895 : "A ready-made, perfectly adjusted, inelastic method or agency for settling collective indus- trial difficulties, embodying at the same time ideas of abstract justice, cannot be devised. A modus -vivendi, however, can be reached, but it must respond to underlying interests and har- monize with national traditions and necessities. Advance must be progressive, for the problem is educational as well as practical. The very first step is organization by both of the two par- ties to industry." Says Mrs. J. S. Lowell : " Labor differences arise because labor or capital (or sometimes both) fail to recognize the fundamental facts of their relationship, which are that they are both interested in all questions of wages, of hours, and of conditions of work ; that they both have equal rights in regard to them ; and that both must, therefore, have an equal voice in settling them. " Sometimes it is the employer who posts a notice in the factory that, after a certain date, wages are to be so and so and hours such and such. The changes may be necessary ; but it is not to be expected that intelligent, indepen- dent American citizens will tamely accept con- ditions about which they have not been consult- ed, and which have been promulgated as the Czar of Russia promulgates his decrees, and consequently there follows a strike which might have been avoided by the practise of a little common sense and common courtesy on the part of the employer. "On the other hand, the same spirit is not infrequently shown by the union or the local assembly. An employer, who has made his business agreements upon the understanding that existing conditions are to continue, is sud- denly confronted with the statement that his employees have adopted new working rules, and that within a few days those working rules will go into effect. Here again temper may have something to do with the action of the employ- er, but the sympathy of the unprejudiced ob- server must be with him when he resents such arbitrary action and claims his right to be con- sulted as to the conditions under which work in his establishment is to be done. The fault is exactly the same and exactly equal in these two cases, and arises from a wrong -way of looking at the question. " What is the remedy ? A recognition on the part of both employer and employee of the rights of the other side that is, a sense of justice and a desire to deal justly. Neither side can throw stones ; both can show instances of wrongdoing and of rightdoing, but unfortunately when one side is right the other side is apt to be wrong on any particular occasion /and so the 'labor differences' multiply. " There are instances, however, where both sides have the right spirit, where the equal rights of both sides are mutually recognized, and then there is truly ' nothing to arbitrate,' not because of unwillingness on the part of the employer or employee, but because there really are no ' differences ' between them. But where such conditions of mutual confidence and re- spect exist, the public knows nothing at all about Arbitration and Conciliation. 88 Aristocracy. it, for there is nothing to excite public interest ; and whereas every little strike of a few hundred men is known and chronicled, the peaceful rela- tions of thousands of men and their employers and the sure foundation upon which it is based are scarcely known beyond the walls of the room where the representatives discuss and settle all questions of common interest. ' ' Says Professor R. T. Ely : " Arbitration is impossible without labor or- ganizations. Capital is combined and is man- aged by a few persons even in the largest establishments. Take the case of a railway corporation. The capital may be owned by looo different persons, but it is massed together, and all its owners, as a rule, treat with the rail- way employers through a single person. Capi- tal is one of the factors of production ; labor is another, and it also must be massed together to stand on an equal footing, and this can be effected only by organization. As the 1000 capi- talists choose one representative, the 10,000 laborers must choose a representative of labor. To ask a single laborer, representing a ten-thou- sandth part of the labor factor, to place himself against a man who represents all the combined capital, is as absurd as to place a boy before an express train and expect him to stop its progress. As Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, as every one knows, a wealthy employer, has so well said, it is only after labor is organized that the contending par- ties are in a condition to treat. ' The great re- sult is that capital is ready to discuss. It is not to be disguised that, until labor presented itself in such an attitude as to compel a hearing, capi- tal was not willing to listen, but now it does listen.' " Many trade-unionists fear boards of arbitra- tion appointed by the State, since government to-day they consider almost wholly in the hands of the dreaded " capitalist." At the recent an- nual convention of the English Miners' Federa- tion it was stated that the Federation had been started to uphold the right of the miner to a voice in the adjudication of the value of his labor, and they had no confidence in the arbitra- tion of men belonging to the capitalist class. The president said he had never met with any settlement by arbitration which gave general sat- isfaction. Undoubtedly the first step to making boards of arbitration and conciliation succeed is to make them fair and above suspicion. References : Industrial Arbitration and Concilia- tion^ by Josephine S. Lowell (New York, Putnam, 1893) ; Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration in New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, by Joseph D. Weeks (included in the Twelfth Annual Report, 1880, of the Massachu- setts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, with comments by Carroll D. Wright, chief) ; Industrial Conciliation, by H. Crotnpton (London, H. S. King & Co., 1876) ; Indus- trial Peace, by L. L. F. R. Price (Macmillan, 1887) ; Conciliation and Arbitration in Labor Disputes, by J. S. Jeans (London, 1894) ; Compulsory Industrial Arbi- tration, by S. Dexter ; American Journal of Social Science ; Compulsory Arbitration an Impossible Remedy, by Carroll D. Wright (Forum, May, 1893) ; Industrial Arbitration, by Dr. E. R. L. Gould (Yale Review, February, 1895). ARBOR DAY. A certain day in the year appointed by the State, in which people are asked and encouraged to plant trees in order to counteract the tendency to forest exhaustion. (See FORESTRY.) To the Nebraska State Board of Agriculture belongs the honor of recommend- ing, in 1879, the first Arbor Day, which was to be the second Wednesday of April in each year. To-day 38 States and Territories celebrate Arbor Day. ARCH, JOSEPH, leader of the English agri- cultural laborers' movement, 1870-88, and Presi- dent of the National Agricultural Laborers' Union (1872), of which he was the chief founder. He was the son of a laborer, and worked on the farm himself from an early age. For some years he used his spare time preaching for the Primitive Methodists, and when the move- ment began among the agricultural laborers he used his talent on their behalf, soon being recognized as a leader. He was four times a candidate for parliamentary honors, but was successful only when he stood as the nominee of the Liberal Party for Northwest Norfolk in 1885, and again in 1892 and 1895, after a defeat in 1886. ARISTOCRACY (Gr. dpiaros, best, and. Kpana, rule) means literally government by the best ; but in ordinary use, by " the best" is too often meant simply " the highest in rank and in opulence ;" so that the word has come to mean a government where the supreme power is exercised by those highest in station, inherit- ance, blood, or wealth. It is in this sense claimed by almost all leaders of reform movements and by many others that the United States is more of an aristocracy to-day than of a democracy. Of the 82 membersof the Senate of 1891-92, 69 were lawyers, and of the 335 members of the House 231 were lawyers ; and these lawyers were al- most exclusively, by their antecedents, interests, etc., representatives of the possessing classes alone. Dr. Josiah Strong, in his book, Our Country, says : "Every nation has its aristocracy. In other lands the aristocracy is one of birth ; in ours it is one of wealth. It is useless for us to protest that we are demo- cratic, and to plead the leveling character of our in- stitutions. There is among us an aristocracy of recog- nized power, and that aristocracy is one of wealth. No heraldry offends our republican prejudices. Our ensigns armorial are the trade-mark. Our laws and customs recognize no noble titles ; but men can forego the husk of a title who possess the fat ears of power. In England there is an eager ambition to rise in rank, an ambition as rarely gratified as it is commonly .ex- perienced. With us, aspiration meets with no such iron check as birth. A man has only to build higher the pedestal of his wealth. He may stand as high as he can build. His wealth cannot secure to him genu- ine respect, to be sure ; but, for that matter, neither can birth. It will secure to him an obsequious defer- ence. It may purchase political distinction. It is power. In the Old World men commonly live and die in the condition in which they are born. The peasant may be discontented, may covet what is beyond his reach ; but his desire draws no strength from expecta- tion. Heretofore, in this country, almost any laborer, by industry and economy, might gain a competence, and even a measure of wealth ; and tho now we are beginning to approximate the conditions of Eurp- pean labor, young men, generally, when they start in life, still expect to become rich ; and, thinking not to serve their god for naught, they commonly become faithful votaries of Mammon. Thus the prizes of wealth in the United States, being at the same time greater and more easily won, and the lists being open to all comers, the rush is more general and the race more eager than elsewhere. . . . Where land is being rapidly taken, and real estate of all sorts is rapidly appreciating in value, men make every pos- sible present endeavor with reference to the future. Under such conditions the race after wealth becomes Aristocracy. Aristotle. peculiarly eager. The gambling spirit, which always prevails in mining regions, exerts a wide influence, even in agricultural States. Farmers often rent land, put their entire capital into a great acreage, and stake everything on a single crop. The sudden wealth often realized in the mines stimulates the general haste to be rich. And where riches are almost the sole object of endeavor, their possession gives greater power. In the Rocky Mountains a man may be to- day a caterer or bartender, fit for that and nothing more ; to-morrow, without any good wit of his own, a millionaire ; next day, because ' Mammon wins his way where seraphs might despair,' a lieutenant-governor or United States Senator.' r But there is another side to this question. It is becoming more and more doubtful whether it is possible, under ordinary circumstances, to ac- quire wealth to-day, unless one is already born to wealth, inheriting it or acquiring it in some speculative way. Concerning this, see ABSTI- NENCE, REWARD OF ; WEALTH, etc. The follow- ing passage from John Stuart Mill (Fortnightly Review, February, 1879) bears upon this point : " The very idea of distributing justice, or of any proportionality between success and merit or between success and exertion, is in the present state of society so manifestly chimerical as to be relegated to the re- gions of romance. It is true that the lot of individuals is not wholly independent of their virtue and intelli- gence ; these do really tell in their favour, but far less than many other things in which there is no merit at all. The most powerr ul of all the determining circum- stances is birth. The great majority are what they were born to be. Some are born rich without work, others are born to a position in which they can become rich by work, the great majority are born to hard \vork and poverty throughout life, numbers to indi- gence. Next to birth the chief cause of success in life is accident and opportunity. When a person not born to riches succeeds in acquiring them, his own industry and dexterity have generally contributed to the result ; but industry and dexterity would not have sufficed unless there had been also a concurrence of occasions and chances which falls to the lot of only a small num- ber. If persons are helped in their worldly career by their virtues, so are they, and perhaps quite as often, by their vices ; by servility and sycophancy, by hard- hearted and close-fisted selfishness, by the permitted lies and tricks of trade, by gambling speculations, not seldom by downright knavery. Energies and talents are of much more avail for success in life than virtues : but if one man succeeds by employing energy and talent in something generally useful, another thrives by exercising the same qualities in outgeneraling and ruining a rival. It is as much as any moralist ventures to assert, that, other circumstances being given, honesty is the best policy, and that with parity of advantages an honest person has better chances than a rogue. . . . The reward, instead of being per- fectipned to the labour and abstinence of the individ- ual, is almost in reverse ratio to it ; those who receive the least labour and abstain the most." (See also DEMOCRACY ; WEALTH, etc.) ARISTOTLE (384-322 B.c.),born at Stageira. He was a pupil of Plato at Athens, and said to have been called "the intellect of the school." . After Plato's death (347 B.C.) Aristotle left Athens, and in 342 B.C. was invited to Macedonia by Philip, and became the teacher of Alexander. He remained here till Alexander started on his Asiatic expedition (334 B.C.), when he returned to Athens and opened a school called the Lyceum, and (from his practice of walking as he lectured) the ' ' Peripatetic' ' school. He died at Chalcis in Euboea, aged 62. His main works are the Nico- machean Ethics, Organon or Logic, Rhetoric, Poetics, Physics, and Politics. His knowledge for his times was encyclopedic. His thorough knowledge of facts made him much more con- crete and scientific, and as objective as Plato was idealistic and subjective. The following sum- mary of his economic and sociologic positions is abridged from Professor Ingram's History of Political Economy, p. 16 : "Aristotle, like all the Greek thinkers, recognizes but one doctrine of the State, under which ethics, poli- tics proper, and economics take their place as depart- ments, bearing to each other a very close relation, and having, indeed, their lines of demarcation from each other not very distinctly marked. When wealth comes under consideration, it is studied not as an end in itself, but with a view to the higher elements and ultimate aims of the collective life. " The origin of society he traces not to economic necessities, but to natural social impulses in the human constitution. The nature of the social union, when thus established, being determined by the partly spontaneous, partly systematic combination of diverse activities, he respects the independence of the latter while seeking to effect their convergence. He there- fore opposes himself to the suppression of personal free- dom and initiative, and the excessive subordination of the individual to the State, and rejects the community of property and wives proposed by Plato for his gov- erning class. The principle ot private property he regards as deeply rooted in man, and the evils which are alleged to result from the corresponding social ordinance he thinks ought really to be attributed either to the imperfections of our nature or to the vices of other public institutions. Community of goods must, in his view, tend to neglect of the common interest and to the disturbance of social harmony. " Of the several classes which provide for the dif- ferent wants of the society, those who are occupied directly with its material needs the immediate cul- tivators of the soil, the mechanics and artificers are excluded from any share in the government of the State, as being without the necessary leisure and cul- tivation, and apt to be debased by the nature of their occupations. In a celebrated passage he propounds a theory of slavery, in which it is based on the univer- sality of the relation between command and obedience, and on the natural division by which the ruling is marked off from the subject race. He regards the slave as having no independent will, but as an 'ani- mated tool ' in the hands of his master ; and in his sub- jection to such control, if only it be intelligent, Aristotle holds that the true well-being of the inferior as well as of the superior is to be found. This view, so shocking to our modern sentiment, is of course not personal to Aristotle ; it is simply the theoretic presentation of the facts of Greek life, in which the existence of a body of citizens pursuing the higher culture and devoted to the tasks of war and government was founded on the systematic degradation of a wronged and despised class, excluded from all the higher offices of human beings, and sacrificed to the maintenance of a special type of society. " The methods of economic acquisition are divided by Aristotle into two, one of which has for its aim the appropriation of natural products and their applica- tion to the material uses of the household ; under this head come hunting, fishing, cattle-rearing, and agri- culture. With this primary and 'natural method is, in some sense, contrasted the other to which Aristotle gives the name of ' chrematistic," in which an active exchange of products goes on, and money conies into operation as its medium and regulator. ' A certain measure of this ' non-natural ' method, as it may be termed in opposition to the preceding and simpler form of industrial life, is accepted by Aristotle as a necessary extension of the latter, arising out of in- creased activity of intercourse, and satisfying real wants. But its development on the great scale, founded on the thirst for enjoyment and the unlimited desire of gain, he condemns as unworthy and corrupting. Tho his views on this subject appear to be prin- cipally based on moral grounds, there are some indi- cations of his having entertained the erroneous opinion held by the physiocrats of the eighteenth century, that agriculture alone (with the kindred arts above joined with it) is truly productive, while the other kinds of industry, which either modify the products of nature or distribute them by way of exchange, however con- venient and useful they may be, make no addition to the wealth of the community. . . . " Like the other Greek social philosophers, Aristotle recommends to the care of governments the preserva- tion of a due proportion between the extent or the civic territory and its population, and relies on ante- nuptial continence, late marriages, and the prevention or destruction of births for the due limitation of the number of citizens, the insufficiency of the latter Aristotle. 90 Army and Navy. being dangerous to the independence and its super- abundance to the tranquillity and good order of the State." In his Politics (Book I., 2, 12-14) Aristotle says : "The State is, by nature, clearly prior to the individual and to the family, since the whole is of necessity prior to the part. . . . The proof that the State is a creation of nature, and prior to the individual, is that the indi- vidual, when isolated, is not self-sufficing ; and, there- fore, he is like a part in relation to the whole. But he who is unable to live in society, or who has no need, because he is sufficient for himself, must be either a beast or a god." ARMY AND NAVY. However necessary standing armies and navies have been in the past, and to an extent may still be, the burden of their maintenance is one against which social science is more and more protesting. Just so far as true education and civilization prevail will the necessity for standing armies disappear. The United States, with its continental terri- tory, its developing life, its varied population, and yet small standing army, is the wonder and envy of Europe. The Commander-in-Chief of the United States Army is the President. The general in com- mand is a major-general, with a salary of $7500. The appropriation for the army for 1895 is $23,529,885. The new United States Navy will consist of 28 armored vessels, 25 unarmored ves- sels, 12 unarmored wooden and iron ships, six torpedo-boats. Of these several are still build- ing. Besides these are over 60 tugs, school- ships, small steamers, old vessels, etc. There are eight navy-yards. The navy of the United States is commanded by six rear-admirals, 10 commodores, 45 captains, 85 commanders and 74 lieutenant-commanders, 325 lieutenants, and 1 80 ensigns. There are 7500 enlisted men and 750 boys, besides a marine corps of 2175 officers and men. The appropriation for the navy for 1895 is $25,327,127. The total expense of our government from 1789-1892 was, for war, $4,- 824,758,797; for the navy, $1,236,772,615. The militia of the United States numbers 117,537 officers and men. The army of the United States in 1894 consisted of the following forces, in officers and men : Officers. Enlisted Men. Aggre- gate. Ten cavalry regiments. . . 43 6,050 6,480 Five artillery regiments. Twenty-five infantry 280 3,975 4.255 regiments 875 12,925 13,800 Engineer battalion, re- cruiting parties, ord- nance department, hos- pital service, Indian scouts, West Point, sig- nal, and general ser- vice 551 2,782 3,333 Total 2,136 25.732 27,868 How Europe suffers under her standing armies can be seen by the following statistics, prepared for the World Almanac by Lieutenant W. R. Hamilton, Fifth Artillery, United States Army, and corrected from the latest official reports on file at the War Department, December, 1894 : LAND FORCES. CLASSES. Germany. France. Italy. Austria- Hungary. Russia. Great Britain. Turkey. ACTIVE ARMY. Officers 15.28? 18,467 Non-com, officers and men 557*093 524,837 247,944 386,588 1,112,684 ) 138,410 13,680 ( 179*396 T eg. 782 2 836 1,882 464. 4 RESERVES. Officers 43,830 } { 270,189 Non-com, officers and men 3,15*1389 3*99i733 2,33,359 i)i58,993 4*6931761 f 901,350 "i 724*903 3 262,388 61,860 Guns ' *7,862 *8,QOO 126^.0 ' * 5o GRAND TOTAL. Officers 48,815 Non-com, officers and men 3,708,474 3*674*57 2,53^33 i,545i58i ) 5,780,399 I,O39,76O 981,764 4,968 4,836 ] PEACE ESTABLISHMENT. Infantry 357,628 788,346 Cavalry 82 669 26 832 Artillery 77.^78 48,860 13,846 Engineers and Train 8,w 8,628 Horses .. 158 382 Guns . . .... 2,87.6 *6,o84 3*968 TOTAL PEACE ESTABLISHMENT. Men Horses 158,382 260,348 Guns .... ... 2,836 i 882 7 Q68 * Including fortress and garrison guns. Army and Navy. Army and Navy. CLASS OF VESSELS. Great Britain. France. Germany. j? "3 i Austria- Hungary. Russia. d I ji Denmark. Nether- lands. Sweden and Norway. Turkey. Portugal. 83 S 8 29 8 28 12 20 8 4 16 i H G Guns of same | S ' B Unarmored Ships 726 2,082 393 i.35 68 7 6 278 193 400 20 174 182 3 1 ? 812 I6 5 173 23 r 6 3 69 14 9 27 8 44 12 4 2 151 122 7 2 { H G Guns of same < Q' g' 726 2,180 143 4,222 8 227 172 80 276 99 112 87 232 I 4 I 169 124 MS 124 36 48 28 26 7 93 40 56 43 ( TT C* 4 16 ii I 5 \ 8 9 2 6 I Unarmored Gunboats. 9 76 56 12 28 36 ( 2 18 2 8 f t -TT r* Guns of same is' R 206 29 22 4 26 3 62 27 97 21 54 24 60 361 127 56 132 8 87 98 41 3*4 28 47 85 27 1 TT /~* 12 3 2 3 58 29 } 1 j 6 i 80 Training-ships, Store-ships, 18 28 4i 69 143 29 f 18 1 2 118 56 61 28 Torpedo Boats. No. i " No. 2 130 190 60 139 3D 110 30 65 3 46 IO 20 26 ii 6 15 7 27 8 Total Number of Guns* 6,790 <5,554 I.36 1 1,592 893 1*643 1,122 526 756 273 290 698 221 40 to 80 tons 84 18 72 IO 28 4 96 214 7 66 72 114 108 46 16 98 1,478 364 186 328 81 1 06 446 1 68 88 ?8i Officers 840 611 Seamen 46,515 4,813 Marines Officers 361 1,861 97 18 56 356 45 9 18 " Soldiers 8,112 600 Total Active List. 63,806 13,680 24,158 38,211 24,6l8 A.^SO 11,318 * Including guns of torpedo boats. H. G., Heavy Guns. S. B., Secondary Batteries. Torpedo Boats, No. i over 100 feet in length. No. 2 under 100 feet in length. THE EUROPEAN MILITARY AND NAVAL BUDGETS For fiscal years ending during 1894 are put by the same authority at COUNTRIES. Cost of Armies. Cost of Navies. Pensions and Invalid Funds. Total Military Budgets. Equiva- lent in United States Money. G. Britain and India. 20,750,620 15,270,500 5,086,850 69,472,300 marks. 41,107,790 548,123,520 marks. $199.794.734 France 646,162,700 francs. 225,381,200 francs. 872,443,900 francs. Russia Italy 348,481,206 lire. Austria-Hungary . . . 129,500,313 florins. 12,592,617 florins. 26,342,800 florins. 168,445,730 florins. 57,439.994 These armies and navies, thus maintained at enormous cost, and increased from year to year in Germany, for example, only after a long strug- gle with the representatives of the people are a crushing burden on the tax-payer and a greater burden on the youth, who have to give their best years to war service. This service accounts largely for the emigration from Europe and the spread of socialism. Service in all continental armies is compul- sory on all able-bodied males between certain ages. The length of service and the age vary in different countries. Thus in France every Frenchman, upon reaching the age of 20, is liable to military service till he reaches the age of 40. In Germany every male is liable on reaching the age of 17, and continues so till he reaches 45. Military service is of two kinds ac- tive military service and occasional liability to military service. Each year a certain number of males reach the age of liability, and are enrolled for service. From their numbers are excused all who are morally and physically unfit, and then a certain number are transferred to non-combatant corps. All who actually serve throughout the entire year constitute the peace establishment. At the end of five years, their actual service having ceased, they are graduated soldiers, and are transferred to the first reserve ; and after a few years' service in that to another reserve. All the graduated soldiers who are under the extreme age of 30 or 32 constitute the Army and Navy. 92 Army and Navy. active army that is, they are the ones who, on breaking out of war, with the peace army, form the first great war army, and all the graduated soldiers between ages of 32 and 45 constitute the reserves to this army, and form second armies. Then all those over the age of 40 or 45 form the last reserves, whose business it is to stay at home and garrison the depots, make the provisions and supplies, ammunition, etc., for the war armies. They are never called out ex- cept in case of invasion. And yet, under the present conditions of Eu- rope, no sooner does one nation increase her army and navy, than all other nations must do the same unless they would court in vasion . The burden is more and more hated by the people. In Germany especially the army makes converts to socialism every day. Young men drafted in the army, and fretting under its control, with time on their hands, are exactly in the position to be ripe for socialistic propaganda. In the growing internationalism of socialism there is, however, developing a strong movement for the abolition of all standing armies. The German socialists do not demand the immediate aboli- tion of the army, because they hold that until the present condition of industry can be changed, to immediately disband the army would throw a large body of men out of the means of support, and would end a valuable field for socialistic propaganda. Some Euro- pean socialists, however, do agitate for immedi- ate abolition. It is a growing question whether, under the spread of international socialism among the working classes European armies could be counted on in the event of war. In the United States the part played by United States troops and State militia in recent strikes (see PULLMAN, HOMESTEAD, etc.) has led to a very bitter feeling against the institution of the army among work- Militarism ing men and others interested in in the social reform. Two policies on the United subject are entertained by the trade- States, unions. Some working men urge that no working man should enlist ; others advise enlistment, in order to obtain military drill, to be used, if necessary, against capitalists, as they hold that capitalists desire to use the army against them. As an illustration of the growing hostility to the exten- sion of the army and the building of great city armories, we give the following quotation from an editorial article in The Arena for October, 1894: " Comparatively few people appreciate the magni- tude of the preparations for slaughter which have been steadily pushed since the era of class legislation and special privileges which followed the Civil War. " That the people may gain some idea of the military activity at the present period, I secured the following interesting ana suggestive data, relative to the Massa- chusetts armories : " Armories : The State owns none. Buildings and land : Acts of Legislature of 1888, chap. 384, provides for purchase of suitable land and erection of two armo- ries in Boston, and one in every city in the State in which two or more companies are located. "Title to land and buildings, 'to be vested absolute- ly in the city forever.' " Rent : State to pay no rent to cities after debt con- tracted in buying land' and erecting buildings is all paid. " Running expenses : State pays janitor, lighting, heating, repairs, and incidentals all. " Armories: Boston, three (including the Cadets' new armory) ; Worcester, one ; Lowell, one ; Fitchburg, one ; Lawrence (in process of erection), one ; Lynn (in process of erection), one. Total, eight. Springfield also is preparing to erect an armory which will cost . nearly $100,000, and will make in all nine armories. The Boston Cadets have a large granite armory in process of construction, but it is their private property. Esti- mated cost, between $300,000 and $400,000. " Headquarters or armories : Besides the armories there are 66 'headquarters,' for which the State pays rent to the cities and towns in which they are located. " Drill ship : Naval battalion is furnished the ironclad Passaic by the United States Government. DR. " Expenses : Armories expense of those provided for by the Act of 1888, chap. 384, $13,001.08 ; rent to cities and towns, $34,758.24. Militia : Pay, transportation, supplies, and expenses of militia, $163,372.85 ; expended on State camp ground, $1798.50 ; equipment or naval militia, $3690.07. Total, $216,621.64. CR. " United States : Appropriation, militia, $27,555.50 ; naval militia, $3690.07 ; sale of condemned military property, $870.11. Total, $32,115.68. " Expense to State for 1892, $184,505.96. " Beside this is an expense for keeping records, etc., of militia and naval militia of $7532.25, making in all '. $192,038. 21. . . . "But while a rapidly growing State or national mili- tia is a menace to republican institutions, where wealth is rapidly gaining ascendency in government and securing seats of power, there is another phase of this question which is still more startling and sugges- tive. Special attention is invited to the Seventh Regi- ment armory of New York and the Boston Cadets new- private armory in course of erection. . . . The Sev- enth Regiment of New York, not inappropriately term- ed the 'rich men's regiment,' is free from debt, and, says the New York Advertiser, ' nearly $1,000,000 have been spent on the building and its furnishings. The State and the county ivere not asked for a cent.' All this money came direct from the pockets of individuals. Wtio paid this million-dollar bill ? " "The general feeling of unrest in the labor and so- cialistic circles throughout the entire country this spring is only another reason why the National Guard should be given stronger support by both the national and State governments.' " The feeling of the labor organizations is evi- denced by the resolutions passed by an almost unanimous vote of the Boston Central Labor Union, October 21, 1894, as reported by the Bos- ton Herald : "Adjutant-General Dalton and the militia were de- nounced, both orally and by resolutions, at yesterday's meeting of the Central Labor Union. " A letter recently issued by Adjutant-General Dalton was severely criticised at the last meeting of the Central Labor Union, with the result that a com- mittee was appointed to draft suitable resolutions concerning the contents of the letter. The committee yesterday presented the resolutions, which are ap- pended : " ' Whereas, Adjutant-General Dalton, in a communi- cation to the commanders of the Massachusetts militia, recently issued, has, by implication and insinuation, seen fit to attack the organizations of labor, thereby creating prejudice in the public mind, with the ap- parent purpose of magnifying the value of the military arm of the government ; therefore be it " ' Resolved, that we deplore the evident disposition of those in authority to increase and centralize the numbers of State and Federal troops, and to multiply costly and medieval armories, thereby making more onerous the burden of taxation which, in the ultimate, is borne by the producing classes. " ''Resolved, that we believe the maintenance of a large standing army, either as a murder machine, an instrument of intimidation, or for purposes of display, to be unworthy of the age in which we live, a relic of barbarism, and of no utility, excepting to assist those who seek to maintain their special privileges by bar- baric methods, and that we therefore call upon all legislators, State or national, who have at heart the in- Army and Navy. 93 Art and Social Reform. terest of labor, to strenuously oppose further appro- priations for military increase. " ' Resolved, that we urge upon work- ing men everywhere the propriety of Feeling of refraining from participation in mili- TaVin-r Ctra-a-ni tary service, and, if already attached, .L,a.uor v/rjjam- of sever j n g their connection as soon as zations. they lawfully and honorably may. " ' Resolved, that we repel, with the utmost indignation, the insinuation of General Dalton, which has since been more openly charged by Generals Schofield and Miles, that the peace of the country is threatened by the attempts of working men to better their condition ; but we do af- firm that such danger as does exist arises from the ar- rogance of corporate power, supplemented by the sub- serviency of those intrusted with public office. " ' Resolved, that we demand that the arbitrament of the social problem shall be by those free and peaceful methods provided by the founders of our national in- stitutions, and pledge ourselves to oppose all attempts to establish an armed plutocratic government on the soil of America.' " At a mass-meeting in the Cooper Union, New York, July 12, 1894, Mr. Henry George, in refer- ring to our army and the spirit now regnant, said, as reported in the New York World, July 13, 1894 : " We have a standing army of 25,000 men, and they are demanding that it shall be increased to 50,000 men. In the days when our government was weaker, yet stronger, when we had a hostile people on our frontier lines, and had real fighting to do, we had an army of only 10,000 men. " What is the reason that we are building ships of war and increasing the size of our army? It is be- cause the millionaire monopolists are becoming afraid of the armies of poverty-stricken people which their oppressive trusts and machinations are creating." On the other hand, the report of the Secretary of War for 1894 says : " It was found necessary during the period begin- ning -with March and extending through July of the current year ; in various sections of the country, to em- ploy a considerable part of the army to execute the orders of the United States courts, otherwise success- fully defied and resisted, to protect the dispatch of the United States mails, to remove restraints to travel and commerce, and to guard the property of the gov- ernment. The movement of troops thus necessitated was the largest which has taken place since the close of the Civil War. "The difficult and extraordinary tasks imposed upon the officers and men of the army were discharged promptly, firmly, and judiciously, "in a manner which attested to the courage, intelligence, and loyalty of those called into active duty, and the thorough effi- ciency of every branch of the service. The militia of the States, wherever employed, also proved generally to be composed of qualified and reliable soldiers. " I earnestly recommend that Congress enact the legislation necessary to establish in the army the bat- talion formation, now adopted by the armies of every other civilized nation. As necessary to effect that change, I recommend the removal of the limit of 25,000 men fixed by the act of June 18, 1874, and a return to the limit fixed by the act of July 15, 1870. Legislative approval of these two propositions will restore to the effective force about 4000 enlisted men, bringing the actual strength of the army up to the nominal strength now fixed by law. By these changes the army will be increased in efficiency 20 per cent., in numbers about i6} per cent., and in cost of maintenance only about 6 per cent." (See also WAR ; INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION ; MILITIA.) ART AND SOCIAL REFORM. Art (from Latin root ar, to fit) meant originally skill in fitting. The artist was simply the skilled work- man, and not different from the artisan. He was the man who could make good houses to live in, and particularly good houses in which to enshrine the public's ideals, good temples, baths, theaters, etc. He was one who could make good furnishings for the houses good chairs, good vases, good mosaics, good statues and pic- tures of the gods. Art was thus developed as soon as and to the extent to which the com- munity was lifted above absolute want and the struggle for mere physical existence i.e. , as soon as people had opportunity to think of the quality as well as the quantity of its work. Hence the great art periods of a nation have been either when the nation was rich and pros- perous (e.g., the age of Phidias in Athens, the Renaissance in Italy and France, the age of Merry England) or when the people were at least enjoying the fruits of victory or of success in any line (e.g. , periods of Gothic art). If, however, a nation becomes wealthy, not by con- quest or slow growth, but by producing commod- ities and selling them, it is evident that the na- tion will not produce a great art, because it will be compelled to think more of the quantity than the quality of its work ; or, if it think of quality, it will think mainly of commodities as fitted to sell. The rich nations of to-day being commer- cial nations, we need not be surprised to hear artists complaining of the real dearth of art, al- tho we have in England and America phenome- nal wealth. It is evident, from this considera- tion alone, how social conditions can affect art. We shall in a moment see how art can affect social conditions. For the moment, however, we must notice another point. If art be the production of commodities worthily expressing a nation's aspirations public buildings, statues and pictures of its gods, its heroes, its ideals of beauty and of power it will follow that it will attain to high development where /z#^-work is largely practised, since this allows the expression of ideals, and conversely it will attain meager development where machine-work prevails, since this does not allow of much expression of ideals. Here, too, remembering that the present age is characterized by machine production, we see a very potent cause for the present dearth of art. Once again, when a community becomes divided into two classes, one having leisure and wealth and not producing commodities, the other class poor and doing the productive work, a de- sire for art will spring up amid the leisure class and not in the other. But since the leisure class does not itself produce, the desire will not create art, but a dilettante, artificial, unnatural desire for art, while the producing class, not having leisure, and being compelled to think mainly how to get a bare existence, will not be able to produce art, especially when the nation's pro- duction is mainly carried on by machinery. In such a community the artist will come to be con- sidered very different from the artisan. The artist will usually become an affected idler and the artisan an unartistic "hand." It is only too evident that this is the state of affairs to- day. Such are but some of the ways in which social conditions affect art. Let us now see some of the ways in which art affects social conditions. Art we have seen to be the producing of good work. Now, when a community thinks a great deal of producing good work good houses and furnishings for houses, worthy temples, public buildings, baths, etc. it follows inevitably that the people do not think so much of merely producing commodities Art and Social Reform. 94 Art and Social Reform. to sell. As a people primarily commercial can- not be primarily artistic, so a people primarily artistic cannot be primarily commercial. It raises a different ideal. The ideal of good work operates in various Commerce ways. It produces a demand for vs. Art. leisure in which to do the work. An artistic nation will never live in a hurry. It will seek freedom in which to work. It will not endure great factories and machine-made work. It is a fact that almost all the great artists, and poets, and idealists to-day are among the bitterest foes of the commercialism and mammonism of the present time, and are, for the same reason, among the most earnest workers for social re- form. A high and uncommercial social devel- opment develops art, and the art demands and calls for social reform, thus producing action and reaction. Thus, great artists like William Morris and critics like John Ruskin are never weary of condemning the shoddy work and commercial- ism, and baseness and ugliness which character- ize so much of modern life. Nor are they ever weary of comparing it, to the damage of the pres- ent, with the beautiful work of ages when com- merce was not god, and when machines had not crowded people into slums, nor prevented expression entering into the work of the pro- ducer. A somewhat less number of artists, poets, and idealists, and especially the greatest among them, are equally ready to work, not for " the good old times," but to bring in the better new times, when machines shall not be abandoned, but when brotherhood shall rule in society, mak- ing all classes workers, but giving to all classes immunity from the mere struggle for bare ex- istence. They long for the day when all men shall have time to think of producing good work, using machinery indeed, but using it mainly in producing materials to be worked upon and made beautiful by the free hand expressive of the free creative soul. A few of these artists and poets have been driven, by their hatred of the present and their passion for personal free- dom, into anarchistic views (Byron, Shelley, Walt Whitman, and others). But most of them hold that it is industrial competition which en- slaves and debases to-day, and that, therefore, freedom lies not in the path of anarchy, but of socialism, and so they have become in increas- ing numbers earnest socialists. William Morris, for example, he who had once described himself as ' ' the idle singer of an empty day," declares that he was forced to see that art cannot pros- Art Social- per till we change our commercial ists. competitive civilization ; and so he, who is among the greatest of mod- ern artists and poets, is an out- and-out worker for socialism, writing socialist lectures, tracts, and poems, lecturing himself in the open air in London's parks, and serving on socialist committees. He says in the introduc- tion to his Signs of Change : " My ordinary work has forced on me the contrast between times past and the present day, and has made me look with grief and pain on things which many men notice but little, if at all. The repulsion to pes- simism, which is, I think, natural to a man busily en- gaged in the arts, compelled me once to hope that the ugly disgraces of civilization might be got rid of by the conscious will of intelligent persons ; yet as I strove to stir up people to this reform, I found that the causes of the vulgarities of civilization lay deeper than I had thought, and little by little I was driven to the conclusion that all these uglinesses are but the outward expression of the innate moral baseness into- which we are forced by our present form of society, and that it is futile to attempt to deal with them from the outside. Whatever I have written or spoken on the platform on these social subjects is the result of the truths of socialism meeting my earlier impulse, and giving it a definite and much more serious aim." But Mr. Morris is only one of a group of Lon- don artists who take the same position, and who to no small degree look upon Morris as their master. Says Mary Bacon Ford, in an article on The Art Socialists of London (Cosmopoli- tan, 8, 125) : "Mr. Morris has no more able and earnest a coadjutor than Mr. Walter Crane, the President of the recently formed Arts and Crafts Exhibition Society. His artistic proclivities made themselves known when he was very young, and under the instruction of his. father, who was himself an artist, he advanced rapidly in his art work. As a writer Mr. Crane possesses un- common power. Among his essays, those on Art and Commercialism and Imitation and Expression in Art are well known, and his poetry is of a fine flavor. As a lecturer he is contained, interesting, and to the point. Founder and President of the Arts and Crafts. Exhibition Society, he was a representative to the last Liverpool Art Congress, and is an active member of the Socialist League, to which he gives freely of his strength. " Around Mr. Morris and Mr. Crane are a group of notable men, distinctly representing the progress of the English art industries, and supporters of many, if not of all, of their theories. "Mr. E. Burne-Jones, the well-known painter, is the designer of nearly all the stained-glass and mosaic work that is made in the Morris Factory. Mr. William de Morgan is a potter, and sends forth from his work- shop, also at Merton, the exquisite pottery and tiles that can be seen in his shop on Argyll Place, and that surpassed at the Arts and Crafts Exhibition last autumn all other work in this direction. "Mr. T. J. Cobden-Sanderson is a bookbinder, and lives at Hendon, near London. Mr. Sanderson's books are of course wholly worked and tooled by hand, and represent perfect manipulation combined with a keen artistic vision. He claims that modern bookbinding in essentials has remained unchanged to the present day, tho in those outward characteristics which ap- peal to the touch and to the eye, and constitute bind- ing in an artistic sense, it has gone through many changes for better or for worse, which have resulted in the main in the exaggeration of technical skill and in the death of artistic fancy. He further has written that, in his opinion, the work as a craft of beauty suf- fers, as do the workmen, from the allocation of different operations to different workmen. "Messrs. T. M. Stradwick, Lewis F. Day, Somers Clark, W. A. S. Benson, G. T. Robinson, Emery Walk- er, Metford Warner, Stephen Webb, J. D. Sedding, Haywood Sumner, J. Hungerford Pollen, Spencer Stanhope, and other well-known men, who, as paint- ers, architects, printers and workers in glass, metal, clay, and wood, deserve mention for their aims and achievements. " On all sides the movement has given rise to guilds, societies, schools, exhibitions, publications, and lec- tures, all tending in the same direction, and all more or less at one in a feeling of fellowship and coopera- tion. " Allied to it, not as craftsmen, but as supporters and general promoters, are or have recently been such men as Ruskin, Browning, John Morley, James Linton, Philip Magus, Mr. Horsfall, Mr. Cust, G. F. Watts, Mr. King, Ernest Radford, called the 'Young Tri- bune,' and W. B. Richmond, the ardent advocate of the Sunday Opening movement all of whose names figure as officers or members in the following efforts toward labor emancipation. " Toynbee Hall, in the east end of London, supports a School and Guild of Handicraft, and conducts ad- mirable lecture courses, in which Mr. Morris, Mr. Rich- mond, Mr. Day, Mr. Radford, and others take part. Loan exhibitions of pictures and prints are also held in its schoolhouse, always in conjunction with print- ing-presses and other vehicles for practically illustrat- ing the manufacture of some of the objects on view. Art and Social Reform. 95 Art and Social Reform. " The Red Cross Hall and Garden, in the south of London, is a somewhat similar institution, and it is here that Mr. Watts' idea of erecting memorials to every-day heroes and heroines is about to be carried out. Nine large panels have been planned for mural decoration, and Mr. Crane has generously offered to undertake them, the subjects to be illustrative of the heroic deeds of contemporaries and, as far as possible, of the inhabitants of that very neighborhood and in the same walk of life as those for whose use the hall is designed. Mr. Crane, who enters upon this work with- out compensation, has already designed a panel rep- resenting the woman Alice Ayres in the act of rescu- ing two children from a fire, and speaks of the plan with great interest and enthusiasm. "The Art for Schools Association, of which Mr. Ruskin is President, and which counts among its mem- bers Mr. Morris, Mr. Watts, and Mr. Morley, was es- tablished in 1883 to circulate among schools photo- graphs and copies of works of art ; The Home Arts and Industry Associations, also of recent foundation, conducts classes of art handiwork among the people of remote sections of the country, to prepare them for entrance into trades, while also increasing their re- sources and enjoyment; and a section of applied art was established in The Society of Arts in 1887, in whose interest Mr. Crane has delivered lectures nota- bly upon book illustration. " Another phase of the movement is seen in the for- mation of the Century Guild, a guild of architects, decorators, printers, and art manufactures of all kinds, a sort of community formed for the production of useful and beautiful things, good workmanship, and for mutual help and advantage. This Century Guild has an organ of its own, a quarterly called The Hobby-Horse, which is printed by the Chiswick Press, and Is probably the purest current specimen of fine printing." Outside of England there is no movement of the artists that at all compares with this, but in France, Germany, Italy, and the United States the feeling is growing in this direction. Poets and musicians and authors take the same position. We need here only refer to the names of Dickens, Victor Hugo, Zola, Ibsen, Howells, Stedman, and Walt Whitman. There are many others. The subject of Richard Wag- ner's great trilogy, the " Niebelungen Ring," is the curse of gold. (Concerning Ruskin and his Political Economy of Art, see RUSKIN.) One other point only is it necessary to make, the op- position of art to those who consider Puritanism a part of social reform. This opposition is usual- ly expressed in some such words as these : " That the beauty of life is a thing of no moment few people would venture to assert. Beauty, which is what is meant by art, using the word in its widest sense, and the craving for it are no mere accidents of human life, but have been bound up by the closest ties with the whole history of the race from the time of the crudest carved ivories of the paleolithic cave- dweller to the sculptures of Phidias and the paintings of Raphael. Toward an element of human character so persistent and universal we are, therefore, compelled perforce to adopt Art vs Puri- orie ? r *^ e ? tner two attitudes, re- garding it either as a vice to be sup- tanism. pressed or as a virtue to be cultivated. Now the religious temper of the most progressive countries of the world since the middle of the sixteenth century and the indus- trial conditions of the last century and a quarter have led to a very general triumph, in greater or less degree, of what may best be called the Puritan spirit, of which, as far as art is concerned, the first, the essen- tial characteristic's its attitude toward the humanbody and toward all that life of the senses, which is so large a part of the heritage of beings who have not only spirits and minds, but bodies, too. The Puritan, when he is logically true to himself, regards the body, to use his own expression, as a vile body ; he has a con- tempt for it ; he has a perpetual suspicion of it, as something to which he is unfortunately tied in this world, but from which he must seek to disengage him- self as far as possible. As an obvious consequence of this fundamental view the life of the senses, the de- lights which come to us from sight or taste or touch, are to him things to be regarded as mere temptation, as baits to seduce us. Thus, to again quote his own language, the theater is to him, in its very nature, but the gate or 'anteroom of hell,' and dancing but 'an ungodly shaking of the limbs.' All art of any kind thought of as an end in itself is, therefore, anathema maranatha, because all sensuous indulgence is sin ; or since certain arts are almost indispensable to human existence, they are to be allowed no further than as they may, so to speak, be turned against themselves and made to allure us from this present and visible world to that which is invisible and to come. It is not necessary to inquire here what truth there may be at the bottom of this view of life, tho a truth there cer- tainly is, however ludicrously and pitiably burlesqued. It is sufficient to point out that such a temper of mind has brought about an arrest of the creative arts in every nation exactly in proportion as it has become dominant. What the absence of art may betoken in the long run it is not easy for us to say, since that lack belongs only to these later times of the world's his- tory, of which we cannot yet form any fair estimate, because they are too near to us ; but clearly in the present it indicates a transference of the interest of civilized men from the development of the human and intellectual energies of the race to the development of its mechanical energies, and it may be further said that if this tendency is to go on along the logical road of development it must destroy the arts of design and all that is analogous to them in literature." From such reasoning as this it is easy to see with what vehemence almost all artists oppose even the beginnings of Puritanism in society. They declare that it is even atheistic in failing to recognize God as the Creator of matter as truly as the Creator of the spiritual life. They con- sider it immoral as tending to a gross concep- tion of the body. Undoubtedly this position may be and has been caricatured and diverted from its proper use to serve the cause of license rather than of beauty. We are concerned here only to point out what is the bearing of art upon so- cial reform. We close our article with one more quotation from William Morris's Signs of Change (chapter, "The Aims of Art"). He says : " It is clear to me that, at the present time, those who look widest at things and deepest into them are quite dissatisfied with the present state of the arts, as they are also with the present condition of society. This I say in the teeth of the supposed revivification of art which has taken place of late years ; in fact, that very excitement about the arts among a part of the cultivated people of to-day does but show on how firm a basis the dissatisfaction above mentioned rests. Forty years ago there was much less talk about art, much less practise of it, than there is now ; and that is specially true of the architectural arts, which 1 shall mostly have to speak about now. People have con- sciously striven to raise the dead in art since that time, and with some superficial success. Nevertheless, in spite of this conscious effort, I must tell you that England, to a person who can feel and understand beauty, was a less grievous place to live in then than it is now; and we who feel what art means know well, tho we do not often dare to say so, that forty years hence it will be a more grievous place to us than it is now if we still follow up the road we are going. . . . Art then is gone, and can no more be 'restored' on its old lines than a medieval building can be. The rich and refined cannot have it tho they would, and tho we will believe many of them would. And why? Because those who could give it to the rich are not allowed by the rich to do so. In one word, slavery lies between us and art." References: Walter Crane, Why Socialism Appeals to Artists (Atlantic Monthly, vol. xlix., p. no, "Janu- ary, 1892) ; Modern Life and the Artistic Sense (Cosmo- politan, vol. xiii., p. 152, June, 1892) ; Art and Commer- cialism ; Art and Industry ; Art and Labor ; Art and Social Democracy, in his The Claims of Decorative Art (London and Boston, 1892) ; T. C. Horsfall, Art in Large Towns; The Work of the Manchester Art Museum (Manchester, 1891) ; Henry Edward Krehbiel, Studies in the Wagnertan Drama (New York, 1851) ; William Morris, The Aims of Art, in his Signs of Change (Lon- don, 1888) ; same in (F. W. Lee, editor) William Mor- ris: Poet, Artist, Socialist (New York, 1891); Hopes and Fears for Art (London and Boston, 1882) ; John Arthur, Peter M. 96 Assessments, Political. Ruskin, almost all his works (see RUSKIN), particu- larly A Joy Forever ; or, The Political Economy of Art (London) ; George Bernard Shaw, The Quintessence of Ibsenism (London, i8gi) ; Ellen Gates Starr, Art and Labor, in Hull House Maps and Papers (New York, 1895). See SOCIALISM; IBSEN; MORRIS; Rus- KIN. ARTHUR, PETER M. Head of the Broth- erhood of Locomotive Engineers in the United States ; born in Scotland, 1836 ; came to Amer- ica when 10 years old, lived on a farm with his uncle in Schenectady, N. Y. When 18 years old he was employed as wiper in the engine-house at Schenectady ; became fireman, and then engi- neer. He was early interested in the organiza- tion of his craft, and in 1874 was chosen to its highest office, since when he has been annually reelected. The Brotherhood has, under him, become one of the most powerful altho most conservative trade-unions in the country, num- bering some 30,000 men. His residence and the headquarters of the Brotherhood are at Cleve- land, O. His policy of using all conciliatory means before appealing to strikes, which, under his lead, have been very few, has given him a strong hold on the confidence of both his order and the public. (See BROTHERHOOD OF LOCOMO- TIVE ENGINEERS.) He has, however, been much criticised by many in the labor movement for not being more willing to combine with other labor organizations. His conception of his posi- tion is that he is the head of a business corpora- tion formed to subserve the interests of its mem- bers alone, and that, however he or anybody else may feel personally, as head of that organi- zation he must limit his interests to that. ARTISAN, one skilled in any art, mystery, or trade ; a handicraftsman, a mechanic. We distinguish to-day between the art and artisan, but the artist should probably be an artisan and the artisan an artist. William Morris, for ex- ample, believes that " art is built up from handi- craft ;" and the decay of art means to him the decay of the power of the average man to make something beautiful with his own hands, not as an isolated event to be talked about for years, but as an e very-day occurrence, part of the nor- mal expression of his daily life. When Morris, therefore, sings the dirge of art, it is popular art that he thinks dead or dying. He admits as fully as any one the excellence in technic dis- played by many English painters, the admirable drawing, the coloring, and so forth. He laments rather the passing away of the artist workman, of the man so trained, so environed, that he could both design and produce objects of beauty. It was such men as these who built and beau- tified many of the great cathedrals and churches of Europe ; who sculptured the portals of Char- tres and the glorious facade of Amiens, and who have left in a thousand European cities and towns moldings and traceries and foliated capi- tals, portraits and quaint fancies, quips and jests, as well as dreams of beauty in wood, metal, stone and marble, to be the wonder and admiration of our time. According to Morris, this beautiful work was the result of really free associated human labor, where the worker was his own master, had received a careful training in apprenticeship to his guild, and worked in fraternal equality with others. To-day the aver- age worker is a machine-minder, the all but soulless agent of an anonymous joint-stock com- pany or syndicate ; performing day after day and year after year the same piece of monoto- nous mechanical drudgery ; liable any day to be elbowed out of the field by new inventions, unable to work unless a body of capitalists can make for themselves a profit out of his work, and living amid noisome, sordid, and hideous surroundings. (See ART.) ASHLEY, LORD. See SHAFTESBURY, EARL ASHLEY, WILLIAM TAMES, born in London, 1860 ; A.B. at Balliol, Oxford, 1881 ; M.A. 1885 ; 1885-88 Fellow of Lincoln and Lec- turer in Modern History in Lincoln and Corpus Christi colleges ; 1888-92 Professor of Political Economy and Constitutional History in the Uni- versity of Toronto ; 1892 Professor of Economic History in Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. He is a strong adherent of the historical school in economics, believing that political economy has yet reached few generally accepted conclusions, and cannot reach them until it slowly builds up a body of doctrine based on carefully investi- gated facts. He believes, with Professor Sidg- wick, that there are good theoretic reasons in favor of protection, but that the practical difficul- ties are so great that in democratic communi- ties free trade is less dangerous. Bimetallism for a single nation he believes the height of folly. Between international bimetallism and mono- metallism he delays making a choice, but has the impression that currency questions are of much less importance than the disputants on either side appear to think. He believes in the nationalization and municipalization of natural monopolies only when the state of political morality and the organization of the civil ser- vice make it tolerably safe, which he thinks is not likely to be for some time to come. In this class, however, he does not include land, except under very exceptional circumstances. His main works are : An Introdttction to English Economic History and Theory, part i. (published in the United States as vol. i.), The Middle Ages, 1888 (now in third edition), part ii. (pub- lisned in the United States as vol. ii.) ; The End of the Middle Ages, 1893 (now in second edi- tion; German translation in the press). Some minor writings : James and Philip -van Arte- velde, 1883 (Lothian prize essay) ; What is Po- litical Science ? 1888 (inaugural lecture before the University of Toronto) ; The English Manor, an introductory chapter prefixed to the English translation of Fustel de Coulanges' Origin of Property in Land (1891) ; On the Study of Eco- nomic History, an introductory lecture before Harvard University, in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, January, 1892 (translated in Mu- nich, Allegemeine Zeitiing} ; various articles in various quarterlies, journals, etc. Profes- sor Ashley is now (1895) editing Macmillan's series of Economic Classics. ASSESSMENTS, POLITICAL. A gen- eral term used to designate the pecuniary con- tributions levied by Congressional, State, and municipal political committees upon the office- Assessments, Political. 97 Association for Profit-Sharing. holders or candidates belonging to their several parties, for the stated purpose of defraying the expenses of the political canvass conducted by them. With office-holders it usually takes the form of a request for a specific sum, amounting to a certain percentage of their salaries. The assessment of candidates is not so systematized, unless it be in New York City. An action has been brought in New York against a judge to recover a portion of the assessment levied upon him as a candidate ; and it is a matter of com- mon belief that in 1880 a judicial candidate mortgaged his prospective salary to secure the payment of an assessment of $ 1 7 ,000. The prac- tice is, of course, an outgrowth of the spoils sys- tem. (See CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.) The first specific instance of an assessment of this kind is found in the Swartwout investigation in the twenty-fifth Congress, when a former dep- uty-collector of New York testified as follows : ' ' I have frequently been called to contribute to political objects while I was deputy-collector, as an officer of the custom-house. ' ' The amount was from $20 to $100. The tax was pro rata, from i to 6 per cent, of the salary. It was as- sessed by a general committee of the Tammany Hall party. If the individual declined to pay, he was reported. From that time at least the process has gone on. The existing system may be described by a statement of what was dene in 1880. The Republican Congressional Com- mittee is said to have addressed all persons (except the heads of executive offices) drawing salary from the national Government a letter containing these words : ' ' Under the circum- stances in which the country finds itself placed, the committee believes that you will find it both a privilege and a pleasure to make a contribu- tion, which, it is hoped, may not be less than . The committee is authorized to state that such voluntary contribution will not be ob- jected to in any official quarter." The blank was filled by writing in a sum equal to two per cent, of the salary of the person addressed. On October 14 the same persons were asked " to promptly contribute to its funds an additional one per cent. ' ' There is high authority for stating that at least $100,000 was thus raised. The as- sessment varied in different States, being high- . est in Pennsylvania and New York. In New York three per cent, of a weekly stipend of $2 was requested from a boy in a rural post-office. In New York City firemen and even school-teach- ers were assessed. The assessment of candi- dates in that city is supposed to be for a judg- ship, $15,000; district attorneyship, the same; for a nomination to Congress, about $4000 ; for coroner, $2000; alderman, $1500; assem- blyman, from $600 to $1500. The annual amount thus raised by Tammany may be put at $125,000. Mr. John Kelly in 1880 defended the large salaries paid to the city aldermen on the ground that it was necessary to enable them to meet the large political demands made upon them. President Hayes made an executive order forbidding these assessments, and bills have been passed forbidding them, but it has not availed. The only cure is probably through a rigid civil service. (See CIVIL SERVICE.) We are indebted for these facts to Frederick W. Whitridge, whose article on this subject in Lalor's Cyclopedia we have here abridged. (For the methods and growth of reform upon this subject, see CIVIL SERVICE REFORM ; also DIRECT LEGISLATION.) ASSIGNATS (from Lat. assignatus,-^. of assignare, to assign or allot), notes forming the paper currency issued in France during the Revo- lution, from 1789-96. They were based on the security of the confiscated church lands, and afterward of all the national domains and other property. Issued to the amount of 45 ,000,000,000 f rs. , before they were withdrawn they deterio- rated to less than one three hundredth of their face value. They are usually used as an in- stance of the folly of adopting a paper currency irredeemable in gold ; but the believers in paper currency answer that the trouble lay not in the assignats, but in the security they represented ; that people had small faith in the revolutionary government or its validity of title to the confis- cated land, and that, therefore, it is small won- der that the assignats, based on such security, depreciated. To attempt to reason from the France of the Revolution to the United States of to-day, they argue, shows the feebleness of the argument. The name assigtiats was given by the Na- tional Assembly because they represented lands assigned to their holders. They consisted chiefly of notes for 100 frs. ($20), tho many of them were for as small amounts as 10 or even 5 f rs. The first issue was for 400,000,000 frs. , and bore interest, which the others did not. The amount in all issues reached the enormous sum of 45,578,000,000 frs. They were, besides, so poorly printed that they were easily counter- feited abroad. It was, therefore, small wonder that they began to depreciate, and by June, 1793, i fr. in silver was worth 3 in paper ; and. by August, 6 in paper. The State undertook to enforce their circulation, but only brought them back upon its own hands. By March, 1796, i louis d'or (24 frs.) brought 7200 paper francs. In 1796 they were withdrawn and redeemed at one thirtieth of their value by mandats. a new. paper money which enabled the holder to take immediate possession of the land (the assignats could only be sold). The man da Is soon also de- preciated to one seventh of their face value, and were redeemed by being accepted by the gov- ernment in payment of taxes or for land, ASSOCIATED CHARITIES. See CHAR- ITY ORGANIZATION. ASSOCIATION FOR THE PROMO- TION OF PROFIT-SHARING, THE. This association was organized January, 1892. It had been decided at the preliminary meeting to be undesirable to follow the strict lines of the French society by admitting to membership only business men actually practising profit- sharing. It was thought to be more desirable to unite all who advocate the system, whether practising it or not. Membership in the society is thus open not only to men of affairs, but to professors and students of political economy, journalists, clergymen, and teachers to all, m fact, who believe in the system and desire to see it extended. The American society does Association for Profit-Sharing. 9 8 Ateliers Nationaux. not intend, however, to be characterized by a less practical spirit than that of the French asso- ciation. It desires, in the first place, to be useful in furnishing information about profit-sharing in the past and present to any firm or corporation that is thinking of introducing any of the meth- ods mentioned in its constitution. It will ar- range for addresses on the general subject be- fore commercial clubs and other organizations in leading cities, from time to time. For further information address its Secretary and Treasurer (1895), Rev. N. P. Oilman, Bos- ton, Mass. (See PROFIT-SHARING.) ASYLUMS, FOR THE BLIND, IN- SANE, etc. See BLIND ASYLUMS, INSANE ASYLUMS, etc. ATELIERS NATIONAUX (national work- shops), a term used in France for the workshops established by the Provisional Government of France in the Revolution of 1848, to give work to the unemployed. The Provisional Government had scarcely been established (in February, 1848), when a committee of socialists demanded of it the rec- ognition of the right to work. Louis Blanc and one or two others were the only real socialists in the government, and the demand of the men was, therefore, refused, and only when strenu- ously insisted upon was it reluctantly conceded, for political reasons. And it is doubtful if the government really ever intended to make the shop a success. Louis Blanc says distinctly that the government only nominally yielded, but ap- pointed a committee secretly instructed to make the shop fail. In any case, the state of Paris at the time, the acuteness of the industrial and political crisis, the supposed necessity of doing something at once on a large scale for political, no less than economic reasons, and the jeal- ousies and intrigues of opposing parties both within and outside the Provisional Government were all factors in the situation which tended to make difficult, if not impossible, the execution of any carefully planned scheme. The most cursory examination of the evidence shows that it is impossible to judge correctly of the ateliers nationaux on the supposition that they were merely a b on a fide effort to carry out the decree establishing the ' ' right to work. ' ' However this may be, on February 25 the Provisional Government passed a decree from which the following is an extract : "The Provisional Government of the French Re- public undertakes to guarantee the existence of the workmen by work. It undertakes to guarantee work for every citizen." For the purpose of carrying out this decree, Louis Blanc advocated the formation of a Min- istry of Labor, but this was negatived on the ground that a mere provisional government could not thus anticipate the decision of the fu- ture assembly. In place of it, as a compromise, a Government Labor Commission, under the presidency of Louis Blanc, was established by a decree of February 28, with power of inquiry and consultation only. The Commission met at the Luxembourg. Meanwhile, the carrying out of the decree of February 25, by the establish- ment of national workshops, was confided not to this Commission, but to the Minister of Public Works, M. Marie, by the following decree of February 26 : "The Provisional Government decrees the imme- diate establishment of national workshops. The Min- ister of Public Works is intrusted with the execution of the present decree." This was followed the next day by a decree specifying various public works to be started. At the same time the immediate resumption of work on government buildings, etc. , was de- creed. Besides the works organized by the Minister of Public Works, the Minister of War opened works in the Champs de Mars. From this time the responsibility for the national works as actually organized rested primarily with M. Marie, the Minister of Public Works, while Louis Blanc and the Commission at the Luxembourg organized cooperative societies of tailors, and other trades, to which the State gave certain contracts to execute. The history of these societies has an interest of its own, but they were entirely separate from the national works organized by the State. All went well while the number of the unem- ployed was less than 6000, but as soon as that number was exceeded the workmen of each arrondz'ssement, after having visited all the open works in succession without result, returned to their maire's offices tired, starving, and dis- contented. Louis Blanc soon resigned, and publicly de- nounced the scheme as not being conducted in good faith. The workmen had been promised bread when work was not T . _. to be had. The great mistake was, L 18 Bianc however, then committed of giving .. g c j, eme them money, and distributing it in public at the offices of the maires instead of distributing assistance in kind. Each maire's office was authorized to pay every unemployed workman 1.50 frs. per day on production of a ticket showing that there was no vacancy for him in the national works. The fixed sum of 2 frs. was paid to any work- man engaged on the public excavation works, without regard to his age, the work done, or his calling. The workman made the following simple calculation, and he made it aloud : " The State gives me 30 sous for doing nothing ; it pays me 40 sous when I work, so I need only work to the extent of 10 sous." This was logical. The works opened by the Minister of Public Works being far distant from each other, and the workmen not being able to visit them all in turn to make certain that there were no vacan- cies for them, two central bureaus were estab- lished, one at the Halle-aux-Veaux, under M. Wissocq ; the other near the maire's office in the fifth arrondissement in the Rue de Bondy, intrusted to M. Higonnet. The workmen went to have their tickets examined at one of these bureaus ; and the absence of employment having been proved, they returned to get their 30 sous at their maires' offices. As the numbers claiming work or relief rapid- ly increased the whole organization got rapidly Ateliers Nationaux. 99 Ateliers Nationaux. out of hand, and both the bureaus and the mazres' offices became the centers of tumultuous crowds, which those in charge were quite un- able to satisfy or keep in order. On March 5 , therefore, Emile Thomas, a chemist connected with the Ecole Centrale, was commissioned by M. Marie to reorganize the works on a semi- military plan, in which he was aided by some of the senior pupils of the Ecole Centrale. The workmen were divided into companies, each of which, when the organization was fully developed, contained 900 men. Each company was divided into four lieutenancies, each contain- ing 224 men and a lieutenant, and each lieu- tenancy into four brigades, each with 55 men and a brigadier. Finally each brigade was divided into five squads with 10 men and a chief of squad, all belonging to the same arrondissement. The brigadiers and chiefs of squads were elected by the men whom they had to control. This com- plicated organization was not fully developed during the first month. On March 6, when Emile Thomas took the work in hand, the number of unemployed in Paris was estimated at from 13,000 to 14,000, in addition to 4000 or 5000 already engaged on public works. This number continued steadily to increase day by day, without, however, any corresponding expansion of the public works. The engineer officers were directed by the gov- ernment to suggest plans for new works, but they appeared unable or unwilling to do so, and day after day slipped by, the director having to exercise all his ingenuity to provide some means of occupying the idle masses of men who had been enrolled, and who were drawing 30 sous a day from the State. On March 15, after a meeting of the chief en- gineers, who w r ere still unable to suggest means of employing usefully more than a few hundred of the 14,000 unemployed men, it was resolved to undertake a series of works in the plain of Mon- ceaux, which, if serving no other object, would at least have the advantage of keeping the crowd employed. Already the whole scheme was costing 20,000 frs. a day, and measures were contemplated for reducing and finally ex- tinguishing the pay to the idle. The following is an extract from an order of the day dated March 16 : "From to-morrow, Friday, the i?th inst., the daily pay of workmen who are not working will be reduced to i fr. instead of i)tf frs. The director can guaran- tee to workmen that from this day forward they will be employed at least every other day ; in this .case their pay will be 2 frs." Already political feeling between the moder- ate and the extreme sections of the Provisional Government was running high in view of the elections which were fixed for April. The strength of the "moderate" party centered in the Hotel de Ville, that of the socialists in the Luxembourg. From the middle of March on- ward the national works depended politically on the H6tel de Ville, and were more and more utilized to counteract the influence of the Lux- . embourg, and to secure the return of the Hotel de Ville "list" of candidates at the elections. Hence from this time it becomes progressively more difficult to treat the works as a purely eco- nomic experiment. Private industry was practically at a standstill and workshops were closing every day : some for want of capital, others through strikes of their workmen, who had recourse to the national works if Causes of their demands were not granted. Failure. The Minister of Public Works vain- ly issued on March 20 a proclama- tion urging the workmen to return to their work- shops, and pointing out that large workshops had been closed or were threatened with closing owing to the crisis. At this time 12,000 men were actually employed at the national works, and the number of men enrolled was increasing very rapidly. That the administration of the works was on an altogether unnecessary scale is not denied even by the director, who, however, declared that he was continually under the necessity of finding places for crowds of applicants sent to him with recommendations which he could not resist. Thus a large number of actors, painters, commercial clerks, and others, thrown out of work by the crisis, Having been refused tickets for admission to the works as not wearing the workman's blouse, were employed by the direc- tor as pay agents. Notwithstanding this army of officials, it is stated that " no serious control was exercised over these crowds of humanity. Many of the workmen had themselves enrolled in several brigades, so as to draw wages from each ; others came solely for the purpose of drawing wages, tho they worked as usual in private workshops. Brigadiers exaggerated the number of men in their brigades, in order to ap- propriate the excess wages which they were sup- posed to distribute. Workmen who had a dis- agreement with their employers combined, de- serted their own workshops, and went to the national workshops. This was done by the paper-stainers and the hatters. ' ' Toward the middle of April the numbers en- rolled again far outran the number for whom work of any kind could be provided. The director, left to his own resources, organized a few special workshops to employ certain classes of workmen at their own trades. Thus a num- ber of wheelwrights and joiners were employed to mend the tools which were constantly being broken by the inexperienced workmen. Work- shops of shoemakers and tailors were also estab- lished, from which the more needy and ill-clad of the workmen could be supplied with cheap clothes and boots. It was, however, impossible to persuade the shoemakers to accept this ar- rangement, by which they were compelled actu- ally to work instead of loafing, except by the threat of the alternative of expulsion from the national works. After a time the system, in these special workshops, was changed from time-work to piece-work, but not in most cases without great opposition from the workmen. The National Assembly, elected by universal suffrage, met on May 4. A few days later the Executive Commission was elected, containing all the members of the Provisional Government except Louis Blanc and Albert, the socialist representatives. On May 10 Louis Blanc re- newed his motion for a Minister of Labor, which was rejected. On the isth the Assembly was invaded by the mob, and from that time the Ateliers Nationaux. 100 Athens, Social Polity of. anti-socialist tendency of the government be- came more marked. The new government im- mediately determined to reduce and suppress the national works, which were draining the treasury and demoralizing the people, and which were suspected of being centers of intrigue on the part of Louis Bonaparte. On May 1 5 M. Marie was transferred to an- other post in the Provisional Government, and was succeeded by M. Trelat, who at once set about the task of reduction. A commission, including a number of engineers and other prac- tical men, was appointed to inquire into the con- dition of the national works and to devise meas- ures for reducing their cost " without prejudice to the sacred principle of the guarantee of work" and to superintend the carrying out of these measures. M. Lalanne, an engineer of bridges and roads, acted as secretary. The first measure ordered was a complete census of the workmen in the national works. On May 26 the director, Emile Thomas, was compelled to re- sign, and was sent, practically -under arrest, to Bordeaux on the pretext of a commission to study the prolongation of a canal. He was suc- ceeded as director by M. Lalanne. On May 30 the National Assembly Last Days, decreed the substitution of piece- work for day-work, but the change was difficult to carry out, and the results were unsatisfactory. On June 15 the Assembly determined on the suppression of the works ; and to guard against the consequences an army under General Cavaignac was concen- trated on Paris. On June 22 the proposals for the enlistment of workmen between 18 and 25, and the other measures of reduction detailed in M. Trelat's letter to fimile Thomas of May 24, appeared in the Monitetir, and the same day an attempt was made to organize the first batch of departures from Paris. The result was the bloody insurrection of June 23 and following days, which, thanks to the military organization of the national works, was only suppressed after three days of street fighting. In the course of the insurrection the Executive Commission resigned, and General Cavaignac became dictator. Soon after this Louis Napoleon was elected President of the Republic. The gigantic schemes subsequently carried out under the Second Em- pire for the rebuilding of large parts of Paris served for many years to provide employment for Paris workmen, and while they lasted formed an effective substitute for the ill-fated national works. A full account of the matter can be found in the Blue Book on the Unemployed, published by the English Labor Department in -.1 893. Our account has been abridged from this. The chief authorities, are : Histoire des Ate- liers Nationaux, Emile Thomas (1848) ; His- totre de la Revolution Franc aise, Louis Blanc ; Histoire de la Revolution de 1848, Lamartine ; Le Placement des Employes (Office du Tra- vail}, 1892. ATHENS, SOCIAL POLITY OF. The capital of ancient Attica and of modern, Greece we here consider simply from a sociological point of view. Yet even from this standpoint it affords far more instruction and interest than has been generally recognized. Greek sociology centered around the State (see GREEK SOCIAL POLITY), and they usually meant by the State the municipality, or city ; hence, politic al economy, the economy of the vo/a<; , or city. Of this social conception Athens is, perhaps, the best and greatest example. In the first place, it was, "with the exception of its slave basis of which we shall speak later well-nigh perfectly demo- cratic. Even during the kingly or traditional period there seems to have been recognition of the popular power in the. brotherhoods (^parpiai) and clans (yew;), believed to rest, and probably actually resting, on consanguinity. This largely disappeared under the Eupatrids, but was more than revived by Solon. He established the emd.q- aia, or assemblies of the whole people, to elect the archons and councillors ; to judge the former at the annual expiration of their office ; and to accept or reject all the laws and decrees proposed by the council.. (THE REFERENDUM, q.v.) Under Clisthenes all free inhabitants of Attica were ad- mitted to citizenship, making Athens and Attica (except for its slave basis) absolutely democratic. This, however, is the least interesting of Athens' sociological features. It is of far greater interest to see how far-reaching and highly de- veloped was its municipalism. Here, as in all Greek life, the individual was con- ceived as in a sense subordinate to the State, and yet in such a way as Municipal- not to quench, but to increase his ism. true individuality. What city can show greater individuals than Ath- ens ? The individual was an organic part of an organic whole. The State was omnipresent. It conducted and maintained the religious rites of the city, the Panathenaic and other festivals. It built and cared for the temples, baths, gym- nasia, stoa, theaters, market-places, etc. It maintained and conducted these. It cared for the arts. The Parthenon and the Acropolis were the creation of State artists. The State entered into trade. It owned and operated mines in Thrace and Attica. The silver ore of the Laurium mines constituted the first At- tic treasury. The revenues of the State were mainly derived not from citizen-paid taxes, but from woods, pasture, lands, houses, and mines, all owned and operated by the State. The State largely watched over and guided the colonial system, which was almost the ruling feature of Athenian financial life. The State built the wharves and warehouses of the Peiraeus ; it controlled the weights and measures ; it ex- amined balances and minted coin. It entered into distribution ; providing food at cheap price in time of want ; it regulated the price of corn ; it saw to it that none of its citizens came to distress. At frequent festivals it distributed provisions gratuitously bread, and oxen, and fruit. At the theater largesses were made. In the army, the officers at first were not paid, it being considered honor enough thus to serve the State ; but the common people were paid. When the city was in funds, division was made among all not in charity, but as a dividend of the municipal corporation to which they be- longed. So far did Athens carry its municipal- ism. The city succumbed finally, because it was not a true socialism; it was free for its citizens, Athens, Social Polity of. Austin, John. but its freedom rested upon slavery. Nor was it federated into a true nationalism. Greece was divided into rival communes and republics, and fell before a centralized power like Rome. (Con- sult .any History of Greece.} The number of slaves in Greece, or even at Athens, can scarcely be determined with .any tolerable approach to certainty. It is stated by Athenaeus (vi. 20), on the authority of Ctesicles, that the census of Demetrius Phalereus gave for Athens 21,000 citizens, 10,000 ?metics (resi- dent foreigners), and 400,000 slaves. It is also stated by the same author that Corinth had pos- sessed 460,000 slaves and yEgina 47o.,ooo. Hume, in his -essay, On the Poputousness of Ancient Nations, maintained that the assertion .of Athe- na3us respecting Athens is quite incredible that the number of .Athenian slaves " is .at least augmented by a whole cipher, and ought not to be regarded as more ;than.4o,ooo." Boeckh and Leteonne have since made the question the sub- ject of fresh studies. The former has fixed the number of Attic slaves at about 365,000, the lat- ter at .100,000 or 120,000. M. Wallon hasrevised the labors of these scholars, and adduced fur- ther considerations of his -own. He estimates the number of slaves employed in all Attica in domestic service .at 40,000 ; in agriculture at 35,000 ; in the mines at 10,000 ; in manufactures and commerce at 90,000. To these must be added, for old people and children under 12 years of age, 6000 and 20,000 respectively, and also the public slaves, of whom, as we have said, 1200 were Scythian archers. He thus arrives at the conclusion that the servile population of Attica was comprised between the limits of 188,000 and 203,000 souls, the free population being about 67,000, and the metics amounting to 40,000. The slaves thus bore to the free native population the ratio of 3 to i. Professor Ingram, writing in the Encyclope- dia Britannica, in the article on Sl-avery, says : ' The condition of slaves at Athens was not in gen- eral a wretched one. Demosthenes {In Mid., p. 330) says that, if the barbarians from whom the slaves -were bought were informed of the mild treatment they re- ceived, they would entertain a great -esteem for the Athenians. Plautus in more than one place thinks it necessary to -explain to the spectators of his plays that slaves at Athens -enjoyed such privileges, and even license, as must be surprising to a Roman audience. The slave was'introduced with certain customary rites into his position in the family ; he was in practice, though not by law, permitted to accumulate a private fund of his own ; his marriage -was also recognized by custom ; tho in general excluded from sacred ceremonies and public sacrifices, slaves were admissi- ble to religious associations of a private kind ; there were some popular festivals in which they were allow- ed to participate ; they had even special ones for them- selves both at Athens and in other Greek centers. Their remains -were deposited in the family tomb of their master, who sometimes erected monuments in testimony of his affection and regret." Thus Athens may be looked at from the standpoint of social science in at least two op- posite ways. Looking at its free population, it may be considered a socialistic city, and the so- cialists may use it as an illustration of great in- dividualities produced, not by competition, but by socialism. Looking at its large slave popu- lation and despite put upon manual labor, Athens may be considered as an oligarchy, in- tellectual , brilliant, but resting on injustice and immorality. ATKINSON, EDWARD, economist, born in Brookline, Mass. , February 10, 1827. He was ed- ucated principally at private schools. His repu- tation has been made by the numerous pam- phlets and papers that he has contributed to -cur- rent literature on economic topics. The subjects treated embrace such general topics as banking, competition, cotton, free trade, mechanical arts, and protection. The most important of his ad- dresses are Ranking, delivered at .Saratoga in 1880 before the American Bankers' Association ; Insufficiency of Economic Legislation, deliv- ered before the American Social Science Asso- ciation ; What Makes :the Rate of Wages ? before the British Association for the Advance- ment of Science ; address to the chiefs of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, at their convention in Boston in 1885 ; vice-presidential address on The Application of Science to the Production and Consumption of Food, before the American Association -for the Advancement of Science, in 1885 ; and Prevention of Loss by Fire, before .the millers of the West in 1885. His pamphlets and books include the following : Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston, 1861) ; The Collection of Revenue (1866) ; Argument for the Condi- tional Reform of the Legal Tender Act (1874) ; Our National Domain (1879) ; Labor and Cap- ital Allies, not Enemies (New York, 1880) ; The Fire Engineer, the Architect, and the Underwriter (Boston, 1880) ; The Railroads of the United States (1880) ; Cotton Manufac- tures of the United States (1880) ; Addresses at Atlanta, Ga., on the International Exposi- tion (New York, 1881) ; What is a Bank f (1881) ; Right Methods of Preventing Fires in Mills (Boston, 1881) ; The Railway and tye Farmer (New York, 1881) ; The Influence of Boston Capital upon Manufactures, in Memo- rial History of Boston (Boston, 1882), and The Distribution of Products (New York, 1885). In 1886 he began the preparation of a series of monographs on economic questions, for periodi- cal publication. Through his efforts was estab- lished the Boston Manufacturers' Mutual Fire Insurance Company, an association consisting of a number of manufacturers who, for their mutual protection, adopted rules and regulations for the economical and judicious management of their plants. He has invented an improved cooking-stove called the " Aladdin cooker." AUSTIN, JOHN, a distinguished writer on jurisprudence, was born March 3, 1790. At the age of 16 he entered the army and served as a subaltern with his regiment in Sicily ; but he left the service when peace was declared, and in 1 8 1 8 commenced practice at the bar. Through the influence of Jeremy Bentham and Mr. James Mill he turned his attention to jurisprudence, and when compelled by loss of health to aban- don his practice at the bar, he accepted the ap- pointment of Professor of Jurisprudence in the University of London, which was founded about the same time. He was compelled to resign his appointment a few years later, as no provision had been made for the chair of jurisprudence beyond class fees, and these proved insufficient. In the same year he published his Province of Jurisprudence Determined, a work little ap- preciated at that time by the general public, but Austin, John. 102 Australia and Social Reform. which, in the estimation of competent judges, placed him in the highest rank among writers on jurisprudence. In 1833 he was appointed a member of the Criminal Law Commission. This post was not to his taste, as he had no faith in the efficacy of such bodies for constructive pur- poses. He was afterward appointed a member of a commission to inquire into the grievances ' of the Maltese. He returned to England in 1838, but owing to poor health soon removed to Ger- many with his family, living at Carlsbad in sum- mer and at Dresden and Berlin in winter. The revolution of 1848 compelled him to return to England, and he settled at Weybridge, where he died in December, 1859, universally respect- ed for the dignity and magnanimity of his char- acter. After his death his lectures on the prin- ciples of jurisprudence were prepared for publi- cation by his widow under the title of Lec- tures on Jurisprudence, being a sequel to The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, etc. On this work his fame now rests. (For a fur- ther statement of his position in political science, see POLITICAL SCIENCE.) AUSTRALIA AND SOCIAL REFORM. I. STATISTICAL. The island-continent of Australia, with its area of about 3,000,000 square miles, or nearly that of the United States exclusive of Alaska, is composed to-day of the five provinces of New South Wales, Western Australia, South Aus- tralia, Victoria, and Queensland. Says a writer in the Review of Reviews (American, May, 1895) : "Australia is the commercial wonder of the nineteenth century. The first white man set- tled there in 1788, and it was so little known that until 1802 it was called simply ' The Great South Land ;' and yet in 1890, only 88 years after the country was named, with a population of only 3,784,000, its foreign commerce for the year amounted to $642,500,000 ! . . . "A bare enumeration of the resources, the commerce, and the enterprises developing in Australasia would fill a volume. For the pur- pose of this statement, suffice it to say that Aus- tralia alone in 1893 owned 10,400 miles of rail- road, 75,500 miles of telegraph line, and entered and cleared shipping from foreign ports to the amount of 17,983,000 tons ; that it owns 1,500,000 horses, 9,000,000 cattle, and 98,000,000 sheep, the total value of its live stock being $330,000,- ooo ; that it owns a navy of 33 small but modern vessels ; that the cities of Sydney and Melbourne compare favorably with Paris and Washington for cleanliness and beauty ; that it spends $5000 a day on telegrams to England alone ; that in 1 893 it produced $35,000,000 worth of gold nearly one fourth of the world's annual production ; that its annual production of coal is nearly 4,000,000 tons ; that its annual wool clip averages a value of over $100,000,000 ; that it is the focus of a system of steamship lines radiating to all parts of the globe ; and is inhabited by a people of unsurpassed intelligence and aggressive energy, and is possessed of boundless resources yet un- touched." Mr. Fenton, the assistant Government Statist, Victoria, has issued a comparative return of the population of the colonies for 1891 and 1894, from which it appears that the population of Victoria, during the three and three quarter years, in- creased to the extent of 38,699, or 3 39 per cent. ; New South Wales increased by 119,216, or 10.53 per cent. ; Queensland by 51,437, or 13.06 per cent. ; South Australia by 31,971, or 9.98 per cent. ; and West Australia by 32,290, or 64.86 per cent. The total population of Australia on December 31, 1894, is estimated at 3,310,183 an increase of 273,613 on 1891, or 9.01 per cent. Victoria is estimated to have a population of 1,179,104, and New South Wales, 1,251,450. Before passing to a consideration of the sepa- rate colonies, it should be noted that there is a strong movement toward the federation of all the Australian colonies. This was first proposed as early as 1852, but no steps were taken till about 10 years ago, when there was so much agitation on the subject that Parliament passed a bill permitting the formation of a Federal Council for deliberation only. Such a council met in 1886 and four times afterward, but being only deliberative, gave little satisfaction. Janu- ary, 1895, however, the pioneers of the five Aus- tralian colonies met at Hobart and adopted a resolution recommending a convention of repre- sentatives chosen by the electors of each colony to draft a constitution to be submitted to the electors, and if it be adopted to secure its legis- lative enactment. New South Wales, the oldest of the provinces, may be said to have begun, with the founding of Port Jack- son, as a penal settlement of England in 1788, 18 years after Captain Cook had explored the east coast. For 50 years it continued more or less of a penal settlement, tho by 1821 the colony had made a fair start in free industrial progress. A constitution establishing a " re- sponsible government" was proclaimed in 1855. There are two houses, the Legislative Council and the Legis- lative Assembly. The former had, in 1893, 73 life members appointed by the crown ; the latter, 141 members chosen by 74 constituencies. The area of the colony is 310,700 square miles, with a pop- ulation, in 1893, of 1,197,650, of which, in 1891, 8280 were aborigines. 140,941 per- sons were engaged in industries and 136,375 in agricul- ture. Education is under State control, tho many private schools and colleges exist. There were, in 1892, of State schools: 5 high schools, 231 superior schools, 1699 primary public, 348 provisional, 341 half-time schools, 85 house-to-house schools, and 15 evening schools. In 1892, the expenditure on State schools was ^768,395. There are 723 private schools. The Univer- sity or Sydney received from the Government a yearly subsidy of .18,100 in 1892. There are 60 jails, and, in 1892, 56,350 convictions, and 1411 sent to higher courts. On March 31, 1893, there were 56,378 holders of land over one acre, holding 38,156,547 acres of freehold and 4,425,934 of leasehold land. 1,003,625 acres were under cultivation. Wheat had 452,921 acres, yielding 6,817,487 bushels. (See AGRICULTURE.) Gold is largely mined, having been discovered in 1851. The value of gold mined to January i, 1894, is .39,853,941. In 1893 it was .651,285. The coal-mines are very valuable, producing in 1893 i)i7i>722- Silver-mines produced ^3,031,720. There were, at the end of 1893, 2501 miles of government railways and 84 of private. The total cost of railway construction and equipment to June 30, 1894, was 35,- 855,271. The gross earnings for 1893-94 was 2,813,541 ; the expenses, 1,591,842. Agricultural produce is car- ried at extremely low rates to develop the country. The tramways are also owned by the Government. There were in 1894, 58^ miles open. The total cost of equipment was 1,248,986; the earnings, 1893-94, was .278,194; the expenses, 229,283. The debt of the col- ony at the end of 1893 was ,58,079,033. The public wealth of the colony, April, 1893, was .172,895,000; the municipal wealth was 6,400,000, and the private wealth, 407,405,000. The imports for 1893 were 18,107,035 ; the exports, 22,921,223. Wool is the staple export, amount- ing to 10,449,911 in 1893. e nl ,tVi l Wales. Australia and Social Reform. 103 Australia and Social Reform. Victoria, first settled in 1835, and originally a part of New South Wales, was separated in 1851 ; area, 87,884 square miles ; population (1891), 1,140,405, including 565 aborigines ; acres in cultivation, 2,600,000. Its capital, Melbourne, has a population of 491,378. The govern- ment is vested in a governor, an executive ministry of 13 members, a legislative council of 48, and a legisla- tive assembly of 95 members (1892). Victoria is the principal gold-producing colony of Australia, produc- ing from 1850-90, 227,482,300 worth of gold. Its climate is the most genial in Australia. Agriculture, formerly neglected, is now much cultivated. There were, in 1892, 2140 State schools and 759 private schools. There were 9 prisons in Victoria with 1725 in- mates at the end of 1892, and 225280 con- victions in 1891, with 1177 committed for Victoria tria l- March *> l8 94, there were 34,549 cultivated holdings, wheat occupying 1,469,359 acres. (See AGRICULTURE.) 105,- 745 people were engaged in agriculture in 1891. The artisans and mechanics numbered 50,994 ; textile- workers, 47,296 ; miners, 53,278 ; laborers, 40,548. The value of the gold-mines from 185 1-33 was 234,965,- 364 ; in 1893 it was 2, 684,504. All the railways belong to the State. There were, June 30, 1894, 3020 miles open, having cost, with equipment, .37.748,563. The earnings for the 12 months previous were 2,726,159; the ex- penses, 1,635,419. The public debt, June 30, 1894, was 47,297,708, of which 36,443,476 was for railroads. The imports in 1893 were 13, 283,814 ; the exports, 13,308,551. The main exports were wool, 5,103,907 ; gold, 2,851,179. South Australia now includes the whole center of Australia, running north and south. It was first col- onized in 1836 under the auspices of a company called the South Australian Colonization Association. The conditions were that the land should not be sold at less than i per acre ; that the revenue arising from the sale of such lands should be appropriated to the immigration of agricultural laborers, and the con- struction of roads, bridges, and other public works (which provisions have been strictly observed) ; that the control of the colony's affairs should be vested in a body of commissioners approved by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and the governor be nomi- nated by the Crown. There are two houses, the Legislative Council of 24 members, and a House of Assembly of 54 members. There were 74,711 registered electors in 1892. The population in 1891 was 320,431 on area of 903,690 square miles. There are 262 pub- South, lie, 3 1 ? provisional schools, and 254 pri- f , vate schools. There were 90 convictions Australia. in T g g2 There were in 1891, engaged in agriculture and pastoral pursuits, 34,820 persons ; in commerce, trade, and manu- factures, 46,107; in mining, 2196. 2,758,304 acres were under cultivation in 1893, and in 1892, 5,732,615 acres were freehold and 28,433,268 leasehold. 136,269 square miles were leased for pastoral purposes. June 30, 1894, there were 1665% miles of railroad open at a cost of 12,154,244. The cost, 1893-94, including interest charged, was 569,592 ; the revenue, 430,115. The debt, Decem- ber 31, 1893, was 21,683,250; three fourths for railways waterworks and telegraphs. The imports in 1893 were 7,934,200 ; the exports, 8,463,936. The principal ex- port is wool, value (1893), 2 , I ,297. Queensland^ formerly a part of New South Wales, was set apart in 1859. It is the northeastern portion of the island, with an area of 668,497 square miles. The Ropulation in 1891 was estimated at 393,863. Of the ind, Government has parted with 10,258,657 acres in fee simple ; 2,057,963 are in process of alienation, and 285,703,333 have been leased out for cattle-grazing, the chief industry of the colony. The capital, Brisbane, has a population of 93,000. The government consists of a governor, Legislative Council of 42, and Assembly of 72 members. There were in 1892, 657 public elementary schools, 10 public grammar or middle-class schools, and 135 pri- vate schools. There were 203 convic- tions for serious offenses in 1892. In Queensland. '891, 67,992 persons were engaged in agriculture, 47,184 in industrial work, 31,771 in business. December 31, 1893, 252,078 acres were under cultivation. (See AGRICUL- TURE.) Gold was discovered in 1858, producing up to the close of 1893, 32,365 945. There were, June 30, 1894, 2379 miles of railway, all owned by the Government, having cost 16,980,970. The expenses for 12 months were 598,403 ; the earnings, 922,807. The public debt, December 31, 1893, was 30,039 534. In 1893 the exports were 9,632,662 ; the imports, 4,352,783, wool furnish- ing 3,572,917- Western Australia, formerly called " Swan River Settlement," is ail the western portion of Australia ; area, 1,060,000 square miles ; population, 49,782. A very large portion or the land is heavy timber land of great value. The climate is one of the best. A constitu- tion was proclaimed in 1890. Perth, the . capital, has a population of about 9000. The Government consists of a governor, TtrostArn Legislative Council, and Assembly. w ' 8le "i December 31, 1893, only 176,378 acres Australia. were under cultivation, employing 8746 persons. There were 1184 miles of rail- way open December 31, 1894, about one half in the hands of the Government. The debt, December 31, 1893, was 2,873,098. The imports in 1893 were 1,494,- 438; exports, 918,147. The chief exports in 1893 were gold (421,385) and wool (244,927). II. SOCIAL REFORM. Australia in sociology is often spoken of as the land where socialism has been more developed than in any portion of the globe, an idea which has been largely furthered by Sir Charles Dilke's Problems of Great- er Britain. Yet while to an extent Socialism. this is true, the statement must be most seriously qualified. Australia's reputation for socialism is largely due to two main facts : first, the early adoption of the eight-hour day, and second, the fact that almost all Aus- tralian railroads are owned and operated by the State. But it must be first pointed out that it takes more than the reduction of hours and the nationalization of railroads to establish socialism, and Australia has in some other respects been so unsocialistic as to largely obscure the effects of the socialism it has. The fact is, that it is quite as true to say that there is no socialism in Australia as that there is much. Either phrase is inexact. There is a great deal of State social- ism and considerable democratic socialistic senti- ment, but little more. The State ownership of railroads in Australia has even tended to temporarily check the ad- vance of real socialism ; for investors, unable to invest or to speculate in railroads, have gone the more extensively into land speculation. Land booms have been universal. As they began to fail, capital poured in from England to keep them up and to defer, tho only finally to in- tensify, the inevitable collapse. Capital, too, unable to obtain sufficient interest in ordinary production, has been put into banks to obtain five per cent. , compelling the banks to invest in all they could that promised more than five per cent. Hence banks bought land, conducted farms, stores, anything that promised dividends. When the bubble finally burst the banks collapsed, the whole community suffered, and Australia, with the rest of the world, has had to struggle with the unemployed. It is said by bimetallists, too, that Australia, like other portions of the globe, has suffered deeply from the appreciation of gold, or the lowering of prices, and the conse- quent increase of the burden of debt, especially upon the agricultural classes. These evils, bear- ing particularly upon the land, have given the idea of the single tax a deeper hold on Australia than in most countries, altho thus far little has been accomplished except to raise rates of land taxation, particularly in South Australia. Recently the fact that the government has been in the hands of the capitalist classes has led to the Australia and Social Reform. 104 Australia and Social Reform. formation of political parties turning on this issue, and often called directly capitalist and labor parties. Only, however, in South Aus- tralia has the Labor Party won much success, so that to use Australia as an example of social- ism is inaccurate. It has had simply some State socialism managed by non-socialists. With this general understanding of the situa- tion we now take up a more detailed sketch of Australian social reform. The first formal recog- nition of the eight-hour day in Aus- tralasia was by the New Zealand Eight-Hour Company in the settlement of Day. Otago, tinder the influence of the Rev. Thomas Burns. Its spread through Australia is largely due to the Victorian Operative Stonemasons' Society, who set the movement on foot in Melbourne in February, 1856. An Eight-Hour League was formed of united trades, and notice given that after April 21, 1856, no union man would work more than eight hours. The strength of the artisans' position at that time in the labor market enabled them to win, and April 22 has annually been kept ever since as a public holiday, and known as the Eight-Hour Day. From Melbourne the movement spread to other parts of the colony and to the neighbor- ing colonies, and the Eight-Hour Day has come to be regarded as normal throughout Australasia. Nevertheless, it is fully realized only by the stronger unions and skilled trades. Gained at first without any legislation, it has been found that legislation is needed to secure and maintain it, and some attempts have been made in this direc- tion in various colonies by extending the factory acts. These are most advanced in Victoria, still leaving, however, very much to be desired. (For further details of the eight-hour movement in Australia, see SHORT-HOUR MOVEMENT.) Trade-unionism has played a prominent part in Australia, but with few features of especial , interest. As early as 1850 a branch of the Amal- gamated Society of Engineers was established in Australia, and since Trade- that date almost every industry has Unionism, formed its own organization. Strikes have not been very frequent nor of very great importance till we come to the great strikes of 1890 and 1891, which mark an epoch in the development of the Aus- tralian labor movement. For the most part the program followed has been that of the English trade-unions. (See TRADE-UNIONS.) In most of the Australian colonies there has been an early closing agitation, particularly in Victoria and New Zealand, but voluntary early closing has not proved a success, and satisfactory legislation has not yet been attained. In providing for the unemployed more has been accomplished. A labor bureau to obtain work for the unemployed was established in Melbourne in March, 1892, and public works undertaken. New South Wales established such a bureau in February, 1892. In Queensland one was established in Brisbane as early as 1886, and has been active ever since. Cooperation and profit-sharing have had little development in Australia, tho the cooperative butter factories and creameries, established in Victoria in 1888, with government assistance, have been a greater success, and now number 360. The social reform movement has mainly developed upon more radical lines, agitating for the single tax, for other methods of land reform, for woman's suffrage, for proportional representation, and recently for democratic socialism. The great strike of 1890, which paralyzed Aus- tralian industry from August to October, origi- nated in a difficulty between the pastoralists and the shearers touching the conditions of shearing. The pastoralists de- sired to conduct their industry ac- Great Strike cording to rules of their own, while of 1890. the shearers, on the other hand, had determined that none but union labor should be employed. In 1887 the Shear- ers' Union first endeavored to enforce their rules, and by 1889 relations had become so strained that no agreement could be reached. On August 1 8 the wharf laborers struck to aid the shearers. Difficulties had also arisen in the shipping trade, quite apart from the shearers' dispute, owing to the discharge of a fireman named Magan from the steamship " Corinna." The unionists attributed his discharge to the fact that he was a delegate of the Seamen's Union, and called upon the employers for a conference, which was, however, refused. Great discontent had for some time existed among the marine officers, owing to the lack of accommodation on board ship. In June, 1800, they laid their complaints before their employ- ers, and were promised a conference. In July, however, they were informed that no conference could be granted unless the marine officers of Melbourne broke off their connection with the Trades Hall Council, and those of Sydney with- drew their application for affiliation with the Trade and Labor Council. It was alleged by the employers that affiliation with labor coun- cils, and consequent meeting on equal terms with their subordinates, would destroy discipline on board ship, but the unionists regarded this action on the part of the employers as an attack upon their organizations, and all negotiations were broken off. In August, therefore, the marine officers struck, the wharf laborers came out a few days later, followed by the seamen and draymen, the Newcastle miners were locked out for refusing to hew coal which they believed to be intended for employers engaged in the strike, and in September the shearers were ordered to join the others. The strike spread from Victoria to New South Wales, Queensland, and New Zealand, and there was a general cessation of trade. The Mayor of Sydney and other gentlemen offered their services as mediators, but for some time with no success. The efforts of labor lead- ers were at first directed to keep other bodies of men, such as the gas- workers, from joining the strike, because they feared that the funds would prove inadequate if any addition was made to the number of strikers. Eight hundred men, divided into gangs, were appointed to watch the wharves of Sydney, relieving each other every four hours ; but in spite of their efforts many non- unionists reached the wharves, and were there provided with food and shelter, that they might Australia and Social Reform. Australia and Social Reform. avoid passing the pickets. The unionists were, however, successful in stopping almost all the steamer traffic, and agriculturists were prevent- ed from disposing of their produce. Food be- came very dear in consequence, and butter rose to as much as zs. qd. a pound. It soon became evident that unless special precautions were taken great disorder would ensue, and addi- tional police were therefore drafted into the large towns, beginning with Brisbane. Some disorder did prevail, but was put down, and the striking unions gradually found them- selves losing. In Queensland the strike was less serious than in Victoria and New South Wales, because the Queensland Labor Federation ordered the exe- cution of all existing contracts, and the shearers returned to work after being out only one week. In other trades it was found possible after some difficulty to obtain non-union labor, and by October the strike was practically at an end throughout the colonies. In 1891 the shearing difficulty was renewed in Queensland and New South Wales, and a strike of much longer duration took place. At the end of 1890 the various pastoralist unions became federated, and drew up an agreement, which was rejected by the shearers' unions in January, 1891. The pastoralists, in consequence, pro- cured free labor, and the Queensland shearers went on strike for a period of five months. In June the Shearers' Union of New South Wales refused to accept the pastoralists' agreement, and resolved by ballot to take no part in shear- ing unless the employers would consent to dis- pense with free labor. This the employers re- fused. Victoria remained unaffected by the strike, and in South Australia a conference was called between the two unions, which decided to allow the use of free labor. In Queensland the shearers were enabled to hold out for five months by establishing free camps in the bush, where the men on strike could be maintained at the minimum of cost. Their funds were augmented by contributions from other districts and colo- nies, especially from South Australia. No measures were left untried to prevent the im- portation of free labor from Victoria. " Obsta- cles were placed in the way of trains, bridges were weakened, armed mobs of men traveled about the country burning and destroying the property of the pastoralists. " It was soon found necessary to call out the volunteers, and to draft troops and police to the disturbed districts to protect laborers on their way to work against the unionist patrols who watched the borders of Queensland and New South Wales, and to se- cure the property of the pastoralists. Armed resistance to the government was ad- vocated as preliminary to a general revolution throughout Australasia, and attempts were made to bring the railway servants and even the military over to the side of the strikers. Throughout March, April, May, and June ar- rests were frequent. Meanwhile, shearing was carried on by means of free labor, and since the strike could not accomplish its objects and funds were exhausted, it was declared off on June 15. In New South Wales, where the shearing season falls later, many attempts were made to prevent the employment of free labor, but in spite of in- timidation and violence men were dispatched from Sydney and Melbourne, and the work was accomplished. The pastoralists, in their official statement, state their opinion that the failure of the strike shows clearly that unionism cannot overcome federation on the part of employers. Such is an account of these strikes, abridged from the account in the report of the English Royal Commission on Labor for Australia. It was the failure of these strikes that crystallized the Australian political labor movement. The movement began in New South Wales. Previously there had been a few working men elected as trade-unionists, but none on a dis- tinctively labor platform. A great impetus was given' to the movement by the vivid and eloquent speeches of the dis- tinguished Radical, " the great Pro- Labor Consul, ' ' George Grey, ex-Governor Parties. of New Zealand, South Australia, and South Africa. Although near- ly 80 years old his speeches drew great crowds and excited wide influence for labor. A minis- terial crisis came unexpectedly in May, before the party was ready ; yet with little organization and less money the Labor Party succeeded in electing in June no less than 37 members to Par- liament. For the 37 Labor members returned no fewer than 75,765 votes were cast, the total polling for all Labor candidates being 103,787 ; for the 49 Ministerialists returned, 90,349 votes were cast ; for the 50 Oppositionists, 65,539 votes ; for 5 Independents, 8849 votes. It will thus be seen that a great many more votes were cast for the 37 Labor members than for the 50 Oppositionists. Since then the growth of the party has been steady. To-day, although de- tails of the last elections are not available, the Labor Party nominates candidates for every vacancy. In New South Wales the socialists vote with the Labor Party. The six points of their fighting platform run as follows : 1. Land value taxation. 2. Mining on private property. 3. Abolition of the Upper House. 4. Local government ou a democratic basis. 5. National bank, with sole right of issue. 6. Legislative limitation of the working day to eight hours. South Australia has not been so progressive in independent labor politics, but the first 10 candidates a Labor Party has nominated there were all elected. South Australia, being more largely agricultural than the other colonies, has perhaps in its more scattered population the rea- son why its labor movement is less organized than in New South Wales. What political suc- cess it has gained is due to the fact that alone among the Australian colonies (New Zealand not included) it has manhood suffrage for elec- tions to the Lower House, with the slight prop- erty qualification for suffrage on elections to the Upper House. The result is the 10 Labor members of the Lower House above referred to, elected in 1893, and four or five members in the Upper House. All political parties, however, in South Australia bid for the Labor vote, and the Ministry is so far in favor with Labor measures that it has been called a Coalition Ministry. Victoria has done still less in the development of a distinct Labor Party. " Laggard Victoria" Australia and Social Reform. 106 Australia and Social Reform. the Australian socialists call the colony. There is, however, there something of a Democratic- socialist movement which has elected five social- ist members to Parliament. Queensland is marked in social reform as hav- ing the most uncompromising and revolution- ary, tho not the largest socialistic Labor Party in Australia. There are 16 Labor members in the Assembly, and they are influential out of proportion to their number. The Australian socialists assert that " the great bugbear to progress is the Upper House, or Legislative Council, as it is called. This body is based on the lines of the House of Lords in England. Its members are nominated for life by the ministry in power with the approval of the governor, who as viceregal representative has power of veto over all bills, while an actual change in the constitution itself requires the Queen's sanction." Political reform, however, has had consider- able development in Australia. (See AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM ; also, for the Australian system of land registration, see TORRENS.) There has been considerable agitation in Aus- tralia for proportional representa- Political Ee-tion, but as yet with slight results. form. Currency reform has its various ad- vocates in Australia, and especially bimetallists and others who declare that the great Southern Continent, like the rest of the world, has suffered from the appreciation of gold. Yet little of importance has been ac- complished in the way of reform. For good or for evil, Australian finance is still ruled by Eng- lish gold. Free trade and protection have played a large part in Australian politics. Says an Australian socialist : " In the Australian colonies the chief line of party denunciation is the fiscal issue. Either free trade or protection claimed each member of the Legislature as its victim. It was only when labor came upon the scene that a party rose pledged to ' sink ' the fiscal issue as being of sec- ondary importance to the great mass of people. Land reforms, and especially the single tax idea, have, as already stated, considerable hold in Australia, tho not at all the hold that they have in New Zealand. In Australia, South Australia leads in this. The peculiar social re- form characteristics of South Australia, and es- pecially its favorable attitude to land taxation, are probably due to the fact that it was colonized under the auspices of a company called the South Australian Colonization Association, and largely under the influence of idealists. One of the conditions was that the land should not be sold for less than i per acre, and that the rev- enue thus arising should be used for the immi- gration of agricultural laborers and the construc- tion of public works. Adelaide preserves the memory of this association in the naming of some of its streets for Mill, Hare, etc." The single tax idea was much helped in Aus- tralia by a visit from Henry George in 1890. One point in Australia is of special interest. It is said that ' ' Australia is a continent without an orphanage, a country without an orphan. Each waif is taken to a receiving-house, where it is cared for until a country home is found. The local volunteer societies canvass their neigh- borhoods and send to the Children's Committee of the Destitute Board the names and circum- stances of such families as they have found where children may be placed. The Children's Committee selects that home which it judges is best adapted to the development and care of the child in question. No child is placed in a family so poor that the child might suffer hardship. The foster-parents receive a sum averaging $1.25 per week for the care of the child, and for proper clothing. When of school age the child must be in school. The local volunteer commit- tee looks after its care and culture, and zealous neighbors often assist in watching the growth and education of these happy children. When the child is 14 years old he begins to work. His earnings are placed in the postal savings bank, and at 17 or 18 he goes out into the world an independent man. The State, at an expense of less than $70 a year, has raised a man or woman to contribute to its wealth, and prevented the manufacture of a criminal, and the expense of courts, prisons, and reformatories." In Victoria and the other colonies there is a cumulative voting, property owners being en- titled to more than one vote. All through Aus- tralia, on the other hand, there is a strong agi- tation for woman's suffrage, it being delayed mainly by the disagreement as to whether to give woman's suffrage with an educational quali- fication or no. The conservative element favors woman's suffrage, with the qualification affixed, believing that it will serve its interests. One problem that has vexed Australia consid- erably is that of the immigration and importa- tion of cheap labor. The importation of Chi- nese labor is more or less common to all Australia. According to the latest returns, there were 41 ,000 Chi- Cheap Labor, nese in Australia and New Zealand, engaged mainly in mining, agricul- ture, shopkeeping, and furniture-making. The latter industry seems to have become peculiarly theirs. In Victoria there are 9377 Chinese, 2994 engaged in gold-mining, at weekly wages of from $5 to $7.50. The immigration of the Chi- nese, however, has, after an intense excitement, been carefully restricted in all Australia. The naturalization of the Chinese is forbidden ; in New South Wales ^100 must be paid for every Chinaman landed ; in Queensland ^500 must be paid, unless the Chinaman has a special permit. Kanaka labor has been another " burning question." Particularly has the introduction of Kanaka labor been a source of grievance to the trade-unions of Queensland. The Kanakas have been introduced mainly to work on the sugar plantations. The claim has been that white labor was unsuited to this work in this climate, while it was a good thing for the Kanakas, they going back to their Pacific island to carry home the benefits of civilization. On the other hand, the trade-unionists have asserted that this was simply an excuse to get cheap labor, that the im- portation of the Kanakas was simply a slave traffic, the Kanakas being decoyed from their island by the promise of fi re -water and being abused on the voyage, as in the horrors of the old slave ship. There is probably some exag- geration in this, but that the system is simply a way to get cheap labor there can be no question. Australia and Social Reform. 107 Australia and Social Reform. It was proposed at one time to introduce coolies from India into Queensland, as was done into South Australia in 1882, but the Indian Govern- ment would not allow the coolies to be imported to work in the mines, and the Queensland plant- ers preferred Kanakas that had no government to protect them. Finally, however, mainly from the agitation of the trade-unions and the Labor Party, aided in part by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, after a struggle of 20 years Kanaka labor has become so strictly controlled as to be practically ended. In Queensland the latest victory of the Labor Party along this line has been to compel the government to turn the Kanakas out of the mail steamships of the Brit- ish-India Company and to make the company carry Europeans in their place. Such are the main developments of social reform in Australia apart from State socialism. To this, however, we must give especial attention. The following account of Australian railroads is abridged from the United States Consular Report for August, 1894, by Daniel W. Maratta, consul-general at Melbourne. He says : "By way of showing, comparatively, the progress of railways in Australia, it may be remarked that here there is one mile of railway to each 344 inhabitants, as against 1888 in Great Britain, and 350 in the United States. Railroads "The aggregate of the national debt of the colonies would appear to be dis- proportionate when compared with the limited population of Australia, and complaints have frequently been made in the English press that the colonies are unmindful of the festina lente, and all the good advice that convenient adage is supposed to infer. The adverse criticism has not, how- ever, up to the present had a shadow of justification. Let it be remembered that the money borrowed has not been sunk in undertakings which will give no re- turn, but has been expended in works which are pro- ductive, yielding a direct return on the capital, and representing a greater value than the original cost ; for instance, the New South Wales lines, costing about .34,500,000 ($167,879,000), are estimated to be worth rriore than .40,000,000 ($194,640,000). Further, the money has been spent in developing large resources, which add to the wealth of the colonies. It is wise to empha- size this point, as it seems to have been overlooked to a large extent. In Europe the national debts of the various countries have been incurred principally through the expenses of prolonged wars, and the money has gone beyond recovery ; but in these colonies the expenditure is'represented by public works, which are more valuable than the entire national debt, and pay a direct return, in some cases, equal to the interest due upon the capital invested. . . . " The railways in all the colonies, with the exception of one or two lines, belong to the State. In New South Wales, the first railways were projected as far back as 1846, and a few years afterward a company the Sydney Tram and Railways Company was formed. The company undertook the construction of a line from Sydney to Parramatta, a distance of 14 miles ; but as the capital became absorbed before the work was completed, the company was unable to carry on oper- ations, and in the end the Government had to take the line, which was finished on September 26, 1855. "A company also contemplated constructing a line from Newcastle to Maitland, but was unable to sur- mount the preliminary difficulties. " There are in New South Wales two important public lines constructed and maintained by private companies : (i) the railway between Denihquin, in Riverina, and Moama, on the Murray River, 4=; miles in length ; (2) a private line between "Broken Hill, Sil- verton, and the South Australian border (35 miles), connecting with the South Australian lines, which, owing to the large traffic done with the Broken Hill mines, has been a financial success. " There is a considerable number of private minor lines, principally running to coal mines. In the New- castle district there are 200 miles of private lines almost entirely used for the coal traffic. " In Victoria, the railways are under State control, altho they were initiated by private enterprise. By March, 1853, three companies had been incorporated and secured extraordinary concessions in the shape of land and guaranteed interest. The Melbourne and Murray River Company was forced to sell to the gov- ernment in 1855, before any of their lines had been opened for traffic. The Geelong-Melbourne Company followed the same course in 1860, and only the Hobson s Bay Railway Company held its own for some years, but in 1878 it sold its interests to the government for the sum of .1,320,800. " The system of placing the railways under the man- agement of commissioners, and practically separating them from political control, has been adopted in the four principal colonies, and, as already stated, experi- ence is proving that the change has been a very wise one. "In Western Australia railway construction is in its infancy. There are 204 miles of line constructed and managed by the Government, and, in addition, about 453 miles of lines are owned by private com- panies. The first line was opened as recently as July, 1876, and latterly much progress has been shown, the land-grant system having to some extent been adopted. "In Queensland, the railways are owned by the State, the first line having been opened in July, 1865. . . . " The railways of the colonies have been compara- tively free from terrible accidents. During the period 1892-93 there were no fatal accidents upon New South Wales railways to passengers from causes _ beyond their own control, and the proportion of injuries to passengers was 0.4 per 1,000,000. . . ." But this is not a complete view of Australian State socialism. It may be supplemented by the following quotations from Sir Charles Dilke's Problems of Greater Britain : " The railways are used for the spread of education, and in New South Wales and some other colonies the school children are carried free of charge. In Victoria remissions of fares are made in the case of students in the schools of mines and in the schools of design. Specially low rates exist in all the colonies for suburban traffic. The fares in the neighborhood of Melbourne, for a district nearly 30 miles across, are, for single journeys, id. a mile, first-class, and ya. a mile second- class ; and return tickets are given at %d. a mile, first- class, and %d. a mile second-class ; while monthly, quarterly, half-yearly, and yearly tickets are granted at great reductions even upon these low rates. Tne result is a wonderful spread of suburban railroad traveling, and the custom in Victoria is so developed that out of the large number of persons working in Melbourne who come in by train every day, a con- siderable proportion come to the town a second time in the evening to visit the theaters. The lowness of railway fares in Victoria is the more striking when we remember that wages are twice as high for shorter hours as they are in England, and that coal costs nearly twice as much. No one in Victoria now advo- cates private ownership of railways (p. 198). " Not only have the State railways of Victoria been placed under non-political management, but this has been the case with the public departments generally. The commissioners appointed to free the public ser- vice from the former incubus of political patronage are as well paid as the judges, and as free from pres- sure of any kind. The Civil Service Commissioners of Victoria, who are three in number, began their work some five years ago by visiting every place in the colony where public officers were stationed, learn- ing the nature of their duties, determining their rela- tive importance, and classifying the officers accord- ingly. Salaries were systematized and made uniform in all departments, and appointments and promotions are now determined by the board (pp. 199-200). " The principle of Government cooperation with local- ities has been carried into a large number of different fields in the colony of Victoria : tramways, for exam- ple, are constructed by municipalities on Government loans, the State borrowing money for the municipal- ities on the best terms which the colony can command in the market, but the municipalities ultimately be- coming the owners of the lines (p. 203). " In Victoria the municipalities will become the own- ers of the tramway lines without purchase and with- out payment. The tramway companies, in the mean time, are forced to repair the adjoining roads, and the municipalities have not merely the reversion of the lines themselves, but in Melbourne alone have ob- tained from the companies nearly 40 miles of excellent wood pavement, while the companies are paying a large dividend upon their shares (p. 203). Australia and Social Reform- 108 Australian Ballot System. Socialism. ""But the most notable instance in Victoria of the characteristically Victorian effort to unite central ac- tion with local knowledge and local control is seen in the irrigation system, which will change the whole physical aspect of the country, as well as affect its political future (p. 204)." So far, Mr. Dilke. It must be remembered, however, that there is another side. _ . State socialism is not socialism, and Unfavorable gtate socialism in Australia has A f^r many blots. Perhaps the best state- >aan ment of the unfavorable view is the chapter on State Socialism in the Antipodes, by Charles Fairfield, in A Plea for Liberty. Among other things, Mr. Fairfield says : ** During the last 20 years professional office-holders, paid legislators, half-educated dreamers and enthusi- asts In Australasia have attempted to satisfy these new and vague longings ; to enact the part of a State socialistic * stage uncle ' toward the Democracy there, but have never had sufficient thoroughness or daring to carry out socialistic or collectivist maxims and theories of government and society, maxims and theories which, at all events, are consistent, precise, and of logical obligation, if once we grant the social- ist's premises. State socialism in the Antipodes has therefore been a hybrid affair the tentative experi- ment of men who hoped to do partly, and without commrttrng themselves too far, what thoughtful so- cialists and collectivists tell us they can do completely, if we -will only give them a free hand. Experiments in cryptosocialism, tried upon a society at base free, commercial, modern, English, would long ago have broken down on the financial side, had it not been that the legendary repute of those lands for natural wealth, *uch as gold, wool, a fruitful soil, and a fine climate, has tempted investors in Europe to fling their money At the heads of Australasian borrowers. Latterly, as the frightful cost and necessarily unproductive results of State socialism became apparent to colonial minis- ters, they have, to prevent a collapse of the whole thing, been driven to apply for ever-recurring loans in Europe on false pretenses. . . . (153). The truth is, 'that nothing definite can be known about the finances of the Australasian colonies. " State socialism there dares not present a genuine balance sheet. As may. also be said of the French Re- public at this day, there is in Australasia no system of public accounts similar to that which prevails in Down- ing Street. In Victoria, New South Wales, Queens- land, South Australia, and New Zealand the control of expenditure by local parliaments is really very weak. No attempt has been made to introduce the imperial system ofsimple, methodical, and exact account keep- ing. Audit or check upon public expenditure is loose and ineffective in all the colonies. " If we in England really understand the system of book-keeping, and the object on which debts are spent in Victoria, we know more than the colonists them- selves know. . . . " Meanwhile, for years past reports of imaginary surpluses, as well as misleading and worthless ' official' statistics, have been circulated in the Australasian colonies, and have been carelessly reproduced here. The statement is constantly put forward, for example, that the Victorian State railways, which are supposed to represent an expenditure on productive public works of the bulk of the money borrowed by that colony since 1865, honestly earn a surplus in excess of the interest on their cost. That statement is not and never has been true. The memorandum from the Railway Commissioners read with the budget state- ment in the Victorian Assembly on July 31, 1890, at last frankly admits that the earnings of the State rail- waysiell short of the accruing interest for the year by more than 220,000." . . . (155). References : Among the best b9oks on Australia are Blair's Cyclopedia of Australasia (1881) ; The States- man's Year Book; various Australian statistical re- ports and blue books ; Westgarth's Half a Century of Australian Progress (1889) : Tregarthen's Australian Commonwealth (1893) ; The Report on Australia of the (British) Royal Commission on Labor (vol. ii., 1893) ; Sir Charles Dilke's Problems of Greater Britain. For the unfavorable view of so-called Australian socialism, see Charles Fairfield's chapter on Socialism in the An- tipodes, in A Plea for Liber tv. The Journal of the De- partment of Labor of the New Zealand Government, a monthly (2d), published by the Government printer, S. Cpstall, Wellington, N. Z., gives considerable infor- mation about Australia. AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM. The Australian ballot system was introduced into the United States in 1888. The purpose of this system is to secure secrecy of the ballot and prevent partisans from intimidating and cor- rupting voters. It was adopted first by the State of Massachusetts and the city of Louisville, Ky. The so-called Saxton Bill, which passed the New York Legislature in 1888 and 1889, embodied the principle of this system, but it was declared un- constitutional, and vetoed by Governor Hill. By his advice a reformed ballot bill was introduced in the Legislature in 1889, but was not passed. In the following year a compromise of the Hill and Saxton bills resulted in another bill, which was successful, and which was amended in 1891. In 1889 the Legislatures of several States fol- lowed the lead of Massachusetts, and passed laws adopting this system of voting. These States, in the order given, were as follows : In- diana, Montana, Rhode Island, Wisconsin, Ten- nessee, Minnesota, Missouri,. Michigan, and Con- necticut. These laws were similar to that of Massachusetts, with the exception of that of Connecticut, which differed considerably from it. In 1890 laws were passed by the Legisla- tures of Washington, New York, Maryland, New Jersey, and Vermont, which were more or less modifications of the Australian system. In 1891 laws founded upon the Australian- system were adopted by the Legislatures of the States of Arkansas, California, Colorado, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Maine, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, West Virginia, and the Territory of Arizona ; and in 1892 Iowa and Mississippi followed suit. Thus there are (1895) but 10 States and Territories which have not adopted this method. These are Alabama, Flor- ida, Georgia, Kansas, Louisiana, North Caro- lina, South Carolina, Virginia, and the Territo- ries of New Mexico and Utah. A reformed bal- lot bill passed one branch of the Kansas Legis- lature. The distinctive feature of this system is that the names of all the candidates are placed on one ticket, and the names of all for whom the citizen does not wish to vote are crossed off by a blue pencil, provided by the authorities. Directions are given on each ticket, clearly printed in red ink, as to how many candidates must be voted for. If one votes for more than the limited num- ber of candidates his vote is irregular. In New York and New Jersey the laws require that each party ticket be printed on a separate ballot, and therefore no marking is required for straight voting. In New York the paster ballot is permitted, for the benefit mainly, it is claimed, of the blind and the illiterate. In all the other States which have adopted this system the sin- gle ballot is used. The names of all the candi- dates are printed on one sheet, and the voter in- dicates his choice by marking. There are two ways of grouping the names of the candidates. In the Australian plan the titles of the offices are alphabetically arranged, the names of the can- didates being attached, and also usually their party connection. Austria and Social Reform. 109 Austria and Social Reform. AUSTRIA AND SOCIAL REFORM. Austria, or Austria-Hungary, its present politi- cal name, grew up from the small margraviate Austria (German : Ostreich, Oesterreich i.e., the Eastern Country) founded by Charlemagne in the eighth century, and raised to a duchy by Emperor Frederic I. in the twelfth century, the crown of which is hereditary since 1282 in the family of the Habsburgs (their name deriving from the Habichtsburg or hawk castle in Swit- zerland) and since 1780 in the branch of Habs- burg-Lorraine. It embraces now the kingdoms of Hungary, Bohemia, Galicia, Dalmatia,. and Croatia-Slavonia ; the archduchies of lower and upper Austria ; the duchies of Salzburg, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Silesia, and Bukovina ; the principalities of Transylvania, Tyrols, and Vo- rarlberg ; the margraviates of Moravia and. Is- tria ; and the counties of Goerz and Gradisca. (The Turkish provinces of Bosnia and Herzego- vina, occupied after the suppression of the mu- tiny of 1878, have been since under the admin- istration of Austria-Hungary, but are not yet formally incorporated with it.) I. STATISTICS AND HISTORY. Austria has an area of 240,943 square miles, and, ac- cording to the estimates of the census of December 31, 1890, a population of 43,000,000. With regard to nation- ality it consists of 11,000,000 Germans, 7,000,000 Magyars, 7,000,000 Czechs (Bo- hemian, Moravian, and Slovak), 5,000,000 R Ut henians, 4,000,000 Poles, 3,000,000 Serbs and Croats, 3,000,000 Roumanians, 2,000,000 Slovens, and 1,000,000 Italians. With regard to religious belief there are 27,000,000 Roman Catholics, 5,000,000 Greek Catholics, 4,000,000 Protestants, 4,000,000 Byzantine Greeks, 2,000,000 Jews, and 1,000,000 Armenian Catholics, Unitarians, and non- Christians. With regard to occupation the population consists of 12,000,000 farmers and farm hands, 4,000,000 manufacturers, 2,500,000 day laborers, 1,500,000 house servants, 1,000,000 commercial people, 400,000 proprie- tors, pensioners, and rentiers, 280,000 active soldiers, 2oo^x)o miners and smelters, 150,000 professors, artists, and authors, 100,000 teachers, 100,000 lower government servants, 00,000 government officials, 60,000 ecclesiastics, 23,000,000 family members, and a remainder of 700,000 of various or unknown occupations. These statistics show the very great diversity of race, language, religion, and condition which prevail in the empire, and an understanding of which, in part at least, is necessary to under- standing the social problems and conditions of the empire. Says the Report on Austria of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor : " The modern history of Austria is a history of ter- ritorial contraction combined with a process of polit- ical consolidation, resulting in the increased force that comes from a concentration of energy. The wars which preceded the downfall of the Napoleonic des- potism, and the reactionary and autocratic policy of the Emperor Francis and his minister Prince Metter- nich make the history of the earlier years of the cen- tury comparatively unimportant from an economic point of view. It was only with the ' great uprising ' of 1848 and the accession of the present emperor that social questions were once more brought prominently forward ; and though, when the fear of revolution had passed away, the promises made under the immediate pressure of danger were History. f r the most part forgotten, the inter- ests of the working classes and their claims to consideration were never again entirely neglected, and, as Professor Bryce has said of Germany, 'after the first reaction had spent itself . . . a real though slow progress toward free constitutional life ' may be observed. . . . " When the Emperor Francis Joseph began to reign, the popular movement of 1848 was at its height in his dominions. The revolt and reconquest of Vienna and the national risings in Italy, Bohemia, Croatia, and Hungary immediately preceded his accession to the throne left vacant by the abdication of Ferdinand II. The declaration of Hungarian independence and the prompt suppression of the Magyar patriots, with Rus- sia's help, the reconquest of Northern Italy, and the abrogation of the constitution granted to Austria in 1849 followed closely on his acceptance of the imperial crown. Then came a period of renewed absolutism, when Austria, inclose alliance with the Catholic party, ruled as before over a loosely compacted mass of hetero- geneous nationalities and acted as the leading spirit in the Germanic Confederation. The war of Italian in- dependence, however, and the gradual rise of the Prussian power under King William I. and Count Bis- marck completely changed the position of affairs. The quarrel over Schleswig- Holstein and the war be- tween Austria and Prussia led in 1866 to the formation of the North German Confederation and the severance of Austria, ' with her German population of 7,000,000, ' from the Germanic body. The nnal loss of Italy fol- lowed, but a remnant of the Italian-speaking popula- tion still remained in the Adriatic provinces, and thus Francis Joseph was left to rule an empire in which the German nucleus was almost overwhelmed by alien elements Magyar, Slav, Roumanian, and Italian and, as Mr. Fyffe puts it, ' the political life of Austria be- came a series of distracting complications.' " The period between 1866 and Count Taaffe's acces- sion to power, in 1879, a time when Austria played an important part in European politics, was also marked by many, and, on the whole, salutary changes in the internal constitution of the empire. . . . " After the war with Prussia the Emperor assumed a still more conciliatory attitude, especially toward Hungary. Count Belcredi, the supporter of Federal- ism and of the national aspirations of the Slavs, was dismissed from office in February, 1867, and the recon- ciliation with the Magyars was finally cemented by the coronation of Francis Joseph as King of Hungary (June 8, 1867), and the establishment of the dual system which still prevails in the empire. "According to this system, the kingdoms and prov- inces which make up the dual monarchy or empire of Austria- Hungary are divided into two groups, the ' Austrian dominions ' and the ' Hungarian dominions,' united under one dynasty and having certain specified home and foreign affairs in common with one another. To Hungary were granted freedom of the press, equal- ity of all citizens before the law, the right of combina- tion and public meeting, and full religious toleration, while the control of taxation and the power of in- creasing the army were intrusted to the representa- tives of the people sitting in the Hungarian Reichstag, or Legislative Assembly, and in the Croato-Slavonian Diet. At the same time Austria received a responsible ministry, acting in concert with a bi-cameral Reichs- rath, Special delegations, returned by the Austrian Reichsrath. and the Hungarian Reichstag, were to legislate for all matters in which both component parts of the empire were concerned, while such sub- jects as were not expressly reserved to the Reichs- rath were to be debated in the provincial diets. In addition to the Imperial Ministries of Foreign Affairs, War, and Finance, special departments were formed for the government of the dependencies represented in the Reichsrath and of the dependencies of the Hungarian crown. Subordinate to these departments were the provincial authorities, and beneath these again were the district and communal authorities. There were also commercial courts and various pro- vincial and district courts of justice, with appeals to the supreme judicial courts. Industrial questions, as before, usually fell under the jurisdiction of the ordinary civil authorities. The political events which followed the conclusion of the long Hungarian strug- gle, the Franco-Prussian War, and the consolida- tion of the German Empire, need hardly be touched on here, since they only indirectly affected the Aus- trian labor question. More important from an eco- nomic point of view is Count Hohenwart's unsuc- cessful attempt to reconstitute the empire on a ' na- tional ' basis, and to place Galicia and Bohemia in the same position as Hungary The separatist tendencies of Bohemia were crushed, but the next few years (1872-74) were marked by a reaction against the influ- ence of the Papacy, and by the passing of an Electoral Reform Bill, which substituted the system of direct election of the members of the Reichsrath for the former system of indirect election through the provin- cial diets, though it preserved the principle of pro- portional representation. The Eastern complications, which resulted in the Treaty of Berlin (July 13, 1878), brought an increase of territory to Austria by the ces- sion of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and added a new Austria and Social Reform. Austria and Social Reform. element to the intricacy of the internal relations with which Count Taaffe was called on to deal when he be- came Prime Minister in 1879." Since this event the history of Austria has been closely identified with the social problems of which we treat in the second portion of this article. The Budget estimate for the common affairs of the monarchy was, in 1895, 152,058,203 florins; the esti- mate of the total expenditure was 152,058, of which 133,027,338 were for the army and navy. The total debt of Austria in 1893 was Finance and 6,064,006,000 florins, the florin being about n 50 cents. The revenue of Austria proper l/ommerce. or lgg3 was est imated at 619,105,779 florins, 110,045,000 from direct taxes, 293,509,632 from indirect, 123,857,130 from railways. The expenditure was estimated at 618,694,237 florins, 4,650,000 for the imperial household, 101,268,120 for the ministry of commerce, 158,328,038 for interest and sinking fund on the public debt. The peace footing of the Austrian army is 347,297 troops, the war footing 1,753,583. In case of war the number of men who would be obliged to serve in the Landsturm is over 4,000,000. The navy consists of 117 ships, ii armor-clad. Austria is principally an agricultural State, her large plains in Hungary, Bohemia, and Moravia producing great quantities of surplus grain, mostly exported to Germany and Belgium ; fine cattle are raised in her mountainous part, as well as in the " Pusztas" (prairies) of Hungary. Lower Austria, with Vienna, Bohemia, Silesia, Moravia, and Styria, are the great manufactur- ing centers, and export a great amount of hardware, sugar, glassware, flour, woolen goods, gloves, linen goods, and articles of luxury, as amber, meerschaum, leather goods, etc. Minerals, poultry, fish, wool, and wine are also produced and exported in large quantities. Unfortunately the profits of all the natural richness and the hard Industrv work of the laboring classes go largely J ' into the pockets of a few great estate owners, manufacturers, bankers, and trusts. The lower classes are overtaxed, live very poorly, often near starvation, but they are beginning to be aroused by socialistic ideas to claim their share cf the profits from the real or seeming vampires, and their malcontentedness is directed principally against the nobility and the Jews. (For statistics as to the division of the soil, see AGRI- CULTURE.) The export and import trade of the Austrian Empire has developed notably during the last two decades, and the total value of the foreign trade has increased almost threefold since 1853. It is true that the rapid increase between 1879 and 1883 was followed by a period of comparative depression, but since the falling off was most marked in the department of manufac- tured goods, it is probable that it may, in part, at least, be attributed to increased manufacturing ac- tivity in Austria itself. The total exports of Austria, including Hungary, Bos- nia, and Herzegovina, were, in 1893, 799,200,000 florins and the imports 683,200,000. There were. January, 1894, 18,038 miles of railway in Austria and Hungary, of which 7124 were owned and 6138 more were worked by the State. (For further consideration of Austrian railways, see the second portion of this article ; also RAILROADS, AUSTRIA.) Austria had, in 1891, 18,666 elementary schools ; Hun- gary, 16,870. Hungary has also 729 institutions for the care of young children, 89 humanistic schools, and 30 prison schools. There are in the empire 437 middle schools, ii State universities, 45 theological colleges, 7 Government technical high schools, 1500 special tech- nical schools (business, agriculture, art, music, etc.). According to official statistics, 86 percent of the chil- dren of school age were attending school in Austria in 1891. There are 16 penal establishments in Austria, and in 1890 there were 29,090 convictions for crime in Austria, 5512 convictions for less serious offenses, 536,301 for misdemeanors ; in Hungary, in 1880, 10,889 for crime ; 75,964 for less serious offenses. In Austria, 297,915 per- sons were relieved in 1890, besides 53,152 persons re- lieved in poorhouses. II. SOCIAL REFORM. The history of modern social reform in Austria begins with the revolutions of 184^. The years previous to this had been marked in industrial evolution mainly by the decay of the ancient guilds and the development of modern ideas. The revolutions of 1848 witnessed national po- litical uprisings in Vienna, Italy, Bohemia, Cro- atia, and Hungary. A constitution was granted to Austria, but was soon abrogated and impe- rial absolutism in close alliance with the Catho- lic power reigned supreme. In 1859, however, an industrial code was passed which enjoined upon all manufacturers the maintenance of their relations with the guilds, or the restoration of such relations where they had been discontinued , but the guilds continued to decline in spite of all efforts. Progress was mainly political. In 1866 Prussia gained the severance of Aus- tria from the Germanic confederation, and Italy soon after gained her freedom. Hungary, too, grew more and more restless, and the Emperor had to grant concessions, till the present dual political system was organized in 1867. Since 1879, when Count Taaffe came into power, the government has been compelled to do more and more for the working classes. This, however, has been forced upon the government by the labor party, which in Austria, more than in most countries of Europe, has been purely socialistic. A Viennese Working Men's Mutual Improvement Society was started under the influence of Lassalle's agitation in 1867 ; and on Lassalle's birth- day, April ii, 1869. it published the first number of the Votkstimme. In 1869 del- Socialism. egates were sent to the German Social- ist Congress at Eisenach. The Govern- ment now prohibited all socialist meetings, and the so- cialist agitation had to be concentrated on the effort to obtain freedom of coalition and universal suffrage. In 1872 a Radical Labor Party was formed by a few dissenting members, while the members of the old Labor Party were called the Moderates. The Radicals favored Federalism and the national aspirations of the Czechs, and worked with the Feudal Clerical Party, with whom they had nothing in common save to defeat the Liberals. The Moderates worked with the Liber- als, because they believed that nothing could be done for socialism till the old priestly and feudal ascend- ancy was broken up. After the German laws against the Social Democrats were passed in 1878, the Austrian socialists, in part, lost heart. The Radicals declared for anarchism and the Moderates for the Liberals. The Austrian Chris- tian socialists supported the Ministry of Count Taaffe in legislative reforms. Between 1882 and 1884 the an- archists attempted much violence in Austria ; the Government resorted to strong measures, and the so- cialist papers suffered much. Nevertheless, work went on, the trade-unions became the camping grounds for the socialists, and much propaganda was carried on. From 1886 the movement has made steady prog- ress. In 1888 the conference at Hainfield, largely- through the influence of the Gleichheit, Dr. Adlers paper, the Moderates and those Radicals who were not anarchists came together. This conference, which sat till January i, 1889, was attended by representatives of all the divisions of the Austrian Labor Party, in the Slav and Romance, as well as in the German provinces of the empire. The pro- gram or declaration of principles then drawn up, and accepted with only three dissenting voices, forms the best illustration of the attitude adopted by the new party. " With this declaration," says Herr Karl Kaut- sky, who himself took an active part in the conference, "the Austrian Labor Party again took up the position assumed by modern scientific socialism, the same position which German Social Democracy has adopt- ed." The program of the New Austrian Labor Party, as presented to the Hanfield Conference, runs as follows : "The Social Democratic Labor Party in Austria aims at winning for the whole people, without distinction of nationality, race, or sex, freedom from the fetters of economic dependence, abolition of political disquali- fications (Rechtslosigkeit), and deliverance from intel- lectual degradation (geistige Verkummerung). The cause of the present unsatisfactory conditions is not to be sought in isolated political provisions, but in the fact which molds and governs the whole state of so- ciety, that the instruments of labor (Arbeitsmittel) are monopolized by a few proprietors (Besitzender). The Austria and Social Reform. in Austria and Social Reform. working classes, who have the power to labor, thus become the slaves of the capitalistic class, who possess the instruments of labor, and whose political and eco- nomic supremacy finds expression in the modern State. Private ownership in the instruments of production, which indicates politically a State founded on class distinctions (Klassenstaat), signifies economically the increasing poverty of the masses (Massenarmuth), and the growing degradation of ever-widening sections of the population (Volksschichte)." The party thus, as was recognized in the speeches which followed the introduction of the program, began by adopting the standpoint of Karl Marx, and recog- nizing that a certain social and economic development must precede the full acceptance of socialist prin- ciples. The Hainfield Conference gave the Austrian Labor Party a compact organization and a definite plan of action, and its effects were soon felt in the rapid ad- vance made by the Social Democratic movement. The socialist papers obtained a wider circulation meetings, for the propagation of socialist doctrines were held, and many new workmen's associations were founded. The political and economic conditions of the time further favored this development. In 1889 the Liberal Party in the Government appointed a committee to in- quire into the advisability of establishing Labor Chambers in Austria. Altho this committee had no practical result, as far as its immediate object was concerned it appears to have brought together a large number of workmen from all parts of the empire, and to have thus indirectly helped on the cause of Social Democracy by acting as an international Austrian con- ference on a small scale. Strikes and agitation became common, and the Government again tried repression. Papers were suppressed and the editors of the Gleichheit arrested on charges of anarchism. Nevertheless, a second gen- eral congress was held at Vienna, June 28-30, 1891. According to the report presented by the Austrian Social Democrats to the International Congress held at Zurich in July, 1893, the events of the second confer- ence of Vienna convinced the Austrian bureaucracy that the existence of a powerful and determined So- cial Democratic organization among the working classes could not be ignored, and, recognizing this fact, the authorities permitted the resolutions of the conference to be quietly carried out, and a Social Dem- ocratic party to be formed. The winter of 1892 was marked in Austria by agita- tion on the part of the Social Democrats against the censorship of the press. The early months of 1893 saw the opening of " a cam- paign in favor of universal, equal, and direct suffrage," which was maintained until the autumn session of Par- liament. In April universal suffrage was granted in Belgium, and the victory of the Belgian workmen was hailed by the Austrian Social Democrats as an earnest of their own future success. It was under these circumstances that the May Day celebrations of 1893 took place throughout the empire, and they developed into a gigantic demonstration, not for the eight-hour day only, but also for the suffrage. In Vienna 150,000 men and women marched in military order through the streets. A few weeks later the political victories gained by the German Social De- mocracy at the ballot-box were celebrated throughout the empire in a series of magnificent meetings, at all of which the pledge was taken to do battle for the suffrage. In July 500,000 working men and women gathered in the very heart of Vienna and declared they would neither rest nor be deterred by any sacri- fice until they had won. On October 10 Count Taaffe introduced his bill, granting a very much enlarged suffrage. Neverthe- less, altho by the provisions of the new bill the num- ber of voters in Austria would be doubled, the Social Democrats would only agree to accept it as a move in the right direction. This was the attitude consistently maintained in the various meetings of the working classes which followed on the introduction of Count Taaffe's scheme ; and when the German Liberals, the Feudal Clericals, and the Poles, representing respec- tively the bourgeoisie, the landed interest, and the National Party, combined to oppose the bill and to bring about the resignation of the Ministry, Dr. Adler stated that the Social Democrats would "heartily welcome the new constellation in the political heavens, seeing that it at last united all the propertied and priv- ileged classes against the onslaught of the proletariat," and that "now the brawls and squabbles of the nation- alities would cease, and the war of classes would be- gin." The subject of the suffrage is now the principal one before the Austrian Parliament. Other evidences of the progress made by the agita- tion of the Social Democracy are the formation of nu- merous political clubs and the strength of their press. At present the party owns 13 German, eight Czech, and two Polish political papers, exclusive of trade journals. These papers are all weeklies and semi- weeklies, and their circulation grows rapidly. TteArbeiter-Zeitung, published in Vienna, has an edition of 19,000, the edition of the Vienna Volks Tribune is 9000, the circulation of the Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung (female workers' paper) is 4000. The great obstacle to the spread of socialism in Aus- tria is the presence of the anarchists, with whom the socialists are continually confounded by the Govern- ment, tho the two parties are now completely distinct. Roman Catholic Christian socialism has had consider- able development in Austria, under the patronage of Prince Lichtenstein and others, but it has meant little more than the Church of Rome taking an interest in political and social questions from the ecclesiastical paternal standpoint. The distinctiye trade-union movement in Austria runs parallel with the socialist movement. The Industrial Code of 1859, trying to compel employers and em- Eloyees to unite in trade guilds, had Trade-Unions. ijled. In 1869 a demonstration in Vienna won the right of combination for working men, and trade-unions slowly developed. A law of 1883 greatly modified the code of 1859. In June, 1891, an interesting report on Austrian trade- unionism was read before the second conference of the Social Democratic Party. According to statistics fur- nished by the various associations, for which, however, only approximate accuracy could be claimed, it ap- peared that while the number of trade-unions and mutual improvement societies (Bildungsvereine} in Austria had more than doubled since the Hainfeld Conference of 1888, the number of members belonging to these societies had increased more than threefold during the same period. The report puts the total number of trade-unions at about 300, with a total mem- bership of about 60,000. The report further stated that improved rates of wages, reduced hours of work, and the wider extension of labor agitation had proved that the trade-union organization had not been with- out effect. The publications of the Labor Press had also increased in number and importance, and their circulation had tripled or quadrupled. A resolution in favor of the support of the trade-union movement by the Social Democratic Party was unanimously adopted, and a proposal was made for the formation of special unions for working women. According to the Arbeiter Kalender for 1893, there were in Austria 148 trade-unions and political associ- ations, 143 benefit societies, 296 mutual improvement societies, 51 social unions, 37 provident and distributive societies. (This does not include Hungary.) The chief centers of Austrian trade-unionism are the indus- trial and populous districts of Lower Austria, Bohemia, and Moravia, while about a fifth of the total number of associations are established in Vienna. The highest organization is found in the printing trade and in the textile and metal industries. Industrial arbitration has had considerable develop- ment in Austria. Industrial courts were established by the code of 1869 and committees of arbitration in 1888. Even compulsory arbitration has been advocated by the factory inspectors. In 1887 an act was passed compelling all employers to insure their employees against accidents. The country is divided into dis- tricts for this purpose, and in each district an associa- tion of 18 members, one third elected by employers, one third by employees, and one third nominated by the Government, controls the insurance. Cooperation began in Austria from 1850 to 1860, but has not had great development. A union of coopera- tive societies was organized in Vienna in 1874, with 217 societies in 1892. The same year there were 2501 co- operative societies in Austria, of which 1882 were loan societies and about 300 distributive. Post-office savings banks have had more development. The system was established in 1871 by Herr Schaffle, when Minister of Commerce, and by 1891 had 4767 banks, with 847,716 depositors. The history of railroads in Austria is of interest, showing how she, a great conservative State, has been forced into the State railroad sys- tem almost against her will, and how it has prospered and recently become Bailroads. among the most progressive systems in Europe. We take the history of the early years as it is given in Professor Hadley's Rail- road Transportation : " When railroads were first invented Austria was the Austria and Social Reform. 112 Austria and Social Reform. home of bigoted conservatism. The Austrian Court and statesmen looked upon the new contrivance with a distrust, which was, from their point of view, well founded. Such rapid movement seemed to savor of dangerous radicalism, not to say revolution. The Em- peror, in 1836, made up his mind to sign a railroad charter only on the somewhat dubious ground that 'the thing can't maintain itself, anyhow." " Railroads insisted on coming, whether monarchical governments liked them or not ; and they did so much good when they came that the Government soon de- cided that they were a good thing, and gave them paternal assistance, either in the form of guaranty of interest or or direct State construction. This period in Austria lasted from about 1840 to 184$ ; it was a time of active railroad-building. The revolution of 1848 and the Hungarian war threw all industry into confusion. Under these circumstances Austria pursued exactly the opposite policy to that of Prussia. The Prussian Government tried to help railroads by buying them at low prices ; the Austrian Government, by selling them at low prices. There can be little doubt that the Aus- trian Government during this period was greatly in- fluenced by the example of France, and desired not to own its roads, but to have them owned and built by private companies, in systems radiating, from Vienna, as the French lines radiated from Paris. " The- system was one which did not bear transplant- ing. It had grown up and had been found serviceable in France, because France was so closely knit together and centered around Paris so completely. In Austria it was quite different. The country consists of many distinct States, not even bound together by ties of lan- guage or of race. That Vienna is the seat of government for them all is scarcely more than a political accident. The conditions of trade are in many respects like those of the United States. They have their international cattle trade and grain trade ; their combined rail and water routes on export business; their interstate com- merce troubles and thir granger troubles. They have a water route of dominant importance the Danube, competing with their east and west trunk lines. With these and many other through-business complications, it is easy to see that the example of France could only prove misleading. They succeeded in appropriating some of its evil results, with none of its good ones. The State sold many lines in 1853 at about half their cost of construction. So far was this* from stimulating the enterprise of private companies that, in 1859, some of the most important connecting links in Austria's trunk-line system were but half built. Her decisive defeat by France in that year was largely due to the unreadiness of her railroad system ; and the same thing made itself felt to a less extent in the war with Prussia in 1866. " The period of listlesaness, which ended about the time of the war with Prussia, was followed by a period of wild speculation, which did not end until the crisis of 1873. In spite of stringent legal provisions the same abuses manifested themselves in Austria that had been found in other countries with fewer laws. Construction companies were numerous, and left such a bad name that to call a man. ' a constructor ' is, in Germany, far more opprobrious than, to call him a liar. One example will suffice to show the reckless- ness, or rather light-headedness, of Austrian specula- tion at this time. It is all the more noticeable because Haberer, in his Railroad History, related it as if it were the most natural thing in the world. '"The crisis of 1873 brought to light a serious defect in Austrian law. While one concern after another went under, the holders of bends or debentures were resting quietly in the belief that their interests were secured. But when one and another of these roads became unable to pay their interest, the matter was looked into thoroughly, and it was found that the whole debt was unsecured, for altho there were nom- inal mortgages on the property, these mortgages had no legal authority, because they were not recorded in the manner prescribed by law.' " The prostration which followed the crisis of 1873 almost forced Austria into a policy of active State in- terference. This soon took the direction of extension of State ownership. In Hungary this policy had never been completely abandoned. In Austria itself it had been out of favor for twenty years ; and this fact, com- bined with the not over-prosperous condition of the Austrian treasury, made it impossible to move rapidly. Three quarters of the lines are still in the hands of private companies ; but matters unquestionably tend in the direction of State management." So writes Professor Hadley. Since this time the policy of State management has progressed till now about three quarters of the lines are in Government hands and return to the Govern- ment considerable revenue. The Hungarian roads have shown that State roads can be progressive by in- troducing the famous Zone system, for details of which see ZONE SYSTEM ; also RAILROADS, section Austria. Political economy to-day is strongly developed in Austria, and the new Austrian school is one of the most prominent in modern thought. The new school was founded about 1871 by Carl Menger, Professor at the University of Vienna. To this school belong Eugen B6hm-Ba- werk, formerly Proiessor at the Inns- bruck University, now Chief of Depart- pnHtio.i ment in the Austrian Ministry of Fi- .f olj nance ; also Professors Friedrich von x-conomy. Wieser and Emil Sax, both of Prague ; Victor Mahaja, Chief of Department of Statistics of the Austrian Ministry of Commerce ; also Professor Eugen von Philippovich, of the Vienna Uni- versity. This school stands squarely against the classical, and is also the opponent of the historical schooL The Austrians lay much stress upon exact observa- tion and exhaustive description of the facts of social life. Upon these they build their theories. They do not confuse the problems of political economy and psychol- ogy, yet they seek a more psychological basis than the English economists. Sax, in his work, Die neuesten Fortschritte der na.tionaldkonotn.tsc/ien Theorie, de- fined political economy as adapted psychology. Bohtn- Bawerk in Hildebrand-Conrads' Jalirbucher fur Na- tionalokonomie und Statistik, "1890, expects that the new school will be called the "psychological school." In their method the Austrians meet, on one side, mod- ern philosophy, and on the other modern natural science. Menger maintains- the deductive methods, and calls his work the "exact method." Bohm- Bawerk calls the method the "isolating one." Menger distinguishes three branches in political economy : the historic and statistic, which must examine and classify all economic acts of the individual and the State ; the theoretic-political, which must reduce the same acts to' general laws ; the practical-political, which must define the rules for everybody's behavior. In this last group he puts social science and finance. The new school has found many disciples in the United States, England, Italy, France, the Nether- lands, Denmark, and Sweden. The works of Bohm-Bawerk (q. v.~) upon capital are considered among the best treatments of that subject. For further information as to the Austrian school, see POLITICAL ECONOMY. III. HUNGARY. Abridged from the Report on Hungary of the {English) Royal Commission. Altho there is not a labor question in Hun- gary in the sense that there is one in more high- ly developed industrial or manufacturing com- munities, a movement toward the improvement of the moral, political, and social conditions of the working people is certainly gaining ground. This movement is now finding striking expres- sion, as it did a few years since in the counties of Bekes and Csanad, in local outbreaks of vio- lent agrarian socialism. Apart from these events , official reports relating to industrial centers would lead to the conclusion that such socialism as there is does not turn in the direction of com- munism, but is rather the expression of a na- tional and political impulse. Hungary has only recently entered into the field of manufacturing industry in the large sense. " The efforts of government and finan- cial institutions to foster the growth of native industry have been determined and strenuous. The progress made has been extremely rapid. Factories are being built in considerable num- bers ; enterprises commercial, mining, and manufacturing are being promoted on every side ; railway communication has been extend- ed and improved ; and, in short, Hungary has Austria and Social Reform. Baader, Franz Xavier. set to work with the vigor and exuberant hope- fulness of a young colony to further her mate- rial prosperity." In spite of all this it is true, and must be borne in mind, on the one hand, that in the strictly industrial sphere Hungary is still chiefly a country of small industries or handi- crafts, while development of new and large in- dustries is frequently hampered by a lack of skilled labor ; and, on the other hand, that the economic strength, as well as the chief labor problems of Hungary, turn upon the natural agricultural and mineral resources of the coun- try. The industrial law of 1872 was the first law which quite ended the old guild system. It was ' ' a complete victory for the extreme individual- istic tendency, which worked out its influence several years later in Hungary as in the rest of Europe. ' ' The draft bill laid before Parliament contained a number of compulsory provisions of a socialist character, which were successfully combated and repelled by the liberal individual- ist party only, as events proved, to be partially embodied in the law of 1884 later on. The change in the industrial law of Hungary, introduced by the law of 1 884, it is stated by Dr. Mandello, ' ' only affected the labor question in a secondary degree. It did not affect it in the first degree, because in the matters which direct- ly relate to the workers only small alterations were made, and with the exception of the intro- duction of register of work these have not any great importance. But the indirect influence of the law was important, for it certainly strength- ened the position of the employer of handicrafts- men, by the institution of industrial guilds, and consequently increased the dependence of the worker in this sphere." The beginning of a socialist movement in Hungary can be traced back as far as 1867-68. After the agreement with Austria, which estab- lished a free administration in the country, it became possible for the working classes to de- velop and organize themselves, and an agrarian movement, mainly in the heart of the country and the pest county, took place at about the same time. The movement, however, has been constantly subject to divisions and party strifes, which have prevented its development into a strong movement. There are at least two socialist parties in Hungary, not to consider smaller differences. One of the chief subjects of division is, how far a socialist should sympathize with the national and race movements, and questions that play so large a part in Austrian politics. Nevertheless, in spite of division, socialism in Hungary has considerable strength. At a Socialist Congress in Budapest, January, 1893, there were 93 delegates, 33 of them from the provinces. References : By far the best book on Austria and so- cial reform is the Foreign Report on Austria-Hun- gary of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor (1894, price, 2S. naf.). The best Austrian magazines and papers on social subjects are the Statische Monatschrift (the statistical monthly edited by the Imperial Statis- tical Office) ; the Arbeiter Zeitung (the weekly organ of the Austrian Social Democratic Party) ; the Monat- schrift fur Christliche Social Reform (the monthly organ of the Austrian Christian Socialists). See also Braun's Sozialpolitisches Centralblatt and Conrad's Handworterbuch der Staatswissenschaften. The head- quarters in Vienna for social reform literature is (1895) Brand's bookstore, 8 Gumpendorfer Street. AVELING, EDWARD, was born Novem- ber 29, 1851, of Irish parentage on both sides. He was educated at various schools and at Uni- versity College, London, and went to Cam- bridge as Professor Michael Foster's assistant in physiology. He has been Professor of Chem- istry and Physiology at New College, and of Comparative Anatomy at London Hospital. He was a member of London School Board, 1882. An avowed atheist, he is Vice-president of the National Secular Society, socialist lecturer, jour- nalist, author, dramatist. His chief works are : Student' s Marx ; Student's Darwin ; Botany for Students ; Geology for Students ; Phy- sics ; Biology ; translations of Marx's Kapital (vol. i.) ; Engel's Socialism ; Haeckel's Pedigree of Man ; Titchomiroff's Russia. He married Eleanor, daughter of Karl Marx. AVERAGE WAGES. See WAGES. B BAADER, FRANZ XAVIER (1765-1841), was born at Munich, March 27, 1765. His fa- ther was a medical practitioner, who was a friend of some of the liberal German bishops of that day, and shared their views. Young Baader declined to follow his father's profession, and adopted that of mining. At the University of Freiburg he was the friend of Alexander von Humboldt. He became interested in specula- tive philosophy, without, however, neglecting his profession of engineering, in which he greatly distinguished himself. In 1826 Baader was made Professor of Philosophy and Speculative Theology at Munich. In religious matters he desired the reunion of Protestantism and Ca- tholicism, tho a good Catholic himself ; and having uttered a remonstrance against the abso- lutism of the Roman court in 1838, he was de- posed from his professorship. He gradually be- came more and more interested in social sub- jects. He recommended a theocracy, a State held together by Christian love, which should be equally free from lawless individualism and from despotism. Kaufman in his Christian Socialism has summarized Baader's views as follows : " Without previous and perfect union between God and man, social union can neither be effected nor main- tained. Social coordination and subordination must rest on Divine authority. All members of the social the grace of God. out love, cannot permanently secure social order. " Corporate action and association are essential to the common weal, because they imply organized social life. On the other hand, all attacks on property by way of advocating a communistic redistribution is a crime against the common interests of all. The Chris- tian law of mutual affection is the only safeguard against the disintegrating power of individualism. - Baader, Franz Xavier. 114 Bacon, Francis. With the development of the moral and religious life of the nation, social evolution will become possible also, and thus the unhealthy elements of social progress will be eliminated without the adoption of revolution- ary measures. At present, he says, the majority of men are the slaves of capital, the production of wealth i is carried on on a gigantic scale, while its distribution is alarmingly uneven and unjust. The Church must provide a new diaconate to bring about a more equita- ble redistribution. The most perfect corporation is the Catholic Church; it is, therefore, the best type of social organization. The Church is altogether opposed to the heathenish view of ownership of property, which is purely selfish, and therefore anti-social, separating private from common interests. The Church regards all men as agents and stewards of their possessions for the common good." Baader was, however, not destined to make any attempt to carry out his views, as he died in 1841, only three years after losing his Munich professorship. The Encyclopedia Britannica says of , him : " Baader is, without doubt, the greatest speculative theologian of modern Catholicism, and his influence has extended itself even beyond the precincts of his own Church. The great work of Rothe, Theologische Ethik, is thoroughly impregnated with his spirit ; and, not to mention others, J. Muller's Christhche Lehre von der Siinde and Martensen's Christliche Dogmatik show evident marks of his influence." It is not strange that such a mind should have had great influence, and that Roman Catholic socialism, as in Bishop Ketteler (q.v.), should owe very much to Baader. BABBAGE, CHARLES (1792-1871), studied at Trinity College, Cambridge ; in 1816 he was made a Fellow of the Royal Society ; in 1831 he helped found the British Association ; in 1828 he became Professor of Mathematics at Cambridge, and devoted much time and money to the build- ing of two great calculating machines. In politi- cal economy he has not contributed to economic theory, but by his full and faithful descriptions of characteristic economic phenomena he never- theless has won a high place. Especially faith- ful and discerning were his analysis and por- trayal of the benefits and effects of the division of labor. Political economy he was one of the first to declare not an exact science, like the mathematical, altho it did depend on " gen- erals being much more frequently obeyed than violated. ' ' He was no blind worshiper of Mam- mon, and sneers at the notion that no calling is respectable which does not produce wealth. In the public interest he believed that inventors should be generously rewarded by the State. His main works are : On the EconoMty of Ma- chinery and Manufactures (1832) ; Thoughts on the Principles of Taxation with Reference to a Property Tax and its Exceptions [exemp- tions from it] (1848) ; Observations on the De- cline of Science in England (1830) ; A Com- parative View of the Different Institutions for the Assurance of Life (1826) ; Essay on the General Principles which Regulate the Application of Machinery (from Encyclopedia Metropolitana, 1829) ; The Exposition 0/1851, or Views of the Industry, the Science, and the Government of England (\^\) ; Passages from the Life of a Philosopher (1864). BABEUF, FRANCOIS NOEL (1764-97), called CaiusGracchus,vfa&\)orna,i SaintQuentin. Left alone at the age of 16, his youth and whole life was stormy and wild. From the commence- ment of the revolution he wrote violent articles, and was tried, but acquitted. He edited a paper which he called Tribun de Peuple. This took place after the fall of Robespierre. He gradu- ally became more violent, and gathered round him a body of men whose main idea was to put down inequality of condition. "We desire," said they, " real equality or death." They met at the Pantheon (till their public meetings were broken up by Napoleon), and there counseled how to rouse the people to insurrection. They aimed at a real community of goods. The pub- lic authorities were to organize industry. Every one was to have a right to lodging, food, medio- cre mats frugale, clothes, washing, warming, lighting, medical attendance. In May, 1796, they had planned a general uprising, but their plot was discovered a few hours before its exe- cution, and Babeuf and Darth6 were condemned to die February, 1797. They stabbed themselves before the tribunal, but life lingered on, and they were guillotined the next day. Babeuf's last words were said to have been : "I wrap myself in a virtuous slumber." His theory of com- munism was based largely on Morelly's Code de la Nature. According to it, " the aim of society is the happiness of all, and happiness consists in equality." " Let all the arts perish," cried its followers, " provided we obtain real equality." Government was to be absolute. No private individual was to be allowed to trade with for- eign countries. Even within the country only such publications were to be allowed as taught the unqualified blessings of equality. All were to be dressed alike save for differences of age or sex. Children were to be removed from the family at an early age, to be taught of " civism" and communism. Comfortable mediocrity was the openly expressed ideal. BACON, FRANCIS, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, was born at London, January 22, 1561. He was sent to the University of Cam- bridge at the age of 13. He entered diplomacy, and was one of the suite of the English ambas- sador at Paris. He studied law, became a Member of Parliament, Solicitor-General, Keeper of the Great Seal, and Lord Chancellor. He was made Baron Verulam, then Viscount. In 1621 he was convicted of corruption in office on his own con- fession. After this he devoted himself entirely to science and literature till his death in 1626. Altho dishonorable in public life, Bacon's fame as a literary and scientific man is of the first order. His life was contemporary with the birth of modern science, and with it his name has al- ways been associated. Altho he may not be the father of inductive philosophy as he was for long considered yet his scientific works were wonderful efforts of reasoning for a period when science was in its infancy. As a literary man Bacon always exhibits profound thought ex- pressed in a remarkable and splendid style. There are few subjects with which he did not oc- cupy himself. In his day economic questions did not form a separate study, nor were they of much account. Bacon , however, here and there touches on them, as in Essay XXXIV., Of Riches, and in the essay on Plantations. He discusses the government of colonies, and says : " Let there be freedom from custom till the plantation Bacon, Francis. Bakounin, Michael. be of strength, and not only freedom from cus- tom, but freedom to carry their commodities where they may make their best of them, except there be some special cause of caution." In the History of Henry VII. and in other shorter works he shows himself a deep student of hu- man and social philosophy. The New Atlantis is abrief Utopia, written between 1614 and 1617, and published after his death in 1627. Bacon's chief works were his Essays, The Ad- vancement of Learning, the Novum Organum, and the History of the Reign of Henry VII. B AGE HOT, WALTER (1826-77), was born and died at Langport, Somersetshire. He was the son of a banker, and was educated at Lon- don University. Called to the bar, he chose to enter his father's bank. He first became known as a brilliant and buoyant literary critic and general writer. In 1858 he married the eldest daughter of James Wilson, editor of The Economist, and two years later succeeded to the editorship, continuing thus till his death. He was considered one of the best financiers of his day. His especial service in economics may be said to have been to have reconciled them with history. He had almost unbound- ed admiration for Ricardo, with whom as a successful man of business he had many points of agreement. " Adam Smith," he said, " dis- covered the country (of political economy), but Ricardo made the first map." He considered himself the last man of the ante-Mill period. Mill and Cairns had already shown that the old political economy was hypothetic, dealing not with real, but imaginary " economic men," who were simply conceived ' ' as money-making ani- mals. ' ' Bagehot showed that the world in which these men were supposed to act was a very limited and peculiar world. ' ' What marks off this special world," he tells us, " is the prompt- ness of the transfer of capital and labor from one employment to another." In history and life, as Bagehot showed, this is not the case. Bagehot therefore endeavored to confine the theoretical portion within its true bounds and to modify it by an appeal to the actual and the concrete. He named his great treatise Lombard Street, not The Money Market, because he de- sired to show that he dealt with the concrete and not the abstract. His sympathies were with the capitalists, the people "who spend their minds on little else than on thinking whether other people will pay their debts. ' ' Yet to the working classes and trade-unions he was never hostile. His only remedy was laissez-faire. As was natural from his position, his best de- tailed work was in elucidating the orthodox teaching concerning banking and finance. His mam writings are : Letters on the Coup d" Etat of 185 '/, written to the Inquirer (Unita- rian organ), 1852, and reprinted in vol. i. of Lit- erary Studies; Parliamentary Reform, reprint- ed, with additions, from the National Review (1858) ; History of the Unreformed Parlia- ment ; Estimates of Some Englishmen and Scotchmen (1858) ; many articles in the Econo- mist (1860-77) I Physics and Politics ; or, Thoughts on the Application of the Princi- ples of Natural Selection and Inheritance to Political Society (1872, International Scientific Series) ; Lombard Street : A Description of the Money Market (1873) ; various articles in the Fortnightly Review e.g. , Postulates of Po- l it ic a I Economy (February and May, 1876) ; The English Constitution (1867) ; International Coinage: A Practical Plan for Assimilating the English and American Money as a Step toward a Universal Money (1869 ; second edi- tion, 1889) ; On the Depreciation of Silver (1877) ; Literary Studies (with a biography of the author), edited by R. H. Hutton, 2 vols., (1879) ; Economic Studies (1880) ; Biographical Studies (1881). BAKOUNIN, MICHAEL(i8i4-76). Bakou- nin, the father of revolutionary anarchist-com- munism, was born in Torschok, Russia, of aris- tocratic and even princely family. Educated for the military service, he became an artillery officer, and was stationed in Poland ; but by 1835 became disgusted with Russian militarism, and went to Moscow to study philosophy, reading mainly Hegel and Schopenhauer, in company with Alexander Herzen, the later notorious Rus- sian revolutionist, and others of similar type. In 1841 he went to Berlin and joined the Hegelians A Commu- there, becoming particularly ac- nist. quainted with Arnold Ruge, and writing in his Deutsche Jahr- bucher, at Dresden. He was led by Ruge to be a communist. In 1843 Bakounin went to Paris, and there made the acquaintance of Proudhon and his writings, and learned to give to his communistic views an anarchistic basis. Going for a while to Switzerland, he identified himself with every revolutionary movement now advocating the cause of Poland, now de- claring a revolutionary internationalism, then appearing and taking part in the Panslavist Congress at Prague in 1848. These inconsisten- cies won for him the nickname of ' ' the myste- rious Russian ;" but he went on, consistently or inconsistently, identifying himself with every revolutionary movement. In 1849 he resided for a time in Leipsic, surrounding himself with Czech students, and endeavoring to provoke a fresh rising in Bohemia. When in that year the revolution broke out in Dresden, Bakounin joined it. He was, however, captured during a skirmish and condemned to death. On the eve of being shot he was handed over to the Aus- trian authorities, and tried by them for his part in the Czech rebellion. Again sentenced to death, he was claimed, this time by Russia, and handed over to her and imprisoned in the for- tress of Schliisselburg, and in 1852 transported to Siberia. These mysterious transfers were said to be on the ground of the jus primes exe- cutionis ; but there were not lacking enemies who declared that he obtained his transfers by betraying his fellow-exiles. Be this as it may, in 1860 Bakounin reappeared in London, hav- ing escaped from Siberia by the way of japan and the United States. He immediately resumed his advocacy of Panslavism, and became more revolutionary than ever. He wrote in Herzen's journal, Kolokol (The Bell}, and exerted wide influence, among other ways, by his brochure, Romanoff and Pugatcheff. In 1863 he made his last efforts to aid a Polish insurrection. By Bakounin, Michael. 116 Bakounin, Michael. 1864 he had renounced Panslavism and declared for revolutionary internationalism alone, and in 1865 went to Italy to organize the revolution there. When the International was formed in London in 1864 Bakounin The Inter- did not at first join it ; but soon real- national, izing its power, he threw himself into it and became the leader of its anarchist wing against Marx, the leader of the socialist wing. The names anarchist and socialist were not then used save in a vague way ; both Marx and Bakounin called themselves communists, but gradually around these two leaders arose the two distinct movements which have since become the socialist and anarchist-communist movements existing to-day, and completely opposing each other in all European countries. The difference, however, only gradually asserted itself. The International at first was simply an effort to unite the workers of all countries. It stood in various countries for what the workmen of that country made it. In England it meant little more than interna- tional trade-unionism ; in Germany it meant socialism ; in the Latin countries it soon came to mean anarchist-communism. (See INTERNA- TIONAL.) At a congress of a so-called peace league in 1867 in Geneva, Bakounin had favored the aboli- tion of centralized States, and the substitution of voluntary federations of independent com- munes. At the next congress, in 1868, held at Berne, under the presidency of Victor Hugo, he urged joining the International. Failing to con- vince the assembly, he formed his supporters into a Social Democratic Alliance, the aim of which was to make land and capital the collec- tive property of society, to be used only by agri- cultural and manufacturing associations. All existing States were to " disappear in the uni- versal union of free associations. ' ' The Alliance desired to be recognized as part of the Interna- tional, but its claim was rejected, whereupon it dissolved after six months' existence, during which it had been active in Spain and Italy, and its sections joined the International separately. At the beginning of 1869 the groups of the In- ternational in French-speaking Switzerland or- ganized themselves as the Romance Federation. This speedily split into two sections, one of which , under James Guillaume, a disciple of Bakounin, became the Federation of the Jura. Its mem- bers called themselves Federationists, or Autono- mists, and stood for Bakounin's extreme views. On September 28, 1870, Bakounin organized an insurrection at Lyons, which failed. He had prepared the decree which was to pronounce the abolition of the State, but, as his opponent Marx said, two compa- His Views, nies of bourgeois national guards were sufficient to send him flying to Geneva. In a pamphlet entitled Letters to a frenchman (September, 1870) he set forth the line of action that he wished to see adopted by the revolutionists in France, and which the revolution of March 18 was, in fact, about to follow to the letter. The principal points of this program are the following : ' ' The insurgent capital forms itself into a com- mune. The federation of the barricades is maintained in permanence. The communal council is formed of delegates, one for each barricade or ward, deputies who are respon- sible and always revocable. The council chooses from its members separate executive committees for each department of the revolutionary admin- istrative of the commune. The capital declares that, all central government being abolished, it renounces the government of the provinces. It will invite the other communes, both urban and rural, to organize themselves ' revolutionarily," and to send to a place to be named delegates, with imperative and revocable mandate, in order to establish the federation of the autonomous communes and to organize the revolutionary force necessary to triumph over the reaction. This organization is not limited to the insur- gent country. Other provinces or countries may join in it. The communes which pronounce for the reaction shall be excluded from it. ' ' Failing in France, Bakounin resorted to Italy. He had already in 1865 formed a group of active communists in Naples, and this became the Neapolitan group of the International. In a letter written from Locarno on April 5, 1872, to Francesco Mora, at Madrid, Bakounin thus described the socialistic movement in Italy : ' ' You are doubtless aware that the International and our dear Alliance have lately taken a great development in Italy. Hitherto it was not revo- lutionary instincts that were wanting, but or- ganization and the revolutionary idea. Both are now established so thoroughly that, next to Spain, Italy is perhaps the most revolutionary country in the world. There is in Italy what is wanting elsewhere a youth, ardent, energetic, without career, with no outlet, and which, in spite of their bourgeois origin, are not morally and intellectually worn out as in other countries. To-day they throw themselves headlong into revolutionary socialism, and our whole program, the program of the Alliance. Mazzini, our ' genial ' and powerful antagonist, is dead and the Mazzinian party completely disorganized ; while Garibaldi allows himself more and more to be drawn along by this youth of Italy, who bear his name indeed, but who go ahead infinite- ly faster and farther than he." This same year, however, Bakounin was to make his break with the Marxian wing of the International. When the congress of the Inter- national was to be held in 1872, Marx succeeded in having it called at The Hague, where Bakou- nin could not come, since he would have been arrested in passing through either France or Germany. At the congress, therefore, Marx had it all his own way. The partisans of Bakou- nin were defeated, and the general council of the International was transferred to New York City, to remove it from the influence of Bakou- nin. The Federation of the Jura immediately raised the standard of revolt. They convoked at St. Imier a separatist congress, which de- clared that it refused to abide by the decisions of The Hague, and that it continued to consider Bakounin and Guillaume as members of the In- ternational. In September, 1873, both the Marxists and the Autonomists held a congress at Geneva, each claiming to be the true International. The autonomists were the stronger. Bakounin ap- peared to have conquered. It was the last con- Bakounin, Michael. 117 Ball, John. gress of the Marxist International. The real triumph of Marxian socialism was not then ap- parent. Bakounin retired to Lugano, in Italy, but returned to Switzerland, and died in Berne July i, 1876, Elisee Reclus, Paul Brousse, J. Guillaume, and others gathering round his grave, and uniting in October of the same year to carry on his work, organizing the cause to which Reclus later gave the name of anarchist- communism. (For the future history of that movement see ANARCHISM.) Bakounin is said, by Reclus, to have been a man of great thought, strength of will, and un- tiring energy. By Felix Dubois he is described as a man of no original thought, hungry only for a notoriety to be obtained by any means. He was the embodiment of the revolutionist. He wrote of the International : " It desires a universal revolution, at once social, philosophical, economical, and political, in order that the existing order of things which is founded on prop- erty, on exploitation, on the principle of authority, whether religious, metaphysical, doctrinaire after the manner of the bourgeoisie, or revolutionary after the 'manner of the Jacobins may be absolutely over- thrown, so that not one stone of it shall remain upon another, first throughout Europe, and then in the rest of the world. Raising the cry of ' Peace for the work- ers! Liberty for the oppressed!' and 'Death to ty- rants, exploiters, and patrons of all kinds !' we wish to destroy all States and all churches, wjth all their in- stitutions and laws, religious, political, juridical, finan- cial, magisterial, academical, economical, and social, in order that all these millions of poor human beings, who are cheated, enslaved, overworked, and exploited having been at last delivered from their masters and benefactors, whether official or officious, whether asso- ciations or individuals may henceforth and forever breathe in absolute freedom." His ideal of the future was not formulated. He wrote : " All reasonings about the future are criminal, be- cause they hinder destruction pure and simple, and fetter the progress of the revolution. . . . The revolutionist is a man under a vow. He ought to have no personal interests, no The Revolt!- business, no feelings, no property. He tionist ought to be entirely absorbed in one single interest, one single thought, one single passion the Revolution. . . . He has only one aim, one science de- struction. For that, and for nothing else, he studies mechanics, physics, chemistry, and sometimes medi- cine. With the same object, he observes men, charac- ters, the situations, and all the conditions of the social order. He despises and detests existing morality. For him everything is moral that helps on the triumph of the Revolution, everything is immoral and criminal that hinders it. Between him and society there is war war to the death, incessant, irreconcilable. He ought to be ready to die, to endure torture, and with his own hands to kill all who place obstacles in the way of the revolution. So much the worse for him if he has in this world any ties of relationship, of friendship, of love! He is no true revolutionist if these attachments stay his arm. Nevertheless, he must live in the midst of society, feigning to be what he is not. He must pen- etrate everywhere among the upper classes, as well as among the middle into the merchant's shop, into the church, into the Government offices, into the army, into the literary world, into the detective force, and even into the imperial palace. . . . He must prepare a list of those who are condemned to death, and dis- patch them in the order of their relative misdoings. A new member can only be admitted into the associa- tion by a unanimous vote, and after his qualities have been proved, not by words merely, but by deeds. Each "companion" should have under his control sev- eral revolutionists of the second or third degree, not wholly initiated. He should consider them as part of the revolutionary capital placed at his disposal, and he should expend them economically and so as to abstract the greatest possible profit out of them. . . . The most valuable element are women who are completely initiated, and who accept our whole program. With- out their aid we can effect nothing." Bakounin was not a voluminous writer. His best work is probably God and the State, which has been translated by B. R. Tucker (1883). His other writings were mainly attacks upon Marx and Mazzini, or violent Bulletins of the Federation of the Jura. BALANCE OF TRADE, the difference be- tween the amount or value of the commodities exported from and imported into a country. The balance is said to be favorable to a country when the value of its exports exceeds that of its imports, and unfavorable when it is vice versa. This is derived from the old idea long prevalent, but especially developed by the mercantilists (g.v.), that wealth consists only, or at least main- ly, in money, and that therefore that country which exports more commodities than it imports must be rich, since it receives money to pay for the excess of its exports. Clement Armstrong, in his Treatise Concerning the Staple and the Commodities of this Realme (\<->-y>), says : " The holl welthe of the realme is for all our riche commodites to gete owt of all other realmes, therefore redy money ; and after the money is brought into the holl realme, so shall all peple in the realme be made riche therwith." This was the universal theory in the middle ages, when there was what has been called a " balance of bargain" theory, each State striv- ing on every bargain to obtain a balance of money. The first real refutation of the theory seems to have been by Nicholas Barbon in 1690, tho it remained largely accepted till the onslaught upon it by Hume in his Essays (1752), and the more calm and judicious analysis of Adam Smith. To-day, when it is seen that wealth may consist in many things besides money, the absurdity of the theory is apparent. Provided that one makes a favorable exchange, it matters little whether one pay in money or in com- modities. Yet the theory, tho given up by all reputable economists, still occasionally appears in the utterances of so-called statesmen and the Avriters of editorials, from whom one would look for better things. This assertion of the ab- surdity of the theory must not, however, be taken to deny that under medieval conditions there was not a certain advantage in receiving money over other commodities, and that even to-day the same may hold for certain monetary reasons ; but this is simply for monetary rea- sons, not for reasons of value of exchange or de- velopment of wealth. See Buckle's History of Civilization in England, vol. i., pp. 210-212 ; J. Janschull's English Free Trade (Russian, i part, Moscow, 1876) ; E. von Heyking's Zur Geschichte der Handelsbilanztheorie (Berlin, 1882) ; W. Cunningham's The Growth of Eng- lish Industry and Commerce, p. 362 (1885) ; C. F. Bastable's The Theory of International Trade, p. 164 (Dublin, 1887) ; G. Schanz's Eng- lische Handelspolitik (1881). BALL, JOHN (1338-81). The importance of John Ball's position in the annals of social re- form comes from his connection with that move- ment which once and for a few moments only made the laboring class supreme in fourteenth century England. He was born probably about 1338, witnessed the Black Death while a scholar at Ball, John. 118 Ball, John. St. Mary's, York, and was ordained to the priest- hood not long after 1356, becoming one of the class of parochial chaplains, who corresponded among the clergy to the artisan class among the laity. It was toward the end of the long reign of Edward III. and about seven years before Wyc- liff e raised his voice at Oxford that the ' ' mad priest," as it suited the land-owners to call him, began to prophesy against the evils of his time ; and, as John Richard Green has said, "in the preaching of John Ball England first listened to the knell of feudalism and the declaration of the rights of man. " And England was ripe for the message. Since the troublous times under Stephen, nearly two centuries before, the land had enjoyed a steady growth of material pros- perity, towns had increased in size, guilds of arti- sans, regulating their own affairs, had grown up, and the class of " free laborers" which had come into being was the thin end of the wedge which was to destroy villeinage. These changes re- ceived an impetus first from the famine of 1315-16, and again from the Black Death in 1348, during which crises the poor suffered such hard- ship that their numbers were greatly thinned, and their services became more valuable in pro- portion to their scarcity. The landlords and wealthier craftsmen of the towns resisted this rise of wages, and consequently provoked the first quite clearly marked conflict between capi- tal and labor in the annals of English history. At first by royal proclamation, and subsequent- ly by the repeated enactments with added penal- ties of the famous " Statute of Laborers," every effort was made to defeat the rising prosperity of the artisans and peasants. The scarcity of workers also led to attempts, on the part of the nobles and lawyers, to reduce to serfdom again those who had, in one way or another, attain- ed their freedom. All this of course tended to raise bitter class feeling and active resistance. Successful revolutions are seldom the work of starving men ; for empty stomachs are not con- ducive to the clearness of vision necessary to plan and carry out such movements. The years of prosperity following the Plague of 1348 had done more to open the eyes of the peasants than all the centuries of poor rations which had gone before. The spirit of independence had gone abroad, and every resistance only fanned its flame. Such were the conditions amid which Ball be- gan his life-work, and for 20 years preached a Lollardry of a coarser and more popular sort than that of Wycliffe. He traveled from place to place, and preached in His Life, churchyards and from the market crosses to crowds, which were ever increasing as he incurred the great- er displeasure of the authorities. He insisted on the necessity of marriage, on a voluntary priesthood, on the in justice of demanding tithes from poor men ; and he particularly denounced those who were trying to 'force the villeins back into their condition before the Black Death. He was accused before the authorities of mani- fold errors, and of stirring up strife, and was re- buked by Islip, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and excommunicated, while working in his dio- cese, by the Bishop of Norwich. From the head- quarters which he maintained in Essex his work extended in all directions, and he gradually be- came the recognized head of an ever-growing labor party, whose sections in the different parts of the country were united by a great band of itinerant priests, whose office enabled them to travel unsuspected in every direction. While all this was going on events were rapidly pre- paring the way for insurrection. The peasants were filled with what Professor Rogers calls a "religious socialism." The actual outbreak was delayed by several causes, for the leaders were loth to provoke an appeal to arms, tho as early as 1375 they seem to have decided that it would ultimately be necessary. Between 1375 and 1377 riots were frequent, and the people were held back with great difficulty. Then Ed- ward III. died, and the hopes of the popular party for a better state of things were revived for a short time, while the troubles with the French helped to distract attention from the troubles at home. But when defeat abroad added to misery at home was capped by a fresh tax levy, to which the poor were compelled to contribute as much as the rich, the suffering became unbearable. In the early part of 1381 Ball began sending letters to his party every- where, saying that the time for action had come. In April he was imprisoned, first in Maidstone jail and then in the Archbishop's palace at Can- terbury ; but his plans were too well laid to be so frustrated, and in June the storm burst. The people Wat Tyler's rose simultaneously in all parts of Rebellion. the country. Canterbury, where ' ' the whole town was of their sort, ' ' was thrown open to the insurgents, who plun- dered the Archbishop's palace and released Ball, who thenceforth became the heart of the move- ment, as Wat Tyler was its military head. Then they moved on London, occupied Black- heath and Southwark, and sent their demands to the king, at the same time crossing the Bridge and burning the new palace of the hated John of Gaunt and the hospital of St. John. The best of order and discipline were maintained ; gold and silver vessels they smashed with axes, jewels they brayed ; they stole nothing. This was on June 11-13. On the i4th the insurgents insisted on a conference with the king, and he came forth from the Tower, and met them almost alone at Mile End, giving assent to their demand : " We will that you make us free forever, ourselves, our heirs, and our lands ; and that we be no more bond, or so reputed." He set clerks at work writing charters of manumission , and giv- ing these to them, he bade them go home at once, which many did, thus weakening their strength through division. On the isth, while Tyler was conferring with the king alone, and under the protection of a safe-conduct, he was murdered by Wai worth, the mayor, and the rebels, having lost their chief and leader, fell into the stratagem of the king, who put himself at their head and persuaded them to leave Lon- don altogether. Ball seems to have made an unsuccessful attempt to rally the peasants again ; but, being caught at Coventry, was hung, drawn, and quartered, after the fashion of the time. " The peasants were dispersed and defeated," says Professor Rogers ; " their leaders were tried, sentenced, and hanged ; but the solid Ball, John. 119 Bands of Hope. fruits of victory rested with the insurgents of J une , 1 3 8 1 . Once in the history of England only once, perhaps, only in the history of the world peasants and artisans attempted to effect a revolution by force. They nearly succeeded at least they became for a short time the masters of the situation. That they would have held the advantages they gained at Mile End, had they provided against the tragedy of Smithfield, is im- probable. But they caused such terror by what they actually did that they gained all they claimed, and that speedily. The English labor- er, for a century or more, became virtually free and constantly prosperous. ' ' FRANCIS WATTS LEE. References : English Social Reformers, by H. de B. Gibbins (London, 1892) ; A Dream ofjohn Ball, by Will- iam Morris (London, 1888) ; English Popular Leaders, by C. E. Maurice (London, 1872) ; in an article or\.John Ball, by James Gairdner, in Stephen's Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1885), and in An Intro- duction to English Economic History and Theory, by W. J. Ashley (London, 1893), a less favorable view is taken. BALLOU, ADIN (1803-90), was born in Cum- berland, R. I. His family was of Norman-French origin. His ancestor, Maturin Ballou, in 1646 aided in founding the city of Providence, R. I. Adin Ballou's parents were Ariel and Edilda, formerly Tower. In 1822 he married Abigail Sayles, who died February, 1829. On March 3, 1830, he married Lucy Hunt. At 1 1 years of age Adin Ballou felt a fervor of the Divine spirit, and year by year it developed, and at 1 8 he preached his first discourse. He became a Universalist, and was listened to with the closest attention. He published many books and pamphlets, and edited many papers on mainly reformatory subjects. In 1841 he was the founder of the Hopedale Community (q.v.), in Massachusetts, which, as long as it remained tinder the management of Mr. Ballou, succeeded in doing the good it started out to accomplish. He did remain at its head for over 10 years, but was finally superseded by an intriguing busi- ness man, who got the lead and ruined the com- munity. Mr. Ballou, however, lived on in quiet life until 1890. (For his views, see HOPEDALE.) "BALTIMORE PLAN," THE. The pro- posed currency reform known as the " Baltimore plan" received its name from having been pro- posed at the annual convention of the American Association of Bankers on October n, 1894, by the Clearing House Association of Baltimore, as a body representing the banking interests of that city. The " Baltimore plan" is briefly outlined as follows by the editor of the Engineering Maga- zine in an introductory paragraph to two ad- dresses delivered before the convention, which he publishes : " It provides that bond security for national bank-notes shall be abolished ; that the banks shall be permitted to issue circulating notes up to 50 per cent, of their paid-up capital (and under emergency conditions an additional 25 per cent, may be named) ; that the notes of failed banks are to be paid out of a ' Guarantee Fund,' created by an annual tax on all national bank-notes sufficient to cover such failures ; that the Government shall have a prior lien upon the assets of each failed bank and upon the liabili- ties of shareholders, for the purpose of restoring the amount withdrawn from the ' Guarantee Fund ' for the redemption of its circulation ; and otherwise that the redemption of all na- tional bank-notes and the close scrutiny of all national banking affairs shall be carried on by the Government as at present. ' ' It will be seen that practically the only change proposed is the substitution of a guarantee fund for Government bonds as security. From this fund, which, as is specified in the plan, shall be equal to 5 per cent, of the outstanding circulation, the Govern- ment is to redeem notes of failed banks. (See BANKS AND BANKING.) BANDS OF HOPE. Temperance organiza- tions for juveniles, established in great numbers throughout all the English-speaking countries, frequently as departments of church and Sun- day-school work. In the United States the name " Band of Hope" has been generally changed to " Loyal Temperance Legion," al- tho some local organizations are continued under the old name. The Band of Hope pledge in this country is as follows : " I hereby solemnly pledge myself to abstain from the use of all intoxicating drinks, includ- ing wine, beer, and cider, as a beverage ; from the use of tobacco in every form, and from all profanity. ' ' Concerning the Bands of Hope of the United Kingdom, the editorial secretary gives the fol- lowing information in the Cyclopedia of Tem- perance and Prohibition : " The first society called a Band of Hope was formed in England in October, 1847. Temperance societies for children and young people, on a distinctly total ab- stinence basis, had existed, however, many years earlier, both in the British Isles and the United States. The origin of the first Band of Hope must be jointly at- tributed to the efforts of Mrs. Carlile, of Dublin, and the Rev. Jabez Tunnicliff, a Baptist minister of Leeds. In August, 1847, Mrs. Carlile visited Leeds to address children in Sunday and day-schools on the subject of temperance. Mr. Tunnicliff, who had occasionally ac- companied Mrs. Carlile in her visits to the schools, felt convinced that unless something was done to fol- low up her labor it would be largely lost. Accordingly, before Mrs. Carlile left Leeds, a meeting was called, an organization was formed, a name was adopted, and a committee was appointed to perfect the plan. The first Band of Hope meeting was held late in October, when about 300 children sat down to tea, more than 200 of them taking the following pledge : " ' I promise to abstain from all intoxicating drinks as beverages.' " The movement spread nowhere with greater suc- cess than in the county of its birth, where at the pres- ent time there are probably over 2000 juvenile temper- ance societies of one kind or other. In 1851 the first Band of Hope Union was formed. A Union for London was established in 1855, which in 1864 became the ' United Kingdom Band of Hope Union.' County unions rapidly followed, and now cover the greater part of England. The United Kingdom Band of Hope Union, with which the various organizations are asso- ciated, aims at furthering the interests of the whole movement throughout the country. It assists local unions and societies by means of its lecturers and dep- utations, by public meetings, conferences, missionary efforts, literature, correspondence, and advice. Its sphere of work is in Bands of Hope, Sunday-schools, day-schools, colleges, orphan asylums, industrial and district schools, training ships, reformatories, and the homes of the children. Its latest and most important effort is the 'school scheme,' by which, through the kindness of munificent friends, the committee is enabled to devote ^2000 per annum for the next five years to the delivery of scientific lectures and addresses in day- schools, and to other important educational work." The latest estimate of the strength of the movement, compiled from the best available Bands of Hope. Bank of England. data, shows that there are nearly 15,000 Bands of Hope and juvenile temperance organizations in England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, with upward of 1,800,000 members. BANK OF AMSTERDAM, THE, was founded in 1609, and was long the great ware- house for coin and bullion in Europe. It was at first simply the custodian of the coin and bullion deposited in it, for which it gave re- ceipts which could be transferred from hand to hand. Later, the bank began the practice of making advances upon deposits, or giving credit upon its books, usually to the amount of about 5 per cent, below the mint price of the bullion deposited. This practice eventually occasioned its ruin, because the bank made large advances to the Dutch East India Company and certain provinces in Holland, and during the French occupation of the last part of the last century it was found insolvent. The city of Amsterdam finally paid off those who had the paper of the bank ; but though effort was made to revive it, it closed in 1820. Adam Smith gives a full ac- count of the Bank of Amsterdam. He says (Wealth of Nations, Book iv., chap, iii.) : " Before 1609 the great quantity of clipped and worn foreign coin which the extensive trade of Amsterdam brought from all parts of Europe reduced the value of its currency about 9 per cent, below that of good money fresh from the mint. Such money no sooner appeared than it was melted down or carried away, as it always is in such circumstances. The merchants, with plenty of currency, could not always find a suf- ficient quantity of good money to pay their bills of exchange ; and the value of those bills, in spite of general regulations which were made to prevent it, became in a great measure uncertain. ' ' In order to remedy these inconveniences, a bank was established in 1609 under the guaranty of the city. This bank received both foreign coin and the light and worn coin of the country at its real intrinsic value in the good standard money of the country, deducting only so much as was necessary for defraying the expense of coinage and the other necessary expense of management. For the value which remained, after this small deduction was made, it gave a credit in its books. This credit was called bank money, which, as it represented money exactly according to the standard of the mint, was al- ways of the same real value and intrinsically worth more than current money. It was at the same time enacted that all bills drawn upon or negotiated at Amsterdam of the value of 600 guilders and upward should be paid in bank money, which at once took away all uncertainty in the value of those bills. . . . These deposits of coin, or those deposits which the bank was bound to restore in coin, constituted the original capital of the bank. ... At present they are supposed to constitute but a very small part of it. In order to facilitate the trade in bullion, the bank has been for these many years in practice of giving credit on its books upon deposits of gold and silver bullion." BANK OF ENGLAND, THE, was estab- lished in 1694 by act of Parliament (William and Mary, V. c. 20), having been projected by Will- iam Paterson, a Scotchman, then resident in London, who had carried on a business with America. Its establishment grew out of the Government's need of money. Certain sub- scribers were ready to loan the Government .1, 200,000, and to do this were incorporated for 1 1 years as the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, and received 8 per cent, on the loan besides 4000 a year for the expenses of management. The bank was authorized to issue notes, to make advances on merchandise, to deal in bills and bullion, and to own property in any form. It was only to deal in bills and bullion. In 1696 the bank was compelled tem- porarily to suspend payments, but recovered, and in 1697 was allowed to enlarge its capital by ,1,001,171, and to double this in 1708. Its char- ter has been continually renewed by various acts of 1697, 1708, 1713, 1742, 1764, 1781, 1800, 1833, 1844, 1861. In 1708 it was given many exclusive privileges, so that no other joint stock bank was founded in England till after the legis- lation of 1826. The bank suffered severely from a panic in 1745. Its capital has seldom differed materially from its permanent advance to the public. The main event in the history of the Bank of England till the enactment of the Bank Act was. its suspension of specie payments from 1797- 1821. This portion of its history we abridge from Professor Syme's Po- litical Economy : History. In 1 796 England had been for three years engaged in a great war with France. The fear of an invasion had just caused a run on many country banks. These had with- drawn their reserves from the Bank of England, and in 1797 the spare reserve in that institution sank to about .1,000,000. The Government in- tervened, and an act of Parliament was speedily passed which forbade the bank from paying in specie except in certain specified cases. This of course made the Bank of England notes incon- vertible. But the firmness and prudence of those at whose discretion these notes could be issued kept the paper up to its full nominal value in gold for n years (1797-1808). Then a depre- ciation began, and by the year 1814 the price of gold (in notes) increased from 3 17^. io^d. to $ 45. per oz. The close of the war led at once to a fall in the premium on gold ; in fact, the premium began to fall as soon as a speedy ter- mination of the war became pretty certain. A bill was passed requiring that all notes should be convertible at full nominal value from May i, 1823. As a matter of fact, the bank had re- turned to full specie payment over a year before this. The Bank Charter Act of 1844 was introduced by Sir Robert Peel. Its fundamental object was to limit the power of banks to issue notes. By it the Bank of England was only allowed to- have ^14,000,000 worth of notes in circulation, in addition to its actual gold reserve ; but when any other bank, having the power to issue notes, ceased to exist, the Bank of England was to be allowed to increase its note circulation by not more than two thirds of what the dead bank had been allowed to circulate. Other London banks and all banks started after the passing of the act were prohibited from issuing notes. Bank of England. 121 Bank of England. Those provincial banks -which existed when the act was passed were allowed to continue issuing up to what had been their ordinary outstanding note circulation. The Bank Charter Scotch and Irish banks were fur- Act of 1844. ther allowed an additional note cir- culation equivalent to the amount of specie they held. Under the provisions of this act the total note circulation of the United Kingdom is now limit- ed to about ^31,000,000 in addition to the actual reserves in the Bank of England and the Scotch and Irish banks. In 1 845 came the failure of the Irish potato crop. It was some time before the effect began to be felt. But by the January of 1847 the bullion in the Bank of England had sunk below ^14,000,000, as against over 16,- 000,000 in the August of 1846. The bank now raised its rate from 3 to 3^ per cent., and then, finding the drain on its reserves continued, there was a further raising to 4 per cent. Nevertheless, by April the reserve was below ,10,000,000. The rate was again raised, this time to 5 per cent. Meanwhile, in 1846 there was a second failure of the potato crop ; and in most parts of Europe the harvest was bad. Agricultural prices were higher than they had been for 34 years. There was consequently mnch specula- tion in corn, which temporarily inflated credit. But the large importations forced on a heavy fall in the price of wheat, which ruined many of the speculators. On August 9, Leslie, Alexander & Co. failed with liabilities of about .500,000. On the nth a couple of other firms failed, each with liabilities of about ^200,000. Others quickly fol- lowed. Within three weeks there were failures to the amount of over ,3,000,000 in the corn trade. By the middle of September the ruin had begun to extend to other trades. The extent to which capital had been locked up in railways intensi- fied the evil. The bank not only raised its rate to 5^ per cent., but refused to lend on what would ordinarily have been regarded as good security. Toward the end of October banks began to fail. On October 18 the Royal Bank of Liverpool had to close its doors. This brought down two other Liverpool banks. In Newcastle, in Manchester, and in other West of England places bank failures occurred. Consternation spread through the mercantile world. At length the Bank Act was suspended, and the mere knowledge that the Bank of England was free to issue notes at its discretion sufficed to stop the panic. The bank rate was now 8 per cent. ; but the bank lent freely, at high rates when the security was good, and so saved a number of firms that would otherwise have fallen. In 1857 there was another panic. Trade had been overstimulated by the Crimean War and railway building, especially in America. In New York City 62 banks out of 63 stopped payment. Many English houses failed. The scenes of 1847 were repeated on a worse scale. The balance in the Bank of England sank below .500,000. The bank rate rose to November, 10 per cent. But for the suspen- 1857. sion of the Act of 1844 the Bank of England must have closed its doors on November 13, 1857. The sus- pension of the act was once more followed by a cessation of the panic, but not till notes had been issued considerably in excess of what had been the limit under the act. Then the cycle began again. A period of stagnation was again followed by a period of revival, which developed into one of overspeculation, till the crash of 1866, since when there has been no suspension of the Bank Act. It is asserted by believers in a paper cur- rency that the Bank of England has suspend- ed 52 times, and only been saved by reverting to paper. On the other hand, it is denied that it has suspended since 1832, and it is claimed that only the Bank Act has been suspended. Professor William Sumner, in a note to his His- tory of American Currency, p. 137, explains that the run on the bank in a panic is not for gold, but for notes i.e. , for discounts. If, how- ever, there is an export of gold at the time, the notes are taken to the issue department and gold demanded. According to the charter, the bank can circulate only $15,000,000 in notes on government security, and for all other notes it must have gold, sovereign for sovereign. If, therefore, there is a drain on its bullion, it must contract or keep all notes handed in for gold. This heightens the panic. The action of the Government is to allow the bank to disregard the clause governing circulation. It promises to ask Parliament for indemnity. The bank then discounts freely for solvent parties, but at high rates. This always kills the panic as panic. By the act or charter of 1844 the bank was divided into two departments, the issue and the banking. The sole business of the issue depart- ment of the Bank of England is to give out notes to the public. Before the separation of the departments Method of the Government owed the bank Working. ^"11,015,100. This sum was declared to be now due to the issue depart- ment, and for the issues of notes to that amount it need hold no gold. This was the same as if the bank had originally lent .11,015,100 of its notes to government, and these notes had gone into circulation. The bank was also allowed to issue additional notes on securities the limit at present amounting to ^3,984,900, and this also without holding gold. The amount of notes which may thus be issued, without gold being in reserve against it, is .15,000,000. All notes above that amount can be issued only in ex- change for gold. When the act was passed in 1844, the limit of notes to be issued against the Government debt and securities was fixed at .14,000,000, for experience indicated that there would always be at least that amount of notes of the bank circulating among the people. The addition of the ;i, 000,000 is an extra issue, authorized by an act, in consequence of certain banks of issue having since given up that func- tion. The bank has to account to the Govern- ment for the net profit of this issue loan of notes of .1,000,000, and the profit the bank derives from its issue department is the interest received on the .14,000,000 of Government debt and securi- ties, which, at 3 per cent., is ^420 yearly. But put of this the bank pays to the Government, for its banking privileges, and in lieu of stamp duties, ;i 80,000. If the expense of the issue department is .160,000, the net profit upon it Bank of England. 122 Bank of Genoa. would be .80,000. The bank also makes a profit upon bullion and foreign coin. These are brought to the bank for notes ; they are worth ,3 i-js. io%d. per oz. ; but the bank is obliged by its charter to purchase them at 3 ijs. yd. The holders prefer this to having their bullion and foreign coin coined, free of charge, at the public mint, as the delay in the coining is equal to a loss of interest of i %d. per oz. The aver- age amount of notes in the hands of the public is about .25,000,000 ; but the amount issued by the issue department is greater. The difference is the amount lying in the banking department, and represents the reserve of gold of that depart- ment that is to say, the banking department retains only ,500,000 or ^750,000 of coin, and transfers the bulk of its reserve to the issue de- partment in exchange for notes. We must, therefore, regard the reserve of the banking department as gold, though in the shape of notes issued by the other department. Viewed in its banking department, the bank differs from other banks in having the manage- ment of the public debt, and paying the divi- dends on it ; in holding the deposits belonging to the Government, and making advances to it when necessary ; in aiding in the collection of the public revenue, and in being the bank of other banks ; above all, its issues are the only ones that are legal tender. For the manage- ment of the public debt the bank receives about .247,000, against which there has to be set ,124,000 of charges. The remaining profits of the bank are derived from its use of its deposits, on which it allows no interest, and of its own capital. The capital was originally 1,200,000 ; in 1816 it reached .14,553,000. There is be- sides a remainder of about .3,500,000. _The bank is situated in the center of London, but has branches in the city and provinces. Its constitution is very simple. It has a governor, deputy governor, and 24 directors, mainly chosen from firms engaged in negotiating foreign and other loans. The directors are practically self- elected. References: Lombard Street, by \V. Bagehot (Lon- don, 1873) ; English Manual of Banking, bv Arthur Crump (1886): Chapters on History and Theory of Banking, by C. F. Dunbar (New York, 1891). BANK OF FRANCE, THE, the most im- portant banking institution in that country, was founded in 1800 as a private company, and made g-actically a State bank, through the law of 24 erminal An. xi. of the First Republic (April 14, 1803). A law of April 22, 1806, placed it on its existing footing. Its original capital of 45 ,- 000,000 frs. was raised to 90,000,000 frs. divided into 90,000 shares, and has been increased since. Its governor is appointed by the State ; its coun- cil are elected by the 200 largest stockholders. The bank has now 94 branches (succursales) in France. Through the Bureau de Virements it per- forms the functions of the clearing house, and it facilitates the transmission of money be- tween the towns in which the branches are situated and the head office. The Bank of France can pay its obligations either in gold or silver of legal tender i.e., in silver pieces of five frs. It is claimed that this tends to maintain a comparatively even rate of discount, even in the foreign exchanges, favor- able to the export of gold. The number of changes since 1844 has been less than either with the Bank of England or of Germany. Con- cerning the interesting and instructive experi- ence of the Bank of France during the Franco- Prussian War, Mr. L. H. Courtney writes in the Encyclopedia Britannica : "The war of 1870-71 could not but have an important influence on the operations of the bank. Successive governments resorted to it for assistance, which was obtained by increasing the issue of its notes and by giving them a forced currency. The rate of interest, which had been 2% per cent, from May, 1867, rapidly rose to 6 and 6%, at which it remained with scarcely any variation from August q, 1870, till late in the year 1872. The rate would probably have risen much higher, but on August 13 a law was approved suspending the liability of the acceptors of bills current to meet Tr ranco .p rt is- them at maturity, and this suspension ** m was renewed until it was finally with- Sian War. drawn in July, 1871. The amount of un- paid bills held by the bank reached a maximum of 368,000,000 frs., but the ultimate loss was extremely small. On June 23, 1870, the metal- lic reserve at the bank was 1318)$ millions of frs., which was reduced to a minimum of 505,000,000 on December 24 of the same year. The notes in circu- lation before the war had been about 1,400,000,000 frs. ; but before the end of the year 1870 their volume had increased to 1,700,000,000 ; and this again rose to 2,000,000,000 before July, 1871, and to 2,400,000,000 before the end of 1871. A law of December 29, 1871, fixed the maximum at 2,800,000,000, which was finally raised on July 15, 1872, to a maximum of 3,200,000,000. The debt of the State to the bank increased concur- rently with this increase of issues, which was, indeed, authorized for the purpose of enabling the bank to as- sist the treasury. On December 26, 1870, the bank held treasury ' bons ' to the extent of 174,800,000 frs. only, but on November 30, 1871, it held 1,193,600,000 of these 'bons,' and in August, 1872, the amount reached 1,363,100,000 frs. A law of June 21, 1871, followed by an agreement between the bank and the Government, provided for the repayment of this debt in annual payments of 200,000,000, but up to this time (August, 1875) the income of the State has never been large enough to provide the whole of this sinking fund. The bank has, however, been able to increase its me- tallic reserve through the liquidation of securities and the accumulation of deposits ; so that, after having been reduced, as we have said, to 505,000,000 in Decem- ber, 1870, and not attaining to more than 634,000,000 in December, 1871, it rose in the same month of 1872 to 793,000,000, in 1873 to 820,000,000, and in 1874 to i, 331,000,000, or just the amount at which it stood before the declara- tion of war. Its volume has, however, continued to in- crease, and on March 25 of this year (1875) it stood at 1,528,000,000 ; and the forced currency of the notes of the bank might be at any time withdrawn. It must be admitted that the management of the bank throughout these years of difficulty has been eminently prudent and successful." BANK OF GENOA, THE, was organized in the form in which it is generally known, in 1407. Like the Bank of Venice, it was a bank principally of deposit and circulation. It was the financial center of the Genoese republic, and in it all the transactions in the public funds were carried on. Anderson says (Origin of Commerce, vol. i. p. 319) that in 1345 the repub- lic of Genoa had ' ' run so considerably into debt to her own citizens that in this year four of them were elected to make provision for those debts, and for the current service of the year." They were so successful that, according to the same author, " managing their stock prudently, and having many rich men concerned with them, they afterward supplied the further ne- cessities of the republic ; and for that end had at length most of the cities and territories of Genoa pawned, or, rather, sold to them ;" . . . Bank of Genoa. I2 3 Bank of Venice. - and (p. 414) : " In proportion as the wants of the republic increased, so did the credit of this house or bank, by having still more bonds, rents, and important dominions assigned to it." In Michelet's phrase, Genoa was almost a bank before a city, and the name of the bank of St. George known through all Europe. The bank finally lost its credit through the Austrian occu- pation of 1740 and the French of 1800, both oc- cupants appropriating its property. BANK OF GERMANY, THE IMPE- RIAL. Altho this bank does not occupy to other German banks so high a position as the national banks of other countries, it is still high. The present constitution of the Bank of Germany was fixed by the Bank Act of 1875, when the Bank of Prussia was merged in the Imperial Bank. In 1890 it had 243 offices in close work- ing with the government. ' ' The Bank of Ger- many," says Professor Dunbar, "is permitted to add to its circulation against securities the issue of any other issuing bank whose circula- tion drops. It is likewise permitted to exceed the legal limit, called in Germany the Reserve of Notes Tax, free, on payment of a fine of 5 per cent, per annum on the total excess issue. This had occurred three times during the first ten years since the passing of the act in 1875, and on none of these occasions was the rate of discount raised during the period of excess issue, nor was any extra pressure felt during the time. To those conversant with the effect experienced when the Bank Act of 1844 has had to be sus- pended in England, the smoothness with which this arrangement acts will be a matter of inter- est. The automatic operation of the German Bank Act certainly works well in that country, and though the different circumstances of busi- ness there do not admit of an exact comparison with England, the question deserves more at- tention than has been given it. The Bank of Germany is, even more distinctly than the Bank of France, essentially a 'State bank.' The distribution of the profits (law of December 18, 1889) is as follows : 3"^ per cent, to the share- holders, then 20 per cent, of the balance to re- serve, till it reaches one fourth of the capital ; of the remainder half to the State and half to the shareholders, till they have received six per cent. If there is any further surplus, three quarters goes to the State and one quarter to the shareholders. The first 3^ per cent., if need be, may be made up from the reserve. The German emperor appoints the president and council of the bank directory, whose office is for life, on the recommendation of the federal council. The government also, through the chancellor of the empire, exercises other powers of control, and has the right to end the existence of the bank, or to acquire its capital at its full value at the end of every ten years, commenc- ing 1891. The shareholders influence the man- agement through a committee. As in the case of the Bank of France, the arrangements as to rates of interest are uniform over the whole field of operation, and the facilities given by this, and by the action of the bank in the discount of commercial paper, as well as by the transmis- sion of cash, etc., have given a great impetus to the prosperity of the empire. There are many other banks in Germany besides the Imperial Bank, some of which issue notes. This privi- lege has, however, been relinquished to a con- siderable extent, owing to the restrictions im- posed on all banks of issue." BANK OF HAMBURG, THE, was found- ed in 1619 on the model of that of Amsterdam (q.v.). It carried on its business under the pro- tection of the city, and was one of the main causes of the great commercial prosperity of Hamburg, in its leadership of the Hanseatic League. It was a place of deposit for the pre- cious metals, principally uncoined silver. Adam Smith says that its agio was about 14 per cent. It continued to flourish down to 1875, when it became a department of the Bank of Germany (g.v.). BANK OF VENICE, THE. Concerning the origin of this famous bank, which has played such an important part in monetary discussion, authorities are disagreed, altho their disagree- ment depends mainly upon the use they give to words. According to some, the Bank of Venice dates from 1171, and according to others, from 1619. This is because the latter authorities deny that up to 1619 it was a bank in any modern or correct sense of the word. Nevertheless, whether a bank or not, it seems clear that in 1171 the re- public of Venice, in need of funds, in connec- tion with the Crusades, made a forced loan, and that an office or chamber for the loan was cre- ated, the contributors to the loan receiving in- terest. The bank, if bank this was, had no capital, and was simply a bank of deposit. Other such loans were made in 1480, 1510, and at other times. The contributors to the loan, and, later, other contributors, were given credit at the bank, and their deposits could be trans- ferred at their pleasure on the books of the bank. In the great confusion and complexity of the coins of all nations circulating in Venice, owing to its large commerce, these bank credits, transferred on the books of the bank, came to be preferred to coin. They were received as money by the public treasury, and after 1423 it was decreed that all bills of exchange payable in Venice, whether domestic or foreign, should be paid unless otherwise expressed in the bank. In 1619 it was changed into the Banco del Giro, long known as the Bank of Venice, which date some authorities give as that of the real founda- tion of the bank. The history of the Bank of Venice has been written by Stephen Colwell in his Ways and Means of Payment, and from this book believers in fiat money have drawn a strong argument in support of their views, altho these conclusions are severely criticised by their opponents. Thus, Mr. B. S. Heath, in his Labor and Finance Revolution, says (p. 101) : " Stephen Colwell's digest of 14 authorities leads to the following deductions, as will be seen by perusal of his able work : "i. It proves that there was a national bank of Venice founded on a loan of 2,000,000 ducats spent by the State in 1171, and the bank existed within the memory of living men, a period of 626 years, during which time it was gradually enlarged over 700 per cent. " 2. That A.D. 1423 it was modified by law to prevent fluctuation. " 3. That the 4 per cent, interest previously paid was abolished. " 4. That all promise of reimbursement, other than transfer of credit receipts, was abolished. Bank of Venice. 124 Banks, Rev. Louis Albert, D.D. " 5. That the nation ' took the coin of its loans one time for all ' in the nation's bank, giving a credit re- ceipt only. " 6. That no coin was kept as a specie basis of credit, or for strengthening the nation. They were immedi- ately paid out. " 7 . That no promise to pay any coin was made after 1423, for nearly 400 years of its continuance. "8. That this 'fiat ' or legal credit was that in which all coins were expressed the fixed standard of pay- ment and thus the principal money of account ; specie being for retail coin or export commodity and legal tender at 20 per cent, discount. "9. That the premium fixed by law of 20 per cent. premium over the Venetian gold ducat, so celebrated For its fineness in export, was a real superiority of legal money of account over the commodity gold, and over gold currency. " 10. That it was not dependent on any promise of convertibility or redemption in gold, as no claim for any gold was acknowledged in the National Bank. " ii. That it continued for nearly 400 years with all these extraordinary attributes, producing no financial derangements and no opposition ; but, on the contrary, grew until it exceeded the money per capita of any nation in Europe, ancient and modern, and was the pride of Venice, the envy of Europe. "12. That it only fell when Napoleon conquered Venice, when it had reached an issue exceeding $16,- 000,000 of government creditor money for 200,000 peo- ple, excluding the dependencies of Venice. ' 13. That Napoleon could not and did not find a ducat in its vaufts, as there had never been a pretense of any. That he would have taken gold if it was there is clear, and thus have been strengthened to further enslave Venice. "14. That the interest alone saved on each million ducats was $6,250,000,000,000 at 4 per cent, for 400 years, savings-bank interest." On the other hand, Professor Dunbar, in Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy, gives an account different in several essential points. According to him, the bank was simply a bank of deposit under public officers. In 1619 it was changed into the Banco del Giro, long known as the Bank of Venice. It received funds both for the State and individuals, making a small charge for holding private deposits. Transfers were made upon the books by the order of depositors ; bills of exchange were paid, and the tender of payment for any sum not less than 100 ducats could not be refused. Loans to the government compelled it to suspend more than once, espe- cially from 1717-39. For the greater part of its existence, however, it received or paid out cash on demand. It kept its accounts in ducats banco, which had no corresponding coin, but were credited or redeemed by the bank as might be required at an advance of 20 per cent, above the ducat effective of the mint. Whatever be the origin of this, it seems finally to have represented a mere difference of denomination. The bank was so successful that in 1766 it was able to reduce the interest on its funds to 4 per cent., at the same time offering payment of their principal to those who were unwilling to accept that rate. BANKRUPTCY, the state of being bank- rupt or insolvent ; in law specifically, the status of a person or corporation that by reason of in- solvency has been adjudicated a bankrupt. Bankruptcy laws are statutory regulations under which the property of an insolvent may be distributed among his creditors, with the double object of enforcing a complete discovery and an equitable distribution of the property, and of discharging the debtor from his obliga- tions and from future molestations by his cred- itors. Such laws have existed in England from the time of Henry VIII. In the United States, Congress has power by the Constitution (Art. i, Sec. 8, clause 4) to establish such laws through the United States. As the States also have the right to pass sim- ilar laws affecting their own citizens whenever there is no national law on the subject in force, it is customary to distinguish between national and State laws by calling the former bankrupt and the latter insolvent laws. Three times only in the history of the government has there ex- isted a bankrupt law. The first was passed in 1800 and was repealed in 1803 ; the second be- came law in 1841, and was taken from the stat- ute books in 1843 ; the third had the longest life : it became law March 2, 1867, and was re- pealed on June 7, 1878, the repeal to take effect September i of that year. There is at present a considerable demand for another bankrupt law to secure uniformity throughout the coun- try. Mulhall gives the following averages of fail- ures in the United States : Average Failures. Amount per Failure. ^7,100 1.830 5,800 4,882 6, 100 1876-80 . 4,100 X 88i 86 8,823 3,200 !88g . . . 2,400 According to the World A Imanac, the figures being taken from Bradstreef s returns, the fail- ures in the United States since 1889 have been as follows : Failures. Liabilities. a $175,032,810 1891 12,394 193,178,000 FAILURES FOR FIRST NINE MONTHS. 1892 7.378 -$76,971.77' 1893 ". I 74 324.087,768 According to Mulhall, the failures in England averaged : 1870-72 6,030 1879-81 11.052 1873-75 7.766 1882-84 7.263 1876-78 10,077 1885-88 4.587 BANKS, REV. LOUIS ALBERT, D.D., was born at Cornwallis, Ore., in 1855. He was educated in the public schools and at Philomath College of that State. In 1883 he- was ordained an elder in the Oregon Conference of the M. E. Church, and has since served pastorates at Port- land, Ore., Boise City, Ida., Vancouver and Seattle, Wash., and Cincinnati, O. Since 1886 he has been a pastor in the East, where he has had marked success. While in Vancouver he edited the Pacific Censor, State organ of the Washington Temperance Alliance, and so en- raged the liquor dealers that in June of 1880 he was shot down on the streets by one of their agents. For two months he preached reclining Banks, Rev. Louis Albert, D.D. 125 Banks and Banking. across chairs to eager crowds. He has been a close student of the labor problems, his revela- tions as to the Boston sweat shops bringing him national reputation. He is the author of White Slaves, in which he published the results of his sweat-shop investigations. At the State Con- vention of Massachusetts Prohibitionists, held September 8, 1893, at Worcester, he was nomi- nated for governor. BANKS AND BANKING. A bank may be defined as an institution for receiving money at or without interest, for loaning, discounting, or transmitting money, and sometimes for issu- ing notes. Banking is the business carried on by a bank. The banking institutions of the United States may be classed as national and State banks, savings-banks, private banks or bankers, cooperative banks, and loan and trust companies. (See SAVINGS BANKS ; COOPERATIVE BANKS ; CURRENCY.) I. GENERAL HISTORY. The name ' ' bank* ' is derived from the Italian banco, a bench, from the benches in the mar- kets on which the early money-changers were wont to sit. Jeremy Taylor says, " Exchangers of money made the temple to be the market and the banke" (Great Exemplar, vol. ii., chap. 2). Passing by obscure references to money-lenders and usurers on As- Early Banks. Syrian tablets in Egyptian records and classic and sacred literature, the history of banking begins with the Bank of Venice, and is continued in the history of the Banks of Genoa, Amsterdam, Hamburg, and the Bank of England, accounts of all of which will be found under their respective names. We present here a general account of banking in Europe, and then a more detailed account of banking in England and the United States. Altho the Bank of Venice was perhaps the first real bank, the origin of modern banking is large- ly to be found in Florence. Mr. Macleod says (Banking, vol. i. , p. 289) : " The names of the Bardi, Acciajuoli, Peruzzi, Pitti, and Medici were famous throughout Eu- rope. In 1345 the Bardi and the Peruzzi, the two greatest mercantile houses in Italy, failed. Edward III. owed the Bardi 900,000 gold florins, which his war with France prevented him pay- ing ; and the King of Sicily owed them 100,000 gold florins. The deposits of citizens and stran- gers with the Bardi were 550,000 gold florins. The Peruzzi were owed 600,000 gold florins by Edward III. and 100,000 by the King of Sicily, and the deposits they owed their customers were 350,000 gold florins. The fall of these two great pillars of credit involved that of multitudes of other smaller establishments, and, says Villani (Istor. Fiorent., vol. xii., p. 55), the community of Florence had never been thrown into such ruin and disorder before. And thereupon he breaks put against the folly of his fellow-citizens entrusting their money to the care of others for the love of gain. The city, however, recovered from this terrible disaster, and we find that be- tween 1430-33, 76 bankers at Florence lent 4,865, - ooo gold florins. At one time Florence is said to have had 80 bankers, but not any public bank. ' ' European Banking. The first bank to be established on really mod- ern principles as a bank issuing notes payable to bearers at sight is the Bank of Sweden, established by a Swede ... . , named Palmstruck, in 1656. Its Continental first bank-note was issued in 1658. His bank became the Riks Bank (Bank of Sweden) in 1688. It still carries on business in Sweden as the national bank. Banking in Germany, save for the great Bank of Hamburg, presents little of interest. Each German State had its own banking laws and banks of issue, confined mainly to its own neigh- borhood. After the unification of the empire an act of 1875 the Bank of Germany (q.'v.') was established, and 32 banks were recognized as possessing rights of uncovered issue of 135,000,- ooo marks, the bank of Germany being allowed 250,000,000 marks. The State itself has the right of issue of 120,000,000 marks in small de- nominations. German banking has now a capi- tal of $425,000,000 ad deposits of $730,000,000. The amount of issue is $320,000,000, and it has $295,000,000 of specie in safe. France has many large banks besides the Bank of France (g.v.}, among others the Comp- toir d'Escompte, founded 1848 ; the Credit Fon- cier and Credit Mobilier, 1852 ; the Credit Lyon- nais, 1863 ; the Societe Generale, 1864. The capital in French banking is $601 ,000,000 ; deposits, $640,000,000 ; issue, $607,000,000 ; spe- cie in safe, $505,000,000. England has many old banks. Says Mr. Cour- teney : " The still existing bank of Messrs. Smith & Co., of Nottingham, the parent of the London establishment of Messrs. Smith, Payne & Smiths, claims to have been established in 1688 ; the Bristol Old Bank (Messrs. Baillie, Cave & Co.) dates from 1750 ; the Hull Old Bank (Messrs. Pease & Co.) from 1754 ; and many other country banks trace back their history to the lat- ter half of the last century. It is believed that all these bankers issued their own notes payable to bearer as part of their business ; and they were not very scrupulous in regard to the mag- nitude of the sums for which they were given. The Bank of England had not issued any notes for less than ^20 previously to 1759, when it com- menced the issue of 10 notes ; but the country bankers put in circulation notes for such small sums, that Parliament enacted, in 1775, that none should be issued for less than i. In 1777 this minimum limit was further raised to $, but in spite of this restriction the number and the amount of the issues of the country bankers soon become dangerously multiplied. ' ' In 1792 there were said to have been 350 banks. In the panic of 1792-93 (see BANK OF ENGLAND), about 300 banks suspended payments, and 50 were totally destroyed. After the panic, however, banks gradually multiplied till 1825, when the circulation of notes of less than ^5 was forbidden. Joint-stock banks with any number of partners were allowed to issue, but did not multiply again till 1834-36, when there was a rush into banking, leading to the passage of the Banking Act of 1844 (see BANK OF ENG- LAND). Of present English banking, Professor Banking in England. Banks and Banking. 126 Banks and Banking. Dunbar gives the following statement in Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy : " The majority of the banks in England and Wales, including the Present largest and most important banks, Condition, do not issue their own notes. The act of 1844 fixed the maximum circulation of the country banks in England and Wales at s>i53,4i7 (207) private banks, .3,478,230 (72) joint-stock banks ; but of this amount, ,2,368,960 (126) private banks, and 1,462,470 (35) joint-stock banks, have since lapsed from various causes, vol- untary and other, so that the limit of the pro- vincial issues now (1890) stands at 2,784,457 (74) private banks, 2,015,760 (37) joint-stock banks. In addition to these there are 67 private and 43 joint-stock provincial banks which do not issue their own notes. The different banks vary much in size and importance. By the side of very large banks, wielding immense amounts of capital and deposits, very small concerns, pos- sessing proportionally small resources, may be found carrying on business to advantage, and competing successfully with their more powerful rivals. One result, and it is a very peculiar one, of the manner in which our banking sys- tem has developed itself, employing the Bank of England as the pivot of its transactions, is that no bank in the country keeps any large stock of the precious metals in reserve more, in fact, than habit has shown to be adequate for daily requirements except the Bank of Eng- land. " The earliest banking institution in North Britain was the Bank of Scotland, instituted by a charter of incorporation from the Scots Parlia- ment in 1695. The original capital was 1,200,- ooo Scots, or 100,000 sterling. In 1774 the amount of stock was extended to 200,000 sterling; now it is 1,250,000 sterling. In 1727 a new and similar establishment was constituted under the title of the Royal Bank of Scotland, whose advanced capi- Banks in tal is now 2,000,000. In 1746 an- Scotland. other association was formed and in- corporated by royal charter, with the title of the British Linen Company. No legislature, however, prevented the prac- tice of any kind of banking, and Scotch banking Ireland and English Colonies. developed in ways of its own. Early in the present century joint-stock banks were formed, and the old private banks became absorbed in. these. They are not many in number. By an act of 1845 no banks established after that date could issue notes a condition which has given the old banks a practical monopoly, tho they have adapted themselves to the needs of the country by establishing many branches. In 1890 there were only 10, but with nearly a thousand branches. Their average circulation was 6,- 278,000, and their deposits about 89,000,000. They all possess the power of circulation, and since they allow interest on deposits, they hold almost the whole capital of the country, but are uniformly well conducted. Banking in Ireland has few distinctive charac- teristics. There are (1895) nine banks in Ireland, whose total deposits in 1890 were about 39,000,000. The Bank of Ireland has an authorized circula- tion of 3,738,428. The deposits in the banks of the Australian colo- nies, in 1890 were 108,000,000, being largely the conduit pipes for English capital. The history of currency and banking in Can- ada has four periods : (i) the French regime ; (2) from the beginning of British government until the establishment of the first banks, 1817-18 ; (3) to the confed- eration of the provinces and the banks being organized under pro- vinical and royal charters ; (4) since 1867, when the Dominion Parliament has had exclusive jurisdiction regarding banking. No reserves are required by law, but the cash reserve in gold and legal tenders averages about 10 per cent. The larger banks keep their avail- able reserves in security loans in New York and Chicago. Forty per cent, of the cash reserves must be in Dominion legal tenders. The banks, since confederation, have provided a currency readily convertible into specie, the volume ris- ing and falling some 20 per cent, with the re- quirements of trade, largely affected by the sea- sons. The following, from the report of the Comp- troller of Currency of the United States for 1892, gives a Canada. SUMMARY OF THE CONDITION OF THE THIRTY-NINE CHARTERED BANKS OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA, ON OCTOBER 31, 1892. RESOURCES. LIABILITIES. Mortgages on real estate $846,797 20,392,077 194,123,365 2,372)527 2,452,155 1,761,259 3,328,496 8,523,980 8,137,590 28,119,162 5,740,229 8,954,339 6,708,841 11,813,254 1,643,493 1,425,966 $6i,8o9,37 24,832,474 38,688,429. 2,524,785 3.993,38i 66,427,727 99,934,970- 7,922,9ga 209,394 Loans on bonds and stocks Reserve fund Loans to the Canadian Provinces Due to the Dominion Government Due to the Provincial Governments Overdue debts Deposits to secure circulation Dominion bonds Canadian municipal, etc., securities Railway securities Due to other banks and agencies Due from other banks and agencies Real estate and bank premises. Total liabilities Notes of and checks on other banks Other resources Excess of liabilities Total resources $306,343,530 $306,343,530 Banks and Banking. 127 Banks and Banking. II. BANKING IN" THE UNITED STATES TO THE PERIOD OF THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. This section of the history of banking in the United States is abridged from Professor W. G. Sumner's History of American Currency, sup- plemented by statistics from the reports of the Comptroller of the Currency. As early as 1690 the colony of Massachusetts issued bills of credit, making the paper legal tender for taxes and other debts, the notes being payable to the bearer on demand. This was five years before the es- Colonial tablishment of the Bank of Eng- Period. land ; and William Paterson, the father of that bank, had been in the colonies and studied the Massachu- setts experiment. This issuing of bills of credit was repeated with various modifications by Massachusetts and the other colonies through all their history ; but as it comes rather under the history of currency than of banking proper, we refer the reader for all details of the ante- revolutionary period to CURRENCY. We may simply note, however, that in 1739 a land bank and a specie bank, according to modern banking methods, were started in Massachusetts. The latter, however, closed in 1740, when Parliament extended the old Joint- Stock Companies' Act (passed after 'the South Sea Bubble, 1720) to the colonies ; the former bank, however, struggling and battling for its life for the next ten years. December 31, 1781, Congress chartered the Bank of North America in Philadelphia. It had a capital of $400,000, and took its origin in a union of citizens of Philadel- phia, formed to supply the army Bank of with rations. They were allowed North to form a bank and to issue notes America, to buy the articles required. Con- gress ordered bills drawn on Ameri- can ministers abroad to be de- posited in the bank as a guarantee of payment ; $70,000 in specie were subscribed by individuals in 1782, and the remainder by Government, out of the proceeds of a foreign loan. It issued convertible notes, redeemable in Spanish dol- lars ; but the people were slow to take them. However, it made large dividends, and was at- tacked by a rival, which it was obliged to ab- sorb, and by an effort to have its charter re- pealed. This effort succeeded so far as the State charter was concerned ; but it went on under the charter of the Continental Congress, till it was rechartered by Pennsylvania. The first bank of the United States under the Constitution was chartered by Congress in 1791. The capital was $10,000,000. One fifth of the stock was owned by the United States and $8,000,000 by the people. Six of the eight mill- ions were Government indebtedness ; and $2,- 000,000, money. Notes of the bank were made receivable for all obligations due the Government for 20 years, or during the life of the charter. The bank always paid coin when demanded, but the notes were legal tender to the Government, and, therefore, satisfactory to the people, wheth- er the bank paid coin or not. This was made plain by the law, and was demonstrated in the last four years of the life of the charter, when the most bitter controversy was carried on be- tween the bank and the President and Cabinet. When the time came to renew its charter (1811), 90 State banks had grown up to oppose it. It had been successful, and paid 8 or 10 per cent, a year to its stockholders. It was charged that the bank controlled elections in the State, and was then laboring to control those of the nation. Reports charging the bank with corruption, and even insolvency, were circulated, and the charter was not renewed. The following table, from the report of the Comptroller of the Cur- rency for 1892, gives a convenient resume of the banks in the United States in the period we are now considering : Statement showing- the Specie, Circulation and Capital and the Number of Banks in the United States for the Years mentioned.* YEAR. No. of Banks. Specie. Circula- tion. Capital. 1774 1784 $4,000,000 $2,000,000 $2,100,000 6 16 1,500,000 17,100,000 1,000,000 18,000,000 19,000,000 0,500,000 19,200,000 0,000,000 19,200,000 1798 14,000,000 9,000,000 19,200,000 26 21,200,000 1800 28 0,500,000 21,300,000 j8oi 17,000,000 1,000,000 22,400,000 1802 16,500,000 0,000,000 22,600,000 1803 . 3 6 1,000,000 26,000,000 1804 17,500,000 4,000,000 39,500,000 Banking of the wildest kind was now the rule. After 1805 notes were allowed for sums under $5, and finally were issued as low as for 25 cents. Specie was driven out. A crash came in 1809. Se- From 1800 to vere bank laws were passed. In the War of 1813 the New England Bank was the Rebellion, chartered as a bank of redemption at Boston, in order to keep the pa-> per of the adjacent county at par. It did this, but was unpopular, and was the beginning of the Suffolk bank system. The note circulation of the banks of the coun- try is estimated, in 1811, by Gallatin, at $46,- 000,000. In Pennsylvania, 1813-14, 41 banks were chartered by Legislature over a veto. The country being at war, $57,000,000 were bor- rowed by the Government from 1812 to 1814. Treasury notes for one year were issued in 1812 to the amount of $3,000,000 ; in 1813, to $6,000,- ooo ; and in 1814, to $8,000,000. Silver flowed to Ne\y England. In 1814 all the banks save those in New England suspended payment. Notes were depreciated from 20 to 50 per cent. The Secretary of the Treasury now began to be engaged in the money market. He tried to get the banks to come to some agreement. He or- dered that taxes should be received only in spe- cie, treasury notes, or notes of banks which re- ceived treasury notes at par. Madison recom- * Blodgett's Economical. Banks and Banking. 128 Banks and Banking. mended another national bank. The second United States bank was finally opened January i, 1817. It began business with $1,400,000 in specie, $14,000,000 in stocks, and the rest in stock notes. It was to have a capital of $7,000,- ooo. A second instalment of $2,800,000 was soon due, but only $32,400 was paid in specie, the rest mainly from notes or discounts of the bank itself. The third instalment was still worse. The bank discounted its own stock at par to pay the instalment. In August, 1817, the bank discounted its own stock at 125. The facilities for stock- jobbing were used. Con- gress resolved that after February 20, 1817, only specie, treasury notes, and notes of specie-pay- ing banks ought to be taken by the national treasury. The banks refused to resume before July, 1817. The Western banks were still com- paratively sound. The Southern banks had become inflated. The inflation was increased during the year by the Government paying off $11,000,000 of the public securities held by the banks. The note circulation at this time is estimated at $100,000,000. By March, 1818, the discounts of the United States Bank were $43,000,000 $11,000,000 The Second on stocks. It had $2,000,000 in National specie. It had now 18 branches, Bank. but only $3 ,000,000 of specie in them all. Its operations in the West drew that region into the " golden" age. The bank now bought $7,000,000 bullion in the West Indies. Fifteen months after it was start- ed it was doubtful if the bank was solvent. In November, Congress appointed a committee of investigation, which reported unfavorably ; but Congress would not respond, 40 members being stockholders. On April i, 1819, the state of the bank was : specie, $126,745.28 ; notes, $6,000,- ooo ; due other banks, $79,125.99 ; due Gov- ernment, $500,000 ; due Barings, $900,000 ; there were $267,978.09 in the mint and $250,000 in specie on the way from the West. The New York and Boston branches were in a worse con- dition. The bank now took energetic measures to save itself, and in 70 days was solvent, but had ruined the community. In August, 1819, there were 20,000 seeking work in Philadelphia, and a similar state of things existed in other cities. Land in Pennsylvania was worth, in 1809, $38 per acre ; in 1815, $150 ; in 1819, $35. The note circulation of the country in 1812 was about $45,000,000 ; in 1817, $100,000,000 ; in 1819, $45,000,000. Financial distress was gen- eral, and lasted till 1823. Money was plentiful in the hands of those who had no debts to pay, as they would not invest. In 1823 the circula- tion of the United States Bank was very low $4,081,842 ; but there was a great creation of banks, and the bank began to expand and receive the notes of all its branches. In 1824 Pennsylvania rechartered the banks of 1814. In 1825, 52 charters were petitioned for for New York banks, and when they could not be obtained, were petitioned for in New Jer- sey. The Bank of the United States increased its issue over $3,000,000. Business revived in England. Heavy orders for cotton ran its price here up to 27 cents. In July the fall of prices in England caused a fall here, and 50 failures took place in New York before December. The United States Bank was in great difficulty. In 1826 there was dulness and reaction throughout the year. In 1827 money was plentiful, and continued so with some changes till 1831. Presi- dent Jackson commenced his attack on the United States Bank in his first message (1829). About 1830 American securities began to at- tract English investments, in canals, steamboats, and, later, in railroads. Currency, however, became more and more of a political issue. Jackson committed his party to hard money ; Clay committed himself to protection. Web- ster, originally a free-trader, became a protec- tionist. Calhoun, originally a protectionist, be- came a free-trader. In 1832 the United States Bank petitioned for a renewal of its charter, which was to expire in 1836. The bill passed both houses, The Bank but was vetoed by the President. War, 1832- A violent warfare was now begun 1836. by the bank. It is certain that the bank had paid little heed to the laws of the State or of prudence, expanding or contracting according to will. In 1832 Jackson defeated Clay by 288 to 49 in the electoral col- lege. In his message in December, 1832, he recommended the sale of the $7,000,000 stock of the United States Bank which was opened by the nation, and an investigation into the bank. Bank shares fell from 112 to 104, but recovered to 112 on a favorable report of the treasury agent. This report showed $79,000,000 assets and $37,000,000 liabilities, besides $35,000,000 capital and $7,000,000 surplus. But when the Government desired to pay the three per cents in July, 1832, the bank agreed to pay the inter- est on them if the payment might be delayed so long. It thus negotiated a loan of $5,000,000 from Barings ; the reason given was for fear of the cholera. This caused fear for the public deposits, but a resolution that they were safe was carried, through the influence of the bank, 109 to 46. After Congress adjourned (Septem- ber 22, 1832), the President ordered Mr. Duane, the Secretary of the Treasury, to remove the public deposits from the bank. He refused, and was replaced by Mr. Taney, who did it. The order was that the collectors should send no more deposits to it, but to State banks. There was no sudden transfer, but it was proposed to withdraw at intervals. The bank began war, and began to draw in its loans. On the assem- bling of Congress, the Senate resolved (28 to 18) that the President had usurped unconstitutional powers. The House never noticed the resolu- tion, but resolved (134 to 82) that the bank char- ter should not be renewed. The contraction of the money market caused great distress. It was stated that the bank caused this to obtain a renewed charter. It was claimed that they loaned to a select few who reloaned at usurious rates. The aggregate amount of loans, how- ever, steadily decreased all these years. Meanwhile, the bank war went on. The bank, finding that it could not coerce the people, and that smaller banks were taking its place, changed its policy and expanded, President Jackson using this as a proof that it had unnecessarily con- tracted before. The President induced many of the States to pass laws forbidding the issue of small notes, and this largely favored con- Banks and Banking. 129 Banks and Banking. vertibility. These were times when cotton could command good prices, and railroad and other investments and speculation was good. The public dept was now nearly extinguished. On July u, 1836, the President issued the famous Specie Circular, by which he ordered agents for the sale of public lands to take specie only. Congress in December passed an act rescinding this, but it did not become law, the President not signing it. The United States Bank not being able to renew its charter, now obtained a charter from Pennsylvania by bribery, as it was asserted. It had not yet paid back the Gov- ernment stock or the dividends which it held for contracting a loan with France that finally never materialized. It continued to reissue the notes of the old United States Bank which it received. Gold, being forced on the market in this country, came here from England. In April, 1836, the gold reserve in the Bank of England began to lower, and this continued all summer. The bank rate was raised twice. By November failures began, and in one day three houses doing large business with this country failed. Demand for cotton went down. No- where had paper money been more in use than in the South. In March, 1837, several New Or- leans houses failed. Next, the pressure was felt in New York, and then became general. There were 100 failures in New York in March, and the losses were $15,000,000. In March a meet- ing was held in New York, address- ed by Webster. He laid the trouble The Panic to the Government interfering with of 1837. the currency and to the Specie Cir- cular. A committee of 50 was sent to the President (Van Buren) to ask for its rescinding. The committee, in its address, spoke of 250 failures and 20,000 individuals dis- charged by their employers, and they laid it all to the effort to put metallic in place of paper cur- rency. But they could obtain nothing from the President In May the New York banks sus- pended in a body, a law being passed allowing them to suspend for one year. Among the direct causes of this was the demand upon the Govern- ment deposit banks for the $40,000,000 surplus to be paid in specie. Suspension became general through the Union. Specie was driven out of the market, and all kinds of notes circulated in- stead. The New York banks then began to con- tract to be ready to resume. Nearly all the banks made money by the suspension, and paid good dividends during the year. In 1835-36 there had been a surplus in the treasury. Mr. Clay wanted it divided between the States, and Webster favored this. The administration op- posed it, and wanted public lands surveyed and .sold at $1.2 5 per acre, with a homestead pro vi- sion for settlers, the surplus revenue to be spent on national defences. The bill for distribution passed in the Senate, but never came up in the House. In 1836 the Senate passed a bill for " depositing" the surplus revenue (that being regarded as the part which came from the land). The plan for distributing had found no favor in the House, but " depositing" passed. It was declared that this was only a change in name, and the event proved this. Three deposits were made: Then in 1837 the President made known an estimate of a deficit of .$6,000,000, and proposed to meet it by retaining the fourth in- stalment of the deposit, and to issue treasury notes for immediate necessities. These were issued, bearing interest, and the deposit was put off till January i, 1839, and when that day came the treasury had a deficit, and could not pay it. Some States had been led by this de- posit into extensive improvements and debts ; others distributed it, a few shillings per capita, to be "received with contempt" or "rejected with scorn." The distresses of 1837 were ag- gravated by a failure of the wheat crop. Early in 1838 Congress passed an act forbidding the Pennsylvania Bank of the United States from using the old United States Bank notes. On May 10, 1838, most of the banks in New York City and in the Union resumed, the Bank of England sending $1,000,000 to aid them. On August 13 almost all other banks resumed. There was a general revival of trade, but it was not permanent. Gold in the Bank of England again declined. The Bank of Belgium failed. The Bank of England borrowed 2, 500,000 of the Bank of France. During the same year the Bank of the United States became involved in cotton speculations. Several banks, especially in the South and West, failed. The manage- ment of the United States Bank became reck- less. It owed from $10,000,000 to $20,000,000, and tried to borrow of various banks in Europe. On October 10, 1839, it failed, and carried with it all the banks of the South and West. Three hundred and forty- three out of 850 banks in the Union Widespread closed entirely, and 62 partially. Depression. Some $2,000,000 of Government de- posits were lost. This suspension lasted by law till January 15, 1841. As soon as the bank opened again a run on it com- menced, and it suspended finally (February 4, 1841). Its capital was a total loss, and the $7,- 000,000 United States stock subscribed by the Government is mentioned by the Secretary of the Treasury (finance Report, 1872, p. 18) among the items of the debt for which no cash ever came into the treasury. The years fol- lowing 1842-43 were among the gloomiest years in industry. It seemed paralyzed by the failure of our banking system. When it failed, the Bank of the United States owed the Bank of England $23,000,000. Its failure, and, above all, the repudiation of in- debtedness by several States, ruined American credit abroad, and cost the bank many friends here. In 1840 the Independent Treasury Act was passed, giving the Government the custody of its own funds. It was only accomplished after a severe struggle, as it withdrew the pub- lic funds from use as banking capital. In 1841 Mr. Harrison became President, and called an extra session of Congress, May 31, which met under President Tyler after Harrison's death, and the first act of the session was to repeal the Independent Treasury Act. Mr. Clay had pro- posed a national bank, an increase of duties, and a land distribution bill ; but the senator from Mississippi introduced a bankruptcy act, and this was bargained off for the Bank Act and the Distribution Act, and the three went through together. The Bank Act was very sweeping declared the abolition of all debts Banks and Banking. 130 Banks and Banking. where effects were surrendered and fraud not proved. The Land Distribution Bill was the new form of the defeated bill for assuming the State debts. The income from public lands (less than $1,500,000) in 1846 was to be divided among the States to help them pay their debts. Presi- dent Tyler wanted the words " fiscal agent" or something "fiscal" substituted for the word " bank," and vetoed two bills for incorporating a bank. The treasury, being unable to pay spe- cie, paid treasury notes, but one of these being protested (January, 1842), the Government paid specie, and continued doing so till 1862. In 1843 the Bankruptcy Act was repealed. It was argued that it was worse for debtors than cred- itors, since he who availed himself of it could get no further credit. The Government was fixed in the hard-money system. The following tables, from the report of the Comptroller of the Currency for 1892, give a convenient statement showing the principal items of resources and liabilities of the Bank (Second) of the United States from 1817 to 1840 : YEAR. RESOURCES. Loans and Discounts. Stocks. Real Estate. Banking House. Due by For- eign Banks. Due from State Banks. $3.485.195 41,181,750 35,786,263 31,401,158 30,905,199 28,061,169 30.736,432 33,432,084 31,812,617 33,424,621 30.937,866 33,682,905 39,219,602 40,663,805 44,032,057 66,293,707 61,695,913 $4,829,234 9.475.932 7,391,823 7,192,980 91*55.855 13.318,951 11,018,552 10,874,014 18,422,027 18,303,501 17.764,359 17,624,859 16,099,099 11,610,200 8,674,681 2,200 $8,848,315 1,203,894 2,624,797 2,727,080 1,178,197 1,717,723 1,407,573 1,287,808 2,130,095 . 747.375 1,683,510 1818 $175,201 43 ^* 1,290,620 1,886,724 1,855,946 1,956,764 1,871,635 1,852,935 1,792,870 1,678,192 1,634,260 1,557,356 1,444,801 i,344.76i 1,159.637 1,181,071 1,189,125 1,218,896 967,404 420,244 443.109 424,382 610,504 $1,033,682 621,667 261,548 83,548 1,107,637 24,599 1,434,020 24,178 421,524 460,686 356,740 482,240 1.530,553 2,383,33! 91,668 3,106,833 1,801,669 1,922,498 73. 1 ?! 1819 ... $563,480 626,674 1,302,551 i,495,i5o 1,848,354 2,039,226 2,295,401 2,345,539 2,886,397 2,629,125 2,136,525 1,855,169 i,74i,407 1,760,632 1,486,561 816,855 1,061,663 1,054,523 1,228,630 1821. . . 1824. . . 1825 1826 1827 1828 1820. . . 1,723,297 1.199,458 3,944,849 3,688,143 3,058,870 4,609,973 4,088,005 2,284,598 3,657,261 5,833,000 7,469,422 18^0... 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 51,808,739 59,232,445 57.393.709 45.256,571 41,618,637 36,839,593 1816 .. 1837 1838..., .. . . 14,862,108 17)957.497 16,316,419 1830. . . 1840 ' YEAR. RESOURCES. LIABILITIES. Notes of State Banks. Specie. ' Circulation. Deposits. Due to State Banks. Due to For- eign Banks, etc. Capital. 817 . $587,201 1,837,254 1,877,909 1,443,166 677,022 917,629 766,248 705.173 1,056,224 1,114,831 1,068,483 1,447,386 1,293,578 1,465,047 1,494,506 2,171,676 2,292,655 1,982,640 1,506,200 1.736,491 1,206,754 866,597 . 1,791,580 1,383,686 $1,724,109 2,515,949 2,666,696 3,392,755 7,643,140 4,761,299 4,424,874 5,813,694 6,746,952 3,960,158 6,457,161 6,170,045 6,098,138 7,608,076 10,808,047 7,038,023 8,951,847 10,039,237 15.708,369 8,417,988 2,638,449 3,770,842 4,153,607 1,469,674 $1,911,200 8,339,448 6,563,750 3,589,481 4,567,053 5,578,782 4,361,058 4,647,077 6,068,394 9,474.987 8,549,409 , 9,855,677 11,901,656 12,924,145 16,251,267 21,355,724 17,518,217 19,208,379 17,339,797 23,075,422 11,447,968 6,768,067 5,982,621 6,695,861 $11,233,021 12,279,207 5,792,269 6,568,794 7,894,985 8,075,152 7,622,340 I3.7 OI ,936 12,033,364 11,214,640 14,320,186 14,497.33 17,061,918 16,045,782 17,297,041 22,761,434 20,347,749 10,838,555 11,756,905 5,061,456 2,332,409 2,616,713 6,779,394 3.338,521 $35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 35,000,000 818 $i,357,778 i 434,022 2 053,650 2 053,074 2 040,000 I 292,710 I O2O,OOO 2 407,282 251,494 280,056 1,467,806 1,447,748 819 820 821 822 823 824. 82;... 826 827 828 $1,697,401 829 . 8-11 734,9oo 1,951,103 2,091,891 1,522,124 3,119,172 2,660,694 2,284,598 4,957,291 3,061,895 4,155,366 832 833 834 8?e. . 836 837 6,926,364 20,479,468 22,030,351 878. . 839 840 13,091,087 Banks and Banking. Banks and Banking. The following table gives a convenient resume" of the banks in the United States in the period we are now considering : STATEMENT SHOWING THE NUMBER OF BANKS IN THE COUNTRY, THEIR CAPITAL, ETC., IN THE YEARS MENTIONED.* YEAR. No. Capital. Circulation. Deposits. Loans. Specie. 89 100 ooo 00000 208 j8i6 . 308 j83o 61,323,898 187,1 . 506 75,666,986 55 8 83,081,365 ^(S 567 1877 634 !8 3 8 663 317,636,778 84,691,184 485,631,687 1839 662 327,132,512 722 Among the new measures were the Suffolk Bank plan in Massachusetts, and the New York Safety-Fund System. The Suffolk Bank plan was merely an arrangement whereby that bank was made the channel through which all notes of New England banks that found their way to Boston, as most of them naturally did, were at once forwarded to the issuers for redemption. The result was that all solid bankers found it for their interest to deposit with the Suffolk a redemption fund, as that insured the acceptance of their notes. The New York Safety-Fund System, which is the cardinal principle of the present national banking plan, required each bank to deposit, with the banking department of the State, securi- ties consisting of federal or State stocks, or bonds and mortgages, which, in case of the failure of the bank, were sold, and the proceeds applied to the liquidation of its debts. From 1844 things began to mend. Failure of crops in Europe and the abolition of the corn laws gave a market for breadstuff's, of which, in 1843, $37,500,000 were exported. The Irish famine and other causes made immigration set in. Railroads were rapidly developed, and the discovery of gold in California add- ed another powerful element to the 1840-1860. industrial development. Our cred- it abroad slowly mended. By 1854 it was estimated that $200,000,000 of State, railway, and other bonds were held abroad, and in 1857, $400,000,000. Bank-notes also expanded. Gold was exported ; currency set toward the financial centers, the country banks keeping their balances generally in New York. These balances were required in the fall, produc- ing contraction and stringency. In 1853-54 fears of a war in Europe, failure of early speculations in California, the discovery of a fraudulent issue of $2,000,000 of New York and New Haven Railroad stock, caused a panic. A small crop and other evils added to this. A large number of private bankers were carried down. But the large supply of metallic currency prevented widespread evil. In 1856 railroad building and good crops improved the situation. A fall in stocks, however, in the summer of 1857, the fail- * Elliott's Funding System, p. 984. ure of the Ohio Life and Trust Company, which borrowed largely in New York, the loss of the steamship " Central America" with over $i,- 000,000 of treasure, caused a panic. A large number of failures took place in September. In October all the New York banks save one sus- pended, and were followed by almost all others. Bills were not salable ; gold be- gan to move this way. The Secre- tary of the Treasury aided by pur- The Panic chasing bonds. The New York of 1857. banks resumed December 12, and others followed. The condition of the first bank of the United States during the period from January, 1809, to January, 1811, is shown in the following table, which is taken from the letters of Albert Gal- latin printed in the American State Papers {Finance}, vol. ii., pp. 352 and 470 : REPORTS OF CONDITION OF THE FIRST BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. January, 1809. January, 1811. RESOURCES. Loans and discounts U. S. 6 per cent, and other U. S. Due from other banks Real estate. Notes of other banks OOO ooo 5> > Total LIABILITIES. Capital stock Surplus 509.678 Circulation outstanding Individual deposits 4,500,000 8,500,000 5,037,125 634,348 Total $23,510,000 $24,183,046 The bank had been quite successful, and paid 8 or 10 per cent, a year to its stockholders. Banks and Banking. 132 Banks and Banking. The following table, prepared by the Cornp- gives the position of the State banks from troller of the Currency in his report for 1892, 1834-63 : TABLE SHOWING THE AGGREGATE NUMBER OF STATE BANKS IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR PRINCIPAL LIABILITIES AND RESOURCES IN THE YEARS 1834-63. 1834. 1835- 1836. 1837- 1838. 1839. 1840. 1841. 1842. 1843- i8 44 . 1845. 1846. 1847. 1848. 1849. 1850. 1851. 1853- 1854. 1855- 1856. i8 57 . 1858. 1859. 1860. 1861. 1862 YEAR. N-. f LIABILITIES. O. OI Banks. Capital Stock. Circulation. Deposits. Due to Banks. Other Lia- bilities. 506 $200,005,944 $94,839,570 $75,666,986 $26,602,293 704 231,250,337 103^692,495 83,081,365 38,972,578 $19,320,475 ' 713 251,875,292 140,301,038 115,104,440 50,402,369 25,999,234 788 290,772,091 149.185,890 127,397,185 62,421,118 36,560,289 829 317,636,778 116,138,910 84,691,184 61,015,692 59,995,679 840 327,132,512 135,170,995 90,240,146 53. I 35,S8 62,946,248 901 358,442,692 106,968,572 75,696,857 44,159,615 43,275,183 784 313,608,959 107,290,214 64,890,101 42,861,889 42,896,226 692 260,171,797 83,734," 62,408,870 25,863,827 12,775,106 691 228,861,948 58,563,608 56,168,628 21,456,523 7,357,033 696 210,872,056 75,167,646 84,550,785 31,998,024 5,842,010 707 206,045,969 89,608,711 88,020,646 26,337,440 5,853,902 707 196,894,309 105,552,427 96,913,070 28,218,568 5,33', 572 7'5 20.3,070,622 105,519,766 91,792,533 28,539,888 4,706,077 75 1 204,838,175 128,506,091 103,226,177 39,414,371 5,501,401 782 207,309,361 "4,743,415 91,178,623 30,095,366 6,706,357 824 217,317,211 131,366,526 109,586,595 36>7 I 7,45' 8,835,309 879 227,807,553 155,165,251 128,957,712 46,416,928 6,438,327 75 207,908,519 146,072,780 145,553,876 49,625,262 28,024,350 1,208 301,376,071 204,689,207 188,188,744 50,322,162 13,439,276 1,307 332,177,288 186,952,223 190,400,342 45,156,697 15,599,623 1,398 343>874i272 195,747,950 212,705,662 52,719,956 12,227,867 1,416 370,834,686 214,778,822 230,351,352 57,674333 19,816,850 1,422 394,622,799 155,208,344 185,932,049 51,169,875 14,166,713 1,476 401,076,242 193,306,818 259,568,278 68,215,651 15,048,427 1,562 421,880,095 207,102,477 253,802,129 55,932,9i& 14,661,815 1,601 420,592,713 202,005,767 257,229,562 61,275,256 23,258,004 1,492 418,139,741 183,792,079 296,322,408 61,144,052 21,633,093 1,466 405,045,829 238,677,218 393,686,226 100,526,527 53,814,145 YEAR. RESOURCES. Loans and Discounts. Stocks. Due from Banks, etc. Real Estate, etc. Notes of Other Banks. Specie Fund. Specie. Other Re- sources. $324,119,499 365,163,834 457,506,080 525,115,702 485,631,687 492,278,015 462,896,523 386,487,662 323,957,569 254,544,937 264,905,814 288,617,131 312,114,404 310,282,945 344,476,582 332,3 2 3> I 95 364,204,078 413,756,799 408,943,758 557,397,779 576,144,758 634,183,280 684,456,887 583,165,242 657,183,799 691,945,580 696,778,421 646,677,780 648,601,863 $6,113,195 9,210,579 i79,3 I 9 12,407,112 33,908,604 36,128,464 42,411,750 64,811,135 24,585,540 28,380,050 22,858,570 20,356,070 21,486,834 20,158,351 26,498,054 23,571,575 20,606,759 22,388,389 22,284,692 44,350,330 52,727,082 49,485,215 59,272,329 60,305,260 63,502,449 70,344,343 74,004,879 99,010,987 180,508,260 $27,329,645 40,084,038 51,876,955 59,663,910 58,195,153 52,898,357 41,140,184 47,870,045 30,752,496 20,666,264 35,860,930 29,619,272 31,689,946 31,788,641 38,904,525 32,228,407 41,631,855 50,718,015 48,920,258 55,516,085 55,738,735 62,639,725 65,849,205 58,052,802 78,244,987 67,235,457 58,793,900 65,256,596 96,934,452 $10,850,090 11,140,167 14,194,375 19,064,451 i9, 75,73i 16,607,832 29,181,910 33>524,444 33,341,988 22,826,807 22,520,863 22,177,270 19,099,000 21,219,865 20,530,955 17,491,809 20,582,166 20,219,724 10,180,071 22,367,472 24,073,801 20,865,867 26,124,522 28,755,834 25,976,497 30,782,131 30,748,927 32,326,649 31,880,495 $22,154,919 21,086,301 32,115,138 36,533,527 24,964,257 27,372,966 20,797,892 25,643,447 i9,43 2 ,744 13,306,677 11,672,473 12,040,760 12,914,423 13,112,467 16,427,716 12,708,016 16,303,289 17,196,083 30,431,189 22,659,066 23,429,518 24,779,049 28,124,008 22,447,436 18,858,289 25,502,567 21,903,902 25,253,589 58,164,328 $26,641,753 3,061,819 4,800,076 5,366,500 904,006 3,612,567 3,623,874 3,168,708 3, rI 5,337 6,578,375 6,729,980 6,786,026 8,386,478 13,789,760 10,489,822 8,680,483 11,603,245 15,341,196 $i,723r547 4,642,124 9,975,226 10,423,630 24,194,117 28,352,248 24,592,580 11,816,609 8,186,317 '3,343,599 12,153,693 10,072,466 7.913,591 12,206,112 8,229,682 7,965,463 ",949,548 8,935,972 3,873,571 7,589,830 8,734,540 8,882,516 5,920,336 6,075,906 8,323,041 11,123,17! 16,657,511 13,648,006 22,003,443 $43,937,625 40,019,594 37,915,340 35,184,112 45,132,673 33io5,i55 34,813,958 28,440,423 33,515,806 49,898,269 44,241,242 42,012,095 35,132,516 46,369,765 43,619,368 45,379,345 48,671,048 47,138,592 59,410,253 53,944,546 50,314,063 58,349,838 74,412,832 104,537,818 83.594,537 87,674,507 102,146,215 101,227,369 1836 . !8 3 8 l8M 18,1,1. . . fg,f J 45 !8 4 8 i SAO. . . 1851. 1854 25,579,253 21,935,738 19,937,710 25,081,641 I5,3 8 ,44i 26,808,822 19,331,521 29,297,878 27,827,971 46,171,518 1855 1856 1857 jSsS. . 1859. 1860 1861 1862 ; 1863... NOTE. The figures for the years 1834-40 are taken from Ex. Doc. No. m, Twenty-sixth Congress, second ses- sion. Those for 1841-50 are from Ex. Doc. No. 68, Thirty-first Congress, first session. For the years 1851-63 (with the exception of the year 1853) they are taken from the report on the condition of the banks for 1863. Those for 1853 are from Ex. Doc. No. 66, Thirty-second Congress, second session, and are incomplete. Banks and Banking. 133 Banks and Banking. III. THE WAR PERIOD AND THE NATIONAL BANKING SYSTEM. When the War of the Rebellion began, the paper in circulation in the country was about 200,000,000 about three fourths among the loyal States. The specie available was estimat- ed at $275,000,000. The opinion was that the war would be short. Congress voted $50,000,000 of demand notes, $250,000,000 of 7.3 per cent, treasury notes to run three years, and a 6 per cent, loan of $250,- 000,000 to fund the treasury notes. A property tax was apportioned among the States, but part of it was repealed, part of it was paid by charges for sums expended in fitting out troops, and it produced no active revenue to the gen- eral Government. In the fall of 1861 the Gov- ernment borrowed $100,000,000 in gold of the banks in two instalments, and $50,000,000 more in paper. Such was the situation when Con- gress met, December, 1861. The treasury re- port of Mr. Chase presented no strong policy. Gold began to be exported. On December 17 the New York banks resolved that suspension was unnecessary, but in the last days of the month all the banks suspended, Professor Sum- ner says unnecessarily. Gold rose to a pre- mium of i or 2 per cent. Bank paper drove the gold out. The Government could not bor- row more gold, because the stock in the banks had been exhausted. It would have to take irredeemable paper notes. In February, 1862, Congress authorized the issue of $150,000,000 in , notes, of which $50,000,000 was for withdrawal of the demand notes. This was the famous Legal Tender Act. The notes were legal tender except for imposts on duties and interest on the public debt. The friends of these ' ' green- backs' ' claim that it was this limitation which caused them to depreciate ; but we are here only concerned with the fact and its bearing on the banking system. (For details of these notes, see CURRENCY.) Whatever be the reason, they did depreciate. Gold rose, and was exported. By August, Professor Sumner says that specie had disappeared. In July a bill was passed for issuing stamp as fractional currency. The Gov- ernment went from one makeshift to another. The treasurer sold 6 per cent, bonds at par, indeed, but for currency worth from 60 to 70 cents on the dollar. The desire for a national banking system grew general. The plan finally adopted was not wholly new. We present a statement of its abridged form, a paper by D. B. Waldo, published in No. i of the Publications of the Michigan Political Science Association. He says in substance : Albert Gallatin, in a famous proposition, ad- vocated a prohibitory tax on existing bank-notes and the establishment of a currency founded on public stock, or possibly mort- gages on real estate. Tho ad- Flans for a mitting objections to the latter se- National curity, he contended that if the ob- System. jections could in any way be re- moved, the plan proposed would give to the banking system of America solidity, and inspire a confidence which could not otherwise be secured. The ideas con- tained in the above suggestions soon fruited into legislation. The propositions introduced in the Legislature of Maryland were followed by an en- actment of the Legislature of New York creating a new banking system. There were precedents on American soil in the form mainly of sugges- tions from writers for various periodicals, yet to some extent of institutions in actual operation. John J.Knox, in his excellent review of the na- tional banking system, ascribes the first sugges- tion of its underlying principles to an unknown writer of the Analectic Magazine, who, writing i n 1 8 1 5 , a period of utter demoralization in our cur- rency, advocated a system in which public funds were to serve as the basis, support, and limit of American money. In 1816 a letter of Curtius, addressed to the Secretary of the Treasury, em- bodied similar ideas, which were further elabo- rated in a communication of one Rev. Dr. Mc- Vicar to a member of the New York Legislature in 1827. It is well-known history that this new banking system of the Empire State proved eminently safe and satisfactory, but to the national appli- cation of the principles embodied in the New York plan there remained the obstacle of a for- midable opposition to every description of banks of issue inherited from the experience of reck- less banking. It was finally favored only under pressure of war necessity. Secretary Chase, in his first annual report (1861), submitted two plans : first, that of the withdrawal of State bank issues and the substitution of United States notes payable in coin on demand. Against this he interposed the following objec- tions : First, the temptation to issue without adequate provision for redemption ; second, the ever-present liability to be called upon for re- demption beyond means, however carefully pro- vided for and managed ; third, the hazard of panics precipitating a demand for coin concen- trated on a few points and a single fund ; fourth, the risk of a depreciated and depreciating, and finally worthless paper money ; fifth, the innu- merable evils of dishonored public faith and national bankruptcy all these, he said, were possible consequences of the adoption of the suggested system of government circulation. These objections, of course, being deemed fatal, the secretary discussed the advantages of a sec- ond plan, that of the national banking system, substantially as finally adopted. But the coun- try was not ready, and the suspension of the banks occurred as above stated. In December of 1862, Secretary Chase again urged upon Congress the advantages of a na- tional banking system, and reiterated the danger of United States notes. Meanwhile, the sentiment in and out of Con- gress had rapidly changed in favor The of the proposition, and on Febru- National ary 25, 1863, a bill, recommended Banking by Senator Sherman and favorably System, reported by the finance committee of the Upper House, became law. The vote, taken in the Senate February 12, stood 23 to 21 ; that of the House, taken Febru- ary 20, 78 to 64, the President signing five days later. It is needless to remark, in view of the immense personal financial interests involved and the prejudices to be overcome, that the dis- cussion of the bill was decidedly warm. The Banks and Banking. 134 Banks and Banking. ablest arguments for and against were those made in the Upper House by Senators Sherman and Collamer, the latter of Vermont. Senator Collamer's objections were that the State banks and the people would oppose such an institution, and, in consequence, would never buy the bonds, whose sale was to be the main prop of the system. He questioned the constitutional- ity of a proposed prohibitory tax on State bank issues, argued against the incorporation of insti- tutions to be independent of State control, laid much stress upon the responsibility imposed upon the Government for the redemption of issues, and finally pointed out what he believed to be the political dangers involved in a measure of this kind. Favoring the bill, Mr. Sherman had already in an able argument dwelt upon the present evils of legal- tender issues and the proba- ble future. He told again the story of State banks and their defects, then argued for the bill on the grounds of convertibility of issues, uni- formity in size, a market for Government bonds ; further, that the system would be a medium for the absorption of State bank-notes, and that the banks would be safe and convenient depositories of public money. Finally, there would arise a community of interests between stockholders, people, and government, and there would be developed the much-needed sentiment of na- tionality. By this law any association of five or more persons was authorized upon deposit of regis- tered or coupon bonds to the minimum amount of $50,000 to receive 90 percent, of the par value of the same in bank-notes, which, being proper- ly signed, were receivable for all Government dues, except duties on imports, and were pay- able on all Government debts, except interest on bonds. In compensation for the issue privi- lege, banks organized under this act were re- quired to pay a tax on circulation, the rate being fixed at i per cent, by amendatory legislation in 1864. Each association was required to con- form to the law of its own State in the matter of interest rates, and was compelled to maintain a special reserve for its notes and deposits, and to redeem circulation at the place of issue. The amount of circulation was fixed at $300,- 000,000, to be distributed throughout the States, Territories, and District of Columbia, one half in proportion to the population, the remaining half in proportion to banking capital and busi- ness needs. The law provided for the estab- lishment of a finance bureau, at the head of which was to be an officer called the Comptroller of the Currency, who Working was given general oversight of the Method, entire system. The original bill has been repeatedly amended, yet its leading features, with certain important exceptions, remain valid to-day ; the principal changes being made the next year, providing for redemption in certain specified leading cities, excluding coupon bonds from the list of securities, increasing the minimum of capital from $50,000 to $100,000, and providing for the easy conversion of State banks. The bill had received the President's approval February 25, 1863, but it was nearly four months then before a bank was organized under it, and five before one was opened in the city of New York. Up to December 10, 1863, only 134 had been incorporated, and up to November 25, 1864, only 584, of which 168 were State banks reor- ganized under the national law. It is obvious that up to this time the State banks had con- tinued to supply the major part of the currency of the country. Mr. Fessenden had now become the Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. McCulloch Comptroller of the Currency, and they agreed in opinion that the time had come when it was necessary to dis- criminate against the State banks in some man- ner if the good to be hoped from the national system was to be realized. State bank systems were antagonistic to the national system, and they should not be suffered to exist unchecked and uncontrolled. It was indispensable to the financial success of the treasury that the cur- rency of the country should be under the con- trol of the Government, and this could not be the case so long as State institutions had the right to flood the country with their issues. So thought these officers ; and under their recom- mendation Congress was induced to pass an act, approved March 3, 1865, which provided " That every national banking association, State bank, or State banking association, shall pay a tax of 10 per centum on the amount of the notes of any State bank or State banking association paid out by them after the first day of July, 1866." This act has in substance been con- tinued to this day, and is now in force. Under and in consequence of it State banks of issue have ceased to exist. For convenience of comparison with the de- velopment of our banking system, we give, from Mulhall's Dictionary of Statistics, the follow- ing table of the growth of banking power in the world in millions of pounds : 1840. 1870. l888-90. United States I,O3O 16 64 268 Germany 231 Australia 5 38 134 The World 308 3,197 The banking power, consisting of capital, de- posits, and right of issue, was as follows (1888- 90) in millions of pounds : Capital, etc. Deposits. Issue. United Kingdom 284 626 3Q 760 26.7 128 121.4 85 146 64 Australia 26 1 08 5-4 6.3 The World 2,167 616.3 The following tables, prepared by the Comp- troller of the Currency, and given in his report for 1892, tells the story of the development of the national system to 1892 ; Banks and Banking. 135 Banks and Banking. Oct. 3 , 1864. Oct. 2, 1865. Oct. i, 1866. Oct. 7, 1867. Oct. 5, 1868. Oct. 9, 1869. Oct. 8, 1870. 508 Banks. 1.513 Banks. 1,644 Banks. 1,642 Banks. 1,643 Banks. 1,617 Banks. 1,648 Banks. RESOURCES. Millions. 93-2 j- 108.1 34-o 2.2 } 44-8 4-7 Millions. 487.2 427.7 i7-3 14.7 j 18.1 | 190.0 16.2 72-3 Millions. 603.3 33i8 i 95-Q ( iS-9 122.9 17.1 9-2 2O2.8 17.4 103.7 Millions. 609.7 338.6 80.3 21-5 103.6 20. 6 12.8 157-4 ii. 8 134.6 Millions. 657-7 340-5 74.1 20.7 110. I 22.7 !!'! 156.1 ii. 8 143.2 Millions. 682.9 339-5 44-6 22.2 100.8 25.2 23.0 129.6 10.8 108.8 Millions. 715-9 340.9 37-7 23.6 109.4 27-5 18.5 122.7 12.5 79.1 Bonds for circulation Other United States bonds Due from banks Real estate Specie Legal tender notes National-banknotes Clearing-house exchanges United States certificates of de- Due from United States Treas- urer Other resources IO.I 26.3 7-9 8.6 9.6 9.8 22.9 Total 297.1 1,359-8 1,527-0 1,499.5 1,559-6 1,497.2 1,510.7 LIABILITIES. Capital stock * 86.8 2.0 6.0 45-2 122.2 34-9 393-2 38.7 32-4 171.3 549-1 174.2 9 4IS-5 53-3 32.6 290.0 598-0 '37-5 .1 420.1 66.7 33-8 297.9 568.2 112. 8 420.6 78.0 36.1 298.7 603.1 123.1 426.4 86.2 40.7 296.0 523.0 118.9 6.0 430.4 94.1 38.6 293.9 512.8 130.0 10.9 Surplus fund Undivided profits Circulation outstanding Due to depositors Due to banks Other liabilities Total 297.1 1,359-8 1,527.0 1,499-5 1,559-6 1,497.2 1,510.7 RESOURCES. Oct. 2, 1871. Oct. 3, 1872. Sept. 12, 1873. Oct. 2, 1874. Oct. i, 1875- Oct. 2, 1876. Oct. i, 1877. Oct. i, 1878. 1,767 Banks. 1,919 Banks. 1,976 Banks. 2,004 Banks. 2,087 Banks. 2,089 Banks. 2,080 Banks. 2,053 Banks. Millions. 831.6 364-5 45-8 24-5 143-2 30.1 13.2 107.0 14-3 115.2 Millions. 877.2 382.0 27 6 23-5 128.2 32.3 IO.2 ' IO2 . 1 15-8 125.0 6-7 Millions. 944.2 288.3 23.6 23-7 149-5 34-7 19.9 92.4 16.1 100.3 20. 6 Millions. 954-4 383-3 28.0 27.8 134-8 38-1 21.2 8o.O l8. 5 109.7 42.8 20.3 18.3 Millions. 984.7 370-3 28.1 33-5 144.7 42.4 8.1 76-5 18.5 87.9 48.8 19 6 19.1 Millions. 93i-3 337-2 47.8 34-4 146.9 43.1 21.4 84.2 15-9 100. 29.2 16.7 19.1 Millions. 891 9 336.8 45-o 34-5 129.9 45.2 22.7 66.9 15-6 74-5 33-4 16.0 28.7 Millions. 834.0 347-6 94-7 36-9 138.9 46.7 30.7 64.4 16.9 82.4 32-7 16.5 24.9 Other United States bonds Stocks, bonds, etc Real estate Specie .... Legal-tender notes National-bank notes Clearing-house exchanges United States certificates of de- posit Due from United States Treasurer. Other resources 41.2 25.2 '7.3 Total 1,730.6 1,755-8 1,830.6 1,877-2 1,882.2 1,827.2 1,741.1 1,767-3 LIABILITIES. Capital stock 458.3 IOI.I 42.0 3I7.4 631.4 171.9 8-5 479.6 110.3 46.6 335-1 628.9 143.8 "5 491.0 120.3 54-5 340-3 640.0 173-0 "5 493-8 129.0 51-5 334-2 683.8 175.8 9.1 504.8 134-4 53-o 3i9-i 679.4 179-7 ii. 8 499.8 132.2 46.4 292.2 666.2 179.8 10.6 479-5 122.8 44-5 291.9 630.4 161.6 10.4 466.2 116.9 40.9 301.9 668.4 165.1 7-9 Surplus fund Undivided profits Circulation outstanding Due to depositors Due to banks . .. Other liabilities Total 1,730.6 1,755-8 1,830.6 1,877.2 1,882.2 1,827.2 1,741.1 1,767-3 Banks and Banking. 136 Banks and Banking. ;e* Oct. 2, 1879. Oct. i, 1880. Oct. i, 1881. Oct. 3, 1882. Oct. 2, 1883. Sept. 30, 1884. Oct. i, 1885. 2,048 Banks. 2,000 Banks. 2,132 Banks. 2,269 Banks. Millions. 1,243.2 357-6 37-4 66.2 198.9 46-5 102.9 63.2 20.7 208.4 8-7 17.2 28.9 2,501 Banks. 2,664 Banks. 2,714 Banks. RESOURCES. Loans Millions. 878.5 357-3 71.2 39-7 107.3 47-8 42.2 69.2 16.7 113.0 26.8 17.0 22.1 Millions. 1,041.0 357-8 43-6 48.9 2'3-5 48.0 109.3 56.6 18.2 121. I 7-7 17.1 23.0 Millions. 1,173-8 3 6 3-3 56-5 01.9 230.8 47-3 "4-3 53-z 17.7 189.2 6.7 J7-5 26.2 Millions. 1,309.2 35i-4 3-7 71.1 208.9 48-3 107.8 70.7 22.7 96.4 10.0 16.6 28.9 Millions. 1,245-3 3 2 7-4 3-4 71.4 194.2 49-9 128.6 77-0 ?3-3 66.3 14.2 17.7 33-8 Millions. 1,306.1 37-7 31-8 77-5 235.3 51-3 "74-9 69.7 23.1 84.9 18.8 14.9 36.9 Bonds for circulation Other United States bonds Stocks, bonds, etc Due from banks Real estate Legal-tender notes National-bank notes Clearing-house exchanges United States certificates of de- Due from United States Treas- Other resources Total 1,868.8 2,105.8 2,368.4 2,399.8 2,372-7 2,279-5 2,432-9 LIABILITIES. Capital stock 454-1 114.8 40-3 3'3-S 736-9 201.2 6. 7 457-6 120.5 46.1 3I7-3 887.9 267.9 8-5 463.8 128.1 56.4 320.2 1,083.1 294.9 11.9 483.1 132.0 61.2 3'5- 1,134.9 259-9 13-7 59-7 142.0 61.6 3 IO -5 1,063.6 270.4 14.9 524-3 147.0 63.2 289.8 993-0 246.4 15-8 527-5 146.6 59-3 269.0 1,116.7 299.7 14.1 Surplus fund Undivided profits Circulation outstanding , Due to depositors Other liabilities Total 1,868.8 2,105.8 2,358-4 2,399.8 2,372-7 2,279.5 2,432.9 Oct. 7, 1886. Oct. 5, 1887. Oct. 4, 1888. Sept. 30, 1889. Oct. 2, 1890. Sept. 25, 1891. Sept. 30, 1892. 2,85-2 Banks. 3i540 Banks. 3,677 Banks. 3,773 Banks. RESOURCES. Loans Millions. Millions, 1.1*87 * Millions. Millions. Millions. Millions. Millions. 2 r8.cr 189 i ' f. ' Other United States bonds. .. 63 6 >iR c 4 -" ' Stocks, bonds, etc. 81 8 88 8 2O. 2 Real estate 61 i Specie jf)A 1 3-3 Legal-tender notes 62 8 86 8 80 6 2O9.I National bank-notes 18 5 Clearing house exchanges 88.8 136 8 ' 9- United States certificates of de- 6 2 6 2 Due from United States Treas- urer ' 6 o 8 o 8 2 Other resources 40.8 42 8 og -T Total LIABILITIES. c-yfi.c egg A 686 6 183 i 218 o 1 Undi vided profits 66 5 84 9 1 Circulation 228.8 128.5 Due to depositors 1,608.6 1 Due to banks ^08 6 8 i Other liabilities Total The following tables, also from the report of the Comptroller for 1892, give the condition of State banks from 1873-92 : Banks and Banking. Banks and Banking. STATEMENT SHOWING THE NUMBER OF STATE BANKS* IN THE UNITED STATES AND THEIR LIABILITIES RESOURCES IN THE YEARS 1873-92, INCLUSIVE. LIABILITIES. YEAR. Banks. Capital Stock. Surplus and Profits. Circulation. Deposits. Other Liabilities. 873 874 7 c 69 084,980 876 (\-y-t ogg, OQ7 877... 387,661 878 . . . . .... 388,298 19,888,690 870 . 616 880 283,308 881 , 882 883 187,978 884 g,r 137,554 325,365,669 QQ. 42,244,311 98,129 344,307,916 41,654,165 886 .... 38,188,859 887 228,956 44,989,468 888 154,981,868 56,885,088 148,434 410,047,842 49,694,085 889 166,651,582 64,841,037 I2O,l6l 507,084,481 57,338,352 188,737.307 73,760,521 120,248 553,054,584 55,139,471 891 .... 81,116,533 110,534 556,637,012 59,565,222 892 90,358,180 137,232 648,513,809 67,937,339 YEAR. RESOURCES. Loans and Discounts. Stocks, Bonds, etc. Due from Banks, etc. Real Estate, etc. Expenses, etc. Cash and Cash Items. Other Resources. Total Resources. 873 . $119,569,445 154.727,165 176,786,246 I79,332,ioo 267,101,879 169,711,386 191,891,393 207,349,737 252,154,730 273,715,586 223,751,188 332,312,235 349,230,518 33 2 ,353> I 4 440,086,562 434,004,444 508,407,112 586,534,484 627,262,419 704,495,113 $11,161,963 18,262,541 24,012,934 20,233,594 24,138,93 21,549,167 29,655,227 24,259,649 36,953,355 28,519,699 27,370,91 33,789,724 35,639,665 31,587,114 39,285,297 36,884,671 38,375,892 39,949,224 41,808,214 50,182,379 $12,605,100 19,050,046 19,851,146 23,096,812 25,201,782 25,107,149 22,169,067 36,180,435 46,657,328 49,919,183 58,709,516 48,836,689 59,062,405 49,747,429 65,299,531 58,771,206 79,819,380 86,010,062 82,531,53 104,629,312 $3,269,233 5,372,186 9,005,657 8,568,525 12,609,160 11,092,118 14,264,835 14,227,927 i3t9*4&P 13,037,939 13,592,791 15,058,411 15,873,3" 14,605,853 20,683,723 20,246,654 25,255,437 27,189,697 38,791,441 3 2 >37>3 10 $886,348 1,284,344 1,353,066 i,559,376 1,211,416 914,726 801,005 878,696 965,327 999,944 918,403 1,025,237 1,130,883 1,047,782 2,164,688 1,768,158 2,026,800 2,602,607 2,865,083 3,278,995 $30,445,239 37,540,807 36,420,757 38,592,578 46,551,827 38,842,895 47,836,053 66,206,246 57,768,816 60,334,244 77,834,512 82,383,594 86,834,867 91,129,842 11,258,460 5,3 T 4,947 33,210,164 20,765,422 07,453,889 29,745i578 $944,079 1,164,999 4,909,190 6,872,866 6,442,710 10,694,390 9,221,760 5,801,796 10,542,266 12,306,578 9,969,706 7,671,876 5,791,111 8,224,886 16,272,153 14,711,237 8,940,828 7,760,635 15,281,566 16,329,044 $178,881,407 237,402,088 272,338,996 278.255,852 383,257,704 277,911.831 315,839,340 354,904,486 418,956,060 438,834,173 512,137.026 521,077,766 553,562,761 528,695,920 695,050,414 67i,77,3'7 796.035,613 870,812,131 905,904,142 1,040,607,731 874 8 7 c 876 877 878 879 880 881 882 883 884 885 886 887 888 889 890 891 892 * Stock savings banks included for the years 1873-86, inclusive. For the details of the history since the war, we refer the reader to CURRENCY. It has been a period of changes in the currency rather than of banks or banking. The failure of the impor- tant house of Jay Cooke & Company in 1873 precipitated a crisis, but the holders of national bank-notes were amply protected by the treasury deposits. (See also CRISES.) IV. PROPOSED BANK REFORMS. Very recently (1895) , owing to the silver ques- tion (see SILVER), there has come something of a serious agitation for the abolition of the tax on State banks. The Comptroller of the Currency (A. B. Hepburn) says, in his report for 1892, P- 15 = " A conditional repeal of this 10 per cent, tax is pro- posed, conditioned upon compliance by the State banks with certain regulations imposed by Congress, designed to secure circulation and protect note-holders against loss. Such State banks would then be national banks for the purpose of issuing circulating notes, and Congress must provide for their supervision and ex- amination, to see that the laws are complied with. Can currency be better taken out by a bank organized under a State law than under an act of Congress ? Would Congress or the country gain anything by the proposed divided jurisdiction over these banks of issue ? Wou-ld not division lead to conflict and con- fusion ? All national banks make reports of condition to the comptroller, on a past day. fixed by him, in such form as the comptroller prescribes, and upon blanks furnished by him. These forms are very complete as to balance sheet and detail. In order to comply with these calls, a bank's books must be so kept as to furnish the required information. These reports are of very great value to the banks themselves, in systematizing their bookkeeping and insuring good and uniform methods of business. The information reported, all on the same date, is of great value to the public. What would be gained by denationalizing our banks in all respects, except as to circulation ? Can the various State legislatures be depended upon to provide better laws and better supervision than Congress? " It is argued that 92 per cent, of all business trans- Banks and Banking. 138 Banks and Banking. actions consummated through banks are represented by credits that is, exchanges and offsets and that 8 per cent, only is represented by money. The Gov- ernment does not assume to regulate the 92 per cent. Why should it the 8 per cent.? Why not as well allow State bank-notes to circulate? Their acceptance is purely voluntary. That statement is theoretically true, but practically it is wholly false. A banker, or large merchant or manufacturer, may be in a position, equipped with skilled men or expert information, to ex- ercise discrimination between the strong and the weak banks. But what can the artisan, the day laborer, the miner, or the farmer know of such a matter? From the nature of their calling they can exercise no dis- crimination. They know, and they can only know, that the Government allows such bills to circulate, in form and semblance of money, and they have the right to hold the Government responsible that it be worth 100 cents on the dollar, whether it comes from New York or New Mexico. " The Constitution of the United States prohibits the States from coining money or making anything except gold and silver legal tender. State bank bills could not become a legal tender. Neither are national bank bills. State bank bills when issued add just so much to the liabilities of the bank. They would circulate freely in times of prosperity and confidence. In times of monetary stringency and general distrust they would return to the banks for redemption. They would have to be redeemed in legal-tender money pro- vided by Congress. Congress must, under the Consti- tution, provide all the money that possesses a full debt- Eaying power. By every consideration of sound usiness principles it should provide all the money that the country requires. No public interest can be served by dividing this function with the 44 States. Every period of financial depression in the past resulted in the suspension of specie payments, more or less general, by the banks ; that is, resulted in the inability of the banks to redeem their notes. The same conditions would produce similar results in the future. If State bank notes are allowed to circulate, their acceptance is not voluntary ; it becomes a busi- ness necessity. Many mine owners, manufacturers, and large employers of labor practised paying their help in store orders, in order to control their trade and make the extra profit. Surely, under the law, the ac- ceptance or rejection of such orders was purely volun- tary, and yet their acceptance for fear of losing their employment was general. " So great did this abuse become, that many States have enacted laws compelling corporations to pay their laborers, at regular intervals, in money. The wealthy class could provide themselves with the means of discriminating against the notes of weak banks, and if they found themselves possessed of any, would proceed to work them off upon their less fortunate neighbors. That is the record of the past. It would be the experience of the future. To the average labor- ing man a bank-note reporter and detector would be as inexplicible as the binomial theorem. When a bank suspends, the fact that the note is secured and will be eventually paid is poor consolation to the laborer who needs his money for his daily use. The note of a failed national bank is as good as that of any bank in the system. The restoration of State-bank circulation portends disaster to that class of our citizens who most need and have most right to ask protection from the Government. State-bank circulation loses its money power in a crisis. It is a source of weakness, and adds to the danger. Instead of paying debts it comes for- ward itself to be paid." And again, p. n " The national banks for a long series of years have demonstrated their ability to furnish the country with currency ample in amount, elastic in volume, sound beyond peradventure, Are-nmpnta anc ^ everv dollar of which, every mo- umeutB nient of its existence, was worth par for the throughout the length and breadth of National the land. A change from such a cur- rency to another less secure is certainly an unwlse experiment. It is proposed to restore State-bank circulation by re- moving the 10 per cent, tax imposed March 3, 1865. There is no fairer test of men or methods than the record they make for themselves. Every item of assets and liabilities, as shown by the trial balance of their general ledgers, of every national bank, for the whole period of their existence, has five times each year been published in the locality, re- ported to the Comptroller of the Currency, and become a matter of record. Additional tables resolve al\ com- posite items into detail. Additional statistical tables complete the history and workings of such banks. Special reports show the course of trade and exchange. In case of failure, equally explicit information is ob- tained from receiver's reports, total claims, total illy reported to Congress and spread before the country. The course of trade, the material condition, the prosperity or depression of the country, are truthfully reflected in the condition of its banks. And the publication of the above condi- tions, in the reports of these banks, has been of ines- timable value to publicists and economists. This is the record of national banks under Federal authority and Federal supervision. To compare the present national banking system with the old State banking system is to compare order with confusion perfect system, under central control, with imperfect system, under diversified control. The banking systems of the different States, during the period that they were banks of issue, differed essentially. Some had excel- lent banking laws; others had very crude laws. Some had effective supervision, and some had none or worse than none. In no State was the aggregate or percent- age of loss to note-holders of State banks reported, nor the losses to creditors or stockholders. The most careful research reveals only general statements, or estimates of loss, in the current financial literature of the time. "Congress, by resolution in 1832, directed the Secre- tary of the Treasury to procure and publish statistics relating to banks in the several States. Such publica- tion was made more or less complete, with the excep- tion of some years, until 1864; then followed an inter- val until 1873, when the Comptroller of the Currency was directed to procure from official and other reliable sources and report to Congress information in relation to State banking institutions." And still again, p. 13 : " If the 44 States are to furnish the currency of the country, then we will have a chain of sovereignties furnishing our circulating medium, each with varying laws and varying super- vision, and, like all chains, the system -n.....--.. * _ as a whole would be no stronger than uan B er (I a its weakest link. Disorganized finance Currency in one State would affect all. Argentine furnished by financial troubles precipitated the Bar- Rtatt , -RonVa ings failure at a time when this country outle -Banns. was generally prosperous ; and yet it produced a quasi panic in the United States and cast a cloud over the financial horizon of the whole world which has not yet fully disappeared. Banking is not a phil^nthropical business, and banks will not issue circulating notes unless it is profitable. Manifestly issuing notes would be most profitable where greatest latitude was allowed or greatest laxity prevailed, and with the circulation of any State dis- credited or the particular banks of any State discred- ited, conservative bankers and conservative business men would have to discriminate against such bills. " We all know the practical machinery employed to enforce such discrimination. Our State boundaries and commercial centers would be policed with brokers' offices, and commerce would be compelled to pause at State lines and pay the exchange demanded in order to provide itself with money acceptable in the locality where proposed business was to be done. The bill of a perfectly solvent bank in Oregon would be worth just as much less than its face in Chicago or New York as it would cost to send such bill to Oregon for re- demption and secure the proceeds in return cost of transmission each way and interest for the time re- quiredin short, exchange. It would be precisely on a par with the note of any equally reputable business firm. The only way this discount could be avoided would be to provide for the redemption of such notes in Chicago, New York, Boston, and other money centers. Should interior and far Western banks make their bills worth par throughout the country by pro- viding for their redemption at convenient money cen- ters, it would compel them to keep an amount of idle reserve with their redemption agents that would seriously impair the profits on circulation. And the United States Government would not facilitate bank- ing transactions then, as it does now, by receiving money at its sub-treasuries and transporting the same to any part of the country for the meager charge of 15 to 50 cents per $1000." Banks and Banking. 139 Banks and Banking. Such is the main argument for the retention of the national banking system and the tax upon State banks of issue. On the other hand is the argument that Con- gress has no right to take the privilege of issu- ing notes by a tax practically prohibitory. The Democratic national platform, therefore, repre- senting the party of State rights, consistently put a plank into its platform repealing the tax : " In Sec. 8 of Art. i of the Constitution of the United States, the powers which Congress shall have are enu- merated, and as we read them over we look in vain for any one that in any terms confers upon that body the power to take from the States authority to provide for a paper currency if by Opposition to the Constitution it was left to them. 0*1 ta -Ra-t The power to incorporate banks and oiate .Dami au thorize the issue of currency by them, Tax. as we have seen, had been exercised for three quarters of a century before Con- gress undertook to interfere with it in the manner specified. Even when a national bank was chartered, the State banks were left in existence ; and it was not the State power but the national power, as exercised in the grant of the national charter, that was then seriously questioned. We must therefore take it as indisputable at the present time that the States had rightful power to charter banks as they for so long a time had done, and to authorize the issue of notes by them, to circulate as money. Among the powers granted to Congress, however, was the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States.' This power, it is seen, is given in the most general terms, and the re- strictions that are imposed upon it are only such as to insure uniformity, and they need not here be specified. A power thus conferred in general terms must neces- sarily rest in the discretion of the Congress, but it is expected to be exercised in harmony with the general features of the Constitution itself, and without any encroachment upon the undoubted rights of the States or of the people. The power to lay and collect taxes is a revenue power. It has for its object, as is here de- clared in the Constitution itself, 'to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States.' " Now, this tax admittedly and unquestionably is not and was not expected to bring in reve- nue. Under the form of a tax it was avowedly simply a means to develop the national bank system at the expense of State banks. Hence, argue the opponents of the tax, it is unconstitu- tional. If the National Government, under pre- text of taxation, can do what otherwise the Con- stitution gives it no power to do, it can go much further. Says T. M. Cooley : " Great as is the federal power to tax, certain im- plied exemptions are indisputable. Congress cannot lay a tax upon the States, or upon their municipalities, or their offices, or their schools, or their other govern- mental instruments or agencies. If these could be taxed, the States themselves might be annihilated un- der the pretense of an exercise of the revenue power. But when the legitimacy of regulating local commerce and contracts by federal taxation shall be firmly estab- lished in the legislative mind, we may feel certain that occasions will not be wanting for partisan majorities in Congress to give frequent illustrations of the truth of the maxim that 'the power to tax is a power to destroy.'" Again, it is argued that a State bank issue would be less free from danger at the hands of agitators, since, if they did get control of the legislation of one State, they would not be likely to of all State legislations at the same time ; and so the whole national system would not be endangered as if all were under the control of one national body. The using of this argument at a time when the East fears what it considers the wild financial views of many of the Western States is of course to be expected. But this leads us to notice, lastly, those who would do away altogether with the chartering of private banks by either State or nation as banks of issue. These argue that the present system gives enormous advantages to the favored few who have capital. They point out that under the . present system any five rich men can loan the Gov- Radical ernment $100,000, receive interest Views of on the same without any serious Banking. risk to themselves, and yet, while receiving this interest on the whole $100,000, can get $90,000 of this to let out again at interest as a bank. They go on to argue that our whole banking and currency sys- tem since the war, if not before, has been controlled by the bankers of our great cities wholly in their own interests. They accuse them of first scheming to put limitations upon the Government issue so as to lessen its value, thus causing depreciation; secondly, of buying up this depreciated currency, and with it purchasing United States bonds at par, and then getting Congress to vote, under the pretense that hon- esty demanded it, of redeeming these bonds in gold (having sold them for paper) ; and, thirdly, on top of all this, of scheming to reduce the vol- ume of the currency, and so to raise the value of the notes in their possession. The People's Party, therefore, all Socialists, Nationalists, Greenbackers, Knights of Labor, and many even who do not endorse the greenbackism and all the financial positions of the People's Party, would have all banking carried on by Government directly, without the intervention of private banks chartered by either State or nation as banks of issue. Professor Amasa Walker, Fran- cis Bowen, and other economists are also op- posed to such private banks. (For a fuller discussion, however, of this position and the argument for it, see GREENBACKISM ; CURRENCY ; PEOPLE'S PARTY ; PAPER MONEY, etc.) The philosophical anarchists and extreme individu- alists, on the other hand, would abolish the present system by putting no dependence upon Government, but substituting mutual banks. (See MUTUAL BANKS.) Others, who do not go so far as either of the above extremes, would have simply a Government postal bank system (g.v.) or land banks, as in Germany. (See LAND BANKS.) Says Mr. B. S. Heath, who is a fair example of those who would most radically change the present banking system, in his La- bor and Financial Re-volution, p. 144 : " Viewed in its true light, is not the national banking system a long step toward the establishment of sover- eignty based upon hereditary succession ; is it not a big block wrenched from the temple of liberty and planted as the corner-stone of imperialism, a powerful element of sovereignty crowned with the divine right of kings? "As the federal Government possesses no powers except such as were delegated to it by the people and enumerated in the Constitution, was not the bank act, conferring and perpetuating delegated powers upon foreigners and aliens, a gross betrayal of trust, if not treason against the people ? " Has the Government a constitutional right to dele- gate powers entrusted to it, especially to be exercised by it for the people ? " If not, is the national bank act a palpable violation of the Constitution, and its enforcement a usurpation of power not warranted by that instrument? "If the Government chooses to farm out its control over the currency to private parties, why not grant the privilege to those who need it in the production cf Banks and Banking. 140 Baptists and Social Reform. wealth, instead of giving it to an idle monopoly to rob, blackmail, and oppress the producers of wealth?" Such are the various views of those who in different ways would modify or overthrow the present banking system. (For a discussion of the economical questions involved, see MONEY.) References : Reports of Comptroller of the Currency, especially those of 1876, for the history of State banking in the United States, and of 1892 for a comparison of State and national banks ; E. Atkinson, what is a Bank? (1882); J. T. Morse, Treatises on t lie Law Relat- ing to Banks and Banking (1879) > M. L. Scudder, Jr., National Banking (1879) ; W. G. Sumner, American R. H. InglisPalgrave, Notes on Ban king (London, 1873) '< James Wilson, Capital, Currency, and Banking (Lon- don, 1847) ; Walter Bagehot, Lombard Street (London, 1873); John Francis, History of the Bank of England (London, 1847) ; J. E. Thorold Rogers, The First Nine ' ttie Bank Currency (1874) ; Future of Banking in the United States, Political Science Quarterly {December, 1886) ; *-% T-* v^ 1 fl + * _-. j I. _ T*7.-_- t rr.'-j The Country Banker (London, 1886, and later editions) ; 'and Dublin, 1889) : A. Crump, English Manual of Banking (London, 1877) ; A. S. Bolles, Prac- tical Banking (New York, 1884) ; R. H. Inglis Palgrave, Bank Rate, England, France, and Germany (London, 1880): C. M. Collins, History, Law, and Practice of Banking (London, 1887) ; John Hutchison, The Prac- tice of Banking (London, 1883) ; Bankers' Magazine (London) ; Journal Institute of Bankers (London) ; American Bankers' Magazine (New York) ; Diction- naire des Finances (Paris, 1889). For the views of be- lievers in paper currency in the United States, see B. S. Heath's Labor and Finance Revolution (1880). For the individualist idea of banking, see William B. Greene's Mutual Banking- (1870). THE NATIONAL BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. (From the annual reports of the Comptroller of the Currency.) YEAR ENDING SEP- TEMBER i. No. of Banks. Capital. Surplus. Total Dividends. Total Net Earnings. Ratio of Divi- dends to Capital. Ratio of Divi- dends to Capital and Sur- plus. Ratio of Earnings to Capi- tal and Surplus. 872 ........ 1,852 $46,687,115.00 8.33 R-7C 9.89 7.81 880 8 02 6.35 7.88 38! 8.38 882 8.73 6.81 8.88 ggo 40,678,678.00 8.30 6.50 8.60 gg^ 2,582 8.00 8.00. gger . 2,665 524,599,602 146,903,495.00 40,656,121.00 43,625,497.00 7.80 6.00 6.50 ggg 7.96 6.17 8.02 887 578,462,765 64,506,869.66 7.98 6.12 8-95 888 583,539,145 46,531,657.89 65,360.486.73 8.02 6.10 8 57 880 7.82 S 89 8.80- 8men " for the discussion of current questions," 'and has proved a very useful and efficient or- ' ganization. Its inception is credited to Profes- sor E. H. Johnson, D.D., of Crozer Theological Seminary, Upland, Pa. It is modeled after the plan of the Church Congress, and is the only similar body in the country. Its first president was Rev. George Dana Boardman, D.D., of Philadelphia. The first meeting was held in - * Brooklyn, and it has held annual meetings since. The last meeting was held in December, 1893, in Augusta, Ga. The proceedings of the Con- gress are published annually. The purpose of the Congress is to afford an opportunity for the full, free, and courteous dis- cussion of social and religious topics. No action is taken of any kind. It is simply a free plat- form for debate. In 1889 a few of the younger Baptist minis- ters in the vicinity of New York commenced a paper called For the Right, devoted to Chris- tian socialism. It was published for 18 months, and then discontinued for lack of financial support. The first editors of this paper were Rev. J. E. Raymond, Rev. Walter Rauschen- busch, Miss Elizabeth Post, and Rev. Leighton Williams. In December, 1892, a conference of Baptist ministers interested in social topics met in Philadelphia and formed an undenominational society known as the Brotherhood of the King- dom, to be devoted to the study and propagan- da of the social teachings and gospel of Jesus Christ. Rev. Samuel Lane Batten, now (1895) associate pastor of Amity Church, New York, is the secretary and only officer of the Brother- hood. In August, 1893, the Brotherhood held a three days' conference at Marlborough-on-the- Hudson, discussing various aspects of the doc- trine of the Kingdom of God, with a view to the publication of a volume of essays on the sub- ject. Similar conferences have been held year- ly since. (See BROTHERHOOD OF THE KINGDOM.) Perhaps the considerations already stated may explain the small number of Baptist churches which have as yet sought to exemplify the so- cial aspects of the Gospel in the various appli- ances and applications now becoming common. Yet the " institutional Church," as it is coming to be called, is by no means unknown among Baptists. The Grace Temple Church, in Phila- delphia, of which Dr. Russell H. Conwell is pas- tor, is well known throughout the country for its splendid work in pop- ular education. The old Spruce "Institution- Street Church, in the same city, is al Churches." conspicuous in work along similar lines. In New York, the Taber- nacle Church was the first to launch out in these directions. It has since been follow- ed by the Memorial Church and Amity Church. The last named has made a new departure in opening its new hall for a series of con- ferences on municipal government which have met with considerable popular favor. Mention should be made also in this article of the advanced stand which many of the Baptist preachers and authors have taken on social topics. Dr. Francis Wayland and Dr. Martin B. Anderson exerted as educators a profound influence during the anti-slavery agitation and the Civil War, as did also Dr. William R. Will- iams by his sermons. Many others might be mentioned did space permit. Among our de- nominational papers, the National Baptist has been conspicuous for its outspoken attitude on social topics. The editor, Dr. H. L. Wayland, and his brother, Hon. Francis Wayland, of Yale College, have long been prominent in the Social Science Association. In conclusion, it may be said that as yet the relation of Baptists to social reform is not so important for any distinct contribution that they Baptists and Social Reform. 142 Bastiat, Frederic. have made to its literature or to its institutions as for the illustration which their own historical descent and present condition affords of the possibility, permanence, and prosperity of self- governing, self-perpetuating social communi- ties. They early built upon principles in the religious sphere which have since been em- bodied in our political constitution, and are yet to be realized in a new social regime. LEIGHTON WILLIAMS. BARNETT.Rev. SAMUEL A.,rector(i895) of St. Jude's, Whitechapel, East London. Mr. Barnett was born in 1844, and was educated at Wadham College, Oxford. About 1872 he be- came vicar of St. Jude's Church, and commenced his faithful and untiring labors. In 1883 he went to Oxford and presented to a little knot of students gathered in a student's room a plan for a settlement of university men to live and work among the poor. A small settlement of five men was made. Then Cambridge Univer- sity joined with them, and in January, 1885, Toynbee Hall (g.v.) was commenced, with Mr. Barnett as warden. It was named for Arnold Toynbee (95 Average number per day bathed in winter months ... 140 In a paper read at a municipal conference in New York, April 26, 1894, Mr. John P. Faure says : "Just one week later than the Association for Im- proving the Condition of the Poor, or on August 24, i8gi, the managers of the DeMilt Dispensary opened a bathing department in the basement of their building, corner Second Avenue and Twenty-third Street, equipped with one tub and four sprays. " For the first year a charge of 10 cents per bath was made, including a fresh towel and small cake of soap for each bather ; since August i, 1892, however, the price has been reduced to five cents. " During the two and one half years since the open- ing of these baths, they have been used by about 5000 bathers. " That this number of people, residing in different portions of the city from Centre Market Place, should manifest the same desire to bathe and pay for it, only confirms the opinion expressed earlier in this paper. " On November 27, 1893, the Charity Organization Society opened its model bath-house, representing the latest known improvements in sanitary plumbing, at its ' Wayfarers' Lodge,' 515 West Twenty-eighth Street. " I quote from a recent letter of my friend Mr. Charles D. Kellogg, the founder of the Charity Organization So- ciety in this city, in which he says : The-baths at our lodge are not free by any means. Every man who goes there to remain over night and be fed is compelled to take a bath and to have his clothes fumigated, in ad- dition to a certain extent of labor. In our judgment it is a better plan for the class of men with whom we deal, that is, homeless and unemployed the city tramp properly than any plan of free baths.' " During the months or December, January, Febru- ary, and March bathing possibilities were afforded to 8773 men by the latest work of a society that has done so much to educate New York as to the wisest lines on which to administer its benefactions." The only baths provided by American munici- palities are a few floating swimming-baths. In this New York has led. Two free floating-baths were authorized by the New York Legislature in 1868, and up to 1889 10 more, and in that year nine more. Only 15, however, have been built An act of 1892 in that State authorizes ' ' any citv, village, or town in this State to estab- lish public baths, and to loan its credit or make appropriations for that purpose. " Other States are far behind even this. References : A Plea for Public Baths, by Dr. Simon Baruch, New York Academy of Medicine (1891), 1892 ; Les Bains Populaires, by R. Baumann (Paris, 1892) ; Public Baths as a Preventative of Disease, by C. H. Shepard (International Medical Magazine, 1892). BAUMELER, JOSEPH, the first head or leader of the Separatists, who in 1818 founded the communistic colony of Zoar (q.v.\ Orig- inally a weaver, and later a teacher, he seems to have been a man of unusual organizing abil- ity, a fluent speaker and natural leader. The community was at first celibate, but between 1829-30 they began to permit marriage, and Baumeler himself took a wife. Under his lead the community prospered greatly, and when Baumeler died in 1837 the loss was said to be almost irreparable to the community. (For his views, see ZOAR.) BAX, ERNEST BELFORT, was born Jury 23, 1854, at Warrington, Warwickshire, altho his family was originally of Surrey. His first interest in social problems dates from the Paris Commune of 1871, when he was led to study the whole economic question, with its social, politi- cal, and ethical bearings. He subsequently studied in South Germany, and later became assistant correspondent in Berlin for a promi- nent London daily paper. In 1882-83 he was one of the inaugurators of the English socialist movement, in conjunction with his friends, Hyndman, Morris, and others. At the begin- ning of 1885 he left the Social Democratic Fed- eration in company with Mr. Morris and others, and founded the Socialist League, starting and editing with Mr. Morris a new journal, the Commonweal. The League had a prosperous career for two or three years, when the anarchist element in it became predominant, and he re- signed in consequence. Subsequent to this he has taken part with the Federation in various ways, editing for a time Justice, the organ of the Social Democratic Federation, and helping to found the new Twentieth Century Press. He has been a frequent contributor to the litera- ture of the party, and is the author of the follow- ing works : The Life of Murat (out of print) ; Kant's Prolegomena and Metaphysical Foun- dations of Natural Science, translated into Eng- lisn, with introductions and notes ; Handbook of the History of Philosophy from Thales to the Present Time ; an edition of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations (with introduction and notes) ; Schopenhauer's Essays translated into English, with biography, introduction and notes ; The Religion of Socialism, being Essays in Modern Socialist Criticism ; The Ethics of So- cialism, etc. ; Outlooks from the New Stand- point ; T/ie Story of the French Revolution ; The Problem of Relief, being suggestions for a philosophical reconstruction ; Socialism : Its Growth and Outcome (Morris and Bax). He has been the editor of two magazines ( To-day and 7y/#),bothof which are now defunct ; and he has at this time (1895) in the press a work dealing with the social side of the Reformation of Germany. BAZARD, SAINT-AMAND (1791-1832). Born in Paris, he won the Cross of the Legion of Honor for the part he took in the defense of Paris (1813). He had a good position in the Pre- fecture of the Seine, but becoming interested in the efforts for democratic freedom, he went to the south of France and took part in the efforts of the Carbonari. Returning to Paris, he joined the Saint Simonian School, and became its lead- ing economist and editor of its journals, Pro- ducteur (1829) and the Globe (1831). He advo- cated compulsory free education, and the gratu- itous giving by the State of land and capital for life tenancy only (so as to prevent accumula- tion), the State to give to each his deeds and to receive from each according to ability. In 1828 he gave, in Paris, a long course of lectures which largely made Saint Simonianism popular. In 1831 he opposed Enfantin (q.v.}, his col- league, at the head of the Saint Simonian school, on the question of marriage and divorce, and died of a broken heart at the division of the school. His main work is Exposition de la Doc- trine de Saint Simon (1830-31). BEAR. In exchanges (i) one who sells stocks, grain, provisions, or other commodities neither Bear. Beecher, Henry Ward. owned nor possessed by him at the time of sell- ing them, but which he expects to buy at a lower price before the time fixed for making the delivery ; (2) one who endeavors to bring down prices in order that he may buy cheap opposed to a dull, who tries to raise the price that he may sell dear ; (3) stock which one contracts to deliver at a future date, tho not in the posses- sion of the seller at the time the contract is made. In the phrases ' ' to buy or sell the bear, ' ' the expression is derived by some from the proverb, " to sell a bear's skin before one has caught the bear." One who sold stocks in this way was formerly called a ' ' bearskin jobber, ' ' later simply " a bear ;" explained by others as an allusion to a bear, which pulls down with its paws, in contrast with the bull, which tosses up with its horns. BEBEL, FERDINAND AUGUST, was born on February 22, 1840, near Cologne, and was educated as a turner. He passed through the usual grades of apprenticeship and journey- manship, and after his Wander jahre, spent in South Germany, he established himself in 1860 at Leipzig. His first public activity was as an upholder of Schultze-Delitzsch's cooperative movement, to which Lasalle also at first ad- hered, and he became prominent in political and educational work among working men. He threw all his influence against Lasalle and the Universal Association when the latter was founded. But Bebel was soon to come under the influ- ence of Liebknecht, and to become a socialist. He had no sympathy with socialism up to 1866, but from that time his views rapidly changed. He joined the International, becoming influen- tial enough to take a prominent part in bring- ing together the followers of Marx and Lasalle, and so helping to make the Social Democratic Party. When he was elected President of the Union of German Working Men's Associations in 1867, he persuaded the organization to unite with the International at the time an important step in the movement toward socialism. Bebel was returned to the North German Diet by a Saxon constituency in 1867, and has re- mained in the German Imperial Parliament, with brief exceptions, ever since, altho an outspo- ken socialist. He has often been imprisoned ; first in 1869 on the charge of disseminating doc- trines dangerous to the State ; again in 1870 on a charge of high treason, and lastly in 1872, when he was sentenced to two years' imprison- ment. Later, two additions of nine months each were made to this sentence. Bebel and Liebknecht were the leaders of so- cial democracy in the German elections of June, 1893, in which it made such a striking and sig- nificant advance, and they remain to-day (1895) the two main teachers and leaders of German socialism. Bebel once summarized his views thus : " We aim in the domain of politics at re- publicanism, in the domain of economics at so- cialism, in the domain of what is called to- day religion at atheism." His main writings are Frau und der Socialismus (1879) ; Unsere Ziele (1876) ; Christenthum und Socialismus ; Zur Lage der Ar better in den Biickereien (1890). BECCARIA, CESARE BONESANA, Marquis (1735-93), was born at Milan and educat- ed at a Jesuit college at Parma. He was an able mathematician and an expert in many sciences. He belonged for 25 years to the magistracy, serving under the Austrians, who in 1768 formed for him a Chair of Political Economy in Milan the second of the kind in Italy. His famous lit- tle tract, Dei delitti e delle pene, has been translated into 22 languages. Before either of them he arrived at many of the conclusions of Adam Smith and of Malthus. He is also the au- thor of the famous phrase, "The greatest hap- piness of the greatest number." He asserted that " coldly (rigidly) examining human nature, we see that every man is absolutely egotistic, and that on this basis alone legislation can be established if it is not to be knocked over con- stantly ; that nobody cares anything for the universal happiness or for the good of others, and that every man makes himself the center of all the things that happen in the world." Hel- vetius taught that "interest is for the moral world what the principle of gravitation is for the physical one," and he seems largely to have influenced Beccaria. BEECHER, HENRY WARD, clergy- man, was born in Litchfield, Conn., June 24, 1813 ; died in Brooklyn, N. Y., March 3, 1887. He was the eighth son of Lyman Beecher and Roxanna Foote ; studied at the Boston Law School ; was graduated at Amherst in 1837 ; studied theology at Lane Seminary. In 1839 he married Miss Eunice White Bullard, and en- tered upon his first settlement, which was over the Lawrenceburg, Ind., Presbyterian Church. In 1839 he went to Indianapolis, and served the Second Presbyterian Church of that place for eight years. In 1847 he accepted an invitation to become pastor of the Plymouth Congrega- tional Church, Brooklyn, N. Y. This society had just been formed by a few leading men es- pecially interested in temperance, the new school theology, anti-slavery, and other ques- tions of reform. He labored with this people until his death, which terminated a pastorate of 40 years. As a preacher and reformer he had world-wide fame and influence. In iSssheintro- duced a new order of church music by his Ply- mouth Collection of Hymns. At about this time his society was the first to connect parlors and a kitchen with a place of worship. In the Plym- outh pastor the oppressed ever found a cham- pion for their cause. On his platform in ante- bellum days stood Frederick Douglas, the black man, pleading for his race. Here often ap- peared fugitive slaves whose freedom Mr. Beech- er purchased with the contributions of his con- gregation. Here Wendell Phillips, the aboli- tionist, was invited to voice his convictions when driven by mobs from the halls of New York City. Here Kossuth, the exile, pleaded for his people, and $10,000 were raised for the freedom of Hungary. Here Mr. Beecher was confront- ed by a fierce mob which attempted to ' ' clean out the nigger- worshiper. " In 1850, in his fa- mous star paper, Shall We Compromise ? in The Independent, he vigorously opposed the policy of Webster and Clay to save the Union by moral compromise. Beecher, Henry Ward. 146 Beesly, Edward Spencer. Mr. Beecher resolutely repudiated the just- ness of the fugitive slave clauses in Clay's bill, and the obligation of capturing and returning runaway slaves. For this he was lampooned by the press. In 1857, when the Dred-Scott de- cision of the United States Supreme Court had given slave-holders right to take their slaves into any part of the Union, and the South was at- tempting to force slavery upon Kansas, the new- ly settled State, he opposed the movement by lecturing extensively and collecting money for the purchase of Bibles and rifles for the settlers. He did much in shaping the course of the Re- publican Party as a new political force. He was in close conference with Horace Greeley and Henry J. Raymond, editors of the New York Tribune and the New York Times, the. lead- ing Republican journals of those days. He was for 20 years an influ- His ential contributor to The Indepen- Folitical dent, of which paper he was editor Activities, during the Rebellion (1861-63). I n 1856 he stumped for Fremont, and in 1860 for Lincoln. In 1863 he visited Great Britain, and there vindicated his national Government. He spoke in several of its principal cities, where sympathy for the con- federacy prevailed. His life was threatened, and the press denounced him. The walls of the cities were placarded with enormous scurrilous pos- ters, and handbills of malcontent were freely distributed. Copies of these bills are now pre- served in the Brooklyn Historical Society. He confronted vast, turbulent mobs, often contend- ing with them for an hour or more before they would listen to his argument. Once he reached the platform only by being carried over the heads of the dense crowd. But by his good humor, pluck, and eloquence, he converted them to Northern principles. These addresses were published in 1864 in London as Speeches on the Rebellion. On April 14, 1865, by invitation of the United States Government, he delivered an oration at the commemoration of the fall of Fort Sumter and the raising of the national flag over its walls. In 1866 he wrote his famous letter to the National Convention of Soldiers and Sailors at Cleveland, O., wherein he condemned the exclusion of the Southern States, and advocated their readmission at once, showing that delay imperilled national peace and increased South- ern bitterness. Tho a formidable opponent of the Southern policy, after the war he manifested reat tolerance and compassion for the defeated tates and their leaders. In 1870 he became the editor-in-chief of the Christian Union. In 1871- 74 he delivered the first three annual courses of lectures upon preaching in the Lyman Beecher lectureship at Yale Divinity School. In 1874 he was charged with criminality with Mrs. Tilton by her husband, Theodore Tilton, his successor as editor of The Independent. After a thorough investigation by his church, the charges were not sustained ; a trial of six months in the civil courts resulted in a divided jury, which stood nine for the defendant and three for the plain- tiff. Tho he had spoken for Presidents Grant, Hayes, and Garfield, he regarded the Republican Party as having performed its chief mission in the emancipation of the slave and the restoration of the Union. His free-trade principles, his personal esteem for Governor Cleveland, and his distrust of Senator Elaine caused him to transfer his support, in 1884, to the Democratic Party. He was a conscientious and unpartisan thinker. He served his nation not as a statesman nor as a politician, but as an unselfish patriot and re- former. He was stout in build, florid, and had a consti- tution of great endurance. His face was ex- pressive and his voice magnetic. He had an exuberant imagination and a remarkable gift for illustration. His sermons and addresses abounded in references to nature, the arts, and common life. In disposition he was tolerant and affectionate ; in theology, liberal and prac- tical. He had an ardent affection for children. He was the most widely reported and misre- ported man of his generation. Through his voice and pen he had the widest influence of any preacher in America. His audience was generally limited by the capacity of the room in which he spoke. On the day of his funeral the Legislature of New York adjourned after pass- ing resolutions of sorrow and esteem. A statue of Mr. Beecher was unveiled in Brooklyn, N. Y. , June 21, 1891, people of all classes and ages con- tributing to a sum of $35,000 for its erection. His body was buried in Greenwood Cemetery. Publications containing his ser- Public Sor- mons, addresses and contributions row at His to the press are numerous, the fol- Death, lowing of which are helpful for a study of his life as a reformer : Star Papers (2 vols.) ; Lectures to Young Men ; Lectures upon Preaching ; Patriotic Addresses ; Evolution and Religion ; Ply- moiith Pulpit Sermons. The most satisfac- tory biographies of Beecher are written by John Henry Barrows, Abbott and Halliday, W. C. Beecher and Samuel Scoville, Joseph Howard, Jr., and Thomas W. Knox. Valuable information upon his life may be obtained also in History of Plymouth Church, by Noyes L. Thompson ; The Beecher Memorial, com- piled and edited by E. W. Bok ; Mrs. Stowe's Men of Our Times ; Joseph Parker's Eulogy of Beecher. THOMAS A. BICKFORD. BEESLY, EDWARD SPENCER, born in 1831, was educated, like so many of the Eng- lish Positivists, at Wadham College, Oxford. He became, in 1854, Assistant Master of Marl- borough College, and in 1860 Professor of His- tory in University College, London. Besides numerous magazine articles from the Positivist position, he has taken a large part in a transla- tion of Comte's work, and is widely known for his lectures on Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius. He has been a lifelong worker in the English labor movement as an uncompromising Radical. He presided at the meeting in St. Martin's Hall in 1863, when the International (?.v.) was or- ganized, and was an original member of the Social Democratic Federation, tho he soon with- drew from the organization. He was more ac- tive, together with Frederic Harrison and other Positivists, in aiding in every way the trade- union movement in the days when the trade- unions were struggling for legal existence. He Beesly, Edward Spencer. i47 Belgium and Social Reform. was a constant contributor to the Beehive, which was from 1861-77 the powerful working- class organ in London. Some of his letters in defense of trade-unions nearly cost him his po- sition of professor. He was, down to 1881, in close contact with the leaders of the trade-union movement, and aiding them constantly by his advice and his letters to the press. After 1883 the connection ended, altho there was no breach of friendliness. The need of his aid had largely ceased. (See TRADE-UNIONS, Section " England.") BELGIUM AND SOCIAL REFORM. I. STATISTICAL AND HISTORICAL. The kingdom of Belgium was formed in 1830 as an independent State out of a portion of the Netherlands. Prince Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg, was elected king in 1831. With an area of only 11,373 square miles, it had, in 1893, a popula- tion of 6,262,272, making it the most densely populated country in the world. It is estimated that about 426,000 are engaged in agriculture, 293,000 in mines and metal works, 473,000 in mixed industries, 327,000 in commerce, 659,000 in professions and official positions. There were, in 1892, 35 royal colleges and atheneums, 131 middle schools, 57 industrial schools, 5797 pri- mary, 1237 infant, and 1649 adult schools. Be- sides the public schools there were 80 private colleges, 65 private middle-class schools, and many lesser ones. In 1890, 26.9 per cent, of the population over 1 5 could not both read and write. Almost the whole population is nominally Ro- man Catholic, though the opposition to the ' ' clericals' ' is rapidly growing. Full religious liberty is guaranteed by the Constitution. The Budget grants 4,800,000 frs. to Roman Catholics, 85,000 frs. to Protestants, and 16,300 frs. to Jews. The revenue for 1892 was 414,045,000 frs. The Budget for 1895 estimates the' ordinary revenue at 357, 727,028 frs. (161,687,300 frs. from railways, post and telegraph ; 51,905,000 frs. from direct taxes; 25,840,570 frs. from customs; 42,247,409 frs. from excise). It estimates the ordinary ex- penses at 356,193,486 frs. (109,790,484 frs. inter- est and sinking fund for the public debt, 106,- 525,589 frs. for ministry of railways, post and telegraph ; 47,229,652 frs. for ministry of war). The public debt in 1893 was 2,147,460,574 frs. ; the funded debt, 2,126,050,939 frs. The debt was largely incurred for building railroads, but the interest is more than covered by the returns. The peace effective of the army is 47,642 men and 3421 officers ; 29,191 workmen in 1893 were employed in 1559 quarries, 1804 workmen in metallic mines, and 116,861 (of which 2172 were women, 6359 were boys, and 44 were girls) worked in coal-mines under ground. The imports in 1893 were 2,810,709,742 frs., and the exports 2,590,261,736 frs. January i, 1894, there were 2018 miles of railway worked by the State 792 by private companies. Up to 1894 the State had spent for railways 1,941,283,- 473 frs. on first cost, 1,859,469,465 frs. on work- ing them, and up to 1893 the total receipts have been 3,170,642,149 frs. II. SOCIAL REFORM. Social and industrial reform ideas began to work in Belgium very early in the century. According to M. Vandervelde, Belgian trade- unions are developed from old trade benefit societies which arose toward the end of the eighteenth century after the abolition of the old medieval guilds in 1795. Thus, for example, the Hat-makers' Benevolent Union was origi- nally a trade friendly society, but became in 1838 " a society for the maintenance of prices and for resistance." Even down to the second half of the century the old spirit lingered. In 1867 the weavers at Ghent still bore on their banner the motto, "God and the Law" (God en de Wit). To-day the Belgian artisan cries, ' ' Down with the bishop" quite as much as " Down with the king." The Master Glass-workers' Association at Charleroi was established in 1836 ; the Free Typographical Association originated in 1842 ; the Jewellers' and Goldsmiths' Society in 1852. The trade-union movement in Belgium, how- ever, early took a socialistic form. As early as 1835 the Belgian Colins wrote in Paris his Le Pacte Social, advocating extreme collectivism, and arguing that ' ' immovable prop- erty belongs to all." In 1848, at Ghent, Huet gathered around him a little knot of liberal Catholics, Socialism, among them his distinguished pupil, Professor E. de Laveleye, and taught them the principles which at a later day he so eloquently embodied in his Le Rcgne Social du Christianisme, a book which Lave- leye says " has not met the attention which it de- serves, only because it is too full of Christianity for socialists and too full of socialism for Christians. ' ' More radical socialism was, however, to come to the front in Belgium. When Karl Marx, ban- ished first from Germany and then from Paris, fled that country with Engels, his lifelong friend, it was to Brussels that they came. Here they gathered round them other German fugitives and some Belgians, attracted partly by the brill- iant philosophy of the young Hegelians, but even more by their revolutionary socialism, or communism, as it was then called. It was in Brussels that Marx and Engels wrote, at the re- quest of a congress or conference between Eng- lish and French working men, held in London in 1847, the famous manifesto, which was the first explicit utterance of modern revolutionary socialism. With a population denser than that of any other civilized country in the world, Bel- gium had long suffered more than most coun- tries from the effects of capitalism. Mining is her chief productive industry, and in her mines men and women worked, side by side, some- times almost naked, like animals rather than human beings, long hours cases of their work- ing 36 hours at a stretch are reported for piteous wages, and like beasts of the earth. Nevertheless, organization did not succeed until the time of the International. Says Pro- fessor de Laveleye : "The International gained a footing in Belgium in 1865 j but it was not until December, 1866, that the first section was constituted at Liege. We see in the report of the delegate, De Paepe, at the Congress of Lau- sanne, that a very active section had been founded at Brussels, and that the working men's societies of Ghent and Antwerp were connected with it. At the Congress Belgium and Social Reform. 148 Belgium and Social Reform. of Brussels, in 1868, the delegate Frere announced that several very large sections had been formed in the coal-basin of Charleroi, and that at Verviers 'the free laborers ' had joined and had even started a newspaper, the Mirabeau, which, strange to say, still exists. At Bruges a section was formed with a journal called the Vooruit, and soon afterward there appeared at Ant- werp the Werker, which exercised a great influence over the working men in the Flemish towns. In De- cember all the sections formed a federation. A gen- eral council of 16 members was chosen and a journal started, the Internationale. The sections were grouped according to the coal-basins, and were all to send del- egates to the general congress held every year. It was almost a reproduction of the parent association. The strikes and conflicts which resulted therefrom, in the neighborhood of Charleroi and Seraing, attracted a great deal of attention to the International. The leaders, however, were unwilling to encourage strikes for fear they should fail. Thus, at the second National Congress of Antwerp, which sat from August 1-15, 1873, it was resolved that the federations should make every preparation for the universal strike, but that it was necessary to give up entirely partial strikes except 4 in a case of legitimate defense.' "At the time of its greatest diffusion the Interna- tional counted eight federations ; those, namely, of Brussels, Ghent, Antwerp, Liege, the Vesdre, the Borinage, the Centre, and Charleroi. As to the num- ber of members, it has been variously estimated from 100,000 to 200,000. After the schism of The Hague be- tween Marx and Bakounin, the Belgian International- ists pronounced against the exclusion of Bakounin, without, however, adhering to his doctrines." They, however, sent delegates to his so-called " Automnist" congresses of Geneva (1873), Brus- sels (1874), and Berne (1876), But when in 1877 a general congress was held at Ghent, De Paepe declared for a Marxian policy, and the movement split. Henceforth the Socialists and " Automnists" wentseparate ways,, In 1878 a German "Reading Club" was organized in Brussels, and a new agitation sprang up. Voll- mar, a leading German socialist, made two tours of propaganda. A congress at Boom in 1878 declared for the Gotha program, a socialist labor party and the journals Le Voix de I'Ouvrier, of Brussels, de Werker, of Antwerp, and de Volkswil., of Ghent. Controversy with the an- archists, however, prevented much progress, the anarchists having formed an active ttnion revo- lutionaire,. A new and most important move- ment was now to spring up. In the year 1879 a Ghent typewriter, an ac- tive socialist, Edward Anseele (y.v.), founded a cooperative bakery, and in connection with it a club, the Vooruit. Up to this time cooperation had not succeeded in Belgium, but this socialist cooperative movement succeeded and spread. A similar organization, called the Mats on du Peuple (House of the People), was started by the Brussels socialists in 1882, and another at Verviers in 1884. In the next four years the movement spread through all the important Bel- gian cities and industrial centers. Soon the so- cieties began selling other things than bread, till gradually the movement became one of vast size and importance. In 1893 the Mats on du Peuple had 10,000 members, representing some 10,000 families, and manufactured 100,000 loaves of bread a week. It possesses a large club house, which is the center of socialist propaganda, a library, a tool store, and other property. It provides coal, groceries, meat, furniture, cloth- ing, medical attendance, and insurance, all at cooperative prices. It maintains a monthly, a weekly, and a daily. Every one who belongs to it must adhere to the program of the (so- cialist) Labor Party (Parti ouvrier). Members who for one month deal elsewhere than at the society's establishments may be expelled on a two-thirds vote. A similar work, though not on so large a scale, is carried on by the other so- cialist cooperative societies. The Vooruit at Ghent in 1893 had 5000 members ; but the fact of importance is that these societies form a net- work over Belgium of socialist organizations, providing their members with all the necessities of life, and raising funds for active socialist propaganda. As a result, Belgian socialism has recently grown rapidly, and is perhaps better organized than the socialism of any other coun- try. In 1885 a socialist working man's party was organized (Parti ouvrier beige), which is the political organization of Belgian socialism. Its power is seen in the fact that it was able in 1893 to effect in a few days a veritable revolution in the Belgian Constitution. Hith- erto the Belgian socialist had been able to ac- complish little politically, because of property limitations to the suffrage. There had been more or less of an agitation on the subject since 1882, but in 1893 the matter came to a head. A bill to introduce free suffrage was introduced into the Chamber and Senate and defeated. Immediately Labor Party, the Labor Party called a universal strike. According to M. Volders, 200,000 struck work upon that day alone. There was some resistance. M. Volders, the leader of the Labor Party, was arrested with two others. M. Buls, the Brussels burgomaster, ordered "The House of the People" closed, and pro- hibited meetings and processions. But this only added fuel to the flame. In spite of the leaders of the Labor Party, collisions with the police took place at Brussels, Antwerp, Mons, Quareg- non, and elsewhere. Numbers of men, women, and even children were shot down, and some mortally wounded. But the strike was won. On April 18, only eight days after its rejection of universal suffrage, the Constituante (the As- sembly) met, and a hurried plan to revise the Constitution and grant a vastly enlarged suffrage was devised and carried, and the Labor Party declared the strike off. The present program of the Belgian Labor Party (Parti ouvrier beige} is as follows : PREAMBLE. A party has been established among the Belgian labor associations, with the object of obtaining for workmen the political rights and material well-being of which they have hitherto been deprived. Seeing that workmen only acquire these rights and this well-being through their own strength, the party will consist exclusively of labor associations ; Seeing that workmen have to contend against sick- ness and involuntary stoppage of work, and to secure their wages, the Labor Party will endeavor to ob- tain the greatest possible advantages for associations instituted with this aim, and to found similar associa- tions in localities where they do not yet exist ; Seeing that workmen, like the rest of the world, have a right to the greatest possible liberty, the widest in- struction, a good education, and all the enjoyments of an advanced civilization, the party will work zealously to attain this end ; Seeing that workmen, in spite of all sacrifices, can- not succeed in instituting pension funds, disablement funds, or funds for assistance in case of sickness, rich enough to pension an old workman, and effectually to support those who are sick or in distress ; Seeing that the majority of workmen possess neither the material nor the tools for agriculture or industry ; Belgium and Social Reform. 149 Belgium and Social Reform. Finally, seeing that they have absolutely no part in the management of factories, mines or workshops, and are consequently powerless and helpless against in- dustrial and commercial crises, which affect them so terribly ; The Labor Party is of opinion that the State should intervene to assure the fate of the workman during the period of work, sickness, and old age. To this end, the Labor Party will not be satisfied with founding funds for assistance in case of sickness, co-operative societies, and protective societies, but it will also take the character of a political party, in order to obtain from the State the support necessary for the perfect well-being of the working classes. Seeing that governments conclude international, commercial, postal, and maritime conventions ; Seeing that the interests of workmen are everywhere identical, and in order to prevent strikers from being supplanted by other workmen in times of difficulty, the Labor Party declares that it wishes to place itself in sympathetic relations with the associated workmen in every country who share its views ; Seeing that the cause of the misery and dependence of the masses is due to the method of working, since the greater part of the workmen do not possess the tools necessary for their work, the Labor Party will endeavor to replace this system of capitalistic pro- duction by a mode of -working which has for its foun- dation the common possession of the soil, the sub-soil, and the necessary tools. In addition to these general objects, and in order to attain its final aim, the Labor Party demands the re- forms set forth in the following program : 1. Universal suffrage ; direct legislation by the peo- ple, that is to say, popular sanction and initiative in legislative matters, secret and compulsory voting ; elections held on Sunday. 2. Secular, compulsory and complete education for all children, to be conducted at the cost of the commu- nity, represented by the State or the communes. Higher instruction by means of classes for adults. 3. The separation of Church and State, religion being considered as a private matter, the suppression of re- ligious expenses, and the return to the nation of prop- erty " in mortmain," both personal and real, pertaining to religious corporations, as well as all the industrial and commercial property Political of these corporations. Pros-ram 4- The application, to all cases, of the o system of trial by jury, and of settle- ment by councils of arbitration elected by universal suffrage. Free adminis- tration of justice, and the revision, in an equitable sense, of the articles of the code which establish the political or civil inferiority of workmen, women, and natural children. 5. The abolition of conscription, and of the system of substitutes. The equality of military commissions, and the reduction of war expenses. The abolition of standing armies, and the decision of peace and war by the people. 6. The investment of the communes with the control of their own administration, their budget, police, and all their public officers. The nomination by the elect- ors of the burgomaster and sheriffs. 7. A law according State recognition to workmen's syndicates (including among other privileges the right to hold property and plead in court). 8. A rest of one day in each week ; employers to be forbidden to cause work to be done on more than six days out of seven. 9. A law limiting the age at which any person may work, and the duration of such work, in the following manner : (a) The abolition of work for children below i2 years of age ; (b) a combination of work and instruc- tion, and the abolition of all night work for young persons from 12 to 16 years of age - ; (c) the abolition of the employment of women in all industries in which their employment would be incompatible with moral- ity and health ; (rf) the establishment by law of a nor- mal working day for adults of both sexes. 10. A commission elected by workmen, and paid by the State, to introduce healthy and safe conditions into workshops. The sanitary supervision of dwellings. Economic II- ^ he rea * responsibility of employ- ' ers in cases of accidents in connection Program, with work, by a law stipulating that it devolves upon the employer to prove, if necessary, that an accident was due to malice on the part of the workman. 12. The regulation of convict labor, so as to put an end to the competition now made with free labor, and to allow prisoners, at the time of their release, means of finding employment, to avoid falling back into crime. 13. Workmen, and, by preference, labor associa- tions, to have a share in the government of workshops. The suppression of fines and deductions from wages. The suppression of benefit funds regulated by employ- ers. The reversal of the management of these funds to the workmen themselves. 14. The reorganization of councils of prud'hommes on a basis of equality. Employers to be forbidden to require testimonials and certificates. 15. The gradual transformation of public charity in- to one vast system of insurance by the State, the prov- inces, and the communes. 16. The abolition of all taxes on articles of consump- tion. The abolition of customs, and a progressive tax on net income. 17. The abolition of all contracts and laws alienating public property (such as the national bank, railways, mines, communal property), and the return of this property to the community, represented, according to the case, by the State or the commune. 18. The abolition of all laws made in favor of em- ployers at the expense of workmen. The Belgian Labor Party is a very compact and well-organized body. It has a strike fund to which all its cooperative societies contribute. It has many papers Le Peuple, Vooruit, De Toekomst, De Werker, L'Avenir, and L' Emancipation. The Belgian socialists are carrying on an es- pecial agitation against standing armies. The spreading of this idea in the army itself they have entrusted to an organization of young so- cialists, the Jeune Garde Socialiste, who publish an organ of their own. There is also consider- able activity among the women, and a paper in their interests. The temper of the Belgian party is extremely radical. Upon the walls of " The House of the People" at Brussels are the mottoes : " What is the worker ? Nothing. What shall the worker be? All." "You cannot stop the murmuring of the people when they cry, ' We ae hungry,' for it is the cry of nature, and shall be heard." " The working people are the rock upon which the church of the future shall be built." Although this movement of the Labor Party is the dominant industrial reform movement to- day in Belgium, it is not the only one. Coopera- tion and profit sharing have some hold in Bel- gium apart from the labor movement, but will be considered under article COOPERATION. Labor exchanges have been established by many mu- nicipalities. In February, 1892, a Federation of Labor exchanges throughout the country was formed to facilitate means of finding work for the unemployed in any part of Belgium, to study questions relating to the organization of labor exchanges or markets, and to establish new ex- changes. Arbitration and conciliation have re- ceived considerable attention. (See ARBITRA- TION.) Belgium has also taken some steps tow- ard the employment of the unemployed (see UNEMPLOYMENT), and has developed some indus- trial legislation as to Employers' Liability Laws, etc. Working men's dwellings have been much discussed. In 1869 a commission was appointed to inves- tigate the general condition of miners and metal workers, including their dwellings. It was then stated that many coal companies had built houses which were let to married workmen. Single men generally lived in lodgings, which, in most cases, were in a miserable state. The inquiry of 1869 was not followed by any practical result. Belgium and Social Reform. Belgium and Social Reform. and the terrible revelations made to the Labor Commission in 1886 showed that little or no im- provement had been made since the publication of the report of 1846. In March, 1888, the Gov- ernment introduced a bill which became law on August 9, 1889. This law provides for the insti- tution of committees of inspection (comitds de patronage), which can empower the savings bank to lend part of its funds for the building or purchase of workmen's houses, and regulate the conditions under which expropriation by zones should be carried out. In Ghent, where the number of persons in each house is lower than in any other town in Belgium, the society JEigen Heerd is goud iveerd makes similar loans. The 1890 report of the Brussels commit- tee, established by virtue of the law of 1889, shows that 491 families occupied separate houses, 1371 three or more rooms, 8058 two rooms, 6978 one room, 2186 a garret, and 200 a cellar. Of the families living in one room, 1511 consisted of more than five persons. The first cooperative building society was established at Brussels in 1890. In 1891 a decision of the general council of the savings bank, approved by a royal de- cree, provided that the loans for building should not be made to the workmen directly, but through the medium of a society. On Novem- ber 25, 1892, advances had been made from the general savings bank and pension fund to 23 joint-stock and 4 cooperative societies at the rate of interest of 2*^ per cent., and at 3 per cent, to 10 joint-stock and 2 cooperative societies. The capital of the joint-stock societies amounted to 3,265,000 frs. The Roman Catholic Church has been espe- cially active in social reform in Belgium. It has made Louvain a center for Roman Catholic Christian Socialism. (See CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM.) The movement is, however, divided into the two policies of uniting with the Social Democrats, to win them for the Church, or of opposing Social Democracy with the program of social reform under the patronage of the Church. Consider- able State socialism also exists in Belgium. The Belgian monarchy has been in many ways the most advanced and liberal monarchy in Europe. Formed only in 1830, it has had less to unlearn than most monarchies. When King Leopold, long resident in England, and familiar with English business, ascended the throne in 1831, he set himself to develop the in- dustrial interests of his kingdom. As early as 1833 Belgium began a system of State railways, and under the intelligent patronage of the king competed successfully for the through freight from Germany to England. To-day the State operates 3241 kilometers out of the 4517 kilo- meters of railroad in the country, the private roads, too, being mainly unimportant lines. Railroad rates are lower than anywhere in the world except on a few lines in East India. The receipts in 1891 were 142,736,211 frs., and the ex- penses 84,464,020 frs. , leaving a large revenue for the Government. From 1835-91 only 93 per- sons, including passengers and employees, have been killed by collisions or derailments ; 2948 on railroad crossings and in all ways, including suicides, on the road. In the United States the Interstate Commerce Commission reported in 1891, 2953 killed in this country on the rail- roads ; in one year alone nearly as many as in Belgium in 56 years, with a population one eleventh of the population of the United States. The employees on Belgian roads work, too, less hours and at better wages than most work- men in Belgium. Nevertheless, this is saying little. Belgium, with her dense population (the densest in the world) and resultant competition, has developed deplorable industrial conditions, though of recent years there has been consider- able improvement in many respects. This is shown by a comparison established by the Minister of Agriculture, Industry, and Pub- lic Works, between the average rate of wages in 1846 and 1891 in 24 industries at Brussels : TABLE SHOWING AVERAGE DAILY WAGE IN BRUSSELS IN 1846 AND 1891 : INDUSTRY. Average Daily Wage. 1846. 1891. Masons Frs. .70 79 95 .88 25 .70 .98 75 .50 55 Frs. 3-75 4 3.80 3-50 4 3-75 5 4.50 5-So 3-5 4-50 Carpenters Plasterers Molders in plaster.. . ... House-painters Cabinet-makers .and carvers.. Blacksmiths ... . Printers Bookbinders .... Goldsmiths It must be remembered, however, that this is only for Brussels. For the mines the Report on Belgium of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor (1893) says : "In 1891 the average annual wage of workers in and about mines was 774 frs. ($150), whereas in 1890 and 1889 it was 807 frs. and 743 frs. re- spectively. ' ' If this be the average annual wage, it can be imagined what must be the condition of some of the employees. According to the Belgian An- nuaire Siatistique for 1892, p. 247, the condi- tion of the agricultural laborers is worse still. It gives a table for 1880, and indicates that there has been little if any improvement. TABLE SHOWING AVERAGE DAILY WAGE OF AGRI- CULTURAL LABORERS IN 1880. PROVINCE. v Without Food. With Food. Men. Women Men. Women. Frs. 1.50 1.74 1.83 1.65 2.41 2.46 i .62 2.48 2.67 Frs. .09 .16 .07 .24 .48 .it .62 44 Frs. i 1.03 .98 83 !-37 1.52 .88 i-54 1.70 Frs. .60 .67 .64 53 74 .87 55 92 .86 Brabant East Flanders Hainault Limburg Luxembourg Natnur References : The best authorities on Belgium and social reform are the Report on Belgium of the (Eng- lisK) Royal Commission on Labor (1893), the Belgian Annuaire Statistique, and other official publications. Bellamy, Edward. '5* Bemis, Edward W. BELLAMY, EDWARD, born 1850 in Chicopee Falls, Mass. , is the son of Rev. R. K. Bellamy. Altho he has traveled extensively, he still lives in the house of his birth, where his father lived 35 years. He graduated at Union College and studied law, but soon entered jour- nalism, writing for many papers, principally the Springfield Union. His first novel was A Nan- tucket Idyl, a short summer romance. Dr. Heidenhojf's Process, The Blind Man 1 s World, and Miss Ludington' s Sister followed. All are dreamy, fantastic novels, but with such power that Mr. Howells declared that " the mantle of Hawthorne has fallen upon Mr. Bell- amy." He then wrote Looking Backward, upon which his great fame depends. (See NA- TIONALISM.) In the Nationalist magazine he has 'related how he came to \yrite that book ; how it took shape from an original plan to write a sort of fairy tale of social felicity ' ' a cloud palace for an ideal humanity" in the shape of a great world-nation. At that time he had no particu- lar sympathy with any projects for social or in- dustrial reform ; not, however, through any " in- difference to the miserable condition of the mass of humanity ; seeing that it resulted rather from a perception all too clear of the depth and breadth of the social problem and a consequent skepti- cism as to the effectiveness of the proposed so- lution." The idea of an industrial army for maintaining the community, precisely as the duty of protecting it is entrusted to a military army, was directly suggested ' ' by the grand object lesson of the organization of an entire people for national purposes presented by the military system of universal service for fixed and equal terms, which has been practically adopted by the nations of Europe, and theoreti- cally adopted everywhere else as the only just and only effectual plan of public defense on a great scale. What inference could possibly be more obvious and more unquestioned than the advisability of trying to see if a plan which was found to work so well for purposes of destruc- tion might not be profitably applied to the busi- ness of production, now in such shocking confu- sion ?" This idea had been vaguely floating in his mind for a year or two, but it was not until he began to work out the details of his romance of the thirtieth century that he perceived the full potency of the instrument he was using, and " recognized in the modern military system not merely a rhetorical analogy for a national industrial service, but its prototype,, furnishing at once a complete working model for its organi- zation, an arsenal of patriotic and national mo- tives and arguments for its animation, and the unanswerable demonstration of its feasibility drawn from the actual experience of whole na- tions organized and maneuvered as armies. ' ' This idea led to a complete recasting of the book, both in form and purpose, and the author was filled with the fervent desire to acquaint the people of his country with its beneficent possibilities a desire which the popularity of Looking Backward has abundantly realized. The form of a romance was reluctantly retained, only with a view to obtain a reading for the book. The year 2000 instead of 3000 was fixed upon as the date of the story, for with his new belief as to the part which the nationalization of in- dustry is to play in bringing in the good time coming, it appeared reasonable to suppose that by the year 2000 the order of things to which we look forward will already have become an exceedingly old story. The book soon after its appearance made a sensation ; a Bellamy Club was started in Bos- ton, and from that grew the Nationalist Club, and then the Nationalist movement (g.v.). The book has reached a sale of over 500,000 copies in this country, and has been translated into most of the languages of Europe. In the be- ginning of 1891 Mr. Bellamy commenced the publication of a weekly, The New Nation, as an organ of nationalism. It was suspended, however, at the close of 1893. Mr. Bellamy still resides in Chicopee Falls, writing magazine articles and new books in advocacy of national- BELLERS, JOHN, born about 1654 ; died 1725. He was a member of the Society of Friends, joint lord of the manor of Coin St. Aldwyn's, and devoted to philanthropic proj- ects. He wrote numerous pamphlets, the best known of which is Proposals for Raising a Colledge of Industry (1695-6), in which he pro- posed that the rich should provide capital and receive profit by building a college in which destitute men and women could find work. BEMIS, EDWARD W., was born at Spring- field, Mass., in 1860. He was graduated from Amherst in 1880, receiving the class honors in history and political economy. In 1885 he took the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Johns Hopkins University, having meanwhile spent two years in the West, part of the time as an editorial writer on the St. Paul Pioneer Press, later as principal of one of the Minneapolis schools. During the winters of 1887-88 and 1888-89 ne conducted University Extension courses on Po- litical Economy in Buffalo, St. Louis, and other cities. In 1889 Dr. Bemis took charge of the Department of History and Economics at Van- derbilt University, resigning in 1892 to accept the position of Associate Professor of Political Economy in the University Extension Depart- ment at the University of Chicago. This en- gagement, however, was terminated September, 1895. In 1886, at Springfield, Mass., and in 1887, at Buffalo, N. Y. , he organized the first two branches of the American Economic Associa- tion. Among his writings we mention Municipal Ownership of Gas in the United States (Ameri- can Economic Association, vol. vi., Nos. 4 and 5) ; Cooperation in New England and the Middle States (parts i. , ii. , and iii. of History of Cooperation in the United States, Johns Hopkins University Press) ; Local Government in Michigan and the Northwest (vol. i., No. 5 Johns Hopkins University studies) ; Mine Labor in the Hocking Valley (vol. iii., No. 3 Ameri- can Economic Association) ; The Relation of Trade- Unions to Apprentices (Quarterly Jour- nal of Economics, October, 1891) ; Benefit Fea- tures of American Trade- Unions (Political Bemis, Edward W. Berlin. Science Quarterly, June, 1887) ; The Labor Organizations of America (in press, in Diction- ary of Political Economy] ; Cooperative Life Insurance (in new edition of Johnson's Ency- clopedia) ; Local Governinent in the South and Southwest (Johns Hopkins University Histori- cal Studies, vol. xi., Nos. n, 12); Recent Re- sults of Municipal Gas Making (Review of Reviews, February, 1893) ; Insurance of Amer- ican Working Men (Handworterbuch der Staatswissenschaften, Germany) ; Coopera- tion (American Annual Encyclopedia for 1888) ; Relation of Labor Organizations to the American Boy and to Trade Instruction (in Annals of the American Academy of Politi- cal and Social Science, September, 1894). He classes himself with the historical school, yet not in a way to deny the great benefits of the so-called Manchester school or to forsake their many wise methods of investigation. As to the tariff, he believes in gradual reduction in tariffs upon extractive industries, and later upon others, but endorses the scientific possibility of wise protection at some times and places. He believes in the municipalization of gas, electric light, telephones, and street-car lines ; the na- tionalization of the telegraph, and in a less de- cided way thinks that ultimately we may find it wise to have national ownership of railroads. On the currency, he is an international bimetal- list. BENTHAM, JEREMY (1748-1832), son of a wealthy solicitor in London, graduated at Queen's College, Oxford, in 1766, at the age of 1 8. He was called to the bar in 1772, but never practised his profession. He became, rather, the greatest critic of government and legislation in his day. His first publication was A Frag- ment on Government (1776). His first impor- tant economic treatise was A Defense of Usury, in which he tries to prove by close reasoning that when the Legislature fixes a maximum rate of interest it does not benefit the right persons, and encourages deceit and raises the rate of se- cret interest by adding the danger of discovery. He proceeds to urge that every man is the best judge of his own welfare, and that it is for the public good to leave him free to seek it. Ben- tham published A Manual of Political Econ- omy, but he influenced economic thought even more by his philosophic writings. Through James Mill and Ricardo, not only did utilitarian- ism, but Bentham's peculiar form of utilitarian- ism, became prominent. Beccaria in 1764 had coined a convenient phrase, " The greatest hap- piness of the greatest number," and Bentham took this up and made it the ruling principle and chief end of legislation. This, too, he taught to be identical with the extremest laissez-faire. Whatever distress, he held, this might bring upon the individual, it was for the greatest good of the greatest number. Through the West- minster Review he and his followers made this thought very influential upon the men of his day. Bentham was also a great believer in education, especially of the working classes, whom he con- sidered the most important part of the commu- nity. He aided Robert Owen by taking shares in his factory at New Lanark. His works and life, edited by Bowring, fill ii volumes, of which the tenth and eleventh contain the life. His chief economical works are : Protest against Law Taxes ; Supply without Burden ; Tax with Monopoly (i.e., a tax on bankers and stock-brokers) ; Defense of Usury and of Projects in Arts ; Manual of Political Economy ; Conversion of Stock into Note Annuities ; Invention ana Discovery ; Hard Labor Bill ; Tracts on Poor Laws and Pauper Management. BEQUEST, POWER OF. This is an in- heritance of modern nations from the Roman law, which allowed three fourths of the inherit- ance to be willed away from the next of kin. The Koran allows two thirds, and the Mishna recognizes gifts of property to take effect on death. (See INHERITANCE.) BERLIN. With a population, in 1890, of i ,579,244, Berlin is one of the most rapidly grow- ing and progressive cities of the world. In 1870 it had only 800,000 inhabitants, and in 1840 only 331,894. This growth only brings into greater prominence the high grade of its municipal life. Professor R. T. Ely calls it one of the best-gov- erned cities in the world. In cleanliness and in the attractiveness of its parks, streets, and pub- lic buildings it is scarcely surpassed by Paris. The following account is abridged from Mr. Sylvester Baxter's Berlin : A Study of Munici- pal Government in Germany : " The principal streets are paved with asphalt, and the most frequented are literally washed and scrubbed every night. The consequent freedom of the city from dust is very marked. The smoothness of the pave- ment affords immense relief in diminishing the noise and jar of the streets. The broad sidewalks are laid with flagging in the center, and between that and the curbstone are paved with small, mosaic-like stones that form a smooth surface, and are easily removed and replaced. Beneath this space are laid the gas- pipes, telegraph and electric-light wires, pneumatic tubes, etc., so that in laying or repairing these the street pavement is not disturbed. " Instead of adding ugliness to the streets, the arc- lights of Berlin are things of beauty, an artistic embel- lishment to the city. Unter den Linden is probably the most brilliantly and beautifully illuminated street in the world. " The incandescent light is very extensively used. ' ' The telephone service is admirable, as is testified by the public appreciation, there being over 10,000 instru- ments in use in Berlin. There are no private telephone companies in Germany, the telephone, like the tele- graph, being a branch of the postal service. The price for telephone service is low, the annual charge for an instrument being 120 marks a year, or something less than $30. The long-distance service between the prin- cipal cities of the empire is being rapidly introduced. " Postal administration is regarded in Germany as a practical science in itself, and no means is neglected to promote the interest of members of the service in its study. Pneumatic tubes radiate out over the city from the central post-office, connecting various local stations at frequent intervals, so that a message is delivered in almost any part of the great city within half an hour. The postage for the pneumatic service is 25 pfennige, or 6% cents. Telegrams are very extensively sent and delivered by means of the pneumatic service. "The Stadtbahn, or city railway, in Berlin is a great convenience. It is an elevated railway traversing the city from east to west, and connecting with the Ringbahn, or belt railway, that surrounds the city. Both belong to the Prussian Government, and are of great military value, enabling the saving of two or three days in the mobilization of troops and their rapid transportation through the city in case of need. The stations are elaborate and handsome affairs, with arching roofs. There are four tracks, two for local and two for through traffic, and all express trains from distant Local Transit. Berlin. Berlin. cities are brought into one grand central station at the Friedrichstrasse, in the heart of the city. " The street railway system of Berlin is excellent. It is all in the hands of one great company ; but Berlin obtains in return for the street railway franchise : (i) the paving of the streets on which the cars run, from curb to curb, with the best of material ; (2) the keeping of these streets in repair by the street railway com- pany ; (3) a percentage of the gross receipts of the com- pany, and (4) the entire plant of the company on the expiration of its franchise in 1911. Altho subjected to municipal regulations that require an equipment of the highest standard, low rates of fare, and strictly limit the number of persons that a car may carry, so that overcrowding is not permitted, the company not only easily meets all these obligations, but pays hand- some dividends and accumulates a sinking fund that will equal the capital invested by the time the fran- chise expires and the plant becomes the property of the city. This source of revenue for the municipality amounts to something like $250,000 a year. " Berlin has an admirable park system. There are five great parks around Berlin. The Thiergarten, com- posed principally of a noble old forest, has been greatly improved within the past few years, and is now one of the finest parks of Europe. "Throughout the city nearly all the open places are occupied by beautiful gardens. These urban gardens are extensively used for children's playgrounds, and here and there are placed heaps of sand for the smaller ones. " The form of the municipal government of Berlin is, in general, that prevailing throughout Prussia as de- termined by the municipal reform laws created by the great statesmen, Stein Municipal an( i Hardenberg, in 1808 ; the laws Government which have given a general model for the forms of municipal government now prevailing throughout the German Em- pire. " While throughout the empire universal manhood suffrage prevails, in the city governments the suffrage is slightly restricted. Every honest inhabitant obtains the electoral franchise after a year's residence and at the age of 24, if he pays what is called a class tax on an income of about $150. These restrictions make the qualified voters in Berlin about 13 per cent, less in number at municipal elections than in the national elections. ' ' Over 10,000 citizens take part in the administration of affairs, and in the city government are the best and most prominent citizens. There are men like Professor Virchow, Professor Gneist, and others from the Uni- versity, natural leaders in public life ; men of world- wide reputation and ranking as statesmen, taking their regular part in the routine of city affairs. Professor Gneist has been a member of the city government since 1848. To skirk these responsibilities is hardly possible for any man, even if it were desired by him, for every citizen is obliged, under penalty of a fine and a heavy increase of taxation, to accept any position to ' which he may be elected. " The Berlin system aims at the greatest efficiency and economy attainable under a fundamentally popular representative form. The broad basis of the govern- ment is to be found in the Municipal Assembly, a body composed of 126 members, representing the 326 wards of the city. One half at least must be house-owners : and two brothers, or father and son, are not allowed to be members at the same time. The members of this body are chosen for six years, one third retiring every two years, so that there is a municipal election once in two years. The long terms of members give them experience, and the remaining in office of a large majority of old members assures the management of affairs by persons thoroughly conversant with munic- ipal business. This assembly directly represents the people, and out of it proceed all the other features of the municipal government. It has the entire financial control of affairs, being supreme in drawing up the budget for the year, and in authorizing extraordinary expenditures. It has no executive functions as a body, but its members exercise them individually in associa- tion with other branches of the government. " This assembly chooses the upper branch of the city government, known as the Magistracy, and composed of the board of mayor and aldermen, the latter 32 in number, 15 of whom are salaried, while 17 are honorary members with no salaries whatever. The mayor is chosen for a period of 12 years, nominally subject to the approval of the king. His salary is 30,000 marks, equal to about $7500, which, in its purchasing value in Germany, would probably be substantially the same as the $10,000 paid in Boston. It is a post of the highest honor, and may be considered equivalent to a life posi- tion, for when there is a va'cancy in this office in a large German city it is customary for the authorities to sur- vey the field throughout the country, and select from the mayors of other cities some man of the highest qualifications for executive and general business efficiency ; and the person thus agreed upon can usual- ly make his own conditions and be sure of reelection when his term expires, if he does not choose to retire upon a liberal pension. "The 15 salaried aldermen are elected for 12 years by the municipal council, with especial regard to the qualifications for administering the departments over which they are to rule. Their salaries being higher than those of the local judges and the higher members of the civil service, the offices are made attractive ta the best class of men, who must have received a thor- ough training in the splendid civil service of Prussia from which they were chosen. It is also the custom to reelect these men on the expiration of their terms, if they do not choose to retire on their pensions. These paid aldermen consist of the deputy mayor, two legal advisers, the city treasurer, two school councilors, two architects, and seven aldermen without special title who may be assigned to any positions they are deemed most fit to occupy. These men correspond to the heads of our various department commissions, but it is a freat advantage to have them regular members of the oard of aldermen, where they may take part in the deliberations. " The 17 unpaid aldermen are chosen by the assembly for terms of six years, are usually taken from the higher class of citizens and, indeed, from those mem- bers of the assembly itself who have distinguished themselves by years of efficient service in various de- partments. Their positions are esteemed of great honor, and the incumbents assume the same duties as those of the paid aldermen. They are also usually re- elected at the end of their term, so that any competent man may be a member of the city government for life, if he chooses ; and under this system it would be diffi- cult for an incompetent member to be elected. Profes- sor Gneist, in his admirable paper contributed to the Contemporary Review, calls this board of aldermen 'the soul of the government of the city,' and points out that its ability to control the wide range of im- portant interests of so large a community is due to the excellent division of labor which has gradually devel- oped itself in the management of the business. " The voters of the city are divided into three classes, a system which prevails throughout Prussia. These classes are divided according to the rate of taxes they pay. In the first class come those heaviest tax-payers, who pay one third of the entire levy. In the second class come those who pay the next third, while the third class comprises all the rest of the tax-payers. Each of these classes chooses one third of the assem- blymen who are to be voted for at an election. In con- sequence a majority of the assembly is chosen by a minority of the voters, the principle prevailing in mu- nicipal suffrage in Germany being similar to that in a financial corporation, where voters exercise a power corresponding to that of the number of shares they hold. " The two chambers are supplemented by a body of 70 'citizen deputies,' as they are called, selected by the assembly from distinguished citizens to serve on general committees for the administration of spe- cial affairs, such as the relief of the poor, the conduct of the schools, etc. " In Berlin the police is administered by the State in- stead of the city. The force consists of something like 3000 men, besides their officers and the expense, amounting to nearly $400,000 annually, is borne by the city. "The system of taxation comprises an income tax of 3 per cent, on all incomes above a certain amount ; a house and rent tax, apportioned between the landlord and the tenant ; and various minor special taxes. " The relief of the poor is performed by 223 local com- missions, each composed of between 4 and 12 citizens, or honorary members, with the assemblyman of the district as member ex officio. One feature is the as- signment of certain city lands to the poor, for planting with potatoes. Only vagabonds and altogether un- worthy persons are sent to the workhouse. The chari- table institutions of the city are numerous and well conducted. The relief of the poor in 1881-82 cost over $1,100,000. This system probably accounts for the marked absence of evidences of distressing poverty. The fire brigade of Berlin is a military organization with 750 men, besides officers, and was maintained in Police. Berlin. Besant, Annie. School System. 1882 at a cost of about $370,000. The cleaning of the streets is admirably done. It always takes place be- tween midnight and eight o'clock in the morning. "The municipal gas-works yielded, at last accounts, something like 18 per cent, of the entire annual expen- diture of the city as profit. " The water- works also yield an annual profit of con- siderably over $250,000; and even the great sewerage system has produced a net revenue of something like the same figure, through the annual rate imposed upon house-owners for the use of sewers. " The school system of Berlin is one of the prides of the city. It is controlled by a school board composed of members of the city government, superintendents of the church dioceses, together with the dean of the Catholic churches, and 87 local committees, upon which something like 1300 citizens serve. There were in 1881, 118 large com- mon schools, attended by rich and poor alike. There are, besides, 10 gymnasiums, corre- sponding to our Latin schools ; 7 real schools, cor- responding to our English high schools ; 2 industrial schools, and 4 high schools for girls, all very largely attended, besides 6 State schools, comprising 4 gym- nasiums, i real school, and i high school for girls. Another important class of schools, die Fortbildungs- schulen, or supplementary schools, was founded by the city to enable apprentices and clerks to continue their studies. There are 12 schools of this kind. There are also Sunday classes for young people of both sexes, maintained chiefly by private subscription. Every school building has a gymnasium, large and well equipped, for athletic instruction ; and besides, there is a Turn Halle, a great and model institution for ath- letic training ; also something like 90 private schools, that find it more and more difficult to compete with the public schools, so excellent are the latter. These pri- vate schools are also under the supervision of the pub- lic school authorities,and must conform to public stand- ards ; there are also 22 public libraries, mostly in the charge of the head masters, for sending out instructive books free of charge. " Owing to the excellent condition of the finances, Ber- lin has founded a number of institutions of credit on the security of the wealth of the city. One is a munic- ipal savings bank, with deposits now amounting to something between $12,000,000 and $13,000,000, with 39 offices for receiving deposits in various parts of the town. It pays an interest of 3^ per cent. There is also a municipal fire insurance office, in which all the house -owners are obliged to insure. In 1882 the value of buildings insured was over $500,000,000, and since that time has enormously increased. Owing to the substantial construction of the city and the excel- lent fire department, the annual premium is only 5 or 6 cents on $100. Another city institution is a mort- gage bank, established in the -interest of the credit of real estate, issuing on varying terms mortgages at 4, 4%, and 5 per cent." Thus far Mr. Baxter. A few statistics may be added. Berlin spends 1 7 per cent, of expendi- ture on education, compared with New York's 9 per cent., Chicago's 14 per cent., Paris' 16 per cent., and surpassed only by Boston's 18 per cent. Professor Commons states that Berlin profits $1,000,000 yearly on her municipal gas-works. According to Dr. Albert Shaw, Berlin has ac- quired 30 square miles for the purpose of dis- posing of the sewage of a city which only covers 25 square miles within the municipal limits. Ber- lin spent ;i, 500,000 sterling in buying and lay- ing out its sewage farm. The system is an un- qualified success from the sanitary point of view, and after a sufficient period has elapsed it is ex- pected that the sewage farm will earn sufficient profit to pay back all that has been invested in it, and contribute materially to lessen the load of municipal taxation. The famous Stadtbahn of Berlin, built by the Imperial Government at a cost of $16,270,000, traverses the city, and with a north and south ring furnishes an elevated railroad which the report of the Rapid Transit Commission of Massachusetts in 1892 calls "unsurpassed." According to this report (pp. 194, 195), the fares on the road, third class, are 2^ cents for five miles or less, with season tickets allowing one to ride as many times a day as he will for $4. 50 a year. If a person is absent over 14 days, he can have his ticket extended for the time he is to be absent. The construction and con- veniences of the road are unsurpassed. Concerning Berlin's finances, Mr. L. S. Rowe states in the addresses of the National Confer- ence for Good City Government at Philadelphia (pp. 118-120), that of the $19,000,000, which was the revenue of Berlin in 1892, scarcely 50 per cent, came from direct taxation, this being about equally divided between a highly developed income tax and a tax on rent and houses ; $4,500,000, he says, came from the profits on municipal enterprises gas-works, water-works, markets, slaughter-houses, sewage ; $500,000 came from the city's interests on the street railways ; only $1,500,000 came from a loan. Of Berlin's debt of $60,000,000, about 80 per cent., he says, is due to large municipal enterprises that are paying for themselves. Berlin is still a crowded city ; but these improvements, ac- cording to A. R. Conkling (City Government in the United States), have reduced the death- rate from about 30 per 1000, in 1873, to 20 per looo at present. References : Berlin : A Study in Municipal Govern- ment, by J. Pollard (London, 1893) ; Berlin : A Study of Municipal Government in Germany, by Sylvester Bax- ter (originally given as a lecture, Boston, 1891, and since published as a tract) ; United States Consular Reports (May and June, 1891). BESANT, ANNIE (nte WOOD), was born in London in 1847. Her father dying while she was yet young, she was brought up by her moth- er under straitened circumstances, mainly at Harrow. She married the Rev. Frank Besant in 1867. Two children were born to them, and during a sickness of the younger Mrs. Besant fell into great doubts as to the goodness and then as to the being of God. Finally, after most distressing experiences, from which she strove to find comfort from High Church fathers and Broad Church thought (consulting, among others, both Dr. Pusey and Dean Stanley), she failed to find relief, and became an avowed athe- ist. Her husband felt that he must leave her and take her children, even by force of law, from what he considered her pernicious teach- ings. This not unnaturally embittered her against Christianity and the Church, and she devoted all her energies to writing and lectur- ing for Free Thought. Becoming acquainted with Mr. Bradlaugh, she spent many years working with him, lecturing through all Eng- land, and editing the National Reformer. She was opposed, and in some places even stoned, but still kept stedfastly to her work. She be- came convinced of and advocated the necessity of neo-Malthusianism in limiting the number of children, especially among the poor. Gradu- ally she came to work more among and for the poor, and at last became an avowed socialist, the most famous and active woman worker for socialism in England. She was especially active in work for women, organizing them into unions, and in particular successfully conducted the Besant, Annie. 155 Bible and Social Reform. great strike of the match-girls in East London. She still wrote continually, becoming a member of the Fabian Society (q.v.) and the author of one of the best in their collection of essays. Her socialism finally took her away from Mr. Brkdlaugh, and more recently her religious na- ture has made her embrace theosophy, becom- ing at first the friend and confidant of Madame Blavatsky, and now practically her successor. At present _ it is to theosophy that she devotes her main time and thought. Her writings are very numerous, but are mainly brief essays or tracts on free thought, Malthusianism, socialism, and theosophy. In 1885 she wrote an interest- ing book of A utobiographical Sketches, BESANT, WALTER, was born in 1838 at Portsmouth, and was educated at King's Col- lege, London, and Christ's College, Cambridge. After graduating, he accepted the appointment of senior professor in the Royal College of Mau- ritius, but soon after resigned and returned to England. He produced his first work in 1868, entitled Studies in Early French Poetry, which was followed by the French Humorists in 1873. Mr. Besant is the author of All Sorts and Con- ditions of Men; The Captain's Room; The Revolt of Man (1882) ; All in a Garden Fair (1883) ; Dorothy Forster (1884) ; Uncle Jack (1885)-; Children of Gibeon (1886) ; The World Went Very Well Then (1887) ; For Faith and Freedom (1888) ; The Bells of St. Paul's (1889) ; Armor el of Lyonnesse, also two volumes of stories entitled To Call Her Mine and The Holy Rose (1890). It was due to an ideal pic- tured in All Sorts and Conditions of Men (1882) that the People's Palace in East London was built a large club house for working men, where they can find art, amusement, education, bathing, gymnasium facilities, etc. He entered into partnership with Mr. James Rice in 1871, and several novels have been pub- lished since then bearing their joint names. He also, with Mr. Rice, put on the stage two plays. BETTERMENT is a term used in Ameri- can law to denote an improvement of real prop- erty which adds to its value otherwise than by mere repairs. It is the custom in many Ameri- can towns and cities, when the municipality in- troduces improvements, such as parks, drives, etc., that add immediate value to contiguous property, to assess a certain proportion of the cost upon the property thus immediately im- proved. In England a system prevails of allow- ing the municipal authorities to acquire land the value of which has been increased by bet- terments at compulsory sale, without reference to the increased value, and then of reselling at the enhanced price, and so recouping a propor- tion of the cost of the betterment. There is, however, in England considerable of an agita- tion for the American system. The defendants of the English system argue that the better- ment assessment is difficult to justly assess, while the defendants of the American system assert that it is the fairest way to make those who receive the benefit pay the cost. References : Contemporary Review, May, 1890 ; Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy, BIBLE AND SOCIAL REFORM, THE. Charles Kingsley called the Bible "the re- former's guide," and declared its keynote to be " justice from God to those whom men oppress ; glory from God to those whom men despise. ' ' Herr Todt, the German Christian Socialist, wrote : ' ' Whoever would- understand the social question and contribute to its solution must have on his right hand the works on political economy and on his left the literature of scien- tific socialism, and must keep the New Testa- _ment open before him. ' ' (For the detailed social teachings of the Bible, see articles JUDAISM ; MOSES ; CHRIST ; CHRIS- TIANITY.) Those who hold that the Bible teaches definite principles as to the formation of human society upon earth, usually maintain that the Old Tes- tament, through its history and in the Mosaic covenant, teaches the general principles of na- tional righteousness, while the New Testament bids us fulfil this righteousness through the life in Christ in the heart. It is held by many Christian Socialists that the Old Testament cov- enant teaches what may be called the law for society. It founded a theocracy on earth. God was the Universal Father ; every man of the theocracy a brother. Property in land was not absolute ; the land was conceived as belonging to God. No individual could own it in fee sim- ple. He could only use it. In its use he was inalienably protected. It came to him through the family as an inalienable inheritance. If, through poverty or misfortune, he temporarily parted with it, it returned to him in the year of jubilee. No landless, homeless class could, therefore, be permanently developed among the Hebrews. The law went further. It cared especially for the poor, the oppressed, the children, the father- less, the widow. Usury (or interest ; all scholars agree that the two words originally meant the same thing) was positively forbidden between members of His kingdom. The law provided for every one's independence. It not only pro- vided land for the worker, but defended him in the ownership of clothes, tools, etc. (capital), which could not permanently be taken from him. If taken as a pledge, they must be re- turned before night. No permanent mortgage indebtedness was, therefore, possible on either land or capital that is, the law was truly social- istic in providing in the name of organized so- ciety for both land and capital for every family. And this was not, be it remembered, a law of mere individual righteousness. In order to reap its benefits, the family had to belo.ng to the theocracy. The Jew could take interest from a foreigner ; the foreigner could be en- slaved, even killed. The law was essentially national and institutional. Such, beyond all question, was the law of the Jewish kingdom. The Jews did not indeed ob- serve it. They wandered far from it. But the law endured. The psalmists and the prophets are full of blessings on those who keep the law ; are full of woes and condemnation upon the na- tion that wanders from it. The ceremonial was the precious shrine of a moral law still more precious. It is the moral law that is prominent. In the Psalms, Canon Fremantle has told us, Bible and Social Reform. 156 Bimetallism. there is not one word about circumcision, not a word about the passover, not a word about Sab- baths, not a word about ceremonial uncleanness. Just relation between man and man ; God in the natural, the national and social life these are the constant themes. The same is true of the prophets. Isaiah, says : " Bring no more vain oblations ; incense is an abomination to me ; the new moons and Sabbaths, the calling of assemblies, I cannot away with ; it is iniquity, even the solemn meeting. Learn to do well ; seek judgment (justice) ; relieve the oppressed ; judge the fatherless ; plead for the widow. " . . . Micah says : " Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of rams or with ten thousands of rivers of oil ? . . . What doth the Lord require of thee, but to do justly and love mercy and to walk humbly with thy God?" Such was the kingdom of heaven, of the law, and of the proph- ets. They thundered, not against the ritual law, but against those who robbed it of its mean- ing. They witnessed not against sacrifices, but against sacrifices of other people's property. But the law failed. Law could not save, as law cannot save to-day. And yet it did not fail. It was the schoolmaster to bring us to Christ. " What the law could not do in that it was weak through the flesh," that Jesus Christ came to fulfil. This is the second half of Bible so- ciology. Christ's first preaching was of a kingdom. " From that time Jesus began to preach, and to say, ' Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand.' " He sent out His disciples and the 70 to preach "the Gospel of the kingdom." Al- most all His parables are about the kingdom. Of the kingdom are His main discourses. Just before His crucifixion He entered Jerusalem as a king. Before Pilate He declared that He was a king. On His cross was the inscription in three representative languages of the earth, de- claring Him to be a king. After His resurrec- tion He continued 40 days ' ' speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God." What did Jesus Christ mean by the kingdom of God? A kingdom implies four things. It implies a king, a ruler ; it implies a law, the law of the king ; it implies subjects who obey, or should obey, the king ; it implies a realm, where the king rules. What king, law, subjects, and realm does Christ refer to ? Where is the kingdom of heaven ? It cannot be far away, because 18 cen- turies ago Christ declared that it was ' ' at hand. ' ' It cannot be unknown, because Christ referred to it in His first utterances as something that His hearers perfectly well understood. It must by them have been understood of that kingdom of God which Moses tried to establish ; of which David and the kings were faulty symbols ; for which the prophets prayed and the poets sang ; to which every Jew looked forward with a long- ing the more passionate the more it seemed de- ferred. Undoubtedly this was what the Jew understood by Christ's teaching. Yet it was not to be as they thought. It was to be spiritual, and for all nations. It was not to come by earth- ly might or by any law. It was to be chosen of men in freedom, not forced upon them ; it was to come "without observation," and by the power of the Spirit. Such, in brief, is the social teaching of the Old and New Testaments. (See articles JUDAISM ; CHRISTIANITY; CHRISTIAN SO- CIALISM.) BIBLIOGRAPHY, a statement as to the very large and growing bibliography of social reform, with a list of the best bibliographies, will be found in Appendix I. to this work. i BILLINGS, Dr. JOHN SHAW, born in Switzerland County, Ind., in 1838 ; was gradu- ated from the Miami University in 1857, and from the Ohio Medical College at Cincinnati in 1860. He became Medical Inspector for the Army of the Potomac, and later Librarian of" the Surgeon -General's Office in Washington. In 1880 he was made President of the American Public Health Association. He is the author of many important official medical publications, and has written various articles bearing on the health of cities and municipal hygiene. BILL OF EXCHANGE (from Lat. bulla\ an order in writing addressed by one person to another to pay on demand, or at a fixed or de- terminable future time, a certain sum in money to a specified person or to his order. Bills, prop- erly speaking, represent debts ; they may be used, by negotiation, to transfer these debts from one person to another, and first-class bills form one of the best securities which a banker can hold. They sometimes, however, are drawn without being based on any genuine transac- tions ; in this case their standing is more doubt- ful. BILL OF RIGHTS. An abstract of rights and privileges possessed by a people in relation to their government. In England it refers to an English statute of 1689 (I. William and Mary, Sess. 2, chap, ii.) declaring the rights and liberties of the subject, and settling the succes- sion of the Crown in William of Orange and Mary, and to the rightful heirs of the latter, but excluding any Roman Catholic. It also pro- vided that Protestants might have in their pos- session arms for their defense suitable to their condition. A similar declaration of personal rights is incorporated into the Amendments of the Constitution of the United States and in many State constitutions. Many labor reform- ers believe that those whom they consider the capitalistic classes have in many States quietly worked to drop the bill of rights and so abridge the rights of the people. BILL OF SALE. A formal instrument for the conveyance or transfer of personal chattels, as household furniture, stock in a shop, shares of a ship, or the like. It is often given to a creditor in security for money borrowed, or an obligation otherwise incurred. When it ex- pressly empowers the receiver to sell the goods if the money is not repaid with interest, at the appointed time, or the obligation is not other- wise discharged, the contract is commonly called in the United States a chattel mortgage, not a bill of sale {Century Dictionary} . BIMETALLISM may be defined as the free coinage and use of gold and silver as money at Bimetallism. Bimetallism. relative values set by legislative enactment, or as the union of these two metals in circulation as full money, at a fixed rate ; and specifically as that system of coinage which recognizes both coins of silver and coins of gold as legal tender to any amount, or the free coinage and concur- rent use of the two metals as a circulating me- dium at a fixed relative value. The final report of the (English) Royal Com- mission on Gold and Silver, reporting in 1888, describes bimetallism as follows : " A bimetallic system of currency to be completely effective must, in the view of those who advocate it, in- clude two essential features : (a) An open mint ready to coin any quantity of either gold or sil- ver which may be brought to it. (b) The right on the part of a debtor to discharge his liabili- ties, at his option, in either of the two metals, at a ratio fixed by law. " It is usually under- stood now to mean that the two metals are used thus at a fixed proportion to each other, as in the countries of the Latin Union (y.v.), in which the ratio of i gold to is-J- silver by weight formed the legal basis, or as in the United States, in which the ratio is i to 16. Bimetallism as an economic question is of re- cent date, the word having been first used by M. Cernuschi in 1869, altho the concurrent use of gold and silver as money is old as civiliza- tion. (See MONEY.) The modern discussion of it, however, arose only shortly before the fall in the gold value of silver, which began about 1873- We shall, in this article, give a general out- line of the history of the bimetallic controversy, and the position to-day, with a notice of the main arguments used for and against bi- metallism. (For details of the his- History. tory, see CURRENCY ; SILVER ; and for a full discussion of the theoreti- cal monetary questions involved, see CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ; MONEY.) Up to the year 1819 almost all nations issued coins of both gold and silver, as well as of other metals, and tried to regulate their relative values by royal or governmental proclamations. Altho supply and demand continually tended to change the relative value of the two metals, and altho from about 1760-1810 enormous quantities of silver poured into the world from mines in Mexico and elsewhere (so that in 1800 the world's annual silver product was nearly three times its product in 1700), the actual alteration in the rela- tive values aforesaid was but slight. In 1803, therefore, France adopted her famous law, mak- ing i s parts of silver equal to one part of gold in all transactions, which had the effect, spite of still greater changes in relative production, of main- taining the relative values of the metals almost exactly steady at the figures named until the demonetization of silver by Germany in 1873. England, however, in 1816, under the second Lord Liverpool, took an opposite course, and demonetized silver as a standard, and ever since has used it only as a metal for subsidiary coin- age. But now began a contraction of the cur- rency of the world. The silver product of Mex- ico, owing mainly to revolutions in that country-, fell off one half ; the total gold product of the world for various reasons declined ; paper cur- rencies in France and England were retired ; the United States (see CURRENCY) went through marked depressions, with all forms of wild State banking. At the same time increasing discov- eries and inventions cheapened production. By 1849 prices had fallen some 65 per cent., and money (in England, gold) had become by s,o much the more valuable. England's capital- ists, bankers, and princely money-lenders, who mainly shaped her financial policy, naturally enjoyed this. Contracting currency (see CON- TRACTION) increased the value of their loans. But suddenly (1849) came the gold discoveries of Cali- fornia and Australia. In 1859, 30 times as much gold was produced in the world as in 1810. Money became cheap. Prices rose. Gold threat- ened to be so plenty that monometallists began to talk about demonetizing it. From 1862-65, moreover, the United States issued paper money (greenbacks, etc.) and liberated $600,000,000 of gold, which went to Europe, and mainly to Eng- land. If the gold-holders and gold-lenders were to retain any advantage from their gold, it was necessary to take some steps. Consequently they sought (the extreme believers in silver say conspired) to get possession of as much gold as possible, and then to induce the various nations of the world to demonetize silver, to make gold the only legal tender. Soon the promise of un- limited outflow of gold from the mines began to fail, and thus to vastly increase the value of their gold. Gradually the arguments of English econo- mists in favor of the single gold standard began to make impression, and this was deepened by indications that an excessive supply of silver from the Bonanza mines of Nevada might be expected. In 1867, in connection with the Paris Exhibition of that year, an international mone- tary conference was held at Berlin, and since even delegates from the United States, among others, supported resolutions advocating the demoneti- zation of silver, the idea of gold monometallism spread. The importance of the question to the United States was not generally felt at this time, though a few writers, considered radicals, pointed out the danger. Circumstances, how- ever, either favored the gold monometallists, or they took shrewd advantage of circumstances to induce demonetization of silver. The war of 1870-71, by securing to Germany a large sum of gold and merchantable paper equivalent to gold, in payment of the indemnity of $1,000,000,000 exacted from France, put Ger- many into a position to establish the single gold standard for herself. As a very large amount of her international commerce is transacted with the United Kingdom, this proposal was wel- comed by the business community as a conven- ience. The German Minister of Finance, Herr Delbriick, in this, as in other matters, was in sympathy with the English school of economists. The law of December 4, 1871, completed July 9, 1873, superseding the local coinage by an im- perial coinage, demonetized silver by restricting its coinage to the amount regarded as necessary for change. Of the silver previously in circula- tion, about $260,000,000 worth was called in by 1878, and only $106,650,000 worth recoined by the imperial mint ; while of gold, $2,275,000 worth was called in, and $409,500,000 was issued in the new coins. This left $153,350,000 worth Bimetallism. 153 Bimetallism. of silver in the imperial treasury, to be disposed of in the silver market in such quantities as could be sold without loss. In the half decade 1866-70 the average price of silver had been 6o^d. per ounce. In 1871, silver prices for the year being averaged, I 5-58 grs. of silver would buy a grain of gold. In 1872 it took 15.63 grs. of silver to do this ; in 1873, 15.92 grs. ; in 1874, 16.17 g rs - ; i n J875, 16.58 grs. ; in 1876, 17.88 grs. ; in 1878, 17.94 grs. ; in 1879, 18.40 grs." The Paris conference took no positive action toward silver remonetization. In the United States, however, the Bland Bill of 1878 did to an extent remonetize silver. It did not wholly, for altho, as originally reported by Mr. Bland from the House Committee on Coinage, it did propose the full remonetization of silver by authorizing its unlimited coinage at the ratio of i to 1 6 on private account, the bill, as finally passed, re- stricted coinage to $2,000,000 a month on Gov- ernment account. And the secretaries of our treasury, like the Bank of France, have been agreed in regarding their stock of gold alone as. the reserve for the security of the notes they are obligated to redeem on presentation. This was at length replaced in 1890, after al- most annual attempts at a full free-coinage act, by a compromise measure, commonly known as. the Sherman Act. This directed the Treasurer to purchase silver bullion aggregating 4,500,000 oz. a month, or so much thereof as might be offered at market price, and to issue in payment for such purchases silver bullion treasury notes. Meanwhile, on the Continent the gold mono- metallists had succeeded in permanently de- monetizing silver. By an international agree- ment of the Latin Union, in 1874 the coinage of silver had been limited ; by an agreement of 1877 it ceased. The Paris conference of 1878 had been decided for gold, and tho the con- ference of 1 88 1 showed a little more inclination toward silver, the reluctance of the greater Eu- ropean powers still carried the day for gold. (See MONETARY CONFERENCES.) We now come to the money crisis of the sum- mer of 1893. The United States was left alone, of the great powers of the world, to deal with silver. Various events conspired to bring on this crisis. Losses on loans in the Argentine Repub- Bimetallism. 159 Bimetallism. ]ic compelled England to draw in her gold. Then came the failure of the Australian banks, de- manding more gold from England. Austria- Hungary and Roumania Crisis of decided to change to a gold stand- 1893. ard. On the top of all this, the English Indian Government was induced (June 26, 1893) to stop the free coinage of silver. The crisis in America almost immediately followed. Silver dropped to the lowest point ever recorded. The day after the news from India, silver mines began to close in Colorado, and distress became in- tense. Meanwhile, some of the banks, not know- ing what was coming, had begun a policy for which many of them dearly paid. It is claimed by the silver extremists that the banks, or at least some bankers, planned, by reducing their circu- lation and by refusing credit, to create a slight pinch, to lay this to lack of confidence in the Sherman Act, and fear that the United States would be left to a depreciated silver standard when all the rest of the world had declared for gold, and so to compel Congress to repeal the Sherman Act and thus put the whole world in the hands of the triumphant gold metallists, as all the great powers, except the United States, are to-day. However, the banks did not know what elements were uniting to cause, not a slight pinch, but the worst monetary crisis the country has known for at least 20 years. Find- ing credit refused, the public became fearful. Men began to draw out their capital and hoard money. Western banks failed in large num- bers. Lack of confidence in silver was preached by the papers as the cause of the panic. The repeal of the Sherman Act was demanded by all the banks, boards of trade, and capitalists. President Cleveland was induced to summon an extra session of Congress to meet the emer- gency. All this increased the panic. Credit was gone. Money was hoarded. It became impossible even for perfectly solvent manufac- turing concerns to get enough money to pay their, wages. Every device was used for money. Clearing-house notes were issued in large quan- tities. Banks in unprecedented numbers failed, altho with abundant assets, because they could not get currency to meet the demand. There was a money famine. The calling of Congress (August 7) strengthened confidence temporarily. Large amounts of gold were obtained from Eng- land, and a little easement made. August n Mr. Wilson, of West Virginia, introduced a bill in the House, repealing the silver-purchasing clause of the Sherman Act, but renewing the pledge to maintain the parity of gold and silver. This passed the House August 28 by a vote of 240 to 1 10. Then came a long contest in the Senate. After much discussion in committee and caucus, Senator Vorhees introduced a bill, August 1 8, repealing the purchasing clause, but more strongly pledging the maintenance of bimetallism. Strongly supported by the Admin- istration, it was nearly defeated by the persist- ent and strenuous opposition of a bitter and able minority, and the inability of the majority for political and other reasons to agree to changing the traditions of the Senate and force a vote. Finally, however, after months of talk, it passed the Senate, October 30, was accepted by the House, and approved by the President November i. Such is a brief outline of the monetary history, from which the bimetallist controversy cannot be separated, and without a knowledge of which it cannot be understood. Since November, 1893, the bimetallist contro- versy has been intensified rather than dimin- ished, but the history is best considered under article SILVER, since it has turned more upon fact than upon theory. In this country, however, the bimetallists must not be confounded with those friends of silver who have fought for bimetallism, not from any theory or belief in bimetallism it- self, but simply from a desire to ex- pand or at least to prevent the con- Bimetallists traction of the currency, and have and Free believed the use of silver to be at Silver Men present the most available means not the to this end. By no means have all Same. the supporters of silver in the Con- gressional battle been bimetallists. On the other hand, by no means have all the opponents of silver been monometallists. On the contrary, many of them believe in bimetallism, but have argued that the United States cannot afford to use depreciated silver when all the rest of the world is using gold. They have held that we must adopt the gold standard, and then work for an international agreement to use silver. A few strong bimetallists, including such an emi- nent monetary authority as President Andrews, have urged the adoption of the gold standard by the United States, on the ground that there is not gold enough in the world to do the business of the world ; so that for the United States to adopt it would necessarily produce such a panic that even England (where there has been of late considerable awakening of inclination toward silver) would be compelled to adopt silver. Still others have argued for the repeal of the Sher- man Act, on the ground that it was a compro- mise measure, in itself pleasing to neither be- lievers in silver nor in gold, and that, since it has been at least presented as the cause of lack of confidence, to repeal it would tend to restore that confidence ; while the country could then legislate, as it would, to increase the currency. On the other hand, those arguing against re- peal, in the interest of an enlarged currency, have insisted that, altho they did not like the Sherman Act, it was all that stood between them and a single gold standard, and it was, therefore, folly to repeal it till they could be as- sured of something better to take its place ; while it would be folly, when there was already a money famine, to repeal a bill calculated to put at least large amounts of silver certificates into circulation every month. It will be thus seen how complicated has been the condition of the bimetallic controversy in the United States. And this is but a brief statement of the subject. The intensity of feeling on the subject can only be realized when one reads the violent language of the friends of silver, classing the gold men with the most heinous traitors to the coun- try, and threatening violence and war if silver be demonetized. This feeling, however one differ from it, can, nevertheless, be understood when one realizes what a contracting currency means, and how these men believe that the de- Bimetallism: 160 Bimetallism. monetization of silver is a deliberate plot to con- tract the currency. For this we must refer the reader to article CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY. We here simply quote from Pro- fessor John R. Commons, of the University of Indiana, who says : "Money is like any commodity, in that its value is determined by demand and supply. If money is scarce, compared with the demand, its value will be high, which is the same as to say that prices of com- modities will be low, and if money is abundant, it will be cheap, and prices will be high. Now . . . what is the significance of price fluctuations? _Noth- ing less than the very essence of modern indus- try. In former days, when every man lived to himself, there was no occasion for a money question. But now no man or family lives isolated. The ' cash-nexus,' at least, unites the world into a single organism. Each one buys from the world all that he eats and wears and enjoys, and sells to the world the one specialized product which he makes. His whole life, therefore, is a question of prices. Also, it is estimated that the debts of the world are $100,000,000,000. Every nation, state, county, city, and township is in debt. Every business man, corporation, farmer, is a debtor. These debts run from three months to three decades. All business and productive enterprises are a speculation. The farmer borrows Importance money expecting to sell wheat at a cer- of the ta * n P r ' ce an( l P a Y. ms debt in money. Meanwhile the price of wheat falls 50 Question, per cent. Where one bushel would have paid his debt when contracted, it now requires two bushels, and the burden of the debt has grown 100 per cent. During the past 20 years this is exactly what has occurred. Our univer- sal, all-important standard of measure has doubled. Every debtor and producing nation except the United States is a bankrupt nation. They borrowed money for private and public enterprises" when prices were high, and must pay interest and principal when prices are low. Australia, with its bountiful resources and immunity from war ; Egypt, Italy, Portugal, Argen- tina, are acknowledged bankrupts. France, Spain, and other nations escape the acknowledgment only by falsely doctoring their books. The reason is, the bur- den of their debts has nearly doubled. The people of the United States have paid two thirds of their war debt since 1865 ; yet, measured in wheat, cotton, corn, and many manufactured articles, it will require to-day more of the products of their muscle and brain to pay the remaining one third than it required in 1865 to pay the entire debt. Only a land of fabulous resources can endure this fruitless slavery. When we consider that the private debts of the country are one half the value of the country, it is no wonder that panic, de- pression, idleness, and despair are upon us" (article in The Voice, September 14, 1893). It can be thus seen what the bimetallic con- troversy really means, and why it has roused the farmers, who are a debtor class, to such intense excitement and sometimes frenzy. It means, in their belief, the doubling or halving of their debts, the consequent salvation or ruin of home, family, and their future for years to come. It is no wonder that the controversy has been called the greatest problem of modern political econ- omy. (For the more recent history of the ques- tion, see SILVER.) In regard to the bearing of bimetallism upon the recent loans contract- ed by the United States Government, the fol- lowing from The Otttlook of March 2, 1895, gives the argument pro and con : " The monometallist claims, with considerable show of reason, that the recent act of the Administration in borrowing $62,400,000 of gold, on terms which involve the payment of over $72,000,000 in interest in 30 years, was absolutely necessary to preserve the credit and honor of the Government. It is said that we are under a political and commercial necessity, if not un- der a moral and legal obligation, to redeem all our notes, except the silver certificates, in gold ; that the gold in the treasury had been so drawn out that it was necessary for the Government to borrow gold in order to redeem its promises ; that if it borrowed this gold by a popular loan from Americans at home, the Amer- icans would straightway sell the bonds for greenbacks, and use the greenbacks to draw out from the treasury the gold which they had put into the treasury ; that to prevent this depletion it was necessary to find some owners of gold who would not exchange the bonds for greenbacks and use the greenbacks to draw out the gold again from the treasury ; and that these owners of the gold, having a control of the gold, have both the power and the right to charge the rate of interest which was charged and is to be paid by the Govern- ment. If the Government were in war and needed potatoes for its army, it would have to buy the potatoes of the farmers who had them, and it wculd have to pay the farmers whatever price they asked. It is in need of gold, and it must buy the gold of the bankers who have it, and must pay the bankers whatever price they ask. This is the argument, and whether it is wholly correct in its assumption of facts or not, these assump- tions are not wholly unreasonable. "We have stated on another page our reasons for thinking that the bargain was not a wise one ; but if it were, if the facts are as claimed by the monometallist, and the action of the Administration was necessitated by the conditions that existed, these facts and these conditions furnish to the bimetallist an additional argument for bimetallism. "We have in this country, in various forms of paper money, $1,500,000,000. We have in addition to this a great credit system carried on by means of checks and bills of exchange, which, at the lowest estimate, aggre- gate $2,000,000,000 more. Under a monometallic system this whole medium of exchange National notes, bank- notes, and private checks is based upon gold, and every note and check is, in the last analysis, payable in gold. There is so little gold in the world that a comparatively small number of bankers can control the supply in any time of exigency, and can compel the people to pay a large interest account, not for gold to be used as a medium of exchange, for they do not use gold for that purpose, but for the privilege of main- taining a medium of exchange consisting almost wholly of paper, but based upon gold as a standard. The bi - metallists claim that if this medium of exchange con- sisting of paper were based, not upon gold only, but upon both gold and silver, there is so much of both metals in the world that no banker or syndicate of bankers could control the supply, and that, therefore, the people would not be required to pay to any banker or syndicate of bankers $72,000,000 in 30 years for the privilege of carrying on their exchanges by means of notes and checks'." ARGUMENTS FOR BIMETALLISM. In following the monetary history of the bi- metallic controversy we have already seen many of the arguments pro and con ; but as that his- tory is confused with other questions, we tabu- late here the main arguments for bimetallism. i. That there is not enough gold produced in the world to do the business of the world, and that, therefore, unless silver or some other metal be used, the sufferings must be experienced which all economists are agreed would result from a contracting or insufficient currency. Upon the gold production of the world Soetbeer and Giffen are admittedly the greatest authori- ties. Soetbeer's tables, translated by Professor Taussig, and published in the United States Consular Reports for December, 1887, p. 528, are condensed as follows : Gold Produced Consumed Used for Money (yearly). in the Arts, and Reserves. 1851-70. .$135,000,000 $43,000,000 $02,000,000 1881-85.. 104,000,000 80,000,000 24,000,000 In other words, while the production of gold had decreased, its non-monetary consumption had nearly doubled, and the surplus available for money uses had been reduced from $92,000,- ooo annually, two decades before, to $24,000,000 annually in 1885. Mr. Giffen, the leading English monometal- list, has since written upon the same question, Bimetallism. 161 Bimetallism. as follows : " About two -thirds of the gold pro- duced annually is taken for the arts, and if the consumption of India is included as being either for simple hoarding or for the arts, and in no case for the purpose of circulating money, then the demand for gold for non-monetary purposes appears almost equal to the entire annual pro- duction." With these statements from such sources the contention, seems supported that there is not enough gold produced in the world to do the world's business, and that silver is, therefore, needed. 2. It is urged that silver is less liable to fluc- tuation in value than gold, and that, therefore, when used with gold, it tends to modify the evils of gold fluctuation. For the facts bearing upon this point, which are somewhat involved, we must refer the reader to SILVER. 3. Bimetallists argue that even if this be not the case, on general principles two metals are not so apt to fluctuate as one, and that if one metal be driven out of circulation temporarily, the other metal will remain, fluctuating perhaps, but still fluctuating less than the vanished metal. Jevons has illustrated this as follows : " At any moment the standard of value is doubtless one metal or the other, and not both ; yet the fact that there is an alternation tends to make each vary much less than it would otherwise do. It cannot prevent both metals from falling or rising in value compared with other commodities, but it can throw variations of supply and demand over a larger area, instead of leaving each metal to be affected merely by its own accidents. Imagine two reservoirs of water, each sub- ject to independent variations of supply and demand. In the absence of any connecting pipe, the level of the water in each reservoir will be subject to its own fluc- tuations only. But if we open a connection, the water in both will assume a certain level, and the effects of any excessive supply or demand will be distributed over the whole area of both reservoirs. The mass of the metals, gold and silver, circulating in Western Eu- rope in late years, is exactly represented by the water in these reservoirs, and the connecting pipe is the law of the seventh Germinal, An. xi. (1803), which enables one metal to take the place of the other as an unlimited legal tender." 4. Bimetallists claim, as asserted above, that the depreciation of silver which has taken place has been due to unfavorable legislation, and that all the financial suffering which it has caused proves what need the world has of silver. If this goes on, they argue, nothing less than a most disastrous shock to the expansion of the world's commerce can be expected. And no remedy except the remonetization of silver has been suggested. (For a fuller statement of the arguments for bimetallism, see MONETARY CON- FERENCES.) We close this portion of our subject by quot- ing the declaration of the bimetallist members of the German Silver Commission, printed in an appendix to the record of the twenty-first ses- sion, as translated by E. Benjamin Andrews, and published in the Review of Reviews for September, 1894 : "The undersigned, members of the German Silver Commission, believe themselves compelled to draw from the course of the Commission's proceedings the following conclusions : INCREASED PURCHASING POWER OF GOLD. "I. We consider it proved by science and experience, and partly, in fact, by the admissions of prominent adherents of the sole gold standard, that the power of gold to purchase goods has risen since the general ex- tension of the gold standard (1873), * s st ^l rising to- day, and must continue to rise. " Our grounds for this belief are : " i. The rise in the purchasing power of gold, that is, the general fall in the price level of commodities, was predicted by the well-known monetary writers, Wol- owski and Ernst Seyd, in 1868, before the introduction of the gold standard. Their prophecy was repeated later by B. de Laveleye and Carey. Even Dr. Bam- berger said, in the session of the Reichstag May 29, 1873, according to the stenographic report : ' On the contrary, gentlemen, I fully agree with one of the speakers who have preceded me, that a greater de- mand for gold will result from our gold policy and the similar policies adopted by other countries. Gold will then rise, and a consequence of our currency reform will be that prices with us, if we once go over to the gold standard, will decline.' Robert Giffen, rec- ognized as one of the best authorities of the gold-stand- ard party, declared in 1888 : ' If events are the touch- stones of prophecies, no prophecy was ever more certain than the increased dearness of gold. That the fall of prices throughout a compass so general as that in which we now see it falling is to be referred to an elevation in the purchasing power of gold is generally, and I might almost say universally, admitted.' " 2. The attempt to refer this lowering in the general level of prices to other causes, lying outside the coin- age system, for instance, to cheapening and improve- ment in means of communication, to the perfecting of processes and machines for the production of goods, etc., must be considered a failure, for the reason that the same causes were present in the same strength dur- ing the twenty-year period before 1873, tho at that time there was observable a gradual elevation in the prices of goods in general ; while, since 1873, that is, since the beginning of the fall in the gold price of silver through the introduction of the gold standard in Ger- many, a sharp and permanent lowering in general prices has come in. '* Moreover, the industrial development referred to is at present specially strong in the lands having the silver standard, yet without inducing any fall of prices there. This is a direct proof that silver has not lost in value, but merely gone down in its gold price, and that, therefore, the fact which confronts us is simply an ele- vation in the value of gold. "3. The objection that many things, as city rents, securities, and, most of all, wages, have increased in price is without weight, because in all these things powerful special factors have been influencing prices. City rents must advance so long as the population of the country continues to be drained away into the larger towns, evoking a permanent increase in the de- mand for houses. Securities advance in accordance with the increase in the purchasing power of the in- come which they yield. The prostration of productive industry lessens the demand for capital for productive purposes and increases the demand for those securities whose interest is certain to be paid. Wages rise with the elevation of the standard of life in the different classes of the population, altho the full satisfaction of the demand thus originated is made impossible by the bad industrial position of employers. The social bitterness proceeding from this unsatisfied demand is mostly a result of the pressure with which a bad coin- age system afflicts the entire life of industry. RESULTING EVILS. " II. The advance in the purchasing power of gold, proved in our judgment beyond refutation, brought about by the disuse of full silver money and the adop- tion of a gold standard, has demonstrably produced the following industrial evils-: " i. An incessantly heavier and heavier burden is falling on the debtor in favor of the creditor. In re- spect to this Archbishop Walsh, of Dublin, remarks : 1 A great part of the capital employed in the business of our land has passed into the hands of creditors who have neither toiled nor spun, but hold securities and mortgages. The discouragement caused by this state of things is very deep. After it has continued a num- ber of years a sense of hopelessness masters the entire business world ; all desire to undertake business enter- prises is paralyzed ; a multitude of establishments are closed ; the laborer is forced out of work ; and laborers, as well as the whole middle class of the population, are made to feel that a great misfortune has come over them. The result, in fact, reaches still farther : a crowd of people who were once well-to-do in business have now become recipients of alms.' Bimetallism. 162 Bimetallism. "2. This injury to the debtor must at last involve the creditor, since the debtor is becoming unable to pay. "3. A set-back to German agriculture is manifest, referable, on the one hand, to the necessity of selling a constantly increasing amount of depreciated agricul- tural products in order to pay wages, interest, rent, leases, taxes ; and, on the other hand, to the increased power of competition on the part or other countries, silver countries, that is, and countries on a money basis of depreciated paper. In proportion as their silver or paper loses in power to buy gold, these countries, en- joying in effect a nigh export premium, are able to throw their native products upon the world's markets at prices far beneath what it costs German farmers to produce them, so plunging these latter in deep dis- tress. "4. The demonetization of silver is also working a more and more visible injury to German manufactur- ing industry : ^(a) On account of the ever-lessening ability of the farmer class to purchase manufactured products. " (b) On account of the decrease in exports to silver lands and of the consequent recoil upon the home market of the articles hitherto exported thither. " (c) On account of the competition offered by the rapidly developing manufacturing plants of silver lands, favored by the low cost of production there and by the premium upon exportation therefrom produced by the fall in the gold price of silver. " Unless means are taken to prevent, it will not be long before the manufactured products of the silver countries will find the German market. To import Ind- ian yarn into Germany is already a paying operation. "5. A suppression of the desire to engage in industry is the natural result of falling prices. Instead of be- ing applied to undertakings that are for the people's economic advantage, capital seeks investment in secu- rities considered certain to pay interest. Lower rates of interest result. In order not to suffer from this, un- certain foreign securities are purchased, occasioning heavy losses of German capital, especially bad for small investors. "6. Capital cannot permanently keep clear of the in- juries which debtors suffer, nor can it remain unaffect- ed by the falling off of production. Obligations made payable in gold lead to the bankruptcy of individuals, as well as of States [Greece, Portugal, Argentina]. " 7. Constantly increasing difficulty besets countries which are financially involved by having gold debts to pay. Instead of being able to reduce their finances to order, they are confronted with an increasing agio upon gold, and also, corresponding to this, with an in- crease of the premium upon the products which they export. This exportation, moreover, is to the disad- vantage of the manufactures and the agriculture of the lands having the gold standard. "8. There results a permanent injury and exhaus- tion of Germany's silver-mining industry, which can- not be normally carried on at the present prices of silver. But as silver mining ceases there also ceases in great part the production of copper, lead, zinc, etc. In this way many millions are yearly lost to the income of the German nation ; many thousands of laborers are deprived of bread ; entire districts of Germany are ruined. "9. A falling off amounting to billions is taking place in the value of the nation's land and soil, threatening particularly the agricultural districts of the eastern provinces ; while the growth taking place in the great cities and manufacturing centers is going on in an un- healthy way. Increasing discontent is overpowering the population, showing itself in the progress of social- istic democracy and also in the anti-Semitic move- ment, which E. de Laveleye foretold t as a result of in- troducing the gold standard. " 10. The depopulation of the rural sections means a weakening of the German military power. In case of war, our financial preparations are entirely unsatis- factory. _ That other countries are quite as badly off as we in this respect affords no satisfaction. " ii. The fall in the gold price of silver severely en- dangers our monetary circulation. We have in circu- lation nearly 1,000,000,000 marks (face value) in thalers, small silver pieces, nickel and copper money, whose bullion value in all hardly exceeds 400,000,000 marks. This condition gives rise to a double danger viz., that our monetary system may break down at critical times, and that counterfeit full legal-tender silver coins may be circulated, indistinguishable from those struck at the public mints, a process, at the present low gold price of silver, affording counterfeiters enormous profits. It is known that vast counterfeit issues are already in circulation in other countries. " 12. All these evils lead every now and then to crises, which disturb business by raising rates of dis- count, resorted to in order to protect gold, which all banks anxiously do, for the most part withdrawing it from commerce by an embargo. " 13. Beyond all question we have to anticipate a still more acute development of these evils. All the silver countries must try to place themselves on the gold basis if Germany and the rest of the great powers hold fast thereto. Modern commerce cannot perma- nently endure a difference in basal moneys, the sepa- ration of the world into gold countries and silver countries. But any further extension of the gold sys- tem must, as Goschen predicted so early as 1878, lead to a business crisis such as the world has never yet passed through. ADVANTAGES FROM REMONETIZATION OF SILVER. " III. Nothing but a restitution of silver to its former coequality with gold as a monetary metal can bring the needed relief. " We promise ourselves the following benign results in case of such restitution : "i. The persistent fall of general prices would cease, the prices of all products would again be determined in a normal way, and agriculture and other industries would flourish anew. "People's fears touching money depreciation, infla- tion, and injury to creditors, supposing silver to be re- stored, rest upon exaggerations. International free coinage would at most leave barely enough excess of gold and silver over the industrial demand to keep pace with the increase of business and population, and with the constant addition of new countries to the civilized portion of the world. The precious metal E reduction with which we now have to reckon is, in let, proportionally to the various demands which would be made upon it very much less than that of the fifties and the sixties, which then brought rich economic blessing and did no injury whatever. "2. When prices rise, both the impulse to undertake industrial enterprises and the rate of interest also rise, working an advantage to capital which fully makes good any possible diminution in the purchasing power of money. Public income swells, permitting an ad- vance in the salaries of officials. A flourishing condi- tion of general industry enhances the Qemand for labor and betters the situation of the laboring classes. " 3. Were it possible to make specie payments In silver as well as in gold, it would be easier for countries with depreciated paper money to regulate their finances. Many can never accomplish this in any other way. Variations in paper money values would then no longer curse commerce ; the products of German in- dustry would be in vast amounts exported to silver lands (East Asia, Mexico, South America), and at the same time the ability of our agricultural population to buy goods would be restored. "4. A period of general advance in material prosper- ity would rob of all significance the agrarian, anti- Semitic, and Socialist-Democrat movements of agita- tors, and prevent the mutual bitterness of our political factions from becoming, as it now threatens to be- come, more acute. " 5. Instead of the separate measures of value now actually in use by the world's commerce, gold alone in some countries and silver alone in others, there would be a single measure of value for all mankind, that se- cured through gold and silver together, by rendering invariable their values relatively to one another. That this fixity in the relative values of gold and silver can be brought about is proved by history, for it actually Erevailed from 1803 to 1873, owing to the mintage of oth metals by France. That it is possible by a union between the chief commercial governments to establish a practically unchanging relation in value between silver and gold was unanimously recognized, after long investigation, by the English gold and silver com- mission of 1888. OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED. "The objections against the above opinions of ours seem to us to lack sufficient foundation. " i. If it be said that the restitution of silver as a mon- etary metal is possible, or possible in accordance with justice to creditors, only by rating silver to gold at its present market value in gold, we reply that the mar- ket price of silver to-day is abnormal, resulting from a series of panics evoked by legislation, and from a limitation in the demand for silver having no other cause than the artificial one of closing mints to this metal. Besides, it cannot be admitted that the creditor Bimetallism. Bimetallism. has any natural right permanently to receive at the debtor's cost, in consequence of the steady rise in the purchase power of gold, a value continually more and more in excess of what would fall to him were there no such appreciation of gold. "2. In reply to the objection, resting on misunder- stood theories, that the relation in value between two 'wares,' gold and silver, cannot be 'fixed' by stat- ute, we appeal to actual experiences with bimetallic mintage in France, where, between 1803 and 1873, it maintained for the whole world the relation of 15^ to i, thus persistently continuing the relative value of gold and silver, with slight variations corresponding to the usual movements of exchange, in spite of the greatest fluctuations in their relative production that have ever been known. "We appeal further to the unanimous judgment at which the English Gold and Silver Commission of 1888 arrived, altho half its members were opposed to bi- metallism. Here is what the Commission says : " ' We think that in any conditions fairly to be contem- plated in the future, so far as we can forecast them from the experience of the past, a stable ratio might be maintained if the nations we nave alluded to (Great Britain, the United States, Germany, and the Latin Union) were to accept and strictly adhere to bimetal- lism at the suggested ratio. We think that if in all these countries gold and silver could be freely coined, and thus become exchangeable against commodities at the fixed ratio, the market value of silver as measured by gold would conform to that ratio and not vary to anv material extent. " ' We need not enter upon any extended explanation of our reasons for this view, since such reasons can be derived from what we have set forth above, and since, in our opinion, they obviously follow both from theo- retical considerations and from the experience of the last half century. " ' It in fact appears impossible to maintain any other view.' "3. If it is objected that the restitution of silver would occasion for Germany a crisis whose limits could not be foreseen, it must be noticed in the first Elace that we do not believe in any interposition on ehalf of silver save on the basis of an international agreement. No sort of distrust can be occasioned by bimetallism when it is introduced simultaneously in all the great nations. " Besides, the fear of a ' flood ' of silver is entirely groundless, " (a) Because not an increase but a decrease in silver production is now in prospect ; "(d) Because the silver in the silver countries (East Asia, Mexico) and in circulation as money in the gold lands has not yet become depreciated. The billions which circulate as thalers, marks, francs, shillings, and guilders still hold fast their old value ; " (c) Because compared with the tremendous stocks of precious metal in the world, which, including wrought gold and silver, are valued at 100,000,000,000 frs. ($20,000- ooo.ooo), the yearly production is insignificantly small ; (of) Because the severe and long-continued crisis has naturally reduced the demands of business on the stock of gold and silver coins, and in a perjod of flour- ishing industry this demand will greatly rise. " But the speedy establishment of international bi- metallism seems to us necessary more particularly in view of the facts concerning the production of the precious metals. " The testimony of expert geologists has strengthened us in our conviction that gold is not adapted to be alone the measure of value, and that the fears of a too great production of silver are utterly unjustified. "Experts have unanimously declared : " (a) That the large production of silver in Australia is a transitory phenomenon, whose end is but a little way in the future : " (f>) That silver production is at present rapidly fall- ing off in the United States, not only in consequence of the fall in gold price, but as well because the bonanzas and also the carbonate ores necessary for smelting are becoming exhausted ; " (c) That a permanently large production of silver is to be expected only in Mexico and South America, where, because these countries are on the silver basis, the gold price of silver has, in our belief, no effect in checking the production of the metal. " As against the view prevalent in pur country that the gold price of silver fell because of increase in produc- tion, it is certain that this fall is to be referred entirely to the doings of legislators ; that when the fall began the production of silver was, in fact, not sufficient to meet the demand ; and that the American silver laws led to a ' skinning' of the silver mines, which was the main cause of the increase in production. Let normal conditions return, and we may expect a stable produc- tion of silver, corresponding to the vast demand, tho hardly sufficient to satisfy it. "The production of gold has greatly increased in the last few years, yet not in away to equal the demand so long as gold alone is full money. Should the gold States at last be driven to go on and lay aside their many billions of silver money, continually losing more and more of its gold value, it would be abso- lutely impossible to fill the gap so caused in their cir- culation. " But the production of gold cannot maintain itself at its present height. The more strongly and intensively the extraction of gold is pushed, so much more rapidly and completely will the mines be exhausted. The alle- gations of Professor Ed. Suess in reference to the pros- pective exhaustion of gold mines have not been proved incorrect, but have been confirmed ; and Suess, when before the Commission, only strengthened us in his views when he declared that the present copious production of gold is bringing the world essentially nearer to the moment assumed by him when (he pro- duction of gold will be entirely at an end. " In the Transvaal, according to microscopic investi- gations, it is only a question of fossil 'soaps ' (alluvial or diluvial gold). The wealth of gold there, therefore, does not refute but confirms Suess' doctrine that im- portant treasures in gold are to be found only in newly opened countries, where they quickly give out. " People still refer to the possibility of further ' sur- prises ' in respect to gold production. This possibility is all the time growing less and less with men's rest- lessly advancing examination of the earth's surface. "The gold production of to-day, inadequate as it is, is rapidly using up the world's last great gold reserves. To build the world's coinage system upon a produc- tion which can at best last only some decades is as im- possible as a coinage system based upon the chance of ' surprises.' "A provident statesmanship cannot discredit silver and let it lose its value, when all human foresight is to the effect that the metal will be absolutely indispen- sable in the future. " The present moment, witnessing an increase in gold production which may be the last, is precisely the time to carry through an international system of bimetal- lism, as this can now be done without any fear that gold will leave the circulation or attain an agio. Those who prophesy a gold agio in case of bimetallism overlook the fact that they thereby ascribe to gold a scarcity and clearness too great to allow of gold pos- sibly continuing the sole standard. " If, now, the united German governments recognize the necessity of procedure to stop the depreciation of silver, it comports with the high position of Germany as a nation that it should assume the initiative toward international negotiations, exerting its influence in the council of the nations in favor of silver, whose depreci- ation had its beginning in the German coinage law of 1871. Such is the condition of affairs that Germany will be permitted to reckon upon the cooperation of all powerful States, including England. " DR. ARENDT, " VON KARDORFF-WABNITZ, " LEUSCHNER, " VON SCHALSCHA, " WULFING." ARGUMENTS AGAINST BIMETALLISM. These come from two main sources : (i) From those who believe in a gold monometallism, and (2) from those who consider both monometallism and bimetallism to be faulty, and would meet the monetary need in other ways. The argu- ment brought by monometallists against bimet- allism will be found at length under the division of Monometallism in MONEY, but may be sum- marized here. It is urged that, however we legislate, two metals cannot be a standard at the same time, because at any given time, ac- cording to Gresham's law (see MONEY), the poor- er metal will drive the better metal out. If, then, it is said we attempt to have a double standard, it really means to choose the poorer standard of the two, and thus to have all the evils of a depreciated and depreciating cur- Bimetallism. 164 Biology and Social Reform. rency. It is urged that the fall of prices has not been due to the appreciation of gold, as bimetal- lists assert, but to the cheapening cost of pro- duction. Monometallists point to the danger of there being such an increased production of sil- ver as to threaten great depreciation of its value ; and therefore, if accepted as a standard, the great lessening of money values, involving gen- eral financial ruin. The only way to prevent this, they urge, is to maintain gold as the most fixed and universally accepted measure of value, and then to use various forms ,of credit to do the exchange of the world where gold is not suffi- cient, using silver, copper, etc., only for sub- sidiary coin. Already, they assert, credit per- forms 93 per cent, of the exchanges of the world. (Bimetallists deny this, and say that monometallists consider too much the methods of the financiering class. They say that the vast millions of the earth's population do not use forms of credit ; that retail stores use it little, farmers still less, and artisans and day laborers scarcely at all. For these credit is no relief, since they have no credit. Credit, moreover, gives out when it is most needed, and throws the world back on an insufficient amount of gold just when gold is most in demand.) The argument against bimetallism by those who would have neither bimetallism nor mono- metallism is (i) that bimetallism has not worked and cannot work without international agree- ment, and that this is well nigh impossible to get, it always being the interest of the capital- ists of one nation to adopt a gold standard if they can only induce some other nation to adopt a silver standard ; (2) that there is large meas- ure of truth in the contention of the monometal- lists that there cannot be two standards at the same time, and that to try to attempt to have two standards is really to have only the poorer of the two ; so that the best that can be said for bimetallism is that it is an evil only less than that of an insufficient gold standard ; (3) that the great need in currency is of a fixed standard, which, to remain fixed in proportion to prices, must be elastic in volume, which is possible neither with gold nor silver ; so that we require some better system than either monometallism or bimetallism. (For a discussion of proposed systems, see MONEY, last part.) On continental Europe, the most distin- guished bimetallists have been Henri Cernuschi, A. Wagner, A. Schaffle, Baron von ,. Kardoff, Professor E. de Laveleye. .Leading Jn England till recent ly mo st of Bimetallists. the econom i sts were monometal- lists, but there has come a change. Says a writer in the Christian Union for September 2, 1893 : " Newton, Ricardo and Chevalier were in favor of silver monometallism. Mills, Cairnes and Jevons were in favor of gold monometallism. What was true of the great writers was also true of the rank and file of university professors. In the early seventies, how- ever, when the production of gold began to fall off, and one new nation after another discarded silver and established the gold standard, prices which had been nearly uniform for 20 years began steadily to fall. This brought anew current of thought into the scien- tific world. There are still scientific monometallists, but there is none of the rank of the men we have named. The revolution of opinion has been quite marked in Germany, where Wagner and Schaffle, the two econo- mists of the widest fame, are both bimetallists. It has, however, been most marked in Great Britain, where Professor Fox well, of Cambridge, in a letter written in 1890 to M. de Laveleye, described the opin- ions of his colleagues in the chairs of political economy in Great Britain as follows : " ' University of Cambridge, Professor Alfred Mar- shall, bimetallist ; Professor Sidgwick. bimetallism Edinburgh, Professor Nicholson, author of an excellent book on the subject, Vice-President of the Bimetallic League. Oxford, Thorold Rodgers (now dead) admits the scarcity of gold, but rejects bimetallism. Univer- sity College of 'London, H. S. Foxwell, Vice-President of the Bimetallic League. Nottingham, Professor I. E. Symes, bimetallist. Liverpool, Professor E. G. Gonner, Vice-President of the Bimetallic League. Manchester, Professor J. E. Munro admits the bi- metallic theory. London, Kings College, Professor Edgeworth inclines toward bimetallism.' " To these the name of Hon. G. J. Goschen should be added. In the United States the lead- ing bimetallists have been, in the past, Henry C. Carey, President F. A. Walker, Hon. William D. Kelley, Hon. John P. Jones, John B. Howe, and W. F. Balch. Of the present, the situation is so involved that it is hard to speak. The large majority of professorial economists in this country are bi- metallists in theory, but believe that to be suc- cessful international agreement is necessary ; and they feel that this is at present almost im- possible of attainment. The position of such men as President Andrews is given above. In the confusion, to mention names and attempt classification without long explanations would perhaps mislead more than it would help. In May, 1895, a significant bimetallic confer- ence was held in London, but for all this recent history see SILVER. For an able statement of the monometallist view, see F. W. Taussig's The Silver Situation in the United States ; for the bimetallist view, President E. B. Andrews' An Honest Dollar ; for the position of the free silver movement, see W. J. Harvey's Coin's Financial School (1894). See MONETARY CONFERENCES ; GOLD ; SILVER MONEY ; CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ; CURRENCY. Revised by ELISIIA B. ANDREWS. References : The literature on the subject is very ex- tensive, to a great extent in articles and letters in Eeriodicals. The arguments on the subject will be jund stated in Jevons, Investigations in Currency and Finance (London, 1884), Money and the Mechanism of Exchange (1875) ; Reports of Committee of House of Commons on Depreciation of Silver (1878) ; Report of Commission on Trade and Industry (1886), and Appen- dix B to third Report, by R. H. Inghs Palgrave ; Report of Commission on Gold and Silver (1887) ; S. Dana Hor- ton, Silver as an International Question (an address to Congress) ; American Reports from Consuls of the United States (No. 87, December, 1887) ; Ernest Seyd, Bimetallism in 1886 (London, 1886) ; R. Giffen, Essays in Finance (1880, and other dates) ; paper on Some Bi- metallic Fallacies (Journal Institute of Bankers^ June, 1886), and other works ; Professor Emile de Laveleye, The Economic Crisis and its Causes (Contemporary Review, May, 1886), and other papers ; Samuel Smith, The Bimetallic Question (London, 1887) ; Rt. Hon. G. J. Goschen, On the Profitable Results of an Increase in the Purchasing Power of Gold : Lawrence J. Laughhn, History of Bimetallism in the United States (1885) ; F. A. Walker, International Bimetallism (1896). See also reports of the International Monetary Confer- ences ot 1878, 1881, 1889, and 1892. BIOLOGY AND SOCIAL REFORM. The connection between biology and social re- form is one which tends to be brought into greater prominence with the advance of knowl- edge. It is not long ago since the whole class Biology and Social Reform. 165 Birmingham, England. of phenomena which human society presents was regarded apart in itself and as having little or no connection with those to be observed else- where in the history of life. The first consistent attempt on an extended scale to connect together through the principle of development and con- tinuity both classes of phenomena was made by Mr. Herbert Spencer. Social Statics, which in many respects may be regarded as the starting- point of the synthetic philosophy, dates back to 1850. One of the leading ideas in this system of philosophy in which First Principles, Prin- ciples of Biology, Principles of Psychology, Principles of Sociology, and Principles of Ethics have been steps in an ascending series has been to trace this principle of development up to and into human society. Toward the elucidation of the laws at work in this society, all the work of science in lower fields has been regarded as preliminary. It was, however, with the publication of Darwin's Origin of Species in November, 1859, that the greatest impetus was given to the study of human society from the biological standpoint. The full effect of this impetus is not yet felt in many departments of knowledge which are almost certainly destined to be eventually profoundly altered by it. For many years after the publication of this epoch- marking book the effect of the fructifying ideas which it contained was necessarily limited to a few departments of knowledge. Gradually, however, the circle of their influence has ex- tended, until one after another of lower sciences, and particularly those connected with life, have been reconstructed arid transformed. The prin- ciple of the continuity of development, structural and functional, is now well established ; but in the long uphill battle which has had to be fought before the ideas connected with it obtained gen- eral acceptance, it has necessarily happened that the sciences connect- Breadth ed with man in society have been of the the last to be influenced. But that Subject, they are now beginning to feel the effect of the revolution is evident. What we are coming to see is that in human society we have only the last and most complex chapter in the history of life. The historian, the political philosopher, the econ- omist, and the student of ethical phenomena are all dealing with just the same problems, altho in different form, that science has been con- cerned with at earlier stages, and even to a large extent throughout the history of life. It is in the proposed solutions to problems connect- ed with the distribution of wealth that we have at the present day the dividing lines which sepa- rate most of the various political parties into which our modern society is split up. It is with these problems, too, that the economist is large- ly concerned. Yet such problems in themselves constitute only an aspect of the highest and most complex phase of that struggle and rivalry of existence with which the biologist has already dealt on a lower plane. Some of the older econ- omists, indeed, at times saw this more or less clearly. " Only through the principle of com- petition has political economy any pretension to the character of a science" was a dictum of John Stuart Mill. The point at which the social sci- ences tend to be most significantly influenced by biology may be indicated. What is becom- ing more clearly recognized is that, as biology would lead us to expect, the conditions affecting the distribution of wealth, which the evolution- ary forces at work in human society are ever tending to develop, are not necessarily those that parties or classes desire for themselves, but rather those which are continually tending to produce the highest efficiency of the whole social organization. The old utilitarian ideal of the greatest happiness of the greatest number is not, therefore, always, or even often, the same as the ideal of the greatest utility. Thus in a sense the whole of the problem before modern socialism can be stated in biological terms : Is it a movement which is tending to produce the highest standard of social efficiency, or is it one the effect of which will be to produce the maxi- mum of ease and comfort to the largest number of individuals ? The lesson of biological science for society would appear to be that, so far as it produces the latter to the exclusion of the for- mer, to that extent it must fail of ultimate suc- cess (but see EVOLUTION). BENJAMIN KIDD. BIRMINGHAM, ENGLAND." The best- governed city in the world' ' is the title accorded to Birmingham by Julian Ralph, writing in Harper' s Magazine. Mr. J. T. Bunce, of the Birmingham Post, is quoted as saying, in his History of the Corporation of Birmingham, that the rate-payers are "owners of a magnifi- cent estate and partners in vast and lucrative industrial undertakings," and that from these undertakings, " secured and maintained at mod- erate cost, they derive benefits possible only under a highly organized and well-administered system of communal effort, the truest form of cooperation, a real socialism, self-imposed, self- governed, conducted with the assent and by the efforts of a united community, and conducing to the equal advantage of all its members. ' ' This condition of affairs is the more noteworthy and the more deserving of the special study of stu- dents of municipal problems from the fact that it has been developed under great obstacles. Down to 1873 Birmingham's municipal government had the name of being one of the worst and most inefficient governments in England. The city was dominated by the rule of a " tavern coterie. ' ' In 1873 came a change. In November of that year Mr. Joseph Chamberlain was elected mayor, and soon commenced an era of municipal activity. $10,000,000 was paid for the plant of two gas com- panies, a large price, yet the profits the first year were $170,000, and they have /j oc Ttr n -va since then nearly doubled. The price, uas too, since 1875 has been reduced from 75 to about 50 cents per 1000 feet. Since i88q the employees have had the eight-hour day. In 1874 the city paid $6,750,000 for the existing water works of a private company, and since then the works have been extended, the daily supply doubled, and the cost to consumers much reduced. In 1875 Mr. Chamberlain laid before the council an Improvement Scheme, which has since been adopted, and whereby the city took go acres of the most crowded and most un- wholesome portions of the city, covered by 4000 houses, condemned the whole district, and has opened in its place the Improvement finest public thoroughfare of the city, Scheme "Corporation Street," lined by fine business blocks. These buildings have not been sold, but leased for 75 years. The gross outlay amounted to $8,000,000, and the an- nual cost for sinking fund, interest, and various charges is now about $^400,000, and the rentals $300,000, Birmingham, England. 166 Birth and Death- Rates. Other Municipal "but the yearly cost is lessening and the rentals are growing." In 50 years fiom the time of the invest- ment the debt will all have been paid, and the city will own these structures in clear title. Mr. Chamber- lain believes that Birmingham will be the richest municipal corporation in the kingdom. The invest- ment already pays, since the death-rate of this district has been lowered, from 60 to 20 or 25 per 1000. The city has developed a fine sewerage system and a large sewage farm, a wholesome and agreeable tract of land under high cultivation and with rich crops. The average death-rate of the whole city has been re- duced from 26 per 1000. in 1874, to 19 per 1000, in 1888. Birmingham was the first city in England to estab- lish municipal baths (q.v.). The first was opened in 1851, at a cost of $120,000, and there are now four, be- sides swimming baths, Turkish baths, etc. Bir- mingham in 1860 adopted the Libraries Act, and now spends $65,000 a year for libraries, art museum and gallery, with branch libraries in all parts of the city, and 200,000 volumes. The city is well supplied with schools, including municipal technical schools, for which alone over $30,000 a 3 r ear are spent. Birmingham has laid and owns her own horse-car tracks, within the city limits, but leases them to Enterprises, private companies on favorable terms. The companies pay 4 per cent, on the municipal in vestment the first 14 years of the lease, and 5 per cent, for the remaining seven. It is calculated that in 21 years this will pay for the whole investment. As the city can borrow at 3 per cent., it is a profitable investment. The companies have to pay all bills for maintenance and repairs, and are minutely supervised as to the furnishing and light- ing of the cars. The city owns her own markets, hav- ing bought them of the manorial lord in 1824, and they now yield her some $50,000 a year profits. The city owns more than ten parks, covering 350 acres, for its population of 500,000. Its debt, which before Mr. Cham- berlain became mayor was $2,500,000, is now $45,000,000, but it is paying itself off, and the rates are almost ex- actly what they were in 1873. Accord- ing to Mr. Chamberlain (Forum, Novem- Governmpnt ber ' l8 9 2 )> Birmingham spends annually, '* apart from appropriations for schools and almshouses, only about $1,665,000, while Boston, with about the same popu- lation, spends $10,194,000, and he adds that the suffrage is more universal in Birmingham than in Boston. The municipal government is conducted by 54 councilors and 18 aldermen. The councilors are elected once for three years, one third going out of office each year. The aldermen are elected by the council for six years. The mayor is elected annually by the council. References : Municipal Government in Great Brit- ain, Toy Albert Shaw (1895); The Best-Governed City in the World, by Julian Ralph (Harper's Monthly, 81, 99). BIRNEY, JAMES G. (1792-1857), was born, in Danville, Ky. Originally a slave-holder, and at one time agent for a colonization society, in 1834 he freed his slaves and established an abo- lition newspaper. Fear of violence compelled him to leave Danville, and subsequently Cin- cinnati, whither he had moved. He came to New York, where he was Secretary of the Ameri- can An ti- Slavery Society. In 1840 and 1844 he was the candidate of the Liberty Party for Presi- dent. In 1842 he moved to Michigan, and a fall from his horse disabled him from further politi- cal activity. BIRTH AND DEATH-RATES OF POPULATIONS, THE. The two chief events of human life, birth and death, are, in nearly every civilized country, matters of care- ful record ; and the different recorded facts connected with these events, such as sex, age, parentage, season of the year, and occupation, constitute a large portion of that branch of sci- ence known as vital statistics. We have said " nearly every civilized country," since, unfor- tunately, in the United States as a whole, vital statistics cannot be said to exist. At present scarcely a half-dozen States have anything which can be called a system of registration of vital statistics thoroughly enforced. The countries of Europe, however, following the example of Eng- land, where registration dates from 1838, have mostly adopted systems varying somewhat in their thoroughness and efficiency. The first American State to adopt a system was Massa- chusetts, and afterward came Rhode Island, Connecticut, Vermont, and New Hampshire. A few other States have registration laws par- tially enforced. The birth and death-rates of any nation or community are usually expressed as a ratio per looo of the living population. The following statistics are presented to show the birth and death-rates of the principal European countries for a series of years, together with those of Mas- sachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire : BIRTH AND DEATH-RATES OF PRINCIPAL FOREIGN COUNTRIES HAVING REGISTRATION WITH THOSE OF THREE NEW ENGLAND STATES, 1871-91, AND POPULATIONS AT LAST CENSUS. YEAR. England and Wales. Pop. 1891, 29,081,047. Scotland. Pop. 1891, 4,033,180. Ireland. Pop. 1891, 4,681,248. Prussia. Pop. 1890, 29,818,878. France. Pop. 1886, 38,218,903. Italy. Pop. 1891,* 3i347.29i- Austria, Pop. 1890, 231895,413. Average of 20 years, Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. Birth rate. Death rate. 34-o 36.0 35-6 34-7 34-2 33-9 33-8 33-5 33- 6 32-9 32.8 3i-9 31.2 3 1 - 1 30.2 3'-4 20.3 20.3 21.6 20.7 20.5 18.9 19.6 19.6 19.7 19.2 19.5 19.1 18.1 18.2 19-5 20.2 33-6 35-3 34-9 34-3 33-6 33-7 33-4 32-7 33-7 32-7 32-9 31.8 3i-3 3-9 30.2 31.2 20.4 20.6 21.2 20. o 20.5 19-3 19.4 20.2 19.6 19.3 18.9 I9.O 18.0 18.4 19.7 20.7 24.9 26.2 25.1 25.2 24.7 24-5 24.4 23-5 23-9 23-S 23.2 23-1 22.8 22.7 22-3 23.1 18.0 I7-S 18.6 19.6 19.8 '7-5 17-3 19.2 17-5 18.4 17.8 18.2 17.9 17.4 18.2 18.4 38.2 39-9 38-7 39-o 37-8 37-o 37-6 37-' 37-6 37-8 37-7 37-6 37-4 37-i 36.6 37-7 25.6 25.6 25.8 24.7 25-5 24.9 25-4 25.6 25-7 25-4 26.1 23.8 22.8 23.2 24.1 22.9 24.6 25-5 25.2 25.0 24-5 24.9 24.8 24.8 24.8 24.2 23-9 23-5 23.1 23.0 21.8 22.6 22.8 21.6 22.6 22.5 22.8 22. 22.2 22.2 22.2 21-9 22.5 22. 21.8 20-5 22.6 22.6 37-3 37-o 36.2 37-8 33-9 38.0 37-o 37-2 39-o 38.5 37.0 39-o 37-6 38.4 35-9 37-3 28.6 28.3 29.1 29.8 30.8 27.6 27-5 27-5 26.9 27.0 28.7 28.0 27.6 25.6 26.4 26.2 38.6 38-7 38.6 39-2 38.0 37-7 39-1 38-2 38-4 37-4 38.0 38.2 37-9 37-9 3 6 -7 38-1 30.6 31.6 31.6 29.9 29.8 30.6 30.8 30.1 29.4 30.1 29.4 28.8 29.2 27.3 29.4 27.9 877 .. 8 7 8 870 . . . 880 881 882 883 884... . 885 . 886 887 888 880 890 891 * Estimated. Birth and Death-Rates. 167 Birth and Death-Rates. YEAR. Massachusetts. Pop. 1890, 2,238,943. Rhode Island. Pop. 1890, 345>56- New Hampshire. Pop. 1890, 376,530. Birth-rate. Death-rate Birth-rate. Death-rate Birth-rate. Death-rate 25-7 26.6 28.2 28.3 28.3 26.6 25.1 24.6 23.8 22.9 24-8 24.9 24.7 25.2 2S-5 25-1 25.4 25-9 25-9 26.2 25.8 27-3 19.7 18.7 22.8 21.6 19.8 21.2 19.8 18.4 18.1 18.1 19.8 20.1 19.9 20.1 19.4 19.6 18.6 19.8 19.9 19.2 19.4 19.6 24.2 25-5 24.0 24.9 24-3 23-3 22.6 24.0 22-5 22.8 24.0 2 3 .8 24.1 23.6 22.2 24-S 24.2 24-3 23.4 23-9 14.9 18.2 18.3 17.0 16.7 iS-7 16.8 16.3 16.4 ^S 17.8 17.7 18.0 17.2 17.7 18.8 19.9 20.4 18.6 20.1 17.4 iy-5 19.2 19.9 17.4 18.3 *7-3 17.1 17.6 17.6 18.5 17.9 19.6 19.2 1871 1872.... 1875. .. 1874 jg 7 6.... 1877 x878 1879 1880.... .. ... 1881 1882 1883 1884 .... 1885 . . 1886 1887 1888 1889 1890 1891 The foregoing table shows that the birth-rates and death-rates of different countries present considerable variations when compared with each other, and those of each country differ considerably from year to year. The effect of the Franco Prussian War mani- fests itself in the low birth-rate of Prussia in 1871, as well as in the low birth-rate and high death-rate of France in the same year. The effect of cholera upon the death-rate of Austria is also shown in the very high death- rate of that country in 1873. The difference between the birth-rate and the death-rate constitutes the natural increase or decrease of any population. In most of the countries shown in the table the increase amounts to from five to 15 per 1000 of the living population annually. A large excess of the birth-rate over the death- rate, such as exists in England and in Germany, constitutes an undoubted element of national strength. In France the excess of births over deaths is very small, and has been constantly diminishing for several years, until in 1890 there was an actual excess of deaths over births. This condition is viewed with alarm by intelligent French writers, and is termed by M. Cheysson a "national peril." He states as among the causes of the low birth-rate of France, " the growth of large towns, debauchery, overcrowd- ing in manufacturing centers, the French law of inheritance, and the ' moral restraint ' of Malthus, practised not by the poorer class, who are prolific, but by the well-to-do classes, who are systematically sterile." The excess of the birth-rate over the death- rate in the New England States having registra- tion is neither so high as that of England nor so low as that of France. The actual increase of the population is gov- erned not only by the difference between the birth and death-rates, but also by the balance between the two factors of immigration and emi- gration. In Ireland, for the past 40 years or more, while the birth-rate has constantly exceed- ed the death-rate, the loss by emigration has been so great as to far outweigh the natural in- crease of the population. War, famine, epidemics, overcrowding in cities, and bad sanitary conditions generally in- crease the death-rate. For many years the price of wheat has been quoted annually in the British Registration Reports, where it was shown by Dr. Fan that scarcity and high prices were not only coincident with a diminished mar- riage-rate, but also with an increased death-rate. In Massachusetts, during the years of war (1861-65), the natural increase of the population by excess of births over deaths fell to an annual average of 3.5 per 1000, and for the year 1864 it was only 1.3 per 1000. In the five years previous to the war an average excess of 11.5 per icoo prevailed. Sex. In all countries having registration, the number of male births is uniformly greater than that of female births. The following table presents the ratio of male to female births in the several countries and States : COUNTRIES. England and Wales, 10 years, 1870^79. Ireland, Scotland, Belgium, Holland, German Empire, Switzerland, France, Austria, Italy, Massachusetts, 40 years, 1853-92. DEATH-RATES. Males Born to every 1,000 Fe- males Born. i39 1,056 i.57 1,059 1,061 1,062 1,063 1,064 1,068 1,071 1,056 The death-rates of countries and of cities are influenced by a variety of conditions, such as sex, age, climate, occupation, and other minor causes. Birth and Death- Rates. 168 Birth and Death-Rates. Since the death-rate of females is generally less than that of males, those countries in which the females are largely in excess of the males would, other things being equal, have a lower death-rate than countries in which the sexes are equal in numbers. The proportion of males to females in Eng- land, as well as generally throughout North- western Europe, is about 95 males to 100 females. In Central Europe, including Germany, France, and Austria, it is about 97 males to 100 fe- males. In Southern Europe the sexes are more nearly equal in distribution, or in the ratio of 99.2 males to 100 females, while in Greece there is a decided excess of males in the ratio of 113 to 100 females. In the United States the males are slightly in excess, but in the New England States the females are in excess, in the ratio of 94 males to 100 females. The average death- rate of Europe, excluding Russia, for 19 years (1865-83) was 25.8 per 1000, while that of Russia was, for the same period, 35.7. Some allowance must undoubtedly be made for differences in the degree of accuracy of registration in different countries. But the average figures at the head of the columns in the table on a preceding page may be taken as fairly accurate. DEATH-RATES OF SEXES PER 1,000. ages or periods of life is shown in the following table : DEATH-RATES PER 1,000 OF THE LIVING POPULATION AT EACH AGE AND BY SEXES. Deaths of Males to 1,000 Fe- Females, COUNTRIES. Years. Males. males. in Equal Num- bers Liv- ing. England 838-91... 801 22.6 20.5 128 Prussia 60 years . J Berlin 889 it 890 Scotland ggi 892 18.1 Belgium SB? ,8 -L Italy 887 Massachusetts census years.. 8gO 20,5 19.2 18.9 067 New Hampshire. . . 890 19.8 19.1 037 Rhode Island. ...... 890 20.8 078 Connecticut 890 18.8 17.6 Vermont 888 988 Ages. Age has a greater effect upon the death-rate than any other condition. In a popu- lation or community composed entirely of little children under five years of age, or of old peo- ple above the age of 70, the death-rate will be very high ; while another community, com- posed entirely of young and vigorous persons between the ages of 10 and 20, as, for example, a large school or college, will have a death-rate considerably below that of the population at large. The vitality, or, in technical terms, the specific intensity of life, is greatest in such a community or population. The actual death-rate for each sex at different AGES. ENGLAND, 1871-80. MASSACHUSETTS, Six CENSUS YEARS, 1860-85. Males. Fe- males. Males. Fe- males. Under 5 . , 68.14 5.67 3-69 5-23 7-32 58.10 6. 20 3-7 5-43 6.78 70.97 8.16 3-86 6.64 9-97 10.59 i 2 '.86 19.24 36'-83 79.69 184.63 61.81 8.20 4-51 8.ii 10.39 II. 12 12.19 I7-I5 3> c3 .t! u**- 1 tSjS g )c/2 p Value of Agricul- tural Products per Acre of Im- proved Land. Value of Manu- factured Prod- ucts, per Capita. Mortgage Debt per Capita. +3-71 -1.74 +7.10 7.27 1-59 5-42 -1.79 3.61 +1.62 M 4-0.46 4-0-95 1-39 0-53 4-1.48 4-2.77 +2.89 8.89 0.81 S-7I 1.88 4-3-26 +3-42 4-2.04 73.87 +2-54 10-33 -8.31 1.52 4-7.40 -3-40 +3-23 2.60 4.19 0.99 4-3 +4-39 4-3-92 +4-59 4-4.52 Z^ 17 4-0.44 -3-14 +3-73 +0-33 4.90 2.78 29.74* 10.89 19.65* 26.14* 4-121.87 +53-81 +3512.34 22.63 1. 01 30.00 +36.17* +28.89 +2.30 -14.53 +M-3I* 7-53 -6-47* +73-56 +246.32 +4-3 9.02 +6.'82* 29-34* ''5-37 -28.33* 4-10.49 +161.66 28.79 4-96.60 +1.16* +57-94 25-37* +84.72 +286.28 +6.00* 4-io.i8* 17-34 24.45 +4-23 +9.11* -^2.70* 1. 21 +0.82* 29.50* +8.05* 20.78* 0.04 -13-56* 17-33* 4-132.72 4-64.66 +3818.56 14.09 +9.84* 20.31 +47.02* +39-74 +i3- I 5 -3-84 +25.16* 4-3.32* 4-o.So +84.41 +257-17 +i5- I 5 -4.87 +6.52* +17.67* 20.40* 7-53 20.89* +20.49 +I72-5 1 20.06 +104.64 +11.99* +68.79 17.99* +95-57 +297.13 +16.85* +21.03* 12.79 18.78 +15-08 +19.96* 16.09* +9-64* +9-6 7 * 20.69* +$1.72* +3- J 7 4-2.82* 4-0.20 +0.32 4-6.! i +1.62 +30.81 4-3.67* +1.82* +taa* 0.61* 0.61* 2.62 1.30 +7-52* +0-36 +0.87 +10.06 +1.60 -0.48 +3-83* -'33 0.03* 2.50 -3-14* +1-09 +7-63 o. 10 +2.98 0.48 +0-39 1-47* +2-3 +8-49 +2.89* -0.98 1.50 +2.04* +0-79 2.25 4o-6 3 - 2 '39 4-0.37* 2.18* $105.20 133-74* 129.54 +27.01 -46-57* +183.15 +73-36 +21.09 103.07 112. 12 133.09 4-8 7 .84* +46.17 84.22* 72.40 81-45 97-95 4.88* +15.22 +247.06 16.91* 2.12 ^S-iz -28.74 107.96* 61.77 125.48* +78.16 4-94-80 139.76 +'35-74 124.67 +25-" -17.58* +103.61 +262.81 121.89 108.69 118.12 106.77 34-29* 96.27 30.08* 98.89 2.29 110.63* $70.00 57.00* 83.00 4-104.00 + IIO.OO 4-11.00 o.oo + 130.00 56.00 81.00 58.00 +4.00* 45-00* +8.00 +74.00* 71.00 71.00 47.00* 34-00* +48.00 24.00* +56.00* 81.00 16.00 30.00* +30.00* 48.00* 46.00* +65-00 53-o -(-172.00 83.00 25.00* 23.00* +21. OO 4-10.00 84.00 73-00 54-00 57-00 I2.0O* 79-00 +30.00 70.00 24.00 14.00* Florida .... Indiana Iowa Michigan ... Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina Ohio Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming Coherences with birth-rate 17 29 21 25 16 3 12 34 16 29 Oppositions to birth-rate Total States and Territories 46 4 6 46 46 45 In one State (Delaware) the mortgage debt per capita is the same as for the United States. * Coherence in the phenomena studied. Birth and Death-Rates. 172 Bismarck and Social Reform, the death-rate from nervous diseases below the aver- age, the variations above and below the average in the remaining one third must be proportionally greater ; in other words, the conditions of life which cause such variations must be more intense. If civilization, as Mr. Spencer believes, be the cause of the lower birth- rate, we should expect a high civilization where the birth-rate is low. These conclusions are confirmed by the statistics. She compares the birth-rates with conditions of in- dustrial life, and shows that in 37 States and Terri- tories the value of the manufactured products per capita coheres with the death-rate from nervous dis- eases and opposes the birth-rate, and in four States the three cohere ; thus in 41 of the 47 States and Terri- tories the value of the manufactured products per capita and the deaths from nervous diseases cohere. In 35 States and Territories the value of the manu- factured products per capita coheres with the density per square mile of area of settlement and is opposed to the birth-rate, and in three States the three cohere, making 38 States and Territories in which the value of the manufactured products per capita and the density of population cohere. In 33 States and Territories the value of the manu- factured products per capita coheres with both the density of population and the deaths from nervous diseases and opposes the birth-rate, while in two States the four cohere. Thus in 35 of the 47 States and Ter- ritories in the United States, the conditions of density, manufactured wealth, and deaths from nervous dis- eases are similar, and in 33 of these States and Terri- tories they directly oppose the birth-rate. The only conclusion to be drawn from such facts is that the conditions of advancing civilization are actu- ally lowering the birth-rate, and that the conditions of a simpler agricultural life favor a high birth-rate. If the average rates for the United States in 1880 and in 1890 be compared, the results obtained from the E receding detailed comparisons are confirmed. The irth-rate has diminished from 30.95 per 1000 of population to 26.68.* The value of agricultural prod- ucts per acre of improved land has also decreased : in 1880 it was $7.77 ; in 1890, $6.88. The density per square mile of area of settlement has increased from 31. 96 to 32.16, and the density per square mile of total land surface from 17.29 to 21.31. And finally, the value of manufactured products has risen from $106.50 per capita to $149.63. See also DEATH-RATES and MALTHUSIANISM for vari- ous and contrary views. References : The authorities noticed in this arti- cle. BISMARCK AND SOCIAL REFORM, OTTp EDOUARD LEOPOLD, Prince, von, long time Chancellor of the German Empire, we consider here from the standpoint of his re- lation to social reform. He was born in 1815 at Brandenberg, of an old family, and studied at Gottingen, Berlin, and Grief swald. In 1847 he entered the Landtag and attracted notice as an ultra-royalist. He was opposed to the scheme for the reconstruction of the German Empire proposed in 1849, and strove for a united Ger- many under the lead of Prussia. He was ap- pointed chief secretary of the Prussian legation at the resuscitated German Diet of 1851. He was sent later to Paris as Minister, and in 1862 was given the portfolio of Foreign Affairs and the presidency of the Cabinet. Unable to pass the reorganization bill and budget in October, 1862, he closed the Cham- bers, and for four years governed without get- ting the sanction of the deputies. The people were looking for a coup d'etat ; but the death of the King of Denmark opened up the Sleswick- Holstein question, and excited German national feeling, which Bismarck was able to use by the acquisition of the duchies to aggrandize Prussia. He negotiated the neutralization of Luxemburg * Billings, The Diminishing' Birth-rate in the United States (The Forum, June, 1893). (1867), the humiliation of Austria, the reorgani- zation of Germany under the lead of Prussia ; he guided the Franco-Prussian War, dictated terms of peace to France, and was created Prince and Chancellor of the German Empire. He began a contest with the Catholic Church, expelling the Jesuits (1872). He presided at the Berlin Congress (1878). His later years have been busied with economic and social rather than diplomatic problems, and these we consider more at length. Since 1879 at least Bismarck has been considered almost the leading spirit of paternal State socialism. This, however, was not to adopt a new policy in Prussia, but simply to carry out, or, rather, revert to the traditional policy of the Hohenzollerns. (See GERMANY.) It was the proud boast of Frederick the Great that he was " le rot des gueux." Of all the governments of the seventeenth century, the Prussian was the first to seek the welfare of the whole community. The Prussian landrecht recognizes the State as the protector of the poor- er classes, and one of its duties to supply suste- nance and work for those lacking means and opportunity of earning a livelihood. It was. upon these clauses that Bismarck relied when,. on May 7, 1884, he declared to the Reichstag his. recognition of the laborer's right to work. Bis- marck himself once said : " The kings of Prus- sia have never been by preference kings of the rich. Frederick the Great said, when Crown Prince : ' Quandje serai rot, je serai un vrai roi des gueux.' He undertook to be the pro- tector of the poor, and this principle has been fol- lowed by our later kings. At their throne suffer- ing has always found a refuge and a hearing." The principle of protection to which Bismarck reverted was the original and paternal policy of Prussia. Bismarck's paternal socialism, thus,. is but a consistent following out of the principle of his masters. Yet how far he has carried these principles we shall soon see. They, however, must not at all be confounded with socialistic principles. (See SOCIALISM.) Socialism is demo- cratic, fraternal. Bismarck's policy has been aristocratic, paternal. Few have persecuted the socialists as Bismarck has done, and few states- men have been so hated by socialists as Bis- marck has been. Their policies are radically opposite rather than identical. His drastic law against socialistic meetings and writings dates from 1878. Up to that time Bismarck had planned no measures of repression against so- cialists. But in that year two attempts on the life of the Emperor enabled Bismarck to carry through a drastic bill of repression which has. been rigidly enforced until its failure to be re- newed upon its recent expiration by limitation of time. Its main effect, however, has been to scatter the propaganda of German socialism abroad and to increase the real socialistic agita- tion in Germany. It shows, however, how little sympathy Bismarck has with true socialism. Of capitalism he is a far greater friend. " I wish," he once told the Reichstag, " I wish we could immediately create a few hundred millionaires. They would expend their money in the country, and this expenditure would act fruitfully on labor all round. They could not eat their money themselves ; they would have to spend the interest on it. Be glad, then, Bismarck and Social Reform. Bismarck and Social Reform. when people become rich with us. The com- munity at large, and not only the tax authority, is sure to benefit. ' ' Bismarck's State socialism thus seems to have come from mixed motives partly to take the ground from under the real socialists, partly, perhaps, from religious motives, mainly to serve and aggrandize the house with which he was so long identified. The religious flavor is not lack- ing. On April 2, 1881, he said : " I should like to see the State, which for the most part consists of Christians altho you reject the name Christian State penetrated to some extent by the principles of the religion it professes ; especially as concerns the help one gives to his neighbor, and sympathy with the lot of old and suffering people " "So long ago as June 15, 1847, he declared to the Prus- sian United Diet, which was not accustomed to hear such words from an obscure provincial deputy : " I am of opinion that the idea of the Christian State is as old as the ci-devant Holy Roman Empire, as old as all the European States, that it is the soil in which these States have taken root, and that a State, if it would have an assured permanence, if it would only justify its existence, when it is disputed, must stand on a religious foundation." But his main thought was for Prussia. He told the Reichstag on February 24, 1881 : " For me there has been but one compass, one pole- star, after which I have steered : Salus publica. Since I entered public life I have often, perhaps, acted rashly and imprudently. But when I have had time for reflection I have always been guided by the ques- tion, What is most beneficial, most expedient, and proper for my dynasty, so long as I was only in Prus- sia, and nowadays for the German nation ? I have never in my life been doctrinaire. All systems by which parties are divided and bound together are of secondary moment to me. My first thought is of the nation, its position abroad, its independence, our or- ganization in such a way that we may breathe freely in the world." We are now ready to understand his State-socialistic measures. As early as 1847 he spoke and voted in the United Diet for a State loan to a private railway en- terprise, and from that time forward, whether as private deputy or minister, State he never failed, when opportunity oc- tJnpiali"7 13,856 23,981 1,103 2,211 3.3J6 6,493 12,672 921 1,979 3, 22 4 5,819 10,999 $610,747 1,337,955 2,600,687 4,207,601 6,620,265 $514,134 1,000,372 1,911,794 3,022,201 5,339<3rf $96,613 337,583 688,893 1,185,400 1,280,949 1870-80 The following institutions do not state sex in their reports for the decades indicated, which will account for the apparent discrepancies be- tween the items and total of the above sum- mary : The Perkins Institution and Massachusetts School for the Blind : Total number of pu- pils, 1840-50, 817 ; 1850-60, iii2 ; 1860-70, 1261. Ohio Institution for the Blind, Columbus : Total number of pupils, 1840-50, 603 ; 1850-60, 785 ; 1860-70, 1316 ; 1870-80, 1544. West Virginia School for the Deaf and Blind, Romney : Total number of pupils, 1880-90, 310. SUMMARY OF STATISTICS OF SCHOOLS FOR THE YEARS 1880-89, INCLUSIVE. YEARS. PUPILS. EXPENDITURES. Total. Male. Female. Total. Current. Building. Total 23,981 12,672 10,999 $6,620,265 $5,339,3 l6 $1,280,949 880 2,041 2,096 2,038 2,230 2,286 2,397 2,554 2,638 2,770 2,931 ,064 ,97 ,062 ,i59 ,200 ,266 ,353 ,4'5 ,478 ,578 955 974 946 39 050 099 170 190 257 319 $572,225 560,183 sg 1 ,^ 611,894 715,034 743,232 647,710 679,632 753,775 744,763 $415,108 481,197 502,149 520,864 538,441 563,078 561,002 587,636 594,168 575,673 $I57,"7 78,986 89,668 91,030 176,593 180,154 86,708 91,996 159,607 169,090 ggi 882 883 884 885 886 887 888 880. . . The West Virginia School for the Deaf and Blind, at Romney, total number of pupils 310, does not state sex, which accounts for the ap- parent discrepancy between the items and total of the above summary. The average annual cost and the average an- nual current expenditures per pupil in schools for the blind by decades from 1840-90 were as follows : DECADES. Average An- nual Cost. Average An- nual Current Expenditures. $268 388 285 268 1880-90 288 The average annual cost and the average an- nual current expenditures per pupil in schools for the blind by years from 1880-89, inclusive, were as follows : YEARS. Average Cost. Average Current Expenditures. 880 881 882 883 28O 238 884 885 886 887 888 ... . . 283 889 280 These averages are based only upon those in- stitutions making complete returns. The total number of pupils in schools for the blind in the United States in 1889 was 2931, while in 1880 the number was 2041, an increase in the decade of 8ox>. It must be borne in mind that the apparent increase in the decade is due to some extent to the increased facilities for the reception and education of the blind in the schools established for this purpose. Bliss, William Dwight Porter. 179 Blue Ribbon Movements. BLISS, WILLIAM DWIGHT POR- TER, was born in 1856 in Constantinople, Turkey ; the son of Rev. E. E. Bliss, D.D., an American missionary. He studied in Robert College, Constantinople ; Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass.; Amherst College, 1874-78 ; Hartford Theological Seminary, 1878-82. He was settled over the Fourth Congregational Church, Denver, Col., but on account of failing health, he soon returned to the East, and was settled at South Natick, Mass. He was mar- ried in London to Mary Pangalo, in 1884. In 1885 he became interested in socialism through seeing the workmen in factory villages and reading Henry George and the Christian Union. In 1886 he entered the Episcopal Church, and took charge of St. George's Church, Lee, Mass. Here he joined the Knights of Labor ; was Master Workman of the Assembly at Lee, and in 1887 sent to Cincinnati as dele- gate from the Knights of Labor, being one of the secretaries of the Union Labor Convention. The same year he helped start with Father Huntington, in New York City, the Church As- sociation for the Advancement of the Interests of Labor (Cail). In 1888 he took charge of Grace Church, South Boston. He was nominated for Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts by the Labor Party, but declined the nomination. He was one of the founders of the first Nationalist club in Boston in 1889, and soon after, with other clergymen, organized the Society of Chris- tian Socialists. He also started the Dawn, and published it until 1896. Resigning his parish in South Boston in 1890 he formed the Mission and Brotherhood of the Carpenter, which has since grown into the Church of the Carpenter. In 1895 he commenced editing The American Fabian. He has done much lecturing for the Society of Christian Socialists, the Christian So- cial Union, and other organizations. He is the author of numerous tracts, mainly on Christian socialism. He is also editor of the (American) Social Science Library, author of the Handbook of Socialism (1895), and editor of this encyclo- pedia. - BLOCK, MAURICE, was born on February 18, 1816, at Berlin ; in 1818 he went to Paris with his parents. Here his studies were pursued, with the exception of two years in Germany. Upon his return to Paris he was naturalized, and in 1843 entered the Bureau of Statistics, where he had charge of the Department of Labor. In 1862 he resigned in order to put to use the knowl- edge he had gained. He has received several scholastic honors, is a Fellow of the Superior Council of Statistics, and has been often intrust- ed with missions for scientific purposes. His Le Progres de la science economique depuis Adam Smith (1890) Professor Seligman calls " a work which in some respects compares with the best production of recent times in any country. ' ' He is best known, however, by his Traite' tneo- rique et pratique de statistique (1886) and his various statistical writings for the French Gov- ernment, and in his valuable Annuaires de I* economie politique et de la statistique. BLOOMER, Mrs. AMELIA, was born in Homer, N. Y. , in 1818, and in 1840 was married to D. C. Bloomer, of Seneca Falls, where she resided till 1855. She commenced working for temperance and then for woman's suffrage. January, 1849, after the first woman's rights convention, she commenced the publication of the Lily, the first paper ever owned, edited, and controlled by a woman in the interests of wom- en. In 1852 she called attention to the style of dress since called by her name, though she did not originate it. She wore it, however, for six years. In 1 8 5 5 she sold out her paper an d mo ved to Council Bluffs, la. In 1852 she commenced lecturing, and continued till ill health prevent- ed, ending in her death in 1895. BLUE RIBBON MOVEMENTS. A dis- tinguishing feature of many of the movements for the reformation of drinking men has been the bit of ribbon, generally blue or red, worn by the reformed men and others interested. The red ribbon was adopted by Dr. Henry A. Reynolds, September 10, 1874, as the badge of the Bangor (Me.) Reform Club, which he organ- ized at that time, and which, consisting of re- formed drinking men, was the first club of its kind ever formed. Throughout the remarkable pledge-signing campaigns that followed in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Michigan, Illinois, and other States, Dr. Reynolds made the red ribbon the sign of membership in the clubs he started, and they came to be known as Red Ribbon Reform Clubs. The white ribbon was adopted by Dr. Reynolds in connection with the red, the former to be worn by women and by young men under 1 8. The white ribbon is also worn by all ladies of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. But the blue ribbon has been associated with temperance reform movements more extensively than any other badge. It was adopted by Francis Murphy, and has been donned by very many thousands in this country whom he has induced to sign the pledge. The idea was borrowed in England. On Feb- ruary 10, 1878, a conference of temperance work- ers was held in London, and a total abstinence campaign was determined on. A central mis- sion was to be established in London, with town organizations in the provinces as the work spread. The blue ribbon was chosen, and the " Blue Ribbon Army" was adopted as the name of the organization. Mr. William Noble, who took a prominent part in the inauguration of this work, had recently returned from a visit to the United States, where he had seen something of the methods employed in the Murphy and Reynolds movements. Pledge cards were issued and scattered throughout the British Empire, and during the years since they have been trans- lated into several languages, and have found their way into various coun tries of Europe, into Africa and the Sandwich Islands. More than 1,000,000 pledges have been officially issued in addition to the pledges issued by independent workers cooperating with the movement. A change in the name from " Blue Ribbon Army" to " Blue Ribbon Gospel Temperance Move- ment' ' has been made, and several branch or- ganizations, such as the " Help-Myself Society" among men and the " Help-One- Another So- ciety" among women, have grown out of the original movement. Bluntschli, Johann Kaspar. 1 80 Boot and Shoe Industry. BLUNTSCHLI, JOHANN KASPAR, a German jurist, was born in Switzerland in 1808. He graduated at Bonn in 1829. He was pro- fessor in the University of Zurich, a member of the Grand Council of the local Government, and strongly opposed the civil war of 1847-48. In 1848 he became Professor of German and Inter- national Law at Munich, and in 1861 Professor of Political Science at Heidelberg. In 1864, with Baumgarten and others, he founded the Protestant Union, and subsequently presided over several Protestant conventions, and over the General Synod at Baden in 1867. He was in favor of a union between South and North Germany, and was elected to the Customs Par- liament. Bluntschli is the author of many valu- able works on politics, laws, and the sciences ; his best-known book in this country being his Theory of the State (translated from the sixth German edition by R. Lodge). BOHM, von BAWERK, EUGEN, was born February 1 2 , 1 8 5 1 , at Briinn , in Moravia. He en- tered the Austrian Ministry of Finance in 1872, where he remained until 1880. In the mean time he had received the degree of LL.D. from Vien- na, and had improved his two years' leave of ab- sence to prosecute his sociological studies at Heidelberg, Leipzig, and Jena, under Knies, Roscher, and Hildebrand. In 1880, immediately after his installation as privat-docent at Vien- na, he was called to Innsbruck. In 1889 he ac- cepted a councilor's seat in the Austrian Minis- try of Finance. The best known of the impor- tant school of Austrian political economists, his main work is his Kapital und Kapitalzins, vol. i. (1884), a critical review of all theories of capital, translated into English by W. Smart (1890), under the title Capital and interest, vol. ii. (1889), giving his positive theory of capital, and also translated by Smart as The Positive Theory of Capital (1891). BOILEAU (or BOYLEAU), ETIENNE, was born about 1200. He joined the Crusades under Louis IX. (St. Louis), was captured, and ransomed by that monarch at a high price. At one time Provost of Orleans, he subsequently became (1258-70) Provost of Paris. Boileau, a man of noble birth and incorruptible character, suppressed venality, meted out justice, estab- lished the police of Paris, and hanged his god- son for theft, and a friend for dishonesty. St. Louis, as a mark of confidence and approval, sometimes sat beside him at the Chatelet, where he administered justice. But the great work of Boileau was his compilation, about 1268, of the Livre des Metiers, a code of the regulations affecting the various industries of Paris. The exordium states the intention of the compiler to treat of (i) the trades of Paris, their ordi- nances and the breaches thereof, with the ap- propriate fines ; (2) fees, tolls, taxes, and dues ; (3) justice and jurisdictions in Paris and the neighborhood. The third part either was not written or has been lost. The Registres so formed constitute a highly valuable record of the condition of industrial society at the time- its trade privileges, masters, apprentices, their number, conduct, terms of service, holidays, quality of work and of goods, prices, middle- men, fines, dues, etc. This compilation has been regarded as a landmark in the history of economics. Reference : Article in Palgrave's Dictionary of Polit- ical Economy, which we have here abridged. BOILER-MAKERS AND IRON SHIP- BUILDERS, UNITED SOCIETY OF (English). See TRADE UNIONS, section " Eng- land." BOISSEL, FRANCOIS (1728-1807), was born at Joyeux, in Vivarais. Educated by the Jesuits, he became in 1753 parliamentary attor- ney in Paris, but soon removed to St. Domingo. A contest with the Government over his profes- sion brought him back to Paris and kept him there 20 years. On the breaking out of the rev- olution he took an extreme Jacobin position. He is best known for his Catechisme du genre Humaine (1789), in which appear many of the germs of later French socialistic thought. His first writing was Discours contre les Servi- tude Publiques (1786). BOODLE was originally a vulgarism for money, and more particularly for booty ; a phrase used in barrooms and at the street cor- ners. Gradually some of the more vulgar and sensational newspapers began to make use of it in their articles dealing with the classes that were themselves in the habit of employing the term. Among these, the majority of the alder- men of New York City were numbered, and the bribes that these were supposed to be in the habit of receiving were referred to under that name. The charges of bribery were brought prominently forward by the investiga- tion in 1886, by a committee of the Assembly, into the circumstances attending the grant by the aldermen in the previous year of a charter for a street railroad on Broadway in that city. Jacob Sharp, a man largely interested in New York street railroads, was popularly thought to have bribed the aldermen to grant the franchise. Much interest in the investigation was manifest- ed by the public, and the terms " boodle" and " boodlers" were continually used by the news- papers. The general use into which the term was thus brought, added to the fact that it is a concise term, tended to purge it of its vulgar associations, and to give it standing in the vocabulary of the day. The term " boodler" is now universally applied to bribe-takers, more particularly to those connected with municipal governments, and most accurately to bribed aldermen. (See BROADWAY STEALS.) BOOT AND SHOE INDUSTRY OF AMERICA, THE, employing some 200,000 men and women, with factories in all sections of the country, manufacturing annually millions of pairs of boots and shoes, for which more than $200,000,000 are received, had its origin in an humble manner in what is now the city of Lynn, Mass, .where, in 1634, Philip Kertland established a shoe-making shop. From his beginning gradu- ally sprang, from time to time, more little shops, until 1750, when the first actual employing manufacturer appeared in the person of John Adam Dagyr, a Welshman, who laid the founda- tion of the modern trade. Boot and Shoe Industry. 181 Boot and Shoe Industry. Dagyr became known as the celebrated shoemaker of Essex, and was very successful, but eventually died a pauper. Prom this time the industry gradually developed and spread over Massachusetts, then en- tered New England, the Middle and Western States, Canada, and finally the Southern States. The manu- facturers of Lynn, with few exceptions, have confined themselves to the making of women's sewed shoes, altho large numbers of men's and children's shoes have also been and are made there. The establish- ment of the industry in Haverhill made that the prin- cipal point for the manufacture of pegged shoes, mostly for women's wear ; and Marblehead, of historic fame, devoted attention mainly to the making of children's shoes, while Brockton, Milford, Natick, and towns in Western Massachusetts made a specialty of men's boots and shoes. Marlboro entered largely into the manufacture of women's shoes. In 1812 boots and shoes were sent in wagon-loads from Lynn and Haverhill to New York and Philadelphia. The shoe factory of that time, where the shoes were cut, was a modest affair, being small, not larger than an ordinary house of the present day. The uppers were distributed to the wives and daughters of shoe- makers, to be stitched and bound, and were returned to the manufacturer, or, as he was commonly known, the "shoe boss." He then gave them out with the sole leather to the shoemakers, to be made in little shops, generally about 10 or 12 feet square ; and oftentimes the kitchen or some part of the dwelling was utilized for the purpose. What is known as the factory of to- dafy really began in 1857, when the manufacturers began taking advantage of the invention of the sewing machine, and gradually drew the work of stitching, and sometimes the making, within the factory. Up to the time of the advent of machinery the shoe towns presented as a feature the little shoemakers' shops at every turn and on every hand. The introduction of machinery was followed by large factories, and the massing together of large numbers of men and women under one roof. Those little New England shoe- makers' shops were really lyceums, and a wonderful aid in the educational development of the people. The daily newspaper was as much a necessity as the fire in winter, each workman in turn serving as reader, and the rest doing a portion of his work that he might not be the loser. Sometimes a contribution was made and a school-boy employed to read the paper. Every article was discussed pro and con ; every work- man kept himself thoroughly posted regarding public events, and questions philosophic, theoretical, and practical received earnest attention. In 1859 a sole-sewing machine was introduced, and -wrought a revolution in the trade. This was the inven- tion of Blake, but was remodeled and improved by a Lawrence mechanic, Gordon McKay, and superseded all the then known appliances for joining the upper and sole together, and really made the factory system of to- day. Then in rapid succession followed machine after machine skivers, buffers, edge trimmers, edge setters, channellers, beating-out machines, molders, heel polishers, pegging machines, sole cutters and many more whose number is still on the increase. This divided and subdivided the work, until from a real shoemaker the workman has become only about the eightieth part of one. In the department of women's work the machinery as rapidly entered. From the Grover and Baker, the Singer, and many others, to the present time, the inventor has been on the alert, and the same degree of subdivision is apparent. The present factory system was well developed by 1870. Since the McKay machine, the most important machine intro- duced is the Goodyear welt machine, which is destined to become, if it is not already, as necessary as the Mc- Kay. This machine in its operation approaches more nearly than any other yet devised the hand-work formerly done in the little shops. There are annually manufactured in the United States about 180,000,000 pairs of women's and children's shoes, and about 80,000,000 pairs of men's. The average wages appear to be about $500 annually. The greatest distributing center is at Boston, Mass., more than half of all shoes made being handled at this point; and in one State alone viz., Massachusetts, over one third of all these boots and shoes are manufactured. New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis, and Cincinnati, have become important as manufacturing and shoe- distributing points. Before the factory system was established, the New England farmer became in the winter a shoemaker, and from Lynn, Haverhill, Bev- erly, Marblehead, Natick, and other places obtained his shoes and stock. So largely was this practised, that regular express routes were established and maintained for this traffic alone. Organizations among men and women working at the shoe trade have been many, and have generally resulted in marked improve- ment in their condition. The first or- ganization was known as the Sons of St. Crispin, existing previous to the factory Labor Organ- syatem, and did not appear as an im- i-oHAno portant factor. The first really im- "auons. portant and effective organization was the Knights of St. Crispin, and to every shoemaker the letters K. O. S. C. were familiar. In 1864 Newell Daniels conceived the plan, and with some fellow- workmen in Milford, Mass., drafted a rough or crude constitution. Daniels went West, locating at Milwaukee, Wis., and there, March i, 1867, established the first lodge, with seven members, one of whom, F. W. Wallace, gave to the order its name, in honor of the patron saint of the shoemakers. The German Custom Shoemakers of Milwaukee became Lodge No. 2, after which Daniels started on a propagating tour, and lodges were established in various shoe towns of New York, Massachusetts, and other States. The Grand Lodge was organized at Rochester, N. Y., in 1868, with representatives from 60 lodges, and Martin Gavin as the first presiding officer. For five years thereafter the order was a power in the land, becoming the foremost trade organi- zation in the world. It made and unmade politicians, it started cooperative stores, it maintained a monthly journal, it fought against threatened reductions of wages, and succeeded in generally establishing higher rates of wages. The order grew until it became inter- national in its character, by extending mainly to Can- ada, until 400 lodges and over 40,000 members were borne on its rolls. But discord arose and a rapid decay set in in 1874, tho an attempt, attended with partial suc- cess, was made in 1875 to revive the order. In 1877 it really did assume such shape and size as to successfully battle with and defeat the Lynn manufacturers ; but again by 1878 the order was extinct, dying because it had undertaken a work beyond its strength. Then followed regularly annual reductions in wages until organization again appeared. In December, 1869, 16 Lynn lasters (those working at that part of the trade known as lasting the shoes) organized the Lasters' Protective Union ; they being then among the poorest paid of any in the business felt in a greater degree the need of union. The organization spread until to-day they claim about 80 unions and about 15,000 members. The Lynn union leased a hall, opened an office, and made its secretary its representative in all matters be- tween themselves and tneir employers, in reality, the walking delegate. At the formation of a general organ- ization the general secretary, Edward L. Daily, was made the representative in ail cases. The improvement in the condition of the lasters from the inception of their organization till its present time has been marked. The Knights of Labor were introduced into Massa- chusetts by a shoemaker, Charles H. Litchman, in 1878. The shoe craft of Philadelphia had already turned their attention to this organization, and their Eastern breth- ren gradually followed until the trade generally united in organization, but this time in conjunction with other occupations. The shoemakers remained with the Knights of Labor until 1888, when all but a remnant withdrew and formed the Boot and Shoe Workers' International Union, with Henry J. Skeffington as secretary. This year (1895) these various organizations have voted to enter into a small organization, the Boot and Shoe Workers' National Union. The various organizations of the shoe trade have many times locked horns with the manufacturers, and while sometimes defeated, have generally succeeded. The briefest mention of a few important occasions of this sort may suffice. Probably when all things are considered, the greatest strike in the trade was 'in 1860, beginning in Lynn. The panic of 1857 brought wages to a low ebb, and there was much suffering and discontent ; and in consequence of the efforts of Alonzo G. Draper, afterward a brigadier-general in the Union army, a strike took place February 14, 1860, with 5000 people parading the streets. For seven weeks parades were frequent, the city organizing by wards, the women operatives to the number of 2000 parading with the men. The shoemakers were then known as cordwainers, and during the strike they formed the Journeymen Cordwainers' Association. In anticipation of trouble, Colonel Coffin, commanding the Eighth Regiment M. V. M., ordered Company F, known as the Lynn City Guards, to report for duty. They did so, but nearly all being themselves shoemakers, officers and men volun- teered their services to the strikers for escort duty, and being accepted, were thereafter a feature of the pa- rades. The strike spread to Marblehead, Beverly, Boot and Shoe Industry. 182 Booth, Charles. Natick, Marlboro, Milford, and other places, and was finally settled by a compromise. During the strike trips were made by the men and women to the different places where the strike prevailed, sometimes marching the whole distance, and indulging in a grand parade in the town visited. At other times clam-bakes, candy- pulls, and the amusement of escorting new converts to the factory to give up their job and go on strike en- gaged attention. The women were as zealous as the men, persuading weak sisters to join them and keeping their ranks firm. In Philadelphia in 1880, and again in 1886, a protracted struggle ensued ; and New York and Brooklyn in 1886, Cincinnati in 1887, Brockton, Mass., 1885, Marblehead, 1883, Haverhill, 1885, and Worcester County, in 1887, may be added to the important list. These organizations have been instrumental in having boards o {arbitration (y.v.) established in several places. These boards have proved only temporary, and yet have accomplished something, the most notable in- stance being the joint board of arbitration in Phila- delphia, acting under rules which became known in the shoe trade as the famous Philadelphia rules. In Lynn and Beverly a municipal board served to form a channel for arbitration ; in Brockton it was called a joint council ; and in Haverhill a joint board of arbi- tration. They are to-day largely replaced by the State Board. In spite of the factory system the workers in the shoe trade have maintained a high degree of intelli- gence, and have been able to keep the day's work down to ten hours, with a prospect of shorter time ; and the rule is to pay wages every week. All reform movements receive strong support in shoe towns. A. A. CARLTON. BOOT AND SHOE OPERATIVES, NA- TIONAL UNION OF (English). See TKAUE UNIONS, section "England." BOOTH, CHARLES, born in 1841 ; head of a large shipping and mercantile firm of Lon- don, Liverpool, and New York, undertook in 1883 a detailed analysis of the census from 1841-81 with a view of determining the shifting of population from one occupation to another. (See Statistical Society's Journal.) In 1885 he began elaborate inquiry into the social condition of London, the results of which are embodied in Life and Labor of the People (Macmillan), of which four volumes are published. In 1892 he published the results of his inquiry into English poor law statistics, and recommended proposals for universal old age pensions from public funds (A Picture of Pauperism, Macmillan). He was President of the Royal Statistical Society of London (1892-94), and is a member of the Royal Commission on Aged Paupers (1893). He mar- ried Mary, niece of Lord Macaulay. The following summary of the results of Mr. Booth's investigations appeared in an article by James Mavor, in the Annals of the American Academy for July, 1893. He says : " By far the most important, in point of positive re- sults of the applications of modern scientific methods of research to the study of society, and specially to the problems of poverty, is the work of Mr. Charles Booth upon London. Mr. Booth has carried on his investiga- tion, independently of the Le Play method, and on different, tho somewhat similar, but less systematic, lines. He has conceived the idea of making an ex- haustive study of the population of London, from an economic point of view. With this object he has al- ready, by the aid of an army of assistants, thoroughly explored a great part of London. He hasmade-a care- ful investigation of a vast number of families, and has gleaned not all, but a large number of the relevant facts about them. He has classified these facts and drawn certain provisional conclusions from them. His work is indeed, in most ways, a perfect model of what such an investigation should be. The conditions of each great city are so different from those of every other that not until we have before us similar investi- gations of other cities shall we be entitled to form defi- nite conclusions about the poverty in them. "Early in Mr. Booth's investigations he found it necessary to devise a classification which might serve as a standard for the measurement of different degrees of poverty. "The standard is as follows : " A. The lowest class of occasional laborers, loafers, and semi-criminals. " B. Casual earnings very poor. " C. Intermittent earnings, ( , .,..,,< .. , " D. Small, irregular earnings, t T K etn er, the poor. " E. Regular standard earnings above the line of povertv. "F. Higher class labor. " G. Lower middle class. "H. Upper middle class. "These divisions are of necessity arbitrary. Indif- ferent places, or at different periods in the same place, they would be denoted by different pecuniary amounts. Each division is, however, sufficiently permanent in its central idea for practical purposes. In London, in 1886-80, when these investigations were made, the ' poor classes C and D comprised those who have an income of from $4.75 to $5.10 (i8s. to 2is.) per week for a moderate family ; Class B comprises those who fall below this amount.* The ' poor' may be described as living in a state of struggle to obtain the necessaries of life, while the very poor 'live in a state of chronic want." " Here, then, we have a gauge by which to measure the standard of comfort of the people. The gauge is readily adjustable to any locality. What we need to do is by a general inquiry to fix the amount of the money wages applicable to each class with the relative numbers in family, and then proceed to discover by minute inquiry what the standard of comfort is in each family over the different quarters of a city. This in- quiry involves a vast amount of time and trouble, and must be repeated at moderate intervals ; but without such an inquiry our knowledge of the people, of their standard of comfort, of what constitutes poverty, and the extent of it is quite vague and indefinite. "The results of Mr. Booth's investigations into the economic condition of a certain portion of the people of London reveal many interesting points. In the dis- trict chosen by him for investigation in the first in- stance, East London and Hackney, comprising an area of about seven square miles in the east of London, bounded on the south by the river Thames, on the west by the city, and on the east by the Poplar marshes, there are about 900,000 inhabitants. Of these, 64.8 per cent, were above the line of poverty and 35.2 per cent, were below it. Of this 35. 2 per cent., or 315,000 persons below the line of poverty, only 6000 were inmates of institutions ; so that over 300,000 persons were living in poverty in this area one third of the population. " But of these 300,000 persons living in poverty, 128,- ooo, or nearly one half, were earning regular low wages ; 74,000, or about one fourth, were making irreg- ular earnings ; 100,000, or one third, were making casual earnings ; while n,ooo, or 4 per cent, of the poor, or ij^ per cent, of the whole population of the district, belonged to the lowest class of occasional laborers, loafers, and semi-criminals. "Here, then, it is clear that in studying the problems of poverty, we have to deal not alone with those who claim public relief as paupers, or who claim private charity as beggars, but with the great army from which these classes are constantly recruited, the army of those who live at or under the line of poverty a great army living at a depressed rate of life, and tend- ing to reduce the vitality of the whole population. " But Mr. Booth has done something more than mere- ly discover the extent of poverty. He has made inquiry into its causes. The causes of poverty turn out not only to be numerous, but interactive. There is the principal cause and the contributing cause ; there is the cause and the effect visible in the same person, or in two or more persons. Thus the poverty of a child may not be due to any fault on the part of the child, but to one or the other parent, or both. " This strictly empirical investigation of Mr. Booth's reveals the following causes of poverty operating as principal or contributory causes : "Crime, vice, drink, laziness, pauper associations, heredity, mental disease, temper, incapacity, early marriage, large family, extravagance, lack of work (unemployed), trade misfortune, restlessness (roving, tramp), no relations, death of husband, desertion * C. Booth, Life and Labor in East London, vol. i., P- 33- Causes of Poverty. Booth, Charles. 183 Boucicaut, Jacques Aristide. (abandoned), death of father or mother, sickness, acci- dent, ill luck, old age. "It is difficult to give a fair idea of Mr. Booth's in- vestigations from his voluminous tables. But, out of 1000 paupers in Stepney whose cases were carefully in- vestigated individually, it was found that old age was the chief principal and contributory cause. " Old age was the principal cause in 32.8 per cent, of the cases. Sickness 26.7 percent. Drink 12.6 Accident 4.7 Trade misfortune 4.4 "^ Pauper associations and hered- ity i.i " As contributory causes : Old age contributed of the cases. . 17 " Pauper associations and heredity contribtited chiefly with sick- ness, drink, and old age as prin- cipal causes of the cases 17 " Drink contributory cause, with sickness and old age as principal causes, accounted for the pau- perism of 12 " While sickness accounted for an equal number. " Altogether drink is returned as responsible directly as principal, or indirectly as contributory, cause for 25 per cent, of the cases. Mr. Booth, however, says 'the proportion is less than might have been expected, and it is probable that closer research into the circum- stances and history of these people, if it could be made, might disclose a greater connection than here appears between pauperism and the public house. It is, how- ever, noteworthy that the results shown agree on the whole with those of the two inquiries I have myself previously made into apparent causes of poverty. The first, regarding 4000 cases of poverty known by certain of the School Board visitors, gave 13 to 14 per cent, as one to drink, the lighter percentage being for the greater degree of poverty. The second, regarding about 5000 people living poor and irregular lives, showed 10 and n per cent.,, dropping to only 5 per cent, for about another 3000, who, tho poor, were more regularly employed.' " In St. Pancras Workhouse the number of cases in which pauperism was due to old age as a principal cause was 23.4 per cent. To sickness 20.7 per cent. To drink 21.9 To laziness 10.6 To mental derangement 4.3 " In St. Pancras Workhouse about the same number of cases were investigated, but they included a smaller number of permanent paupers than the Stepney house, whose figures were first quoted. The current cases ^exhibit the largest amount of drunkenness. The 'ins and outs,' or those who go to the workhouse for a while and then leave, are specially notable for drunken habits. Forty-three per cent, of the 'ins and outs' were obliged to seek refuge in the workhouse on ac- count of drink. "The details of Mr. Booth's conclusions are to be found in his smaller volume on Pauperism. His main conclusion is that old age is the most frequent principal cause of pauperism, and he suggests as a remedy for this cause a national scheme of endowment of old age. Old age, then, stands first, sickness next, and then comes drink." BOOTH, WILLIAM, founder of the Salva- tion Army, was born in Nottingham, 1829, and be- came a minister of the Methodist New Connec- tion in 1850. He resigned his connection with the Methodist Conference in 1861, and after liv- ing for some time in the East End of London, started, in 1865, the " Christian Mission," which was the foundation of his present organization. The movement, which was even then of a semi- military character, did not make very much im- pression until 1878, when he named it the " Sal- vation Army. ' ' Since that time it has grown un- interruptedly and phenomenally in all quarters of the globe. His skill as an organizer is best shown by the strict military discipline which he is able to maintain throughout the whole of the organization. In 1890 he published a book called Darkest England, which contained a scheme by which he proposed to grapple with the destitution that is eating the life out of Eng- land. This has led to a very important work, for which see SALVATION ARMY SOCIAL SCHEME. General Booth has been accused of using the , large sums given him for this scheme to further * private ends, but an investigating commission has completely vindicated him. (See SALVATION ARMY.) BOUCICAUT, JACQUES ARISTIDE, AND THE BON MARCHE. The Magasin du Bon Marche, Rue du Bac, and adjoining streets, Paris, is a huge establishment for the sale of all kinds of manufactured goods, which employs some 3000 persons, superior officials, clerks, salesmen, and saleswomen, and attend- ants of various grades. The founder and build- er of this vast undertaking was M. Jacques Aristide Boucicaut. M. Jacques Aristide Boucicaut was born in 1809 at Belleme (Orne). The son of a hatter in a small way of business, he had to begin early his apprenticeship to a laborious life. Before long he came to Paris and entered as employee the Magasins du Petit Saint Thomas, where he rapidly distinguished himself, and be- came superintendent and purchaser. It was in 1852 that he acquired the establishment, then a very modest one, called the " Bon Marche," to the development of which he applied all the powers of his high intelligence, prodigious activ- ity, accurate taste, and commanding capacity of directing a vast organization and at the same time keeping a firm grasp on the smallest and seemingly most insignificant details. From the day when he felt himself justified in counting on a durable success, he determined to put his philanthropic ideas into practice. He had set out from the lowest rung, he had pain- fully climbed all the successive steps of his busi- ness, he had seen other employees suffer, and suffered himself, from abuses inherent in the current modes of doing business ; his desire was that the experience he had so laboriously gained should not be lost, but should one day prove of service to all engaged in his branch of trade. M. Boucicaut' s material success was extreme- ly great. His establishment, when he acquired it in 1852, was doing a business of not more than ,18,000 a year ; in 1869 the annual turn-over was .840,000 an increase of 4500 per cent, in 17 years. July 31, 1876, witnessed the introduction which had been delayed by the disastrous events brought upon Paris in the train of the Franco- German War of a long-meditated system of profit-sharing by which a direct interest in the prosperity of the Maison Boucicaut was thrown open to a large and constantly increasing num- ber of its employees. A provident society was formed for their benefit, to be supported exclu- sively by sums annually paid over for that pur- pose out of the net profits of the house. A few details, extracted from the printed regula- tions of the Provident Society, will show what were to be the qualification for membership and the terms of participation. Boucicaut, Jacques Aristide. 184 Bourse. Every employee who had worked continuously for five years in the house had a right to membership unless he happened to belong to the small class of superior officials who already possessed a direct inter- est in the sales effected in their several departments, or in the general business of the house. This arrange- ment obviously provided for a steady annual increase in the number of employees to whom the benefits of participation were to be extended. Except in the opening year, for which a special ar- rangement was made, the sum annually paid over to the society out of the profits of the house was to be allotted in the following manner : A separate account, opened in the name of each par- ticipant, was to be yearly credited with a share of this sum proportional to the amount which the employee in question had received in wages during the year on which the division was made. Each such account was to be further credited in every successive year with interest at 4 per cent, on the whole amount standing in it. An annuity accumu- lating at compound interest for a term of years was thus assigned to each beneficiary. The conditions under which the capital sums ac- cumulated in this manner were to come into the actual disposal of the benefited persons were as follows : A male employee, either on attaining the age of 60 or on completing 20 years of uninterrupted work for the house, could claim cash payment of the entire sum standing to his credit. In the case of women the quali- fying periods were to be 50 years of age or 15 years of work. While a long deferred participation was thus created as the ordinary rule, exceptional cases were to be promptly provided for. On the death of a member of the society, of whatever age or standing, immediate full payment to surviving relatives was statutably di- rected. In the event of disabling illness recourse could be had, subject to approval by the heads of the firm, to partial or entire liquidation of account. Such was M. Boucicaut's plan for securing to his em- ployees an accumulated capital. The scale on which it was to be carried into effect, the actual amount to be in each or any year paid out of profits to the Provi- dent Society, he reserved absolutely for his own unre- stricted decision. Unfortunately it was on but two occasions, in 1876 and 1877, that he was permitted to exercise this power. He died December 26, in the latter year, and 10 months afterward death removed his son also. His widow succeeded alike to the ownership and direction of the house and to the maintenance of its organization and traditions. The property of the society amounted August i, 1883, to ^26,453. In January, 1880, the proprietress of the Bon Marche, as an act of respect to the memory of her husband, carried his ideas a step farther by formally admitting into partnership with herself 96 heads of department and other employees, who put sums not less than 2000 each, and not more than .4000 each, into the business. In some instances these sums, tho standing in a single name, were contributed by a group of employees, so that the benefits of partnership were actually extended to a larger number of persons than those named in the articles of association. The Bon Marche, since the death of Madame Bouci- caut, has been a partnership en commandite by shares, directed by three managers. In 1887, when one of the medals of the Audeoud prize was awarded to this establishment, the number of the shareholders almost all employed in the house was 373 : 239 em- ployees had an interest by participation in the profits of the whole house or those of their own department. The other 2491 employees had an interest in the busi- ness which they transacted personally. BOUNTIES. A bouniy is a term in social science usually applied to a premium given by a government to promote some branch of pro- duction or industry which it desires to encour- age or aid. It is, however, also used for pay- ments of money to induce men to enlist in the army and navy. In Great Britain the giving of bounties of this latter kind has been common. In the United States it has been adopted to a less extent, but in the War of the Rebellion some recruits of the Union Army received as much as $500 or more. Some, however, enlist- ed, received the bounty, and soon after deserted, receiving the merited name of bounty-jumpers. The giving of bounties to encourage some in- dustry has been practised at times by almost all nations. England, which has now in the main rejected the bounty system, formerly gave bounties for many industries, notably to encour- age the herring fisheries, the Irish linen trade, and the exportation of grain. After the found- ing of the Royal Academy (1769), a bounty was given on the exportation of engravings. For many years, however, under the influence of free-trade ideas, the English Government has given up the bounty system in the main, tho still granting subsidies to steamship compa- nies. (See SUBSIDIES.) France, Germany, and all the greater continental powers have held on to the bounty system much longer, especially as regards bounties upon sugar. In the United States bounties have been given for tree plant- ing and sugar, with subsidies and land grants to railways and steamship companies. (See SUBSIDIES.) Congress in 1890, for example, voted a bounty of two cents per pound for 15 years on the production of domestic sugar. This was, however, ended by the tariff of 1894, altho an appropriation of $5,238,289 was later voted to continue the operation of the bounty on sugar raised before June 30, 1895. Almost all political economists have con- demned bounties in general, altho many have approved of them under particular circum- stances. Adam Smith vigorously and Ricardo still more sweepingly condemned bounties, on the ground mainly that they diverted capital perniciously ; and their position has been gener- ally followed by free traders and been criticized by protectionists. Bounties, however, have sometimes been preferred to a protective tariff by free traders, on the ground that their work- ing is open and direct, not covert, like a tariff. They have been denounced, on the other hand, by some protectionists, as more artificial than a tariff. A tariff, it is argued, makes the for- eign exporter pay ; a bounty taxes the general citizen for the good of one class. (See FREE. TRADE ; PROTECTION ; SUBSIDIES. ) BOURGEOISIE. A French term, originally used for the free citizen class in the towns, as distinguished from the aristocracy, on the one hand, and the working class, on the other. Burgess and burgher have about the same meaning, and in a general sense mean inhab- itant of a burgh or town. When used techni- cally, however, it often means a person who holds some privilege in a town or municipal cor- poration. The French socialists have, however, widened the meaning of the term bourgeoisie, making it express all the more or less wealthy middle class as opposed to the proletariat and working class, and this use has passed into all socialist literature. There has also often been associated with the term an implication of a nar- row-minded, selfish, money-seeking spirit, al- ways blindly supporting the interests of capital, as opposed to those of labor. (See PROLETARIAT ; ESTATES.) BOURSE. A French word for (i) the meet- ings of bankers and merchants for the transac- Bourse. Boycotting. tion of business ; (2) the place where such meet- ings are held. (See STOCK EXCHANGE.) BOWEN, FRANCIS, born in 1811, died in 1890 ; Professor of Philosophy in Harvard Uni- versity from 1853-89. He wrote on economic topics, history, politics, the classics, and most of all on philosophy. He was editor of the North American Review from 1843-54. His economic writings in the main are in the nature of text- books, stating and illustrating the doctrines of the classic economists ; but on the subject of in- ternational trade he reasoned in favor of the doc- trine of protection. His larger writings on eco- nomics were Principles of Political Economy (Boston, 1856) ; American Political Economy (New York, 1870). BOYCOTTING. A boycott is a combina- tion against a landlord, tradesman, employer, or other person, to cease social or business relations with him, and to induce others to withhold hav- ing relations with him. It is also used of agree- ments not to use certain articles or the articles of a certain manufacturer, on the ground that they have been produced in ways or under con- ditions condemned by the parties dictating the boycott. The word is derived from the name of Captain Boycott (the name is sometimes written Boycatt), who was, in 1880, living at Lough Mask House, County Mayo, Ireland, as land agent to Lord Erne, an Irish nobleman. The population of the region for miles around resolved to have nothing to do with him, and as far as possible to prevent any one else from having anything to do with him. His life appeared to be in danger he had to claim police protection. . . . To prevent civil war the authorities had to send a force of soldiers, and Captain Boycott's harvests were brought in guarded always by the little army. This proceeding was the origin of the word, and its origin has undoubtedly contribut- ed to the prejudice which the court feels toward acts called by this name. The idea of the courts has uniformly been that the word implied law- less violence, or what directly led to it. At all events, in most of the cases decided against boycotting in this country by way of injunction to restrain it, or by indictment to punish it, there has been present a distinct element of vio- lence. This is true in People v. Wilzig, 4 N. Y. Cr. Rep., 403 (1886) ; in People v. Hol- dorf, in People v. Kostka (same volume), and numerous other cases. Undoubtedly the deci- sions have gone farther. They pronounce a boycott an unwarrantable attempt to interfere .with an employer's business, and as he must fre- quently submit to it or be ruined, as practically coercion. The avowed purpose being to ruin a man's business, it makes no difference, accord- ing to the courts, whether force be used or not. In England the law against boycotting and combinations is more carefully guarded than in this country. Says Mr. C. A. Reed, writing in the Annals of the American Academy for July, 1894 : " A passage of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property Act (38 and 39 of Viet., 1875) reads: 'An agreement or combination by two or more persons to do, or procure to be done, any act in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute between employers and workmen, shall not be indictable as a conspiracy, if such act committed by one person would not be pun- ishable as a crime.' This puts an end to conspiracies to accomplish something relative to trade disputes which one person might without criminality do alone. Intimidation is forbidden under a severe penalty, and what is intimidation is very fully defined. It includes violence to the other, his wife, children, or injury to his property ; persistently following such person about j hiding his tools or clothes; and watching and besetting the house where he is. The advanced char- acter of the English law on this subject as compared with our own is shown by two very recent cases. Gib- son v. Lawson and Curran v. Treleaven. In the first the employees at an iron works notified their employer that if a certain fellow-workman did not join their union they should quit. The fellow-workman was notified by the superintendent of the employer, but declined to join the men's union, and he was dismissed to avoid a strike. The men were indicted, but the court held that their conduct was allowable under the recent act. The second case is still stronger. Here an employer was notified by members of a trade- union that if he continued to employ non-union men the unions would do their best to injure his business, and on his declining to bind himself, the defendant, a person in" authority in the trade-union, called to the employer's men to quit work, which they did. This conduct also was decided to be no longer criminal. There was no malice in fact toward the employer, the purpose of the men being to obtain higher wages. " Here is the language of the English court in the very recent case, Curran v. Treleaven, cited above, which may be said to express the latest position of the English law on this question : " * The recorder held that tho an agreement to strike to benefit themselves would be now a lawful agree- ment, a strike which would have the effect of injuring the employer is illegal and indictable at common law. He cites in support of this view some phrases from the judgments of the Lords Justices in the case of Mogul S. S. Co. v. McGregor et als. But with deference he has somewhat misapprehended the point of those ob- servations. It is true that where the object is injury, if the injury is effected an action will lie for the mali- cious conspiracy which effected it ; and therefore it may be that such a conspiracy, if it could be proved in fact, would be indictable. But it was pointed out in some detail by the court of first instance, that when the object is to benefit one's self, it can seldom, per- haps it can never, be effected without some consequent loss.- or injury to some one else. In trade, in commerce, even in a profession, what is one man's gain is an- other's loss ; and where the object is not malicious the mere fact that the effect is injurious does not make the agreement either illegal or actionable and therefore not indictable.' " Prior to 1830 conspiracy was not defined by statute in the United States, and the questions which arose with regard to the legality of the proceedings of the early trade-unions were decided according to the prin- ciples of the common law inherited from England. All the leading conspiracy prosecutions in America have grown out The United of shoemakers' strikes, and in each case states members of shoemakers' organizations oiuujs. were arraigned for striking against non- union labor. In the first three cases, that of the Philadelphia cordwainers in 1806, that of the New York cordwainers in 1809, and that of the Pittsburg shoemakers in 1815, the defendant work- men were convicted. The case of the People of New York v. Fisher in 1834 was tried after the revisers, who codified the common law in 1830, had made some important changes. The statute of conspiracy of 1830 in its final form contained the following sections : "Sec. 8. If two or more persons conspire ... to commit any act injurious to the public health, to pub- lic morals, or to trade or commerce, or for the perver- sion or obstruction of justice or the due administration of the laws, they shall be deemed guilty of a misde- meanor. " Sec. q. No conspiracies, except such as are enumer- ated in the last section, are punishable criminally." Trade and labor combinations were, therefore, only punishable as acts injurious to trade or commerce, and the conviction of the defendants in the case of the People v. Fisher was based upon the view that in com- bining to fix a price for their labor, and agreeing not to work for any employer who paid a workman below this rate, the action of the defendants was injurious to trade. A contrary decision was, however, given in Massa- chusetts in the case of the Commonwealth v. Hunt, 1845, when it was decided that a strike against non- Boycotting. 186 Bradlaugh, Charles. unionists was not a criminal conspiracy unless it could be shown that the means employed were criminal. In 1870 the New York Legislature took combinations to raise or maintain wages out of the category of con- spiracies to commit acts injurious to trade or com- merce. In 1881 the Penal Code enacted in New York, added to the previous definition of criminal conspiracy a section defining it to be an agreement " to prevent another from exercising a lawful trade or calling, or doing any other lawful act by force, threats, or intimi- dation, or by interfering or threatening to interfere with tools, implements, or property belonging to or used by another, or with the use and employment thereof." In 1882 the following section was added : "Sec. 170. No conspiracy is punishable criminally unless it is one of those enumerated in the last two sections, and the orderly and peaceable assembling or cooperation of persons employed in any calling, trade, or handicraft for the purpose of obtaining an advance of wages or compensation or of maintaining such rate is not a conspiracy." A clause borrowed from the Eng- lish statute (38 and 39 Viet. c. 86) passed in 1875 after the gas stokers' strike was also added : " Sec. 673. Endangering life by refusal to labor. A person who wilfully and maliciously, either alone or in combination with others, breaks a contract of ser- vice or hiring, knowing or having reasonable cause to believe that the possible consequences of his so doing will be to endanger human life, or to cause grievous bodily injury, or to expose valuable property to de- struction, or serious injury, is guilty or a misdemean- or." In the case of the People ex rel. Gill and others in 1887 it wa s decided by Judge Barrett, of New York, that strikes are only permissible when wages are directly at issue, and then only if there be no turbu- lence or disorder. In the opinion of the New York Bureau, therefore, the tendency of the legislation in that State concerning conspiracy has been retrograde, for the Penal Code comes near to recognizing the principle of the old "conspiracy to injure or prejudice another," which was abandoned when the common law was revised in 1830. In Massachusetts also the Supreme Court intimated lately in the case of Carew v. Rutherford that a com- bination to compel an employer to pay money under threat of a strike was a criminal conspiracy. On the other hand, the same principle was turned against some Connecticut employers, who blacklisted a work- man in 1866, when the judge declared that "any con- spiracy to prevent, obstruct, or hinder any man from putting his labor on the market is highly criminal at common law." Twenty-four States of the Union have conspiracy statutes viz., Alabama, Arkansas, Dela- ware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, and Wisconsin. The law as it stands at present in these States is a subject of complaints on the part of working men, who hold that if strikes to enforce union rules are de- clared to be combinations in restraint of trade, trusts, pools, and other combinations of employers to raise prices or limit production should come under the same ruling. (See also CONSPIRACY LAWS; INJUNCTION.) BRACE, CHARLES LORING, was born at Litchfield, Conn., in 1826 ; graduated from Yale in 1846 ; studied theology at the Yale Divin- ity School, 1847-48, and at Union Theological Seminary, New York, 1848-49. In 1850 he made a pedestrian tour through Great Britain and Ire- land, and also visited the Rhine, Belgium, and Paris. The following year he visited Hungary, and was arrested there on suspicion of being a spy, and was tried before a court-martial. He was released through the efforts of C. J. McCurdy, United States Charge d' Affaires at Vienna, and the Austrian Government amply apologized to him for the transaction. He after- ward visited Switzerland, England, and Ireland, giving especial attention to schools, prisons, and reformatory institutions, and returned to the United States in 1852. Here he entered into active missionary labors in New York City, working among the most degraded classes, and was one of the founders of the Children's Aid Society an association for supplying destitute and vagrant children with homes in the coun- try, and also for providing to a large extent lodgings, instruction, and other aid for poor boys and girls in the city and of this society he was, after the first year, the secretary and principal agent till the time of his death. In 1854 he established the first newsboys' lodging- house in the city ; in 1855 an Italian industrial school ; and in 1856 a German industrial school. He devoted the remainder of his life to work among the children and- youth of the poor of New York City. He was a delegate to the International Con- vention of Children's Charities in London in 1856, and took a journey into Northern Europe ; made a sanitary investigation of the principal cities in Great Britain in 1865, and was a dele- gate to the International Prison Congress in London in 1872, at which time he revisited Hungary, where he was received with marked attention. His work in New York City became known throughout Europe, and his advice was very often sought by those engaged in philan- thropic enterprises for the poor and for the young. For more than 20 years he was an edi- torial writer for the New York Times, and a contributor to its book reviews, generally con- fining himself to theological and philanthropic subjects. He died in the Tyrol, Switzerland, August ii, 1890. Mr. Brace is the author of the following works : Walks and Talks of an American Farmer in England ; Hungary in i 5 1 (1852) ; Home Life in Germany (1853) '> The Norse Folk (1857) ; Short Sermons to Newsboys (1861) ; Races of the Old World '(1863); The New West (1868) ; The Dangerous Classes of New York, and Twenty Years' Work among Them (1872, third edition, 1880) ; Free Trade as Pro- moting Peace and Good-will among Men (1879) ; Gesta Christi ; or, A History of Hu- mane Progress under Christianity (1883, third edition, 1885), and To the Unknown God (1889). BRADLAUGH, CHARLES, M.P. (1833- 91), a son of a solicitor's clerk in the East End of London, was reared in very orthodox fash- ion. When being prepared for confirmation at the church which he attended, he was in doubt about some of the doctrines taught, and inquired of the clergyman. The answer he received was a severe rebuke for daring to doubt ; and this was the turning-point in the career of this "iconoclast." Not finding the knowledge he craved in the Church, he turned to the street lecturers, and there heard many of the free- thought speakers ; finally, tho but a boy, be- coming a speaker himself. On account of his ideas he had been compelled to leave his father's house, and he endeavored to gain a living as coal agent. That not succeeding, in 1850 he en- listed in the Dragoon Guards, serving for some time in Ireland. In 1853, having received his discharge, he returned to London and became a clerk in a solicitor's office. From that time he became known all through the country as an anti-theological lecturer, and wrote under the pseudonym of "Iconoclast." He also took a very active and oftentimes a leading part in all the radical movements of the time. Bradlaugh, Charles. 187 Brethren of Social Life. The struggle of Italy for independence ; the cause of the North, in the Civil War in the United States ; the Reform League agitation of 1866, and the Fenian outbreak which followed all enlisted his sympathy and aid. In 1860 he start- ed his paper, The National Reformer, which in 1868 was prosecuted by the Government. The prosecution was abortive, however, and led to a repeal of the law under which the proceed- ings had been taken. In 1872 he published his book, The Impeachment of the House of Bruns- wick, which is, perhaps, his best-known literary work. In 1873 he undertook two lecturing tours in the United States. In 1875 he, with Mrs. Annie Besant, was tried for having republished an old pamphlet, The Fruits of Philosophy. The result of the trial was that the defendants, tho "exonerated from all corrupt motive," were sentenced to six months' imprisonment, and to pay a fine of ^200. On appeal, however, the sentence was reversed. In 1868 and twice in 1874 he was an unsuccessful candidate for parliamentary honors ; in 1880, however, he was elected as junior member for the borough of Northampton. Now commenced the struggle Avith the House of Commons, by which his name will be best known. Refusing to take the oath of allegiance, and desiring to affirm, he was not allowed to sit, and his seat was declared vacant. Reelected in 1881, he was expelled by force. Again elected in 1882, but still debarred from sitting, he resigned, in order to again appeal to his constituency in 1884 ; and tho again elected, it was not till after the general election of 1885 that he was allowed to take his seat. In 1887 he was instrumental in getting appointed the Royal Commission on Market Rights and Tolls, and carried through Parliament an " Act amending and extending the truck laws." In 1888 he brought in an "Affirmation Bill," which was carried. In 1889 he was requested by the Indian National Congress to represent their national interests in the English Parlia- ment. A consistent individualist, he combated at every step the growing tide of socialism, and lost no opportunity, either by voice or pen, of attacking what he thought to be the errors ad- vocated by socialists. BRASSEY, SIR THOMAS, born in 1836 ; English economist and writer on naval affairs. His father was a railroad contractor. He was called to the bar in 1864, but never practised. In 1865 he was elected Member of Parliament for Devonport, and he remained in Parliament for a number of years. Naval matters called forth his chief attention. He assisted in forming the naval artillery volunteers. He and his wife, in their yacht " Sunbeam," have made many long voyages to all parts of the globe. Among numer- ous shorter writings on naval affairs and social questions he has published Work and Wages ; British Seamen, and Lectures on the Labor Question^ BRAY, CHARLES (1811-84), an English social reformer on the lines of Robert Owen and Thomas Carlyle. Born at Coventry, he be- came a ribbon manufacturer in that city. He saw the opening of Harmony Hall in Queenwood Community (see OWEN), but the failure of that ex- periment convinced him that such attempts were premature. He wrote The Philosophy of Neces- sity (1841), with an appendix by his sister-in- law, MaryHennell, later published separately as An Outline of the Various Social Systems and Communities which have been Founded on the Principles of Cooperation (1844) ; also several essays and addresses, notably An Essay upon the Union of Agriculture and Manu- factures and upon the Organization of In- dustry ; also an autobiography (1884). BRAY, J. F. An English communist of the school of Owen, of whom little is known save his book, written in 1839, Labour' s Wrong's and Labour' s Remedy ; or, The Age of Might and the Age of Right. This work, to-day al- most forgotten, is one of the ablest of its day, and is noticed at some length in Marx's Phi- losophy of Misery (1847) and other writings of the times. Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy says of it : " The book tries to prove that all those who perform equality of labor ought likewise to receive equality of reward" (p. 30), and tho he admits that even this does not involve perfect justice, that " such equality is infinitely more just than the mode of reward- ing labor under the present system" (p. 206). Impressed by the modern growth of joint-stock companies, Bray proposes a " joint-stock modi- fication of society, admitting of individual prop- erty in productions in connection with a com- mon property in productive powers" (p. 194), and proposes a paper and pottery currency, whose foundation is labor, in order ' ' to secure the public against any other variations in the value of the currency than those to which the standard itself is subject" (pp. 143, 198). BRENTANO, LUJO, professor at Breslau ; best known outside of Germany by his History of English Guilds (1871), and his larger work on English trade-unions (1872), works, however, which are by most not considered complete or satisfactory. He was one of the founders of the Association for Social Politics or ' ' Socialists of the Chair" (q.v.), as they are called in Germany, altho belonging to the extreme right of this school. BRETHREN OF SOCIAL LIFE, sometimes called Brethren of the Common Lot, Brethren of the Common Life, or Brethren of Good Will, a fraternity founded by Groote and Radewin in 1376. It professed to imitate the earliest Christian communities, and eventually merged into the sect of Moravians. It was com- posed of pious persons who sought to elevate their souls by spiritual exercises ; and it was sanc- tioned by several popes and councils. Communi- ty of goods, industry, frugality, education of the young, and the use of the vernacular language in religious worship were some of their peculiar usages. They bound themselves by no monas- tic vow. In 1430 they had 130 societies, chiefly in Germany and the Netherlands. The original founders were opposed to all learning and sci- ence that was not moral and practical ; but the brethren rendered valuable service to the cause of popular and free education, and have been called the pioneers of the Reformation. Thomas Brethren of Social Life. 188 Brissot, Jean Pierre. a Kempis belonged to one of these societies. Similar female societies were organized, each under a superior or Martha. The Order of the Brethren of the Common Lot was divided into two classes, the lettered brethren, or clerks, and the illiterate ; they lived in separate habitations, but maintained the closest fraternal union. The former devoted themselves to preaching, visiting the sick, circu- lating books and tracts, etc., and the education of youth, while the latter were employed in man- ual labor and the mechanical arts. They lived under the rule of St. Augustine, and were emi- nently useful in promoting the cause of religion and education. The theory of this community was that unity should be sought rather in the inward spirit than in outward statutes. Vows were not binding for life. Property was surrendered, not on com- pulsion, but voluntarily. All the brother houses were kept in communication with each other, and the heads of houses met annually for con- sultation. Particulars of their rule, domestic arrangements, etc., maybe found in Ullmann's Reformers before the Reformation, ii. 89 sq. Luther and Melanchthon spoke with approval and sympathy of the brotherhood in their time. Its flourishing period extended from 1400-1500. Most of their houses were built between 1425 and 1451, and they had, in all, some 30 to 50 es- tablishments. During the sixteenth century the Reformation broke them down, in common with other monkish establishments ; or, rather, they crumbled to pieces as needless amid the new developments of the age. By the middle of the seventeenth century the brotherhood was ended. BRICKLAYERS (English). See TRADE- UNIONS, section " England." BRICKLAYERS' AND MASONS' IN- TERNATIONAL UNION, THE, was found- ed in the city of Philadelphia, October 16, 1865. At present (1895) it numbers 230 subordinate unions and over 30,000 members. In 1885 it es- tablished the nine-hour system of working, tho several of the subordinate unions are working on the eight-hour basis. The organization is a purely protective association. In 10 years it has expended nearly $200,000 to sustain strikes, and over $1,500,000 for benevolent purposes. BRIGHT, JOHN, an English politician, was born at Greenbank, Lancashire, in 1811. He was the son of Jacob Bright, a Quaker cotton- spinner. In his sixteenth year he entered his father's factory, but early became interested in temperance, parliamentary reform, and other questions of the day. The reform struggle of 1832 moved him deeply. In 1839, when the Anti-Corn-Law League was formed, he and Cob- den were the leading members of it, and com- menced a free-trade agitation throughout the kingdom. In 1841 he suffered a severe loss by the death of his wife, and in his grief Cobden bade him devote himself to the repeal of the corn laws. He became M.P. for Durham in 1843. His eloquent and energetic advocacy of free trade produced at last the repeal of the corn laws. He was associated with Cobden in a movement for financial reform, and later with a movement to reform the system of electoral rep- resentation. He came to be with Cobden the head of the so-called " Manchester School" (y.v.), and vigorously opposed the ten-hour move- ment and almost all industrial legislation. Being a member of the Peace Society, as well as of the Society of Friends, he strenuously op- posed the war with Russia in 1854. Some of the severest denunciations of war ever uttered are to be found in his speeches. In 1857 he was elect- ed from Birmingham, and long represented that city. He strongly condemned the then existing game laws of Great Britain. In 1868 he accept- ed the presidency of the Board of Trade in Glad- stone's administration, and worked for the dis- establishment of the Irish Church and the Irish Land Act, aiming at peasant proprietorship. In 1870 he resigned from office on account of ill health, but took office again in 1873-74, and 1882 as chancellor, of the duchy of Lancaster. In 1886 he opposed the Home Rule bill intro- duced by Mr. Gladstone. In 1883 he became lord rector of the University of Glasgow. He died in his boyhood's home, March 27, 1889. BRINKERHOFF, GENERAL ROE- LIFF, was born in Owasco, N. Y., June 28, 1828. Entering the law, the war called him to distinguished service, but at its close he re- sumed law practice in Mansfield, O. In 1873 he became a banker. For more than 10 years he held a high place in the ranks of philan- thropy a student of the problem of the defec- tive, delinquent, and dependent classes. In 1878 he was appointed by Governor Bishop a member of the State Board of Charities, in which he has since served, having been reap- pointed by Governor McKinley. He studied crime and charity in the institu- tions that deal with their problems in all parts of the land, and in the conventions called for their consideration. It is largely to his credit that Honi F. B. Sanborn, of Massachusetts, places the prison system of Ohio above that of all other States. He aided in the establishment of the Elmira Reformatory, as an expression of his belief that prisons should be conducted not for punishment, but for reform. He protests with voice and pen against the indiscriminate asso- ciation of criminals in county jails, where " old offenders" are allowed to corrupt " first offend- ers." Altho a strong Democrat, he advocates the elimination of all party politics from prison management. "As a hospital flag on every battlefield of civilized warfare is an emblem of neutrality, so, and more so, in political warfare," he says, "the asylums of our dependent and defective classes should be sacred from the at- tack of contending parties." In 1880 General Brinkerhoff was made Presi- dent of the Seventeenth National Conference of Charities and Corrections. He is the author of numerous addresses and papers on crime and charity. BRISSOT, JEAN PIERRE, surnamed De WARVILLE (1754-93), was born at Chartres, of humble parentage. Educated for the law, he entered the office of a procurator at Paris, but early devoted himself to political sci- Brissot, Jean Pierre. 189 Brook Farm. enee. His Theoriedes Lois Criminelles (1781) and Bibliotheque Philosophtque de Legisla- teur (1782) brought him notoriety and the favor of Voltaire, D'Alembert, and others. They were imbued with the philosophy of Rousseau, and contain the saying, afterward made famous by Proudhon, " La propriete, c'est le vol." A facile writer, he wrote for papers unworthy of him, but later went to London and started Le Journal du Lycee de Londres to unite all the savants of Europe. Returning to Paris, he was lodged in the Bastille on an unfounded charge. Released after a few months, he re- commenced pamphleteering, and in London meeting some abolitionists, he organized in Paris a Societe des Amis des Noirs. He visit- ed the United States, but returned to play a leading part in the French Revolution. He edited the Patriote Fran<;aise, and in the Na- tional Assembly leagued himself with the Giron- dists, then often called the Brissotins. He brave- ly suffered death on the guillotine with the Girondists, October 30, 1793. BRITISH ECONOMIC ASSOCIATION, THE, was founded at a meeting held at Uni- versity College, London, on November 20, 1890, the Rt. Hon. G. T. Goschen, M.P., being in the chair. The object of the association is the advancement of economic knowledge by the issue of a journal and other printed publications, and by such other means as the association may from time to time agree to adopt. The journal represents all shades of economic opinion, and is the organ not of one school of economists, but of all schools. The annual subscription isone guinea. There is at present no entrance fee. Any member may at any time compound for his future yearly pay- ments by paying at once the sum of 10 guineas. The current numbers of the journal, issued in March, June, September, and December, and published by Messrs. Macmillan & Co. , are sent to members free of charge. The price is $s. each copy, or one guinea (net) for the annual vol- ume bound. The officers of the British Economic Association (1895) are as follows : President, Rt. Hon. G. T. Goschen, M.P. ; Vice-Presidents, Rt. Hons. A. J. Balfour, M.P., H. C. E. Childers, Leonard H. Courtney, M.P., John Morley, M.P. The Secretary is Henry Higgs, 9 Adelphi Ter- race, London, W. C. ; and the editor of the jour- nal is Professor F. T. Edgeworth, D.C.L., All Souls' College, Oxford. BROADHURST, HENRY, was born in 1840 near Littlemore, Oxfordshire, the son of a jour- neyman mason. He worked at his father's trade till 1872, when he was elected to the Parliamen- tary Committee of the Trade-Union Congress, becoming a most indefatigable worker, and serv- ing as secretary of the committee from 1875-90. In 1880 he was returned to Parliament from Stoke-upon-Trent. In 1885 he was elected from the Boardsley division of Birmingham ; in 1886 from Nottingham (West), and at the next gen- eral election from Leicester. He has been a member of two royal commissions, and in 1886 was appointed Under Secretary of State for Home Affairs. He is a Liberal in politics, and for a long period opposed the new trade-union- ism, eight-hour legislation, etc. He has, how- ever, recently changed his position on the eight- hour bill, and was in 1894 deemed one of the most progressive members of the Trade-Union Parliamentary Committee. BROADWAY STEALS. In the year 1884 the Broadway surface railroad, in New York City, applied to the aldermen of that city for a franchise for building a surface railroad on Broadway. The franchise was given for an ut- terly insufficient sum. The mayor vetoed the ordinance, but all but two aldermen voted to pass the measure over his veto. Corruption was only too apparent, and the New York State Sen- ate in the spring of 1886 investigated the matter, and as a result indicted 22 of the 24 aldermen for bribery. Some of the aldermen and some who had acted as intermediaries fled the State. Alderman H. W. Jaehne was the first tried, and after a well-contested trial was convicted and sentenced to nine years and ten months in State prison. He appealed, but the Court of Appeals confirmed the sentence. Alderman A. J. Mc- Quade was tried, but the jury disagreed. The company was annulled and dissolved by the Legislature. BROCKLEHURST, FRED, was born Feb- ruary 20, 1866, at Macclesfield, England, and is the son of a journalist. At the age of 10 he worked in a factory, left school at 12, and became successively a telegraph boy, printer's devil, and stationer. In 1885 he determined to study for the Church, entered Queen's College, Cambridge, and graduated with honors in 1892. Giving up his purpose of taking orders, he de- voted himself to the labor struggle. He joined the Labor Church as general secretary, and be- came prominent in the councils of the Indepen- dent Labor Party. The party made him their candidate for Parliament for Bolton in May, 1894. BROOK FARM. The cooperative and, later, the Fourierite experiment of Brook Farm seems to have been the child of Boston tran- scendentalism and Unitarianism. Its leading spirit and its head from first to last was George Ripley, altho he was ably seconded by such men as Dr. Channing, Dr. J. C. Warren, Theo- dore Parker, George W. Curtis, and others. In 1842, 200 acres were bought in what is now Readville, a few miles southwest of Boston, and the community began. There were a few of these well-known names, but besides and con. trary to a very general impression there were a great many men and women from the ordinary walks of life. The main aim was to establish a school or college, and a number of young people were received as pupils. It attracted great in- terest, and people flocked from all over the coun- try to see it. Ripley, Theodore Parker, Mar- garet Fuller, Hawthorne, were for a greater or less time resident members. Dr. Channing and Ralph Waldo Emerson were in communication with it. All the members were stockholders, tho some gave only labor in place of stock. All took part in the manual labor of the farm, even those who were most famous with the pen. All dined in common in one central hall, and Brook Farm. 190 Brook Farm. lived mainly in one large building. The life was a happy one ; and even after its failure its members looked back on the years spent there as among the happiest of their lives. There were about 115 members. The spirit was emi- nently religious, of the transcendental type ; but there was no creed ; and every one was free to believe and worship as he would. There were no religious services on Sunday or through the week. The produce of the farm, after its own necessities were provided for, were sent in by wagon to the Boston market. The spirit of the community can perhaps be best seen by ah extract from The Dial, published from 1840-44, with Margaret Fuller as its editress, and largely the organ of Brook Farm. The first notice of Brook Farm we find in The Dial is in connection with an article in its sec- ond volume (October, 1841), entitled A Glimpse of Christ's Idea of Society, by Miss Elizabeth P. Peabody. This article gives us Miss Pea- body's conception of the original ideal of Brook Farm ; a few sentences only can we quote. She says : "While we acknowledge the natural growth, the good design, and the noble effects of the Apostolic Church, and wish we had it, in place of our own more formal ones, we should not do so small justice to the divine soul of Jesus of Nazareth as to admit that it was a main purpose of His to found it, or that when it was founded it realized His idea of human society. Indeed, we probably do injustice to the apostles them- selves, in supposing that they considered their churches anything more than initiatory. Their lan- guage implies that they looked forward to a time when the uttermost parts of the earth should be inherited by their beloved Master ; and beyond this, when even the name, which is still above every name, should be lost in the glory of the Father, who is to be all in all. "Some persons, indeed, refer all this sort of lan- guage to another world ; but this is gratuitously done. Both Jesus and the apostles speak of life as the same in both worlds. " The Kingdom of Heaven, as it lay in the clear spirit of Jesus of Nazareth, is rising again upon vision. Nay, this kingdom begins to be seen not only in re- ligious ecstasy, in moral vision, but in the light of common sense and the human understanding. Social science begins to verify the prophecy of poetry. The time has come when men ask themselves what Jesus meant when He said : 'Inasmuch as ye have not done it unto the least of these little ones, ye have not done it unto Me.' " No sooner is it surmised that the Kingdom of Heaven and the Christian Church are the same thing, and that this thing is not an association outside of so- ciety, but a reorganization of society itself, on those very principles of love to God and love to man which Jesus Christ realized in His own daily life, than we perceive the day of judgment for society is come, and all the words of Christ are so many trumpets of doom. For before the judgment-seat of His sayings, how do our governments, our trades, our etiquettes, even our benevolent institutions and churches look? . . . " One would think, from the tone of conservatives, that Jesus accepted the society around Him as an adequate framework for individual development into beauty and life, instead of calling His disciples 'out of the world.' We maintain, on the other hand, that Christ desired to reorganize society, and went to a depth of principle and a magnificence of plan for this end which has never been appreciated, except here and there, by an individual, still less been carried out. . . . There are men and women who have dared to say to one another, ' Why not have our daily life or- ganized on Christ's own idea ? Why not begin to move the mountain of custom and convention ? Perhaps Jesus' method of thought and life is the Saviour is Christianity ! ' . . . " N. B. A postscript to this essay, giving an account of a specific attempt to realize its principles, will appear in the next number." According to this, Brook Farm, in its concep- tion, was distinctly Christian, and no less than an effort to realize the kingdom of God on earth. In the next number of The Dial Miss Pea- body wrote the following Plan of the West Roxbury Community : "In the last number of the Dial were some remarks, under the perhaps ambitious title of 'A Glimpse of Christ's Idea of Society,' in a note to which it was intimated that in this number would be given an ac- count of an attempt to realize in some degree this great Ideal, by a little company in the midst of us, as yet without name or visible existence. The attempt is made on a very small scale. A few individuals, who, unknown to each other, under different disciplines of life, reacting from different social evils, but aiming at the same object of being wholly true to their natures as men and women have been made acquainted with one another, and have determined to become the Faculty of the Embryo University. "In order to live a religious and moral life worthy the name, they feel it is necessary to come out in some degree from the world, and to form themselves into a community of property, so far as to exclude competi- tion and the ordinary rules of trade ; while they re- serve sufficient private property, or the means of ob- taining it, for all purposes of independence and isola- tion at will. They have bought a farm, in order to make agriculture the basis of their life, it being the most direct and simple in relation to nature. A true life, altho it aims beyond the highest star, is redolent of the healthy earth. The perfume of clover lingers, about it. The lowing of cattle is the natural bass to the melody of human voices. " The plan of the community as an economy is in brief this : for all who have property to take stock, and re- ceive a fixed interest thereon ; then to keep house or board in common, as they shall severally desire, at the cost of provisions purchased at wholesale, or raised on the farm ; and for all to labor in community, and be paid at a certain rate an hour, choosing their own number of hours and their own kind of work. With the results of this labor and their interest they are to pay their board, Plan of the and also purchase whatever else they re- ,_, quire at cost, at the warehouses of the ^ onlni unuy. community, which are to be filled by the community as such. To perfect this economy, in the course of time they must have all trades and all modes of business carried on among- themselves, from the lowest mechanical trade, which contributes to the health and comfort of life, to the finest art, which adorns it with food or drapery for the mind. " All labor, whether bodily or intellectual, is to be paid at the same rate of wages ; on the principle that as in exact proportion to ignorance. Besides, intellectual labor involves in itself higher pleasures, and is more its own reward than bodily labor. . . . " After becoming members of this community, none will be engaged merely in bodily labor. The hours of labor for the association will be limited by a general law, and can be curtailed at the will of the individual still more ; and means will be given to all for intellectual im- provement and for social intercourse, calculated to re- fine and expand. The hours redeemed from labor by the community will not be reapplied to the acquisition of wealth, but to the production of intellectual goods. This community aims to be rich not in the metallic representative of wealth, but in the wealth itself, which money should represent namely, leisure to live in all the faculties of the soul. As a community, it will traffic with the world at large, in the products of agricultural labor ; and it will sell education to as many young persons as can be domesticated in the families, and enter into the common life with their own children. In the end it hopes to be enabled to provide not only all the necessaries, but all the elegances desirable for bodily and for spiritual health books, apparatus, col- lections for science, works of art. and means of beautiful amusement. These things are to be common to all ; and thus that object, which alone gilds and refines the passion for individual accumulation, will no longer exist for desire, and whenever the sordid passion ap- pears it will be seen in its naked selfishness. In its. ultimate success, the community will realize all the ends which selfishness seeks, but involved in spiritual blessings, which only greatness of soul can aspire after. And the requisitions on the individuals, it is Brook Farm. 191 Brotherhood of Carpenters. believed, will make this the order forever. The spir- itual good will always be the condition of the tem- poral. Every one must labor for the community in a reasonable degree, or not taste its benefits. " Whoever is willing to receive from his fellow-men that for which he gives no equivalent will stay away from its precincts forever. But whoever shall surren- der himself to its principles shall find that its yoke is easy and its burden light. Everything can be said of it, in a degree, which Christ said of His kingdom, and therefore it is believed that in some measure it does embody His idea. For its gate of entrance is straight and narrow. It is literally a pearl hidden in a field. Those only who are willing to lose their life for its sake shall find it. Its voice is that which sent the young man sorrowing away : ' Go sell all thy goods and give to the poor, and then come and follow Me.' ' Seek first the Kingdom of Heaven and its righteous- ness, and all other things shall be added to you.' . . . "There may be some persons at a distance who will ask, To what degree has this community gone into operation ? We cannot answer this with precision, but we have a right to say that it has purchased the farm which some of its members cultivated for a year with success, by way of trying their love and skill for agricultural labor ; that in the only house they are as yet rich enough to own is collected a large family, includ- ing several boarding scholars, and that all work and study together. They seem to be glad to know of all who desire to join them in the spirit, that at any mo- ment, when they are able to enlarge their habitations, they may call together those that belong to them." This gives the spirit of the community as it lay at least in the mind of one interested soul. Its leaders had the two first requisites of a com- munity devotion to principle and previous ac- quaintance. For some two years Brook Farm continued in about this spirit. It then gradu- ally became imbued with Fourierism, which was then flooding the land. In the last week of December, 1843, and the first week of January, 1844, a convention was held in Boston, where, for the first time in New England, Fourierism appeared to have much strength. (See FOURIER- Fourierism. ISM.) William Bassett, of Lynn, was president ; Adin Ballou, of Hopedale, G. W. Benson, of North- ampton, George Ripley, of Brook Farm, among the vice-presidents ; with Eliza J. Kenney, of Salem, and Charles A. Dana, of Brook Farm, secretaries. The tone of the convention was decidedly Fourieristic, and soon after this the Brook Farm community formally decided to be- come a Fourierist phalanx, the leader in this change being apparently William H. Channing. The constitution of the community was changed and an appeal sent out for new cooperation and investment. A workshop for mechanics of sev- eral trades was built, and a Fourierist phalans- tery, or unitary dwelling, 175 feet by 40 feet, was in process of erection. With this new change the Fourierist paper in New York, The Pha- lanx, was given up, and The Harbinger start- ed at Brook Farm as the representative of Fourierism in America. An American union of associationists was organized, with William H. Channing as its secretary and chief mover. Mis- sionaries or lecturers were sent out. But al- ready Fourierism was on the wane in public sentiment, and they met with small success. Another movement was coming up. The last days of Brook Farm were more or less connect- ed with Siuedenborgianism. Swedenborgian- ism took a deeper hold than Fourierism, because it was distinctly religious. Many of the friends of Brook Farm became friendly to it. Mean- while, events transpired to weaken the interest in the farm itself. On March 3, 1845, a disas- trous fire burned the phalanstery wholly to the ground, just as it was nearing completion. It produced a feeling of discouragement and hesi- tation from which the community never recov- ered. In the fall The Harbinger was removed to New York City, and soon after Brook Farm was dissolved. It had not been a financial suc- cess. It had not the capital of some of the other associations, nor any experienced practical busi- ness manager. As a. farm it was not a success. Its transcendental members delighted to mingle philosophy and theology with manual farm labor, but their hearts were in transcendental- ism, not in farm work ; and the result was what could have been expected. Reference : Brook Farm, by J. T. Codman (Boston, BROOKS, J. GRAHAM, was born in 1846. He studied in Germany three years ; graduated from Harvard Divinity School in 1874 ; occu- pied the Unitarian pulpit for several years ; lec- tured upon economics at Harvard University ; and in 1892 was appointed expert of the Labor Department, Washington. He is the author of the Report upon Working Man' s Insurance in Germany, 1893 ; articles in Cyclopedia of Po- litical Science (Macmillan, London) ; various articles on social and economic topics in British Economic Journal ; Harvard Journal of Eco- nomics ; Forum, etc. He would be classed with the historical school ; he believes in the municipalization of natural monopolies as fast and as far as it can be done to the social advantage ; he believes in the largest measure of free trade that is practically possible ; regarding the basis of the currency he is a bimetallist. BROTHERHOOD OF CARPENTERS AND JOINERS OF AMERICA, THE, one of the most important trade-unions of the coun- try, was organized at a convention of carpen- ters' unions held in Chicago, 111., August 8, 1881. Prior to this organization many local unions had existed, and efforts had been con- tinually made for the formation of a national or- ganization. The first attempt was made in 1854, and the second in 1867. The preamble to the constitution sets forth the objects to be " To rescue our trade from the low level to- which it has fallen, and, by mutual effort, to raise ourselves to that position in society to which we are justly entitled ; to cultivate a feeling of friendship among the craft ; and to elevate the moral, intellectual, and social condi- tion of all journeymen carpenters. It is, further- more, our object to assist each other to secure employment ; to furnish aid in cases of death or permanent disability, and for mutual relief, and other benevolent purposes. ' ' The officers consist of a general president, eight vice-presidents, a general secretary, treas- urer, and an executive board. The executive board is composed of five members, elected from the union or unions within a radius of 10 miles of the city selected as headquarters. This, board has power to decide all points of law, set- Brotherhood of Carpenters. 192 Brotherhoods, Religious. tie all grievances, and to authorize strikes in conformity with the constitution. The constitution provides that whenever a dis- pute arises between an employer or employers and members of the brotherhood, the members shall lay the matter before the local union, which shall appoint an arbitration committee to adjust the matter ; then, if the members of the committee cannot settle the dispute, the matter shall be referred to the union. If a two-thirds vote of secret ballot shall decide that the mem- bers shall be sustained, then they shall be author- ized to strike ; which strike shall take effect im- mediately whenever the demand is refused by the employers the following day. The organization provides a funeral benefit of $250 if a member dies, and $50 in case of the death of the wife of a member. It also pro- vides a disability benefit. The organization is opposed to piece-work. The first convention of the Brotherhood after the organization was held in Philadelphia in 1882. The first strikes of prominence occurred in Chicago and New Orleans, where they succeeded in fixing the standard rate of wages at $3 per day. This organiza- tion has always been unusually successful in its strikes. As early as 1886 the general secretary writes : " In 21 cities our local unions have gained 25 cents per day advance in wages, making in all 53 cities where pur local unions have made gains the past year, either in more wages or in reducing hours, while only in nine cities have our local unions failed to secure their de- mands, and in these cities they demanded the eight- hour system last May. A resume shows that 2486 of our members are working eight hours per day, 5824 are on nine hours per day, and 1118 are having shorter hours on Saturdays. This makes a total gain to these members of 65,894 hours per week, adding to the gains on the Pacific Coast, which amount to 6540 hours per week, makes a sum total of 72,434 hours per week gained to our members through organization. ' It was because of their complete organization and success that to the carpenters was given the honor of leading off in the great strikes of the American Federation of Labor on May i. They showed themselves worthy of this, for an ac- count of which see AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR. January, 1894, the order had 824 lodges, with 65,000 members. The secretary is P. J. McGuire, Box 884, Philadelphia. Besides this organization there is in the trade the Amalga- mated Society of Carpenters and Joiners. (See BUILDING TRADES.) BROTHERHOOD OF CHRISTIAN UNITY, THE. The object of this society is not to work directly for organic unity among the churches, but to promote the spirit of unity out of which alone a true and permanent union can grow. It has no constitution, but only a form of enrollment, as follows : ' ' For the purpose of uniting with all who de- sire to serve God and their fellow-men under the inspiration of the life and teachings of Jesus Christ, I hereby enroll myself as a member of the Brotherhood of Christian Unity. ' ' The motto of the society is, " Love your neigh- bor and respect his beliefs." The brotherhood originated from a suggestion made by Mr. Theo- dore F. Seward, at a union meeting held at Orange, N. J., in April, 1891. It has two aims, and leads to two results : i. It supplies through its form of enrollment a basis upon which all who desire to follow Christ in serving God and their fellow-men will constitute a recognized brotherhood in any part of the world. The en- rollment was accepted at the Parliament of Re- ligions as " a suitable bond with which to begin the federation of the world upon a Christian basis." 2. The formula is a bond of union for practical work in any city, town, or community, between various societies and churches. BROTHERHOOD OF THE KINGDOM, THE. This organization, established in 1893, is the outgrowth, mainly in the Baptist denomi- nation, of the earnest work of two men in New York City, but it now holds yearly undenomina- tional conferences, and performs through its members no little practical work. Its aim is to work for the kingdom of God in the most inclu- sive sense. (See BAPTISTS IN RELATION TO SO- CIAL REFORM.) The principles and methods of the brotherhood are thus stated : 1. Every member shall by his personal life exemplify obedience to the ethics of Jesus. 2. He shall propagate the thoughts of Jesus to the limits of his ability, in private conversation, by cor- respondence, and through pulpit, platform, and press. 3. He shall lay special stress on the social aims of Christianity, and shall endeavor to make Christ's teaching concerning wealth operative in the Church. 4. On the other hand, he shall take pains to keep in contact with the common people, and to infuse the re- ligious spirit into the efforts for social amelioration. 5. The members shall seek to strengthen the bond of brotherhood by frequent meetings for prayer and dis- cussion, by correspondence, exchange of articles writ- ten, etc. 6. Regular reports shall be made of the work done by members in such manner as the executive commit- tee may appoint. 7. The members shall seek to procure for one an- other opportunities for public propaganda. 8. If necessary, they shall give their support to one another in the public defense of the truth, and shall jealously guard the freedom of discussion for any man who is impelled by love of the truth to utter his thoughts. No sectarian or theological tests are required of members. The brotherhood has an executive committee of five, with power to manage all ordinary busi- ness. The only officer is the secretary, who is also the treasurer. The annual dues are $2, and all funds remaining over and above the neces- sary expenses are employed in the publication and distribution of literature. BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE ENGINEERS and for all organizations of rail- way men. See RAILWAY EMPLOYEES' ORGANIZA- TIONS. BROTHERHOOD OF PAINTERS AND DECORATORS OF AMERICA. See BUILDING TRADES. BROTHERHOODS, RELIGIOUS, socie- ties organized for philanthropic purposes, most numerous in the Middle Ages. Some of them being established withotit the authorization of the Church, they fell under the charge of heresy, and in several cases assumed the nature of sepa- rate sects, such as the Beghards, Beguines, Apostolic Brethren, Flagellants, etc. The last- named was subjected to severe persecution by the Church. The old building corporations, from which sprang the Free Masons, belong under this head. Most of them were regarded with fear and sus- Brotherhoods, Religious. '93 Brown, John. picion by the Church, on account of their sym- bolism and secrecy. The brotherhoods that asked and received the sanction of the ecclesi- astics were not secret, but devoted to the pro- motion of religion by stricter and more constant devotional exercises, or to the assisting of stran- gers, travelers, the unprotected, the destitute, the sick, and the oppressed. The noblest work was often done by these organizations. They were most numerous in Italy, Rome alone con- taining loo. (See articles COMMUNISM ; MONAS- TICISM.) BROTHERHOOD TRUST, THE. The Brotherhood Trust (founded January 19, 1894) is an outcome of a Social Questions Conference held regularly since September, 1892, on Sun- day afternoons, in the Brotherhood Church, Southgate Road, London. It was begun with only about 100 of capital, lent free of interest ; and further loans are received on the same con- dition. It carries on trade and industry with the objects (i) of paying to every person em- ployed in any branch of the concern not less than the trade-union wages current in the local- ity where the work is done ; (2) of providing out of profits for all its customers old-age pensions and sickness-and-accident benefits in proportion to the extent of their respective purchases ; (3) of so organizing its customers that these shall economically supply one another's wants by productive work on cooperative farms and in cooperative workshops, factories, etc., as soon and so far as such organization may be found practicable and the customers may desire to avail themselves of such employment ; (4) of gradually buying up as much land as possible from private owners, and of acquiring as much as possible of the most scientific means of pro- duction, for the benefit of all who may choose to connect themselves with the organization. The net profits from quarter to quarter are appor- tioned in the books of the trust to the credit of cus- tomers' pension account in proportion to the respective purchases of such customers, and except in cases of accident or illness, provided for in the rules, are not payable in any other form than either annuities to customers who have reached the age of 60, or annuities to dependent relatives of deceased customers. The pension to which a customer is entitled from the trust is equal to the annuity he could purchase from the British Government with the amount standing to the credit of his pension account. Over against every pension before it becomes payable there will always be the sum which has gradually accumulated to credit of the future pensioner's account out of the profits made on his purchases, which sum would suffice to purchase the required annuity from the Government. This sum will exist not in the form of money, of course, but in the form of business plant and means of production a reproductive form. The first 10 placed to the credit of the pension account years before will have been put into productive activity, and will have been rolling along ever since, multiplying itself; and likewise every subsequent 10 added out of net profits will have been rolling along and multiplying. There- fore the security for the payment of every pension will not be merely a sufficient sum to purchase it on Government security, but a very much greater value existing in a reproductive form. Each pension will be simply a charge upon the proceeds of the business done, under most advantageous circumstances, with the capital of which the accumulated profits on the pensioner's own purchases (made in the days of health and strength) will form a. part. The Brotherhood Trust s methods are such as to .avoid many risks besetting ordinary business con- cerns. Selling only for cash, it avoids all bad debts. Further, it will not start a bakery of its own until its daily sale of bread .is large enough to take all that a good-sized, well-ordered baker}' would turn out. Simi- larly, it will not acquire a flour-mill until, in bakeries and stores and on farms of its own, it can dispose profitably of all the prod- uce. Neither will it take over a boot Methods. and shoe factory until it has to meet a demand large enough to keep such fac- tory working full time. It will never produce on speculation, but for an already secured demand. The original Brotherhood Trust stores (situated at i and 5 Downham Road, Kingsland, London) are not intended to stand alone. They are meant to be imitated. But it is of vital importance that all efforts of a similar kind should be closely federated with each other and with the Brotherhood Trust, in order to pro- mote the utmost economy in purchasing and producing, to assist one another by comparison and interchange of experiences, and to cooperate most efficiently tow- ard the ultimate goal the complete reorganization of industry and commerce on principles of fraternity. The old-s.ge pensions, which are perhaps at first the most conspicuous feature of the trust, are but means to a vast and loftly end. The aim is nothing less than the swallowing up of the profit-mongering industry and commerce of the world, and the transmuting of it, by a perfectly constitutional and peace- ful revolution, into a fraternal organiza- tion for mutual enrichment and secu- Aim. rity. If the workers (who constitute four fifths of the grown-up population of the Uni'ted Kingdom), or if any considerable pro- portion of the workers will but persistently and ex- clusively patronize trusts that do business in their interests, icf using to deal with any private capitalist when their trusts can supply their demand, they will help to build up a mighty federation, branching out over the country and across the seas, which will be able in a short time to buy up for them the means of production and distribution. Just so far as the Brother- hood Trust system extends and succeeds, there will be built up a new social order right through the old as a new bridge is sometimes built through an old one ; and when it becomes universal, the old system, fraught with so much misery, degradation, and brutalization, will tte found to have vanished more effectually than if it had been shivered by explosives, and all without any earthquake shock, with the mildness and gentle- ness of the sunrise which shines away the night and ushers in the day. J. BRUCE WALLACE. BROUSSE, PAUL, was born at Montpellier, and studied medicine in Paris, becoming doctor in 1867. From 1870^71 he worked on the Droits de I'Homme, and in 1871 was condemned to three months' imprisonment. Escaping to Spain, he joined the anarchistic Spanish section of the International. From Spain he went to Switzer- land, and meeting there Bakounin(^.z/.), became, under his influence, a leader of the Jura Federa- tion, an organizer of the anarchist section in Italy, and editor of anarchist publications. In 1879 he suffered imprisonment in Switzerland, and after his release went to London. Here he met Marx and Engels, and renouncing anar- chism, adopted socialism. In 1880 he returned to France, and edited Eglit4 and Prolttaire in 1882, with Malon and his followers, separat- ing from the Guidist socialists, and forming the " Broussist" section, or so-called " Possiblists. " In 1887 he was elected to the Paris Municipal Council, and has since been a foremost leader of one section of the French socialists, but ever ready to work with any party, a policy which has resulted in his now calling himself Republi- can radical. His main writings are Le Suf- frage Universel et le Probleme de la Souve- rainetd du Peuple (1874) and La Crtse (1879). BROWN, JOHN (1800, hanged December 2, 1859), an American abolitionist, best known as the leader of the Harper's Ferry insurrection, designed to incite the slaves of the Southern States to rebellion, and thus secure their liber- ties. Originally intended for the Church, he Brown, John. 194 Buenos Amigos, Colony of. was compelled to give up study for this purpose on account of inflammation in the eyes. He then took up the business of a tanner, which he carried on for 20 years. Not being very suc- cessful in this, he started business as a wool dealer in Ohio in 1840. Failing also in this, he removed to Essex County, New York, in 1849, and began to reclaim a large tract of land which had been granted to him. In 1855, having im- bibed an intense hatred of slavery, he went to Kansas in order to vote, and fight, if need be, against the establishment of slavery in that ter- ritory. He soon became renowned in the fierce border warfare carried on between Kansas and Missouri, and gained especial celebrity by his victory at Ossawatomie. In one of these affrays he had a son killed, which deepened his hostility to the Southern Party. After the border agita- tion was settled by a general vote, Brown trav- eled through the Northern and Northeastern States, declaiming against slavery, and endeav- oring to incite and organize an armed attack upon it. In October, 1859, at the head of 17 white and five black men, he commenced hos- tilities by a night attack upon Harper's Ferry, overpowering the guard and capturing the arse- nal. During the next morning he made prison- ers of 40 or 50 of the chief inhabitants of the town ; but instead of retreating at once to the moun- tains with arms and hostages, as his original de- sign had been, he lingered on in the town till evening. By this time the townsmen had re- covered from their astonishment, militiamen began to pour in, and after a short but desper- ate conflict Brown and his handful of followers were captured. He was tried at Charlestown for treason and murder, found guilty, and sen- tenced to death on the scaffold within 48 hours. He met this death calmly on December 2, 1859. It may safely be said that his execution hastened the downfall of slavery in America, and his name has become a household word among aboli- tionists. He was a man of stern and uncom- promising moral principle, and singularly brave and honest. Whatever his rashness or fanati- cism, there is no question that he offered himself as a sacrifice to the overthrow of a gigantic social and political wrong. BUBBLES. A term commonly applied since the seventeenth century to any unsound com- mercial undertaking accompanied by a high de- gree of speculation. The first bubble of histori- cal importance was connected with the growth of varieties of tulips in Holland. It reached its height in 1636 in Amsterdam, and in the most of the Dutch cities regular markets were estab- lished for speculation in the roots. In the end tulips were bought and sold like shares in a gold mine, for purely speculative purposes, without any idea of actually growing the flowers. Fabu- lous prices were paid for single bulbs e.g. , 2500 florins for a" Viceroy, "a " Semper Augustus" 5500 florins, etc. The mania spread to some ex- tent to London and Paris, and tulips were dealt in by the stock-jobbers of both cities. In 1719 and 1720 occurred the greatest speculative mania on record, arising from the Mississippi scheme of John Law (q.v.). In England the word bub- ble is generally associated with the South Sea Bubble (?.v.). BUCHEZ, PHILIPPE JOSEPH BEN- JAMIN (1796-1865), was born at Matagne-la- Petite ; in 1825 he became a doctor of medicine. He was one of the founders of the French Car- bonari (q.v.), and barely escaped condemnation to death for his part in the Belfort conspiracy. He then joined the Saint Simonian school, and worked on the Producteur. When this passed into the hands of Enfantin, he left it to found, with Roux Lavergne, a so-called neo-Catholic school, combining Catholic and revolutionary ideas, and from 1831-38, altho with some breaks, he brought out his /' ' Europeen. A re- sume of his ideas appears in his t'Eicropeen for 1835, in which he declares that it is time to realize the social principles of Christianity. His idea was to reach communism through indus- trial cooperation, and in 1831 he founded a co- operative association of cabinet-makers, thus in- troducing cooperation in France, and to the spread of cooperation he devoted the rest of his life. (See COOPERATION.) In the revolution of 1848 he was a follower of Louis Blanc, and was in the chair as president of the National Assem- bly on the memorable May 15. After the coup d'etat of 1851 he returned to his studies and to private life. His main works are Essai d'un Trait e comp let de philosophie(^ vols., 1839-40) and Histoire parlementatre de la Revolution Fran$aise (1833-38 and 1845-47). BUDGET (from L. bulga, Fr. bougette, a little bag), is used in social science for a state- ment of the probable revenue and expenditure for a nation and sometimes for a family. (For representative family " budgets" see EXPENSES.) BUENpS AMIGOS, COLONY OF. Don Jose Rodriguez, a socialistic Peruvian, obtained in 1853 from the Government of Peru a large land grant on the Cototo River, and established there, with 65 others, the colony of Buenos Ami- gos. As he furnished most of the money for the experiment, he became director and law- maker. The colony now (1895) has 1000 members mostly of Spanish races, but including Germans, English, and Americans. The increase has been chiefly from births, tho recruits are re- ceived upon evidence of good character and the payment of $500 each to the common treasury. Negroes and Indians are excluded, and relig- ious proselytism is forbidden. Lands, tools, and products are the property of the community, and all surplus products are sold abroad, the proceeds going to the common treas- ury. Rations are distributed alike to all ; but whoso will pay for luxuries, whether of food, clothing, or household furniture, may obtain them from the common store. The imperish- able portion of such things, however, remain common property even when in the hands of the individual. The community is divided into departments, divi- sions, and sections. Each section chooses and may re- move its own head, and heads of sections nominate division directors, who in turn choose department chiefs. These last are removable only by a majority vote of the community. They are, in effect, ministers of works, education, trade, and health, those being the titles of the departments, and collectively they consti- tute a tribunal discharging duties elsewhere confided to Ministers of Justice and Finance. Buenos Amigos, Colony of. 195 Building Associations. The Department of Works looks after agriculture, stock-raising, mining, manufactures, and all public works. That of Education deals with schools, music, and the mechanic arts ; Method of that of Trade with exports, imports, and T if- the distribution of products ; that of Health with houses, hospitals, and young children. An hour's work is the unit of the financial system, and the monetary table runs thus : 60 minutes one hour. 8 hours one day. 5 days one week. 4 2-5 weeks one month. 12 months one year. State notes of equal size but different colors repre- sent each of these denominations. The hour is arbi- trarily fixed for the purposes of outside trade at a value of about 28 cents. Minute notes, worth about one half a cent, are for small transactions. These notes are given in exchange for work done. The time notes are guaranteed by a reserve of bullion exceeding the face value of the whole issue. A member quitting the colony may exchange his notes for Peruvian money, and in addition he will receive his share of the profits. Altho the full working day is eight hours, only four hours, and for only five days a week, are exacted. From that no adult in sound health can escape. Any person failing to work 20 hours in the five days that constitute the working week must make up that time on Saturday or Sunday. Under the eye of an over- seer armed with a leather strap, if this enforced labor is done in slovenly fashion, the culprit is beaten with the strap. There is no marriage law. A man and a woman live together in free union, and either may find another mate when tired of the arrangement. A woman at the approach of childbirth goes to a hospital and stays there with her child until it is weaned. Then she leaves it in the hospital to the care of trained nurses. From the hospital the child goes to a public school, where it lives night and day until grown to the age when work is exacted of all. Then the new member of the working community is set at whatever task his or her aptitudes, as developed at school, seem to point out as the proper one. The pay is the same for every kind of labor. Private houses at Buenos Amigos are plain, but airy. A large, common building is handsomely built of free- stone and marble taken from the community's quarries. The streets are well made and clean, and an aqueduct to bring in water from the Cototo River is nearly com- pleted. All these public works are carried on by the labor of the community, under the direction of the de- partments. When one department has more workmen at its command than it needs they are turned over to such departments as are short of hands. Thus every- body is kept busy at least four hours a day, and as much longer as he will, with pay for overtime. BUILDING ASSOCIATIONS are of many kinds, but may be described in general as joint- stock or cooperative societies for the purpose of raising by periodical subscriptions a fund to as- sist members in building or purchasing, the property being mortgaged to the society till the amount advanced is fully repaid. The first association in America was organized Jan- uary 3, 1831, at Frankford, near Philadelphia. It was called the Oxford Provident Building Association, and was started as a philanthropic measure, but the city of Philadelphia, Pa., deserves the credit of having first utilized the institution to any great extent. The first association in that city was organized in 1840, and since then the growth of the associations throughout the United States has been phenomenal. They have become subjects of statutory legislation in many States of the Union, and have lately been favored by the United States Commissioner of Labor with a special and thorough inquiry. The building and loan association is practically a co- operative savings bank. It differs from the ordinary savings bank mainly in its methods of receiving deposits and lending money. Its chief advantage for the people over the or- Varieties. dinary savings institution is that its funds are used by the depositors them- selves to advance their own interests, while the funds deposited by wage-earners in the old- line savings banks are largely borrowed by business men and corporations and used to advance the inter- ests of capital. Another point in favor of the building and loan association is in the fact that every member has a voice and vote in the management of it and shares in the total profits. In favor of the old-line savings banks, however, it should be said that they are indispensable to the wage-earners of many communi- ties, and especially so in those sections where land values are so high as to practically prohibit the oper- ation, among working men, of building and loan asso- ciations. There are two forms of these associations : one serial and the other permanent. The general plan of the serial association is to issue a fraction of its capital stock, usually one tenth, in what is known as a "series," and to require that it be paid in monthly in- stallments, commonly called "dues," usually at the rate of 50 cents per month on a share of stock worth, at par, $100, and $i per month on a share of stock the par value of which is $200. Whenever the monthly payments, with the accumulated profits, equal the face value of the shares the series is retired, each shareholder receiving the face value of his share in cash, unless he has in advance borrowed money of the association to the full face value of his shares, when his debt is considered paid and cancelled. When one series has matured, then a second series is issued, and so on until the entire capital stock is exhausted. A series usually extends over 10 or 12 years. The permanent association differs from the serial association in that a person may become a member of it at any time without paying in any back dues. In a permanent association the profits are divided annually or semi-annually among the members, 'and credited to their respective accounts on their individual pass books and the books of the association. A person may withdraw from the membership of either a serial or a permanent association at any time with a share of the accumulated profits. In a serial association the percentage of profit that may be taken out by a withdrawing member is generally fixed by the rules of the association at a lower rate than is awarded the member who stays in the association until the series matures. This is done to insure the participation of the withdrawing member in any pos- sible and unforeseen losses that may befall the asso- ciation. When the rules of a serial association allow a withdrawing member only 5 per cent, per annum on his investment, it is assumed that the association may suffer vicissitudes and may not earn more than 5 per cent, per annum for the entire term of the series. But a fairly prosperous association generally earns from 8 to 10 per cent, per annum on a series. In some States both serial and permanent associations are required to set aside, in a contingent fund, a certain percentage of their profits before the payment of each annual or semi-annual dividend, to insure the equal participa- tion of all members in the losses of the association. The funds of a building and loan association are made up of membership fees, moneys received from sale of stock, interest on loans, premiums on priority of loans, fines for non-payment of indebtedness due the association by its members, and fees for trans- ferring stock. The income of the association is aug- mented by low expenses : The association meets only once in a month, and then in a cheap hall, and the officers save the secretary, the treasurer, and the attorney serve without pay. When a person enters the membership of a serial association he pays a membership fee, and subscribes for one or more shares of stock on which he agrees to make a monthly payment of 50 cents or $i per share until maturity of the series or withdrawal before then. Should he fail to pay his monthly installment or dues within the required time, he is called upon to pay a fine into the treasury of the association, and for failure to make his monthly payments for a fixed number of months he forfeits all he has paid into the treasury. Should he at any time transfer his shares of stock to another person, 'he or the assignee pays the association a fee for making the transfer on its books. When he desires to buy or build a home he en- deavors to borrow from the association as much of the needed amount as his interest in the association will allow : he cannot borrow more than the face value of his shares. He applies to the association when it has money to loan, and should he bid a higher pre- mium for the use of the money than any other member the loan is awarded him. This premium is a payment of a few cents on each share, over and above interest, for the use of the money. It is paid with the dues each month, or is de- ducted from the amount of the loan. Upon securing the right to the use of the money, he designates his pro- posed real estate security, and when the title is ap- Building Associations. 196 Building Associations. proved by the association's attorney the money is ad- vanced him and he gives the association a mortgage on the property for the amount. He also assigns stocks to the face value of the loan to the association, and agrees to keep up his monthly payments thereon. After securing the loan, the borrower pays to the asso- ciation every month, in addition to his regular dues, the premium and interest on the loan, or the premium may have been deducted from the loan before it was paid over to the borrower. When, at the conclusion of the series, the face value of the borrower's stock is equivalent to the amount of money loaned him the association applies the stock to the payment of the mortgage, and the member, instead or receiving a cash payment, is given notice of the cancellation of his mortgage. As a rule, the money paid into an association by a borrowing member during the life of the series in which he is interested amounts to little more than the rental price of the mortgaged property for the same period, and hence the saying sometimes heard among persons interested in these associations, "The rent pays for the place." In a permanent association the borrower may extend his payments or "dues," in- terest and premium over any fixed number of years, and so make the monthly payment on his real estate less than it would be under the serial plan. The serial associations, however, have proved far more successful, and are almost the only ones now in use. Neither of these plans, however, was the orig- inal form. The original method is described in A Treatise on Cooperative Savings, and Loan Associations, by Seymour Dexter : In the primitive building associations of Philadelphia there was but a single series of stock issued ; every person taking shares of stock, subsequent to the date of the first issue of shares, was obliged to pay back dues in order to be in the same position he would have been had he taken his stock at the date of the first issue, so that each shareholder paid the same amount per share into the association regardless of the time when he took his shares. The money was loaned only to shareholders. Inasmuch as only one series of stock was issued, the lifetime of the association was limited to the time that it took for the shares to reach their matured value. This scheme necessarily involved the condition that every shareholder remaining in the asso- ciation at the time the stock matured must be a bor- rower to the amount of the matured value of shares held by him. Let us make this clear. Suppose the charter of the association limited the number of shares it could issue to 500, and that during its lifetime it had issued that number. After the payment of its running expenses the funds received could be used for only two purposes viz. : the making of loans to its own members and paying shareholders who withdrew. Suppose that of the 500 shares issued 300 had been withdrawn, leaving 200 outstanding when attaining their matured value. Assume the shares were $200 each at their matured value. Now, 200 shares at $200 each is $40,000. Before the shares can be matured the association must have $40,000 of assets. The assets consist of the money due from the shareholders to the association upon loans. As no shareholder can borrow a larger sum than the matured value of the shares held by him, it follows that no shareholder can owe the association for borrowed money a larger sum than the association will owe him when his shares of stock have matured ; therefore, each shareholder must owe the association a sum equal to that which the association will owe him upon his matured shares. The only lim- itation or exception to this statement of the case will arise in reference to the dues paid at the last meeting. The amount of those dues will not have been borrowed, and will be due to some shareholder or shareholders in excess of the amount owing by him or them to the association. But as the association progresses from year to year toward the maturity of its stock, it might not happen that there are shareholders who desired to borrow. What then ? It would not do to have the dues paid in from month to month remain uninvested ; no profits would accrue, and the result would be unsatisfactory. Under the scheme of a single series the association has the power to compel shareholders to borrow the funds. They are called forced loans ; and their articles of asso- ciation and bylaws determine who should become the borrower when there are no shareholders wishing to borrow. This scheme is known as the terminating plan. It involves three serious defects which it was very desira- ble to obviate viz : the dissolution of the associa- tion when the stock matured ; the large amount of back dues which the new stockholder would have to pay who took stock after the association had been run- ning for some time, and, lastly, the making of forced loans that is, compelling the shareholder to become a borrower whether he wanted to do so or not. Concerning the statistics of building asso- ciations in the United States, the report on the subject by the United States Commissioner of Statistics. Labor (1893) says : " The investigation, the results of which are now under consideration, comprehends practically all building and loan associations in the United States. An effort was made to secure the facts for these associa- tions as they existed at the end of their respective fiscal years nearest to January i, 1893. In a few cases, however, this was not possible, and the facts for an earlier or later fiscal year were taken instead. "In addition to the associations from which the data have been received that constitute the body of this re- port, the Department has information of the existence of some others. From a very few of these some de- tails were obtained, but from most of them nothing. The information as to the existence even of most of them is from hearsay only. They are unimportant, being either newly formed or feeble. Nearly all are supposed to be local. Total, 91. GENERAL RESULTS FOR THE UNITED STATES. Local. National. Total. Number of associations 5,598 a 710,156 a 263,388 b i,359,3 66 ^244-5 C 402,212 C 29.83 d 10,381,031 $413,647,228 e 7.6 e $303.11 e $39-75 $74,402,969 / $1,133 g 290,803 240 a 209,458 a 44,440 <> 386,359 b 1,637.1 C 53> J 99 C 13.77 d 2,874,841 $37,020,366 ^7.2 e $86.73 e $12.12 $6,261,147 /$ 9 20 g 23,952 5,838 a 919,614 a 307,828 i> ii745725 O 301.2 C 455-4" C 26.25 d 13,255,872 $450,667,594 *7-5 e $257.26 e $34-18 $80,664,116 /$I,I20 g 3H,755 Male shareholders in associations reporting Shareholders who are borrowers in associations reporting Per cent, of borrowers in associations reporting Total dues and profits Average dues and profits per shareholder in associations reporting.. Total profits a Associations not reporting, local, 1503 ; national, 66 ; total, 1569. b Associations not reporting, local, 38 ; national, 4 ; total, 42. c Associations not reporting, local, 69 ; national, 4 ; total, 73. d Associations not reporting, local, 18 ; national, 4 ; total, 22. e Based on 5535 local associations, 226 national associations, total, 5761. f Based on 2128 local associations, 45 national associations, total, 2173. g Associations not reporting, local, 1326 ; national, 68, total, 1394. Building Associations. 197 Building Associations. " The total dues paid in on installment shares in force plus the profits on the same of the building and loan associations of the country, as stated, amount to $450,- 667,594. A business represented by this great sum, conducted quietly, with little or no advertising, and, as stated, without the experienced banker in charge, shows that the common people, in their own ways, are quite competent to take care of their savings, especial- ly when it is known that but 35 of the associations now in existence showed a net loss at the end of their last fiscal year, and that this loss amounted to only $23,- 332.20. Of course, associations disband for the want of business or from some other cause, but when they disband loss does not occur, because the whole busi- ness of the association consists of its loans, and these loans are to its own shareholders, as a rule, who hold the securities in their associated forms. A disbanded association, therefore, simply returns to its own mem- bers their own property. " The terms local and national have been used. A local building and loan association and a national building and loan association conduct their business under substantially the same method. The local asso- ciation, however, confines its operations to a small community, usually to the county in which located, while the national operates on a large scale, extending its business enterprise far beyond the borders of its own State even. The national is ready usually to make loans on property anywhere and sell its shares to any person without reference to his residence. At the present time the prejudice which has existed for many years against nationals is being overcome, and they are conducting their business, as a rule, with the same integrity that the locals display in the conduct of their affairs. There is a jealousy, to some extent, between locals and nationals ; but with proper laws in every State to regulate, control, and supervise both nationals and locals, as savings banks and all other banks are regulated and supervised, there ought to be little or no trouble in securing the honest administra- tion of their affairs. Some States bring their building and loan associations under the same general supervi- sion of law thrown around savings banks. New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois, and some other States, as will be seen by the compilation of laws relating to building and loan associations published at the close of this work, require such associations to make annual returns in the same manner as savings banks. In other States, however, nothing is officially known of the building and loan associations beyond the formalities of their incorporation." In regard to the kinds of associations and their geographical distribution and other statistics this report says (p. 24) : " There are 5598 local associations, of which 3168, or 56.6 per cent, of the whole, are serial, 1671, or 29.8 per cent, of the whole, are permanent, and 759, or 13.6 per cent., are terminating ; that of all the associations in the country, 240 are nationals, 138, or 57.5 per cent, of all the nationals being serial, 101, or 42.1 percent, being per- manent, and only i terminating. The whole number, including both locals and nationals, is 5838, of which 3306, or 56.6 per cent, of the \vhole, are serial, 1772, or 30.4 per cent., are permanent, and 760, or 13 per cent, of the whole, are terminating. " Examining the total associations, including locals and nationals, it is seen that Pennsylvania leads all the States, having 1079 associations. This State has but 3 nationals. The State having the next largest number is Ohio, with 721 ; and Ohio has but 3 nationals. Illi- nois comes next, with 669 associations of all kinds, 38 of them being nationals. Indiana follows, with 445 as- sociations, 16 of them being nationals. New York ranks next, with 418 in all, 28 of them being national associations. The next largest numbers are found in Missouri, that State having 366 in all ; New Jersey, 288 ; Maryland, 240 ; Kentucky, 148 ; California, 133, and Massachusetts, 115. In all the other States the number drops to less than 100. The numbers given for the States, respectively, will not always agree with the numbers reported by each State in its local capacity or through its State officials. This results from the fact that the account taken by the Department of Labor was for a period in most cases differing some- what from that for which the State officials have given reports, and, furthermore, from the fact that very many companies having names in their incorporation papers which would lead one to consider them building and loan associations, upon examination are found to be entirely different. They are trust companies or as- sociations for the purpose of erecting houses for rental and various other objects, taking them out of the rank of cooperative building and loan associations as such. "The State haying the largest number of national as- sociations is Illinois, with 38. It is usually supposed that the home of these associations is in the Northwest, and especially in Minnesota, but this State has only 15. There are several States having more than Minne- sota, notably Tennessee, with 17; New York, 28; Mis- souri, 17 ; Kentucky, 17, and Indiana, 16. The nationals are distributed through other States in small num- bers. The table shows how thoroughly building and loan associations are distributed throughout the coun- try. "... At the date of the conclusion of this investiga- tion there had been 38,919 series issued, or an average of ii. 8 series to each association, considering locals and nationals together. Of this whole number, 5321 had matured, this being an average of only 1.6 series of shares matured to each association. The number in force at the date named was 33,386, or 10.1 series to each association. ... Of the 5838 associations in the country, both local and national, 4444 have reported as to homes acquired by their borrowing shareholders, and through this latter number of associations 314,755 homes have been acquired. In the 4422 associations reporting as to that fact, 28,459 buildings other than homes have been secured. Of the total number of homes acquired, 290,803 have been through local asso- ciations and 23,952 through nationals. Through the locals, 26,061 buildings other than homes have been ac- quired and 2398 through the nationals. . . . "The total number of mortgages foreclosed was re- ported by 5440 associations, including both locals and nationals, as 8409, having a value of $12,217,126, the loss on such foreclosures being $449,599. Of the number of foreclosures, 7765 were by locals, having a value in the aggregate of $11,031,394, the loss being $441,106. The nationals had foreclosed 644 mortgages, having an ag- gregate value of $1,185,732, the loss incurred being $8493. It should be remembered that these foreclo- sures and losses relate to the whole lives of the asso- ciations reporting. "The department undertook to ascertain the facts as to the kind of people who patronize and use building and loan associations. The original purpose of these associations was to enable men of small means to se- cure homes for themselves and to save their earnings. The question became vital, then, as to whether the motive of the associations had been preserved. It was impossible to secure the occupation of each and every shareholder in the whole 5838 associations in the country, and the attempt was not made, but we did learn the occupations of the shareholders in 909 local associations and 12 national associations, or a total of 921 associations. In 909 local associations reporting there were 159,223 shareholders, and in the 12 national associations 15,547 shareholders. In the local associa- tions 111,38^, or 69.96 per cent, of the whole number, were practically working people, while in the nationals they numbered 8403, or 54.06 per cent. These include the following classes, as shown in the table : Account- ants, bookkeepers, etc. ; artisans and mechanics ; farmers, gardeners, etc. | housewives and housekeep- ers ; laborers ; mill and factory employees ; and sales- men and saleswomen. The remainder that is, 47,840, or 30.04 per cent, in the local associations, and 7144, or 45.94 per cent, in the national associations consists of agents, bankers, brokers, etc.; corporation officials; government officials and employees ; hotel, boarding- house, and restaurant keepers; "lodges, churches, and societies; manufacturers, contractors, capitalists, etc. ; merchants and dealers ; persons engaged in the pro- fessions ; and superintendents, foremen, etc. These figures show conclusively that the building and loan associations of the country are being used by the classes for which they were originally established. These percentages may well and honestly be applied to all the shareholders in the country, as the facts rel- ative to occupations were taken at random." Building associations exist also in Europe in considerable numbers, tho not to such an ex- tent as in the United States. (For information in regard to them, see COOPERATIVE BANKS.) It may seem strange at first sight that there should be any opposition to a movement that has given homes to so many working men, yet such is the fact. Many if not most leaders of trade-unions discourage the policy, under tJte present system and under ordinary circuin- Building Associations. 198 Building Trades. stances, of the average working man investing in a home. Their argument is that it puts him under the power of his employers, and removes the probability of his Argument being able to obtain any increase in against wages. They declare that in Phila- Building delphia in most trades wages are Associations, lower than in any other large city of our country, and that Philadelphia is most backward in the organi- zation of labor. They assert that the reason is that in Philadelphia men partly own their houses. Partly owning their houses, they are tied to their circumstances. They can neither move nor strike, for fear of losing their invest- ments. They have to submit to taking what wages they can get. There have been few if any large strikes in Philadelphia. In a strike on the Pennsylvania Railroad, one of the officials of the road is reported to have said : " We are not afraid of the Philadelphia end of the road. Those men cannot strike. They half own their homes." In some factory towns in this country it is the deliberate policy of the management to induce their employees to partly own houses, so that wages may be reduced. There are, then, two sides to the question of a wage-earner trying to own his house. In the recent hard times, some of those deepest in trouble were the unemployed who had com- menced to purchase a home, and were in dan- ger of losing much at least of what they had paid in. There is another point. To gradually buy a home, the working man has not only to work himself, but to have his wife work away from home, and often to have his children work. The home is thus bought at the cost of having the mother and the children away from the home ; a home is obtained by destroying home life. Such is the trade-unionist's argument. On the other hand, even from their standpoint it may be asked, if a man who has a home owned and paid for, tho he cannot strike for higher wages, is not in a better position from the fact, to contend for a better system, than one where strikes are necessary ? There is in the United States a National League of Local Building and Loan Associa- tions, of which the Hon. Seymour Dexter, of Elmira, N. Y., is president. It is organized in 15 State leagues, and has for its motto, "The American home the safeguard of American lib- erties." Mr. Dexter calls it " the most success- ful form of direct cooperation yet evolved ; every association the center of an influence stimulating industry, frugality, temperance, home-owning, and good citizenship. It offers a practical way for every family to buy and pay for a home." References : Of the many publications treating of building and loan associations, among those deserving of special mention are : Treatise on Cooperative Sav- ings and Loan Associations, by Seymour Dexter (pub- lished by D. Applet9n & Co., of New York City, 1889) ; Manual for Building and Loan Associations, by H. S. Rosenthal (published by S. Rosenthal & Co., of Cin- cinnati, Ohio, 1888); A Treatise on Building Associa- tions, by Charles N. Thompson (published by Callaghan & Co. of Chicago ; the last-named book is designed espe- cially for the use of lawyers and association officers) ; The Working Man's Way to Wealth. (Philadelphia, Lippincott) ; Building and Loan Associations, the Ninth Annual Report of the (U. S.) Commissioner of Labor (1893), on application. BUILDING TRADES, LABOR MOVE- MENT IN THE. The workers in the building trades have been pioneers in the labor move- ment, especially the ship carpenters. As early as 1642 ships were built in Boston, there being 12 shipyards in that city by 1743. From 1712-20, 700 sail of ship were built in New England. The builders were honored. In 1631, while Richard Hollingsworth was engaged in build- ing a large vessel, one of his workmen was killed, and Hollingsworth was required by the Court of Assizes to pay 10 sterling to the wife and children of the deceased, because they thought that sufficient care was not taken to have his tackle strong enough. It had been the custom in this industry, as well as in others, to furnish drink or grog at various intervals in the day. In 1817 Thacher Magoun, a ship-builder, determined to abolish the grog privilege. The ceremony of laying the keel, and of commencing each part of the work, as also the christening or naming of a vessel, was always accompanied with the use of ardent spirits. Upon Mr. Magoun giving notice that no liquor could be used in his ship- yard, the words " No Rum ! No RUM !" were written upon nearly every clapboard of the workshop, and on each timber in the yard. Some of the men refused to work, but finally all gave in, and a ship was built without the use of liquor in any form. The hours of labor at that time were from sunrise to sunset, and all employers were obliged by custom to furnish liquor free at least twice a day. These two periods for drink were really periods of rest, and were called luncheon times, the men having an opportunity to eat as well as drink, and Mr. Magoun' s no-rum movement meant no luncheon time, and was in effect an increase in the working time, the employer thus saving the cost of time as well as the cost of the rum. The ship-workers and building trades not only were among the very first to organize their craft into unions, but they seem to have been the first organized body of working men to bring the hours of labor to a direct issue. The calkers, from the painful positions of their labor and other causes, were especially prominent in organizing ; and from their meetings it is claimed is derived the \vord "caucus," so common in political af- fairs. The New York Society of Journeymen Shipwrights was incorporated April 30, 1803, and the House Carpen- ters of the City of New York, in 1806. The unions of that time made a stand against the length of the work- day, which was then 14 hours. The employers, in resisting this effort on the part of the workmen, pub- lished resolutions regretting the action of the journey- men ship-carpenters, calkers, and oth- ers, in maintaining a system of meas- ures designed to coerce individuals of Various their craft, and to prescribe the time Unions and manner of the labor for which they were liberally paid. They then pro- ceeded to declare their intention to black- list all persons who belonged to the association. In 1850, after many years of contention and defeats, the ten-hour day had extended to the shipyards. Even before then President Van Buren had, in 1833, b Y proc- lamation fixed the hours in the navy yards at 10 per day. Upon securing the ten-hour day the agitation for eight hours was begun, and has continued to the pres- ent time, with slow, gradual progress to ward complete success. In the spring of 1853 there were extensive movements in the building trades toward orgamza- Building Trades. 199 BUrkli, Karl. tion and for an increase of wages ; and in 1854 the Bos- ton ship- joiners struck and obtained an eight-hour day. The journeymen house carpenters of Boston and New York held meetings for organization in 1853 ! and in 1856 the ship-carpenters organized and moved for eight hours. In 1866 the ship-carpenters employed at Greenpoint, L. I., went on strike for eight hours. Their movement culminated in a great demonstra- tion of all working men in New York for eight hours. All these efforts were generallycondemned by the press. The Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners is an English organization, with some 23 branches in the United States. It was founded in June, 1860, and publishes an annual report filled with statistical in- formation for the order and the trade. Attempts to organize the carpenters of the United States into a national body were made in 1854, in 1867, and at other times. Finally, at a convention held in Chicago, August 8, 1881, the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners was formally organized. (See BROTHER- HOOD OF CARPENTERS AND JOINERS.) The Bricklayers' and Masons' International Union of America was first organized under the name of the In- ternational Bricklayers of America, October 16, 1865, at Philadelphia. Previous to this time unions of a local character were organized and thrived in various cities of the United States. The first annual convention after organiza- tion was held at Baltimore, Md., January 8, 1866. John A. White, of Baltimore, was elected president; T. Ed- ward Kirby, of Baltimore, secretary; and Joseph Hackney, of Philadelphia, treasurer. The second an- nual session was held at Cincinnati, January, 1867. At the seventeenth annual session, in 1883, the present title of the order was adopted. From 1873 to 1880, during the years of depression in business, the order declined until but a small remnant existed ; but with the revi- val of business occurred a revival of the organization, until now it numbers about 33,000 members. The or- ganization is a purely protective one in a national sense, and all of the subordinate unions have benevo- lent features combined. The local union at Philadel- phia has erected a building on North Broad Street, which is an ornament to that city. Other unions have followed this move, until several buildings are owned or controlled by local branches. The Granite Cutters' National Union had its origin at Clark's Island, Me., January 2, 1877. At first only a temporary organization, it became a permanent body on March 6, 1877. The first meeting of the National Board was held March 10 of the same year. N. C. Bas- sick was elected president, and Thompson H. Murch, secretary; the latter was afterward elected to con- gress, defeating Eugene HalCj and J. B. Dyer was elected secretary, and has retained that position up to the present time. The first regular convention of the national 'body was held at Boston, Mass., February 5, 1878, with representatives of 22 branches present. The first strike was on April 6, 1878, at Vinalhaven. The most notable strike of the organization was at Ouincy, Mass., lasting nearly nine months. The great Wester- ly, R. I., strike of 1885 was also a protracted struggle, as was the lockout at Ryegate, Vt, 1885. The strike against contract convict labor on the State capital at Austin, Tex., and the more recent one against Norcross Brothers, of Worcester, Mass., involving operations in various portions of the country, are matters of record. The policy of the organization has been to change the headquarters of the organization every two years. A trade journal is published monthly from the office of the secretary. The Painters' and Decorators' Union had an early ex- istence in a small way, known as the Painters' Union of Philadelphia, in 1856. In 1859 an effort was made to found a national union, and a convention was called ; but after a brief existence the movement perished. In 1871 the New York Operative and Benevolent Union, the oldest union of the trade, undertook the work of forming a national body and formed the Painters' Grand Lodge, which body held four annual conven- tions. During this time the painters entered into the eight-hour movement, and won the first victory for the shorter hour cause, earning the title of pioneers of the eight-hour movement. The great panic of 1873 caused the collapse of the national organization, and not until March, 1887, were efforts to revive successful. Then the present organization was formed, under the title of the Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America. The general president is J. W. McKinney, of Chicago, 111.; the general secretary and treasurer is J. T. Elliott, Baltimore, Md. From the office of the secretary is issued monthly a paper called the Painters' 1 Journal. The order has about 200 unions in all sections of the United States and Canada. A. A. CARLTON. BUILDING TRADES (English). See TRADE-UNIONS, section " England." BULLION. The precious metals gold and silver are generally spoken of as bullion when at or near the standard fineness accepted at the mints of the different countries of the world. Says Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Econ- omy : ' ' The term is sometimes applied, with some qualifying epithet, to ores containing only a very small portion of the precious metals, which are called ' dore bullion ' or ' base bul- lion,' etc. A statement in the report of Mr. J. P. Turnbull, director of the United States Mint, on the production of the precious metals in the United States, pp. 14, 15 (1887), will ex- plain this. The reference in it is to certain ores found in Mexico more or less argentiferous, the value of which has been generally estimated in Mexico by the assay of the precious metals,_ or of silver to the exclusion of the minute pro- portion of gold contained in the ore ; the base metals not entering into the estimated value. The report then refers to ' the small tenor of gold extracted from dore bullion. ' The metallic compound is then termed ' dore bullion ' or 'base bullion,' according to the proportion of the metals of which it is composed mainly sil- ver or lead ; but the term bullion is properly applicable to the precious metals alone." BUONARROTI, MICHEL, was born in Pisa in 1761 ; he early fled to Corsica on account of his revolutionary ideas, and published there his Friend of Italian Liberty. In 1792 he came to Paris, and was admitted to the title of " Citoyen Frangais." For complicity with the conspiracy of Babeuf (q.v.~) he was condemned to deportation. After much suffering he es- caped to Geneva, and later to Brussels, where he wrote his History of Babeuf s Conspiracy (1828). In 1830 he returned to France, and se- cretly worked for communism, exerting much influence upon Blanqui and other leaders. He died in 1837. BUREAUS OF LABOR. See LABOR BU- REAUS. BURIAL SOCIETIES are friendly socie- ties, found mainly in England, constituted in the usual manner, but with the express object of supplying a fund for paying the funeral ex- penses of the members on their death. (See FRIENDLY SOCIETIES.) It became customary to enter the names not only of adults, but of chil- dren, in such societies. The proceedings of the criminal courts have shown that, in some in- stances, children on whose lives such an insur- ance was effected have been killed or allowed to die of neglect, and the alarm created by such instances was enhanced by the discovery that children were frequently insured in more than one society. Legislation in England was enact- ed to remedy this. In this country burial socie- ties have had little development, their place having been filled by provisions embodied in the various friendly societies, secret orders, or trade organizations. BU*RKLI, KARL, was born at Zurich in 1823. He became a tanner, and was converted to so- BUrkli, Karl. 200 Burns, John. cialism (1845) by the writings of Fourier ; he founded the first Konsumverein in German Switzerland, and in 1851 was elected to the Can- tonal Council because of his socialist program, and advocacy, for the first time in Switzerland, of direct legislation. Since then he has played an important part in Swiss politics as a firm so- cialist. In his seventieth year he opened the Zurich International Congress. He has been a voluminous writer from 1851-91. BURNS, JOHN, was born at Battersea, Lon- don, in 1858, being the son of an engineer who formerly came from Ayrshire. He began to earn his own living at the age of 10, working in a candle factory. Later he was apprenticed to a local engineering firm. Burns became, while young, a diligent student of trade-union- ism. He was arrested in 1877 f r persistently speaking on Clapham Common. When out of his time in 1879 he joined the Amalgamated So- ciety of Engineers, and prominently advocated shorter hours. In 1880-81 he was engaged as an engineer in West Africa, and read Adam Smith and ]. S. Mill. In 1883 he became a so- cialist, and joined the Social Democratic Fed- eration, and became its leading working-class member. In 1885 he stood as socialist candi- date for Nottingham, and received 598 votes. For two years he led the " unemployed" agita- tion in London. In 1886 he was arrested with Hyndman and others for speaking in Hyde Park, and on acquittal his speech (The Man with the Red Flag) was printed and widely sold. In 1887 he was imprisoned six weeks for breaking through the police, and speaking in Trafalgar Square (November 13), " Bloody Sun- day." In 1889 he was elected to the London County Council from Battersea. The same year he showed marvelous skill in managing the Dock Strike, and in organizing the unorganized, and became the foremost leader of the "new unionism." Believing in the " progressivist" policy of advancing socialism through any party, he left the Social Democratic Federation, and has been much criticised by its leaders ever since. At the general election in 1892 he was easily elected M.P. for Battersea, and in 1893, receiving the highest number of votes at the Trade-Union Congress, became Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee. On the London County Council his work has been continuously good and increasingly oner- ous. From the reactionary Metropolitan Board to the present progressive council there is a far cry, and Burns has had a large share in its on- ward march. The attitude of its Works Com- mittee, with fair wages, hours, and conditions of labor, and its system of direct employment with- out contractors, is worth recording. In Parlia- ment, too, his work has been none the less solid : witness the adoption of the eight-hour day in gov- ernment workshops, and his interest in all re- forms. As a trade-unionist he is a trusted man, vice-chairman of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress, and visited the United States with D. Holmes December, 1894, as English representatives to the convention of the American Federation of Labor. The platform upon which Burns was elected to Parliament, more advanced than that of any other member, indicates his political belief. It is as follows : " The recent movements of labor, the popular de- mand for more leisure and a higher standard of life, the determination to use Parliament for a social end, and not as an appanage of vested interests, will find in me an earnest advocate. " As a Social Democrat, I believe that nothing short of the nationalization of the land, railways, mines, and the means of production will permanently remove the poverty and inequalities which surround us, and that eventually society will accept that view. Till that is completely realized and it is being fast accom- plishedParliament can be made the means of giving to the people those legislative, municipal, and decen- tralized powers by which poverty can be reduced, burdens lightened, and the community immeasurably benefited. " As a candidate, dealing with immediate questions and asking your votes, I am in favor of the following * " Home Rule for Ireland, and such measures of legislative independence as the Irish people may de- mand for their political, social, and in- dustrial emancipation. " Payment of members and election jjj g platform ''Adult man and woman's suffrage, and drastic amendment of registration laws, second ballot, and referendum. " Triennial Parliaments. " Abolition of the House of Lords and all hereditary- authorities. ;l Conferring upon the London County Council all the powers enjoyed by other municipalities and giving to London a unification of complete municipal self- government, with power to acquire all existing mo- nopolies. " District and parish councils, with full and popu- lar powers. " Alteration of the incidence of taxation, so that the ground landlord, the owner, and the rich shall pay their just proportion of taxation. " Disestablishment of the Church. " The legal eight-hour day as the best means of securing work for all, overwork for none, the avoid- ance of strikes, reduction of the rates, and giving permanent employment where demoralizing casual labor now prevails. " Raising the age of child labor, and placing all trades within the scope of existing and future factory- and sanitary acts. " Alteration of existing poor law, and diversion of its funds to some scheme of old-age pensions that, by cumulative or graduated income tax on the rich, would give sustenance to old people, without pauper- ization. " Giving to localities absolute and complete power in deciding upon all questions relating to the drink traffic by direct veto and local option. " The recognition of trades-unions, the abolition of sweating and sub-letting, the payment of union wages in all government departments, and the check- ing of waste, jobbery, and extravagance wherever found. " Beyond the above, I will attend to all local matters, before Parliament, and will always endeavor to make the district in which I have lived my whole life re- spected where it is not feared, and will ever have in view the best and most permanent interests of the community." Burns has done an important and interesting work in Battersea, his native parish, which has a population of 160,000, 90 percent, of whom be- long to the industrial and laboring classes. But for him the municipal progress of the parish would not have taken place. Since 1887, when it was given full administrative powers, Batter- sea has established : 1. A splendid public library supported out of the rates with two branches, bringing free read- ing to the doors of all its people. The libraries, are open on Sundays. 2. Public baths and wash-houses, where peo- ple may have baths of all kinds at a very mod- erate charge, including the largest swimming bath in London, and where the poor housewife Burns, John. 201 Business Failures. can use all the most improved machinery for washing. 3. New municipal buildings, with a town hall capable of holding 1500 people. 4. A polytechnic institute, a real people's uni- versity, and the best of its kind in equipment in London. Battersea has abolished contractors, and con- structs its own works under the conduct of the Works Department. The men employed by the municipality have an eight-hour day, and are paid trade-union wages. These and other prac- tical reforms have had the steady advocacy of Burns. Besides being trustee to several trade-unions, Burns is governor of the Battersea Polytechnic. An authority on labor problems, he is constant- ly consulted on industrial questions. Much of his tremendous energy, of his cheery optimism, and of his remarkable success is due to the in- spiring influence of his wife, unseen, yet felt by thousands. In 1894 he made a lecturing tour in the United States. In 1895 he was returned again to Par- liament, though with a greatly reduced vote. BURROWS, HERBERT, was born in Suf- folk, England, in 1845. The son of a Methodist local preacher, he studied at a private school and entered the civil service. He was one of the orig- inal founders of the Social Democratic Federa- tion, and is still a member. He gave himself so energetically to the cause as on occasions to de- liver seven addresses a day. He was one of the organizers of the dock laborers, and has repre- sented the federation in several socialist con- gresses. He is now in the civil service, and deeply interested in theosophy, but still true to socialism. He is (1895) treasurer for the Match Girls' Union, and active on its behalf. BURT, THOMAS, was born in 1837 ; the son of a miner. Following his father's profes- sion, he became Secretary of the Northumber- land Miners' Union in 1865. In 1872 he was elected to Parliament from Morpeth, with Alex- ander Macdonald, the first ' ' labor member' ' to sit in Parliament. He has represented Morpeth ever since. He was President of the Trade- Union Congress in 1891. He has served on sev- eral commissions, boards of trade, and in poli- tics is a Liberal. BUSINESS FAILURES. The following are the business failures in the United States in recent years. For earlier years in the United States and for statistics for England, see BANK- RUPTCIES. BUSINESS FAILURES IN THE UNITED STATES FROM 1886-1891, AS REPORTED BY BRAD- STREET'S. Per Per YEARS. Num- ber. Actual Assets. Liabilities. cent. Assets to Lia- YEARS, Num- ber. Actual Assets. Liabilities. cent. Assets, to Lia- bilities bilities 1886 1889 1887 1890. .... 1888 1891 CLASSIFIED AS TO CAUSES. FAILURES DUE TO No. 1891. No. 1890. Actual Assets, 1891. Actual Assets, 1890. Liabilities, 1891. Liabilities, 1890. PERCENTAGE. No. 1891. Lia- bili- ties, 1891. No. 1890. Lia- bili- ties, 1890. 2,021 592 4,869 59 279 251 383 199 2,075 341 875 2,005 611 4,052 502 257 232 39 246 1,358 604 416 $8,563,259 4,077,785 34,572,098 5,389,382 8,723,326 1,399,99' 1,049,640 929,215 21,959,012 12,198,055 4,031,237 $10,656,524 i,95i,933 23,571,043 3,965,656 9,745,954 1,265,670 1,223,198 J , 235,549 28,637,846 8,917,424 1,604,828 $16,268,941 6,021,670 61,716,157 9,223,319 16,195,080 2,584,181 2,079,709 1,856,352 40,736,054 23,356,7'8 iS.^Sig $21,545,326 3,562,065 45,818,944 7,204,055 20,790,648 2,626,381 2,411,302 2,194,551 42,650,814 19,616,481 6,612,069 16.3 4-7 39-2 4.1 2-7 3-o 2.0 7-0 l6. 5 2.2 1.6 8.4 3- 1 32.0 4-7 12. I 1 .0 i-3 6.8 21. I 8-3 0.9 18.8 5-7 37-9 4-7 5 1 3-6 2.1 3-9 12.7 2.4 2.3 12.3 2.1 26.1 4.2 II. 2 1.4 1-5 3-9 24-3 11.9 1.2 Inexperience Unwise credits Failures of others Extravagance Neglect Competition Disaster (com. crisis).. Speculation Fraud Totals 12,394 io,673 $102,893,000 $92,775,625 $193,178,000 $175,032,836 IOO.OO IOO.OO IOO.OO 100.00- Business Failures. 202 Business Failures. Failures for 1893-94, as compiled by R. G. Dun for the Tribune Almanac (1895), are as follows : * STATES. TOTAL. MANUFACTURING. TRADING. OTHER. No. Liabilities. No. Liabilities. No. Liabilities. No. Liabilities. 239 46 32 805 244 179 $2,318,810 274,646 3!3,296 16,250,423 1,773,743 1,177,517 49 ii 6 280 49 43 $1,368,362 99,779 189,450 7,200,908 879,128 474,529 188 35 25 521 194 '3 1 $941,448 174,867 v 118,846 8,816,780 893,915 702,188 2 I 4 i 5 $9,000 5,000 232,735 700 800 New Hampshire Massachusetts Rhode Island New England New England, 1893 J ,545 2,015 $22,108,435 31,545,025 438 530 $10,212,156 13,080,484 1,094 1,463 $11,648,044 17,762,254 '3 22 $248,235 702,287 New York New Jersey 2,864 200 1,355 $35,139,479 3>270,779 14,404,095 631 66 403 $ I 7,648,325 1,831,303 6,136,576 2,181 129 940 $15,529,919 867,131 7,798,697 52 5 12 $1,961,235 572,345 468,822 Pennsylvania Middle Middle, 1893 4,419 3,636 $52,814,353 147,961,618 1,100 1,197 $25,616,204 106,358,320 3,250 2,364 $24,195,747 28,801,919 69 75 $3,002,402 12,801,379 Maryland 227 59 49 261 96 126 83 42 302 1 60 138 303 33 301 $2,833,868 905,270 816,096 1,923,942 5",549 1,807,188 1,608,365 361,150 4,355,368 2,789,859 1,109,299 1,629,354 2,847,105 4,859,580 58 14 8 28 8 14 9 22 19 5 24 27 48 $1,079,585 764,900 160,884 586,933 126,200 703,800 575,700 719,275 1,709,700 357,200 278,619 542,566 1,945,059 161 45 40 227 85 112 74 42 277 ISO 33 178 273 251 $1,491,185 140,370 653,449 1,171,009 374,649 1,103,388 1,032,665 361,150 2,703,093 1,080,159 752,099 1,347,244 2,147,398 2,568,021 8 i 6 3 3 i 3 2 $263,098 1,763 166,000 10,700 933,000 3,49i 157,141 346,500 District of Columbia Virginia West Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Florida Georgia Alabama Mississippi Louisiana Tennessee Kentucky Southeast Southeast, 1893 2,359 2,565 $28,357,993 36,541,116 284 377 $9,550,421 12,141,577 2,048 2,136 $16,925,879 19,882,120 27 52 $1,881,693 4,517,419 Arkansas Texas 149 398 384 $1,248,060 2,964,951 3,471,110 9 15 45 $252,275 389,575 459,699 140 38i 330 1995,785 2,562,376 2,869,211 2 9 $13,000 142,200 Missouri Southwest Southwest, 1893 93i 1,207 $7,684,121 14,851,673 69 92 $1,101,549 1,755,456 8 5 i 1,105 $6,427,372 10,848,292 ii IO $155,200 2,242,925 Ohio Indiana 677 257 164 683 232 $6,5 I 2,395 3,390,432 1,638,529 7,532,759 3,606,604 141 56 3i 19 36 $3,150,893 1,634,164 660,935 3,824,179 966,900 535 197 I3 1 470 189 $3,351,502 1,416,268 942,594 3,191,580 1,842,184 I 4 2 22 7 $10,000 340,000 35,000 517,000 297,520 Michigan ... Illinois Wisconsin Central Central, 1893 2,013 2,319 $22,180,719 60,852,229 455 73 6 $10,237,071 31,066,128 1,522 1,527 $10,744,128 23,343," 36 56 $1,199,520 6,442,991 Minnesota Iowa . 343 235 219 268 64 20 16 14 26 134 24 I $4,552,681 4,960,128 1,127,948 1,418,640 262,050 76,500 205,037 568,400 55,969 i,47i,i57 311,700 3,000 63 29 I? 12 I 12 2 $2,210,734 891,412 63,291 54,700 700 188,850 76,000 272 204 199 255 64 20 16 14 25 121 21 I $2,142,757 1,038,716 1,063,257 i,339,94o 262,050 76,500 205,037 568,400 55,269 1,277,807 234,700 3,000 8 2 3 i i i $199,190 3,030,000 1,400 24,000 4,5oo 1,000 Nebraska Kansas.... Oklahoma Indian Territory. . Montana North Dakota South Dakota Colorado Wyoming New Mexico Western Western, 1893 1,364 1,978 $15,013,210 38,725,191 I 3 6 220 $3,485,687 7,140,272 1,212 1,707 $8,267,433 19,989,755 16 5' $3,260,090 11,595,164 Utah Idaho 264 116 2 166 20 1 548 $1,595,403 418,017 2,250 3,876 1,960,619 2,493,442 5,238,314 40 24 35 3 96 $542,452 119,000 611,400 460,540 1,553,419 220 90 2 I 128 168 43 $1,044,551 297,517 2,250 3,876 1,326,219 1,991,291 2,727,486 4 2 3 3 22 $8,400 1,500 23,000 41,611 957,409 Arizona Nevada .... Washington Oregon California Pacific Pacific, 1893 1,298 1,522 $11,711,921 16,303,037 225 270 $3,286,811 5,439,854 i,39 I,2IO $7,393, J 9o 9,434,883 34 42 $1,031,920 1,428,300 Totals 13,929 15,242 $159,870,752 346,779,889 2,707 3,422 $63,489,899 176,982,091 1,016 1,512 $85,601,793 130,062,333 206 308 $10,779,060 39,735,465 Totals, 1893 * Wanting all returns for the latter part of December. The returns yet to be received will probably add about 700 to the number of commercial failures, and about $7,000,000 to the aggregate of liabilities. While the number was but little smaller in 1894 than in 1893, the aggregate of liabilities was not half as large. In the aggre- gate of liabilities, failures of banks and financial institutions are not included, and the total for the year thus far reported is shown by sections in the following table : Business Failures. 203 BANK FAILURES. Cabet, Etienne. 1894. 1893. STATES. No. Liabilities. No. Liabilities. New England. . 16 $12,546,000 Middle 15 7,383,724 35 43,478,618 82 22,119,514 Southwest 15 1,808,000 61 29,703,776 2,280,187 37,457,963 Western. . . . 218 39,554,298 Pacific 25 2,814,822 81 26,138,639 Totals ... 118 $24,538,822 642 $210,998,808 See also BANKRUPTCIES. BUTLER, BENJAMIN F. (1818-93), was born at Deerfield, N. H. He graduated at Water- ville College, Maine ; studied law at Lowell, Mass., and was admitted to the bar in 1841. He soon became distinguished as a criminal lawyer and Democratic politician. In 1853 he was elected to the Legislature, and in 1859 to the State Senate. Having become a brigadier-gen- eral of militia, at the outbreak of the Civil War he marched at once to the South with the Eighth Massachusetts Brigade. In February, 1862, he commanded the military forces sent from Bos- ton to the mouth of the Mississippi, and for seven months held military command of New Orleans. His administration here has been vio- lently denounced, and it brought down upon him the intense hatred of the Southern people, because, altho he maintained order and en- forced sanitary regulations, he compelled the rich secessionists to relieve the wants of those whom their rebellion had impoverished. When re- lieved of his command he was moved north to Virginia and North Carolina, and cooperated with General Grant in his movement upon Petersburg. In 1866 he was chosen member of Congress from the Boston district, and two years later was one of the managers in the impeach- ment of President Johnson. From the com- mencement of the rebellion Butler had been a Republican ; but as soon as the Greenback and Labor movement began he fell in with it, and in 1878 he was the candidate of this movement for Governor of Massachusetts. He received 109,435 votes as against 134,725 for the Republican can- didate. In 1879 he was again defeated ; but in 1882 was successful as the Democratic nominee. Two years afterward he was the presidential candidate of the Greenback-Labor and Anti- monopoly parties, receiving about 133,000 popu- lar and no electoral votes. Altho very wealthy, General Butler kept near to the heart of the " common people," and few men of his time had as large a following among the working men, especially in Massachusetts. c CABET, tSTIENNE, was born at Dijon, France, in 1788, and died at St. Louis (U. S. A.), in 1856. The son of poor parents, he received little education, but worked his way up by at- tending the lectures of his distinguished fellow- townsman, Jacotot, till he became a teacher in the Lycee. Later he studied both law and med- icine. In 1815 he became founder and director of the " Federation Bourguignonne" for the de- fense of the national territory, and became con- nected with the Carbonari, his father before him having been a fiery patriot. About 1820 he went to Paris, and the Revolution of 1830 found him in the first line of its adherents. Up to 1839 he followed the varying fortunes of a Pa- risian extreme republican, writing various his- tories of the French revolutions and defending the most extreme acts of the " Mountain." Be- ing tried for this and condemned, he fled to England. Here he read Moore's Utopia, and devoted henceforth his life to the cause of com- munism. He wrote in London and published in Paris in 1840 his Voyage en Icarie, an at- tractive communistic romance. In this he pro- posed, first, a transitional period of 50 years, and then a complete communism. In the tran- sitional period taxation was to be more and more levied upon the wealthy, and gifts and transfers of property to be severely scrutinized. Wages somewhat favorable to the poor were to be fixed by law. Five hundred million francs were to be spent in providing work and dwell- ings for the poor. The army was to be dis- banded as rapidly as possible, and employed on public works. Under Cabet' s full communism, all over 65 were to be retired from work on an allowance. All others able to work were to be set to compulsory work men from 1 8 to 65 . wom- en from 17 to 50. Everything, however, was to be done to make the work attractive. The family was to be maintained intact, save that at the age of five years children were to be edu- cated in communism by the State. There was to be one official journal ; none others were to be allowed. The city of Icaria is described with minute detail, and all arrangements provided for. Cabet, Etienne. 204 Cameralistic Science. The publication of these thoughts in the Pop- ulaire created great interest, and it was decided to establish an Icaria in America. Cabet bought 1,000,000 acres of land in Texas, and sent, in 1848, 69 trusted followers to prepare the way. Arriving in New Orleans in March, they heard of the republican revolution in Paris, and debated whether or not to return to France. They decided to go on ; but their ranks were soon decimated by fever, and they returned to New Orleans, where they met Cabet, who had left Paris in December. There was a stormy interview, and Cabet was much denounced ; but in March, 1849, Cabet, with 280 followers, went to Nauvoo, 111. , where they hoped for a bet- ter climate than in Texas. Meanwhile, Cabet had been condemned in Paris to imprisonment on a trumped-up charge of fraud. He returned to Paris, and had the sentence reversed. Re- turning to Nauvoo, he found the community , prospering, having, in 1855, 500 members. There was, however, continual dissension, and Cabet with 200 followers left and went to St. Louis, where he soon died. The colony, how- ever, survived, and has only finally disbanded this year (1895). (For the history of the colony after Cabet' s death, see ICARIA.) Cabet, it should be added, gave a somewhat religious cast to his thought, writing a book, Le Vrai Christianisme suivant Jesus Christ, and in- deed several other books arguing that Christi- anity is communism. References : Icaria, by Albert Shaw ; French and German Socialism, by R. T. Ely, and other histories of Socialism. (See COMMUNISM.) CAIRNES, JOHN ELLIOT (1823-75), the son of a large brewer, was born at Castle Bell- ingham, County Louth. He graduated at Trin- ity College, Dublin, and was called to the Irish bar in 1857, but never seems to have practised. In 1856 he competed successfully for the Whately professorship of Political Economy in Dublin, and held it for five years, the full period during which it was tenable. During this period he published several essays and lectures, especially one on The Slave Power, defending the cause of the North in the American Civil War, and winning by it a high reputation for his economic thought and analysis. In 1865 he moved near London, and was soon appointed Professor of Political Economy at University College, Lon- don. Altho at this time a confirmed invalid, he fulfilled his duties with great fortitude and no- bility of character. In 1872 his health com- pelled him to resign, and he was made profes- sor emeritus. In 1873 he published his Politi- cal Essays, and in 1874 his greatest work, Some Leading Principles of Political Economy Newly Expounded. Ofthe Ricardo-Mill school, Cairnes ranks perhaps second to Mill himself. His work, says Palgrave's Dictionary of Politi- cal Economy, belongs to three departments : the logic of political economy, the investigation and interpretation of contemporaneous eco- nomic facts, and the economic theory. Under the first head he maintains sharply that political economy has to do only with what is, not with what ought to be ; and his whole treatment is conservative and of the old, orthodox and a pri- ori 'school, having little to do with the induction of the historical school. While of the school of Mill, he criticises him very sharply on many points, so that the Dictionary of Political Econ- omy declares the effect of Cairnes' last and greatest book to have been mainly destructive in shaking faith in the finality of Mill's conclu- sions. Cairnes' literary skill and his logical in- genuity are perhaps his most marked character- istics. CALVIN, JEAN (1509-64). The great theo- logian is considered here only from the stand- point of his influence upon social reform, but this was not slight both for good and for evil. Professor John Fiske says of him ( The Begin- nings of New England, p. 58) : " It is not easy to speak of Calvin with enthusiasm, as it comes, natural to speak of the genial, whole-souled, many-sided, mirth and song-loving Luther. Nevertheless it would be hard to overestimate the debt which mankind owes to Calvin. The spiritual father of Coligny, of William the Silent, and of Cromwell must occupy a foremost rank among the champions of modern democracy. Perhaps not one of the mediaeval popes was more despotic in temper than Calvin ; but it is not the less true that the promulgation of his. theology was one of the longest steps that man- kind has taken toward personal freedom. Cal- vinism left the individual man alone in the pres- ence of his God. ... In the presence of the awful responsibility of life all distinctions of rank and fortune vanished ; prince and pauper were alike the helpless creatures of Jehovah, and suppliants for His grace." It is easy to see from this in what direction Calvin's contribution to human thought and life must lie. By crushing the individual under the: sovereign decrees of God, he frees him from all- lesser bondage. Calvin's sociology becomes in- tensely individualistic. He defends private prop- erty as morally necessary, as tests of justice and integrity. The communism of the New Testa- ment he tries to prove was not communism. He- is the first theologian to defend interest. The State and the Church he regarded as wholly in- dependent, yet alike in Church and State ther one supreme ruler is God. Luxury he con- demned as sin. He considered it the duty of the Church to provide for the poor, and to this end he revived the temporal duty of the diaco- nate. CAMERALISTIC SCIENCE. The phrase cameralistic science has its origin in the fact that, in Europe generally, the king's chamber- lain, or camerarius, was responsible for devis- ing the ways and means of raising revenue for the public treasury, so that the science of con- ducting the national revenues and expenditure came to be called the cameralistic science. The phrase has been chiefly used and the science was first carefully developed in Germany, under the name, Kameralwissenschaft. Cossa con- siders Johann Heinrich Justi, who died in 1771. and who was professor first at Vienna, and later at Gottingen, the leader of the German cameralists. Frederick William I., himself an able cameralist and author of the Prussian finan- cial system, did much for the science, founding chairs of political economy and cameralistic- Cameralistic Science. 205 Canals. science at Halle and Frankfort-on-the-Oder. The cameralists, speaking generally, took up the principles of the mercantilists (g.v.) and developed them into a system of practical finance. The science was also somewhat developed, and chairs of cameralistic science were founded in Italy, France, Sweden, etc. CAMPANELLA, TOMMASO (1568-1639), was an Italian monk and the author of Ctvitas Salts. He entered the Dominican Order when quite a boy, but devoted much of his time to the study of philosophy. In 1599 there arose a con- spiracy in Calabria against the Spanish rule. Campanella, as an Italian patriot, was seized and charged with conspiracy and heresy, for which he was imprisoned in a dungeon m Na- ples for nearly 27 years, repeatedly being tor- tured to make him confess his heresy, but with no avail. During his confinement he wrote sev- eral works, one of which was his Civ it as So I is (published 1623). When released he retired to Rome, and afterward to Paris, where, enjoying the friendship of Richelieu and a pension from the king, he ended his days in peace. His book, the City of the Sun, is in the form of a dialogue between a Knight Templar and a sea captain. The captain tells of a wonderful city he had visited, and describes minutely all that he saw there, especially the methods of education and the laws by which the city is governed. It much resembles Plato's Republic. Work is common to all, but the hours are to be only four, and slavery is repudiated. There is to be com- munity of wives and of goods. Money is not to be received, even from foreigners. A transla- tion of the City of the Sun may be found in Morley's Universal Library. CAMPBELL, HELEN, nee STUART, was born in Lockport, N. Y., July 4th, 1839. She attended school at Warren, R. I. , and at Bloom- field, N. J. In 1859 she was married to Mr. Weeks, an army surgeon. She began to contri- bute sketches to the magazines and newspapers at an early age, and gave much attention to housekeeping on a basis of scientific common sense. She has studied carefully the problem of the poor in great cities and elsewhere, and has contributed valuable papers, drawn from person- al experience, to current publications. Her nov- els are all written in an earnest spirit, but are full of touches of wit and pathos. From 1881-84 she was literary editor of The Continent (Philadel- phia.) Among her published works are : The AinsleeSeries(NewYor}<., 1864-67) ; His Grand- mothers (1877) ; Six Sinners (1878) ; Unto the Third and Fourth Generation (1880) ; The Easiest Way in Housekeeping and Cooking (1881) ; The Problem of the Poor (1882) ; The American Girl's Handbook of Work and Play (1883) ; Under Green Apple Boughs (1883) ; The What-to-do Club (Boston, 1884) ; Mrs. Herndon' s facote(i8&*) ; Miss Melindd 1 s Opportunity (1886). Her chief books bearing directly on social reforms are Prisoners of Poverty, Prisoners of Poverty A broad, Wom- an Wage Earners (1893). CANALS are artificial waterways for the purposes of navigation or irrigation. (For an account of the latter, see IRRIGATION.) Naviga- ble canals may be divided into those used for inland navigation and those used for shorten- ing sea voyages. With a long and honorable history canals have for the last 50 years been overshadowed in importance by the railway, but are now experiencing a deserved and need- ed revival. Altho known in Egypt and China from early days, canals were of small use till the invention of locks in Italy in the fourteenth century. The modern era of canal construction dates, however, from the success of the Duke of Bridge water's Canal, from Worsley to Manchester, commenced in 1759, and lengthened to Liv- erpool in 1772. A canal mania at this time broke out. Dividends in some of the canal companies amounted to ioo per cent. In 1817 the Erie Canal in the United States was commenced, and finished amid great en- thusiasm in 1825. The original cost was $5,700,000. In 1852-53, altho the tolls had been reduced to about one third the original amount, the revenue was over $3,000,- ooo per year. Up to 1880 nearly 4500 miles of canals had been constructed. The Erie is by far the largest canal in the world, of great importance, having with its feeders 350 miles ; tho the Grand Canal in China has some 800 miles, and the improved Ganges River in India 522 miles. The Suez Canal, opened in 1869, has 90 miles of length, with the largest sectional area and undoubtedly the greatest commercial importance of any canal in the world. The Ohio Canal with its feed- ers has 328 miles, the Miami and Erie, 285 ; the Illinois and Michigan, 102 ; the Chesapeake and Ohio, 180, and the Morris Canal, 103. In 1825 the railway era com- menced, and the interest in canals diminished. By an unfortunate policy the railroads chose to compete with the canals, instead of leaving to canals the heavy commodities, which the canals could carry better, an& pushing into channels of trade which the canals could not enter. The railways have thus not undertaken what they might do with better profit, and have been burdened with work of small profit which the canals needed. Since 1870, however, thinkers have come to see that the canal has a needed place in commerce. In October, 1884, an International Inland Navigation Congress was held in Bremen, and has met nearly even' year since. The great Manchester Ship Canal, which enables the largest steamers for India or Amer- ica to load at Manchester, was commenced in 1885, and opened January i, 1834, costing $75,000,000. _ It is mainly controlled by the city, which has a majority of the directors. The North Sea Baltic Canal was commenced in 1887, and finished in July, 1895. A canal has been con- structed across the Isthmus of Corinth. Canals are also being constructed through Cape Cod, in Nicaragua, and other places. The importance of the last-named canal entitles it to a treatment by itself. (See NICARAGUA.) A proposal to pierce the Isthmus of Darien was made as early as 1520 by Angel Saave- dra ; Cortez caused the Isthmus of Tehuantepec to be surveyed for the construction of a canal ; and in 1550 Antonio Galvao suggested four dif- ferent routes for such a scheme, one of them being across the Isthmus of Panama. In 1879 M. de Lesseps took the matter up, and the first meeting of his company was held in 1881. The capital necessary for the ' ' Company of the In- teroceanic Canal of Panama," as it is called, was stated at 600,000,000 frs. the estimated cost of excavation being 430,000,000 frs. , that of weirs and trenches to take fresh water to the sea, 46,- 000,000 frs. , and that of a dock and tide-gates on the Pacific side, 36,000,000 frs. The Panama Canal was bought for $20,000,000. The con- tractors, Couvreux & Hersent, began operations in October of the same year. (See PANAMA.) Projected canals will probably in the future connect, in Europe, the Bay of Biscay with the Mediterranean, the North Sea with the Mediterranean, the Baltic with the Black Sea ; Paris, . Brussels, and other cities with the sea, Projected and cross England, Scotland, Ireland, Canals. Italy, and other countries. In Amer- ica canals are projected which, com- mencing with the Cape Cod Canal, will give unbroken Canals. 206 Cantillon, Richard. inland communication from Boston to the Carolina sounds, will cross Florida and Upper Michigan, will connect Lake Michigan with the Mississippi and Pittsburg with Lake Erie. Even to-day canals are of vastly more commercial importance than many realize. Mr. Marshall Stevens, in a recent paper before the British Association for the Advancement of Sci- ence, showed that more fine goods are carried to-day between Manchester and Liverpool on the Bridgewater Canal than on any of the three competing roads, even tho the rates are the same. The tonnage on the Trent and Mersey Canal is over 1,250,000 tons per year. In France the canal tonnage is nearly 20,000,000 tonsper year ; in Germany water carries 40,000,000. The Erie Canal, altho the political influence of the railroads has allowed it to be neglected and unimproved, as late as 1884 carried half as much grain to New York City as all the roads combined, altho it is closed for five months in the year. Mr. Albert Fink, one of the ablest railroad managers in the United States, has testified to the far-reaching influence of the Erie Canal in affect- ing general railroad rates through the country, so that railroad rates are reduced generally when the Erie Canal is open. In 1889 the value of the traffic passing through the St. Mary's Falls Canal, between Lakes Su- perior and Huron, was $83,733,527. The total tonnage of all canals in the United States, even in 1880, was over 20,000,000. The total tonnage of the foreign trade en- tering New York City in American or foreign vessels in 1887 was only 84 per cent, of that passing from Lake Huron to Lake Superior. The Illinois and Michigan Canal is at present little more than a ditch, yet from 1880 to 1885 it transported 5,000,000 tons. Canals are of importance, first, because they can carry certain freight cheaper and better than railroads ; secondly, because by carrying goods where speed of transport is of small mo- ment, they can free the railroads to do more rapid work ; thirdly, because they develop trade, and so aid and not hurt railroad traffic. Ship canals connecting Lake Ontario with the ocean, and the Great Lakes with the Mississippi, will make Chicago a seaport, and develop a trade greater than that of the Suez Canal. Realizing their importance, it is evident that the railroads should be allowed no longer, through a mistaken policy, to ruin canals, often buying them up and perhaps running their tracks in the canal bed. Many hold that Gov- ernment should care for, own and operate the canals on some large, comprehensive system. Every argument for the nationalization of rail- roads applies to canals only with added force. (See RAILROADS.) For the literature of canals in their economic aspect, see The Canal and the Railway, by E. J. James, Ph.D., a publication of the American Economic Associa- tion for 1890 ; also Waterways and Water Transport, by J. S. Jeans, London, 1890.) CANON LAW. Rules or laws relating to faith, morals or discipline for the members of a church, enjoined by its ecclesiastical authority ; specifically a collection of rules of ecclesiastical order and discipline embodied in the Corpus Juris Canonici (body of canon law). This is a compilation from the canons of councils, the de- crees of popes and the decretals and canonical replies made to questions put at various times to the Roman pontiffs or the fathers of the Church, together with commentaries or glosses. There were various compilations of such laws from the third century down to the twelfth, when they were gathered into something like their present shape by Gratian, a monk of Bologna, in 1151, since when they have been added to but not materially changed. They mainly con- sist to-day of the Decretum, or compilation of Gratian, the decretals of Gregory IX., those of Boniface VIII., the Clementine constitutions, and the books called the Extravagantes of John XXII. and the Extravag antes Communes. We consider here briefly only such points of th& canon law as bear on economic reform. At the be- ginning of canon law we are told that men are under two kinds of laws the law of nature and the law of custom or positive institution (naturali jure e( mori- bus). Civil law and canon law are two branches of the second kind. Private property, we are told, is not known to the law of nature, but all things are common to all men, as they were among the first disciples. St. Augustine argues that, as " the earth is the Lord's, and the fulness thereof," private property is not of divine, but of human government. Yet canon law does not wholly forbid private property. It forbids it to the clergy, but allows it somewhat grudgingly to the laity. The clergy are to hold property collectively for the good of the poor ; they are not to marry, and are to be content with food and clothing. The laity are to- hold property only in trust for the poor, and to give liberally to them, and to the clergy as almoners for the poor. It is at least hinted that even for the laity com- munity of goods is better, and that property is only allowed for the hardness of men's hearts. Agriculture is the ideal industry ; and the only right way to in- crease wealth is to till the ground and breed cattle. These pursuits and the simple manufacturing indus- tries are allowed even to the clergy. Labor within these limits is commended, if not commanded, and it is. the glory of canon law that it did its best to enfran- chise the laborer. Canon law is largely drawn from, or at least molded by, Roman law, the Decretum itself being modeled after the pandects of Justinian ; yet Roman law cared much more for property than for men, the canon law much more for men than property. Usury and by usury canon law means use money or interest of any kind and at any rate is strictly forbid- den as sin. Only very gradually and covertly did ex- ceptions to this rule begin to creep in, and not till the creation of the "Montes Pietatis" (q.v.\ in the fifteenth century, was usury to any extent condoned. (For a fuller treatment of the relation of usury to Christian, thought, see USURY.) Canon law never obtained a firm footing in England, tho there was a kind of national canon law composed of canons passed in national and provincial synods, and foreign canons by custom and common law. In the reign of Henry VIII. Parliament enacted that a review should be made of the canon law. and that till it was made all canons, constitutions, ordinances, and syno- dals provincial, already made and not contrary to the law of the land or the king's prerogative, should still be used and executed. As no such review has ever been perfected, canons enacted before this date are within the above limitations still held by many to be binding to-day in England upon both clergy and laity. Later canons of the Church of England, however, are a different matter, and concern only the Church of England. Through all civilized countries the influence of the canon law has been great, creating, if nothing- more, at least a high norm of righteous living. It is. desired by some that Church councils to-day should pass, if not canons, at least decisions as to what it re- gards as the true ways of life for Christian men. CANONS OF TAXATION. See TAXATION. CANTILLON, RICHARD, awriterof Irish race, living in Paris in the first half of the eight- eenth century, of whose life little is known, but whose little book, Essai sitr la nature du com- merce en gendral, the earliest edition of which, was published in Paris in 1755, seems to have exerted a very profound influence upon the eco- nomic thought of his century. For what is. known of his life, see article " Cantillon" in Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy. Cantillon's opinions were those of the. mercan- tilist school modified by the ideas of the Physio- crats, and all stated with unusual scien- tific precision and method. For a very favor- able estimate of his work, see the article by Jevons upon " Richard Cantillon and the Na- tionality of Political Economy," in the Contem- porary Review \ 1881. (See POLITICAL ECONOMY.) Capital. 207 Capital. CAPITAL may be briefly but correctly de- fined as " that part of wealth which is devoted to obtaining further wealth" (Alfred Marshall, Economics of Industry, p. 5). Says J. S. Mill (Political Economy, i., iv., Sec. i) : " What cap- ital does for production is to afford the shelter, protection, tools, and materials which the work requires, and to feed and otherwise maintain the laborers during the process. Whatever things are destined for this use, destined to sup- ply productive labor with these various pre- requisites, are capital." Knies de- fines capital as " wealth set aside Definitions, for the satisfaction, directly or in- directly, of future needs. This sat- isfaction may be obtained by the individual by lending his wealth at ' usury ' -usury of money, usury of victuals, usury of any- thing that is lent upon usury, or by reserving means for future production, as in the case of the husbandman and his corn or cattle, or by laying up for himself a treasure which will be a delight for many days." President Francis A. Walker (Political Economy, Sec. 73) defines capital as " that part of wealth, excluding unim- proved land and natural agents, which is devot- ed to the production of wealth." E. V. Bohm- Bawerk defines capital as " the complex of goods that originate in a previous process of produc- tion, and are destined, not for immediate con- sumption, but to serve as means of acquiring further goods. Objects of immediate consump- tion, then, and land (as not produced) stand out- side our conception of capital." There are three principal questions in defin- ing capital which we need to answer : (i) Is all capital the result of labor, and ought -we to exclude the forces and free gifts of nature ? To this we must answer that it is largely a mat- ter of convenience how we use the term, and, in a general way, capital may be said to include such free gifts of nature ; yet, as usually in politi- cal economy, it becomes necessary to distinguish between the free gifts of nature and the pro- duced works of man, it is probably best with the above authors not to include under the term capital any of the so-called free gifts of nature. Of course it is not always easy to draw the line, as in the case of made land, between the free gifts of nature and the work of man, and yet, altho in some cases the line may be invisible, and therefore hard to place, there is a line, and an important line, and usually at least it can, ap- proximately, be placed. Certain improvements put upon land in time become a part of the land itself. No definition can cover all the exigen- cies of life, but the general distinction is plain and convenient. Another question is, (2) Does the distinction between capital and non-capi- tal depend on the intention of the capitalist, or, in other words, the owner of the potential capital f Thus Professor Marshall, in the Eco- nomics of Industry, argues that a doctor's car- riage, when used on professional visits, would be capital, but when used for pleasure merely would not be capital. To this it may be answered that the distinc- tion lies not so much in the intent as in the use that actually is made ; though of course usually what is intended for production of wealth is used for that purpose, so that the same article may sometimes be used as capital and some- times not. The final question is, (3) Does cap- ital include what are called immaterial, as distinct from material qualities ? This question is somewhat similar to the first. In a general sense immaterial qualities are certainly often, and perhaps usually, the truest capital. Thus we say a man's capital is his health, skill, strength ; but in political economy it is usually and probably wisest to not call this capital, be- cause it is different from material capital, and obeys different laws, and therefor-3 should be distinguished from it. Capital, therefore, is prob- ably wisely, and at least as a matter of fact, usu- ally used in political economy in the restricted sense of material wealth, not the free gift of nature, used for the production of more wealth. We now come to consider some different kinds of capital, and first the common distinction made be- tween Circulating and Fixed Capital. " Capital which fulfils the whole of its office, in the production in which it is Different engaged, by a single use. is called Cir- dilating Capital. . , " Capital which exists in any durable Capital. shape, and the return to which is spread over a period of corresponding duration, is called Fixed Capital." * In this distinction all economists are agreed. An- other convenient distinction is made by Professor Marshall (Economics of Industry, p. 19) into Remunera- tory Capital KB& Auxiliary Capital. He says: " Remuneratory Capital or wage Capital consists of the food, clothes, shelter, etc., which support, labor. " Auxiliary Capital is that which aids labor. It con- sists of tools, machines, factories and other buildings that are used for trade purposes, railways, canals, roads, ships, etc. ; also raw materials." Passing now to the theory of capital, we are met at once by the utmost diversity or opinion, and have therefore to consider the history of theories of capital. The word capital (connected with the Latin caput, or head) was originally a mere adjective in the phrase, "capital stock," and so used as late as Adam Smith. But it soon came to be used elliptically for the whole phrase, History of and the single word capital is used in flienriBa nf the modern sense at least as early as J -*" 3OI _ leB OI 1635, in Dafforne's Merchant's Mirrour. Capital. This gives us some clew to the history of the treatment of capital by economists. It has been mainly connected with interest, the phrase "capital stock" being contrasted with the interest ac- cruing from it. At first, in society, there was very little capital. Men made their little modicums of wealth di- rectly from the soil by rude agriculture, hunting, and fishing, all requiring the least amounts of capital. As inyention grew, however, more and more were ma- chinery and implements of toil a necessity to successful production. This necessitated capital, either in the form of machinery or money, to enable the owner to- obtain machinery. We can now see why the modern , age is distinctively the capitalist age, and why, till . now, comparatively speaking, capital can scarcely be said to have existed. The modern age is the age of machinery. The inventions of the last part of the eighteenth century created an "industrial revolution." Machinery on a large scale became the necessity of sue- ; eessf ul trade ; in other words, capital and the capitalist gained the key to the situation. The man without capital became dependent on the man with capital. When, in 1776, Watts perfected his steam-engine, the capitalist age was fully born. It is not strange, therefore, that the careful study of capital belongs to modern times. Until the present age it did not assume importance enough to elicit study. Since 1776 all schools of political economy may be distinguished by their treatment of capital. The best statement yet written of the various theo- ries of capital is undoubtedly Bohm-Bawerk's in his Capital and Interest : A Critical History of Economi- cal Theory, a translation from the German Kapital und Kapitalzins. This book we shall largely use in the following account. The problem of capital Bohm- Bawerk states substantially as follows : * Mill, Book I., chap. vl. Capital. 208 Capital. Ancient Theories. He who owns capital can generally obtain from it a permanent net income called interest. This has nota- ble characteristics. It owes its existence to no personal activity of the capitalist. It flows into him even where he has not moved a fin- The Problem S er - It seems in a peculiar sense to of Canit.al spring from capital, or, to use a very old " metaphor, to be begotten of it. It may be obtained from any capital, from goods that are barren, as well as those that are fruitful ; from perishable goods, as from dura- ble ; from goods that can be replaced, and from goods that cannot be replaced ; from money, as from com- modities. Finally, it flows into the capitalist without ever exhausting the capital from which it comes, and therefore without any necessary limit. It presents the remarkable picture of a lifeless thing producing an everlasting and inexhaustible supply of goods. Whence and why this endless flow of wealth? This is the theoretical problem of capital and interest. This is different, says Bohm-Bawerk, from the social and political problem. The theoretical problem asks why there is interest on capital ; the social and political problem asks whether there should be. Yet it is doubt- ful if we can keep the two questions apart. " Whether there should be certainly depends upon "why there is," and " why there is " is not unaffected by " whether there should be." Yet they are two questions, and for the sake of clear thought we should try to keep them separate, and to answer the first question first. Yet, historically, in political economy, the second question received the first treatment. Ancient political econ- omy evidenced a deep disapproval of interest, as wit- nessed in the prohibition of interest between Jews in the Mosaic code and in many passages from classic lit- erature. (See USURY.) The reason is not far to seek. Credit had little place in production. Machinery was simple. Almost all loans were for immediate consumption, and, as a rule, to people in distress. The creditor was usually rich, the debtor poor, and the former, there- fore, in the light of a man squeezing something from the poor man. Yet was there little study of the ques- tion. Plato. Aristotle, the two Catos, Cicero, Seneca, Plautus all condemn interest, and yet assign little reason for so doing. Aristotle's argument was : Money is by nature incapable of bearing fruit. The lender's gain, therefore, must come from a defrauding of the borrower. The strong condemnation of interest by the Mosaic law and the early Christian Church is wefl known. Yet there was usually but little reason given, and some of the reasons that were given are far more rhetorical than logical. Gradually Greek and then Roman legislation came to allow interest, and so the practice spread. The Middle Ages, however, witnessed a revival of the condemnation of interest. The Church strenuously condemned it (see CANON LAW), first cat- egorically, and thenj as the desire for interest and the seeming need of interest increased, with more show of argument and attempt at reason. Gonzalez Tellez falls back on Aristotle's argument. Thomas Aquinas (q.v.) does the same in a different form. He argues that he who loans money passes over money and all that comes from it, and therefore has no right to the interest that springs from it. In- terest again he considers as the hypocritical and un- derhand price asked for a good common to all time. Time is simply a pretext used by usurers to get more than they give. But time is a common good, given to all equally by God. This was the general position of the canonists, tho steadily and quietly exceptions and excuses were introduced permitting interest under this pretext or that. The Protestant reformers usually approved of inter- est, altho with more or less reserve ; at least this is so with Zwingli, Luther (in his later days), Melanchthon, and Calvin. The last named, however, is the only one who gives careful reason Protestant f r his approval. His argument is that Views interest is legitimate, because, tho ' money itself be barren, money is used as a house is used, for gain of conven- ience or rent, and therefore that the lender of the money is entitled to interest as his share of the gain. Molinseus, taking somewhat the same ground, opposed the canon prohibition of interest. Besold, Grotius, followed hesitatingly in the same line till Salmasius (about 1640) poured out a flood of writing defending interest, and was followed by Bacon, North, Locke, Steuart, Hume, Galiani, Vasco, Beccaria, Mirabeau, and Bentham. But this already brings us to modern times, when Medieval Theories, capital and interest, having become matters of such vast moment, have elicited far more careful and scien- tific study. Turgot comes first. He defends interest on the ground that capital is always the equivalent of rent-bearing land, and therefore should receive inter- est as land brings forth fruit. This theory Bohm- Bawerk calls the "Fructification" theory, but says it explains nothing. What gives money its value in buying land ? The power of being used ; that is, of drawing interest. The Fructifi- Therefore the answer begs the question. cation Theory. Eicardo. gs theqi Adam Smith has no definite position, but throws out various hints about the origin of interest, some of which are utterly contradictory. His writings give in germ both what Bohm-Bawerk calls the " Produc- tivity " theories, that capital gives an additional pro- ductivity to labor, and therefore gains remuneration ; and also the "Socialistic theories, "that interest is paid out of labor. But Adam Smith's neutral position could not be long held. The question of labor and capital has been the burning question of the century. Five answers have been developed through the century, and more or less side by side ; so that we shall do best not to attempt to follow chronological order, but to see the separate schools as markedly and distinctly as possible. First, Bohm-Bawerk puts what he calls the "color- less" answer, which, like Adam Smith's, is a confused answer, altho made by Ricardo, Tor- rens, M'Culloch, and several continental writers. Ricardo, for example, tho he sharply and at length gives his concep- tion of the l>aw that governs the rate of return to capital, scarcely gives any reason for the return, save that, if capitalists did not receive any interest, they would not invest. His law, however, of the rate of interest has played such a large part in modern political economy that it must be stated. It is, of course, connected with his famous law of rent. The best land, he says, is ordinarily occupied first, and only gradually does the growth of popula- tion force people to improve and use poorer land. This poorer land, however, does not bring in so good returns as the first land, yet its produce has to be sold at a price enabling one to pay all costs and the neces- sary profit. This "margin of cultivation" fixes the market price. He who has the better land can get more return from it, or rent, so that rent is the differ- ence between the annual return from the land and the annual return of a similar amount of land at the "margin of cultivation." Now, wages, under compe- tition, cannot permanently rise much above nor fall much below the cost of existence, and the cost of exist- ence is fixed by the cost of produce at the margin of cultivation. Therefore, as lower and lower grades of land are brought into use, and production becomes more and more expensive, wages and prices must both rise, and profits must fall, since rent of land, measur- ing the value of money, is fixed by the law above stated, and cannot be more than the difference between the annual return of the best land and that of land at the margin of cultivation. Hence, under increasing population wages rise, and prices with them, but profits fall. Competition of capitals, on which Adam Smith laid much weight, Ricardo makes little of, saying that it serves simply to lower profits temporarily, when in- creased quantity of capital (according to the well- known wage theory, which he accepted, but which has since been given up by almost all economists) at first raises wages. In a word, according to Ricardo, cost of existence determines wages, and wages determine profit. This theory, of course, is opposed, first, by those who deny the law of rent, that the best land is occupied first, etc. ; and secondly, by those who, ad- mitting its premises, argue that it neither explains why capital draws any interest, nor exactly measures it, because a thousand elements may affect both the mar- gin of cultivation and the amount of profit men are willing to accept as their minimum profit from the margin of cultivation. We come, then, to -what Bohm-Bawerk calls the "Productive" theory, that capital actually produces wealth, and that therefore the capitalist who gets his interest simply gets what his capital produces. This theory is subdivided into four theories: (i) That capital serves The ProduC- toward the production of goods ; (2) that +i ve Theorv it serves toward the production of more - 3- goods than could be produced without it ; (3) that it serves toward the produc- tion of more value than could be produced without it ; (4") that it serves toward the producing of more value than it has in itself. The first two of these theories Capital. 209 Capital. Bohm-Bawerk calls the " Naive-Productive " theories ; the third he calls the "Indirect Productive" theory, and from the last theory spring such important theo- ries that he considers them by themselves as "Use" theories. Under the " Naive Productive" theory we have J. B. Say, who first broached this theory in 1803, brilliantly but not clearly, and confused with some elements of the " Use" theory, Schon, Riedel ; in Germany the distinguished economist Roscher, who, however, is better on other questions than on this, Leroy-Beaulieu, Scioloja, and others. But the answer to this theory is simply that it has not been proved that capital in itself produces goods. Capital undoubtedly, as Roscher ar- gues, enables labor to produce more goods ; but the amount of return to capital has by no means been proved to be equal to the amount of value of the in- creased amount of goods it enables labor to produce. There must be, therefore, some other element that enters in as a controlling factor. We come then to the " Indirect Productive" theory, that capital produces more value, first taught by Lord Lauderdale in 1804, and then by his greater follower, tho not disciple, Malthus. Malthus carefully defines profit as "the difference between the value of the ad- vances necessary to produce a commodity, and the value of the commodity when produced" (Principle of Political Economy, 26. ed., p. 262); but he does not equally carefully show why there should be this dif- ference of value, tho he does in general point to capital as the producer of more value. Henry Carey andPeshine Smith, in America, follow the same school. Carey's well-known theory that the value of all goods is measured by their cost, covmts capital as one of the costs, and since invention and civilization enable one to produce at lower and lower cost, and this applies to tools composing capital, capital must steadily fall in value, and therefore interest lower, tho profits may absolutely rise. Peshine Smith finds the origin o'f profit in a partnership between workman and cap- italist, where capital furnishes the material and labor increases its value by infusing it with new labor, and both receive a share of the increased value in order to induce both to contribute to the result. This is not in- correct, but is superficial ; it does not show just what capital contributes nor how much it receives in return. It simply says it -produces more value. In Germany we have of this school the painstaking Thiinen and Strassburger. We come now to the "Use" theories, which, tho an offshoot of the " Productive" theories, quickly grew into an independent life of their own. This theory is that capital, apart from its substance value, has a use value, and that the cap- Use Theories, italist who draws interest is thus re- warded for sacrificing the use of capital during the period of production. J. B. Say first suggested this, together with his " Naive Productive" theory, Hermann worked it out, and Men- ger gave it its best form. It is largely a German theo- ry, Nebenius, Mario, Bernhardi, Mangoldt, Schaffle, Kneis, besides Hermann and Menger, all following it in one form or another. Bohm-Bawerk, however, rightly maintains that there is no independent " use" of capital aside from capital, and that therefore this non-existent " use" cannot be the cause of interest ; but even if it does exist, as apart from the substance of capital, it simply adds to the problem by raising two problems in place of one. What is this indepen- dent use of capital? We come now to the famous " Abstinence" theory, first appearing in the lectures of N. W. Senior, in his Oxford University lectures, and later in his Outlines cf the Science of Political Economy (1836). Adam Smith and Ricardo, with more distinctness, have pro- nounced labor to be the only source of value, and this, logically carried out, left no room for interest. Later writers saw this, and James Mill and M'Culloch strove hard to prove that interest also was the wages of labor, but naturally with little satisfaction. Another party, as we have seen, with Malthus at their head, put cost as the measure of value and counted interest or profits as among the costs. But it was only too evident that profits were the surplus over the cost, and not a constituent part of them a result and not a sacrifice. Now then came Senior's theory that interest was the reward of abstinence. Hints of this had ap- peared before in Ricardo and in Adam Smith's opposi- tion of "future profit" to "present enjoyment, but vhich Senior first worked into a careful and logical system. According to this, capital is the result of la- bor, but of labor applied not to immediate results, but to far-off results ; and, therefore, since its owner has sacrificed immediate results to distant ones, he is in- demnified by interest. He is able to se- cure this indemnification because the exchange value of goods depends, ac- Abstinence cording to Senior, partly on the useful- ness of the goods, partly on the limita- tion of their supply ; and the limitation depends upon the number of those will- ing to abstain from immediate consumption of wealth to devote !t to capital. The " maximum of price" is the sacrifice with which the buyer could himself produce or procure the goods ; and the " minimum of price" is the cost of production. Under competition these ap- proximate. But the cost of production consists of the sum of the labor and abstinence requisite for the production of the goods. If abstinence is always req- uisite for production, it can always command its money return.. The trouble with this theory is that it makes too sweeping a generalization from an idea containing at best some truth. As a matter of fact, the rate of in- terest does not at all follow the amount of sacrifice. High interest is often got by the millionaire, who makes no appreciable sacrifice whatsoever and low interest is often obtained where the sacrifice is very great. The theory is now generally discarded (see ABSTINENCE, REWARD of them Car and Gamier. Bastiat accepted the doctrine under a developed form. Bastiat's great social law is " service for service." He argues that he who provides cap- ital not only sacrifices present enjoyment, but does positive service by allowing the laborer to have now what otherwise he could only obtain later, by great sacrifice of his own tools. But this only confuses. He who sacrifices in order to prevent sacrifice certainly does so, but this is only one sacrifice, and cannot re- ceive return for two. We pass then to the next group, which Bohm-Ba- werk calls " Labor" theories, because under various forms they try to prove that interest is payment to the capitalist for labor performed. The main advocates of this are James Mill, M'Culloch, Courcelle-Seneuil, Rodbertus, Schaffle. Under one form or another they all argue that capital is stored-up labor, and that in- terest and profit are simply the price paid for stored- up labor. But how, then, does it happen that the capi- talist eventually gets back all his capital ; that is, all his stored-up labor, and yet gets interest too ? Cour- celle-Seneuil argues that interest is payment for the labor of storing up capital. This is artificial. Its falsi- ty may be seen in the fact that interest has no connec- tion with this, being often greatest where this so-called labor is least, and vice versa. This explanation, how- ever, has been adopted by Rodbertus, Wagner, and Schaffle among other German " Socialists of the Chair." It is certainly, to say the least, inadequate, and there- fore false. We come then to what may be called the Socialist, or the" Exploitation "theory. According to this, all goods that have value are the product of human labor, and indeed, economically considered, are ex- clusively the product of human labor. The laborers, however, do not retain the Exploitation whole product of their labors, because Theorv capitalists, taking advantage of their A usury. command over the indispensable means of production, as secured to them by the institution of private property, secure to themselves a part of the laborer's product. The means of doing so are supplied by the wage contract, in which the labor- ers are compelled by hunger to sell their labor-power to the capitalist for a part of what they, the laborers, produce. Interest is thus a portion of the product of other people's labors, obtained by exploiting the ne- cessitous condition of the laborer. The way had been prepared for this by Adam Smith and Ricardo, in teaching that labor is the source of value ; tho Adam Smith and Ricardo did not follow out their teaching to its socialist conclusion. Hodgskin in England and Sismondi in France were the first to really state the theory, and they only in a mild and general way ; but it was soon taken up with strength and in earnest by Proudhon in France and Rodbertus in Germany, and then by the great socialist leaders, Lasalle and Marx, while it was adopted substantially or in part by men not wholly socialists, like J. S. Mill, Schaffle, Diihring, and others. Of the socialists, Rodbertus and Marx have worked out the theory most carefully. Rodbertus is considered by most political economists the most careful, altho Marx has worked out the theory the most brilliantly and the most popu- Capital. 210 Capital. larly. Rodbertus accepts almost as axiomatic the pre- mise that labor, economically speaking, is the source of all value. Rent he defines as " all income obtained with- out personal exertion, solely in virtue of possession" (Soziale Frage, p. 146). It includes two kinds of rent land rent and profit on capital. Rent owes its existence to two facts : economically, that, with machinery and division of labor, laborers can produce more than they require to support life ; and legally, that private prop- erty in land and capital enables their owners to em- ploy laborers who, not having land and capital, and needing them for production, are unable to work ex- cept in service for these capitalists, and are driven by hunger often to give to the capitalists all they produce except what is barely necessary to support lire. The form which this compulsion originally took was slavery, the origin of which was contemporaneous with that of agriculture and landed property. To-day con- tract has taken the place of slavery ; but since capital- ists own substantially all the land and capital, they have the laborer as equally at a disadvantage as under slavery, and can take from him under contract as much as before under slavery. Thus, says Rodbertus, " The contract is only formally and not actually free, and hunger makes a good substitute for the whip. What was formerly called food is now called wage (Soziale Frage, p. 33). Thus all rent is an exploitation, or, as he says in effect, a robbery of the product of other people's labor (Soziale Frage, p. 150). The amount of rent increases with the productivity of labor; for under the system of free competition the laborer can receive little more than his maintenance, no matter how much he produce. The division between rent of land and rent of capital Rodbertus believes depends upon how much labor value is represented in land and in capital, since labor is the measure and source of all value, even rent being the product of labor, tho conditioned by the possession of wealth. Nevertheless, except in a posthumous tract on Capital, Rodbertus does not favor the abolition of private property in either land or capital. He ascribes to it an educating power, a " kind of patriarchal power that could only be replaced after a completely altered system of national instruction, for which at present we have not got even the condi- tions" (Erklarung } p. 303). Marx's theory is the same, tho worked out in a different way. The utility of a thing, he argues, is its value in use. But this value is not some- thing in the air. It is limited by the properties of the commodity, and has no existence apart from that commodity. The commodity itself is the use value. Now use values ex- Karl Marx change. They are measured. To be nan .marx. measur ed they must have some charac- teristic in common. What is this? It is not in their qualities ; their qualities are very different. Things that exchange must have the same quantity of exchange value. What is the thing that they have the same quantity of? If we discard their qualities as use value, they have only one common property left, that of being products of labor. This must be the measure of their exchange value. So the value of all goods is measured by the quantity of labor contained in them or in labor time. But labor is of different value in different individuals; therefore, we must take the "socially necessary labor time" i. e., the labor time required to produce a use value under the conditions of production that are socially normal at the time, and with the socially necessary degree of skill and intensity of labor. Now the problem of capital and of interest and profit is this : One man sells the commodity which he possesses for money, in order to buy with the money another commodity which he re- quires. This course of circulation may be expressed by the formula : Commodity, money, commodity. But there is another course of circulation. Men buy com- modities in order to sell, or money, commodity, money. But in this circuit, men buy commodities in order to sell at an advance. The real circuit is M., C., M'. (M' representing the sum advanced plus an incre- ment). This is the characteristic circuit of capitalistic industry. It applies seemingly only to the merchant's capital, but it is true of all industrial capital. The manufacturer, every one in commerce, even the farmer, buys something invests, that is in order to sell what he buys, or what springs from what he buys, at an advance. Whence the advance ? This is the problem. He buys material at its market value ; he sells the material at the market value ; how is he en- abled to sell at a higher price than he buys? Whence this surplus value? This is the problem of Marx's book his famous Capital. The surplus value cannot originate in anything outside the circuit, for nothing pours economic value into his hands. It cannot origi- nate in the circuit itself, for he cannot continually buy commodities under their value, nor continually sell above their value. Whence his profits? He can only sell for more than he buys by adding labor to it. Labor is thus the only source of surplus value. But if he put labor into it, either his own or hired, he pays for that. How does the capitalist sell for more than he puts in ? He must buy material and labor at their value, sell the result at its value, and yet draw out more than he puts in. How? Marx answers this by saying that there is one use value which possesses the peculiar property of being the source of exchange value ; this is labor or labor power. It, labor power, is offered for sale on the market on the double condition that the laborer is personally free for otherwise he would be a slave, not a seller of labor power ; and that, secondly, he is de- prived of all means of independently using his labor power, otherwise he would work for himself. The present condition of society furnishes these conditions. The capitalist makes use of this. The value of the commodity labor power, like that of all other commod- ities, is regulated by the labor time necessary for its reproduction ; in this case, by the labor time necessary to produce the maintenance of the laborer. The capi- talist gets the laborer to work for him. He gives him his labor time value that is, maintenance, the value necessary to maintain and reproduce him. But the laborer gives the capitalist more labor time than this. If in six hours the laborer produces enough to maintain him, and works 10 hours, in the four hours he pro- duces for the capitalist this "surplus value." Surplus value, therefore, according to Marx, results from the capitalist getting the laborer to work a part of the day for him without paying for it. In the laborer's day r thus, we have " necessary labor time " and "surplus labor time," the source of "surplus labor value." Capital is not thus a command over labor, but a com- mand over unpaid labor. All surplus value, in what- ever form it be disguised, as profit, interest, rent, or any other, is only the material shape of unpaid labor. Bitterly, upon this foundation, does Marx trace the his- tory and expedients of capital to lengthen the time and intensity of the working day in order to get more sur- plus value. The answer to this theory, which will be seen to be, in another form, the same as Rodbertus', may be very varied. It is perhaps sufficient, however, to say that it has not been proved that labor is the source of value. Exchange is not based simply upon labor-time value. Use value does affect exchange. A good natural voice, uncultivated by any labor, has exchange value. Unimproved natural commodities have exchange value. Scarcity affects exchange value. The whole theory that labor is the source of value is untenable. Rodbertus does not attempt to prove it. Marx appeals not to facts, but to the above dialectics, which can be shown to be faulty. Marx says use values in exchange are disregarded. This is not the case ; but if it were, his conclusion does not follow that their being the product of labor is the only characteristic left which can be the basis of exchange. Many other elements enter in scarcity, demand, appropriation of them, etc. Marx's analysis contains truth, but by no means the whole truth, and its fundamental proposition is not true. We come now to several minor theories of capital. Rossi seems to use the Productivity and Abstinence theories alternately ; so largely do Molinari, Leroy- Beaulieu, Roscher, Schiiz, and Max Wirth and Cossa. Jevons, in an eclectic way, welds several theories together, finds the function of capital in that it enables us to expend labor in advance, but confuses "surplus in products" with "surplus in value." J. S. Mill adopts at yarious times three inconsistent theories the Productivity, the Abstinence, and the Exploitation theory. Schafne does substantially the same. Henry George adopts the old Fluctuation theory of Turgot and tiie physiocrats, but in a later form. He argues that capital commands interest, because certain forms of capital, like animals, etc., are fruitful, and that there- fore men will not lend capital for nothing, when with it they could invest in live stock, agricultural capital, etc., that would bring in profit year by year. The trouble with this argument is that" there is no ground for this distinction between natural capital and capi- tal the product of human labor. There is no product into which nature does not enter. Man is natural. Again, Mr. George does not show that animals or land produce more animal value than the labor and the food spent upon them. Mr. Flurscheim (q. v .), Mr. George's most distinguished follower in Germany, in his Rent, Other Theories. Capital. 211 Capital. Wages and Interest shows the limitations of Mr. George's theory of interest. Thus have we followed Bohm-Bawerk in critical analysis of all theories of capital, and have found com- plete satisfaction in none. But Bohm-Bawerk himself has a theory, developed in his second book, The Posi- tive Theory of Capital. According to this theory, capital draws interest because capital contributes to production by saving time. By the use of capital men can perform their work more quickly than without it. Men desire to save time, to obtain results now rather than later, according to Bohm-Bawerk, because of three elements the defect of imagination, defect of will, and uncertainty of life. But this theory seems equally faulty with those Bohm-Bawerk has so ably criticised. It is not those who have the least imagina- tion or will, or are most uncertain of life, who desire capital the most. This psychologic theory must take its place with other faulty ones. The tact seems to be that no one theory is complete ; that almost every theory yet advanced has had its element of truth and made its contribution to science. It is man who pays, and man who asks interest for capital. Men are not simple "economic men." The reasons that move the will to demand and pay interest are not simple; but numerous, intricate, and varying at different times. In the Fructuation theory, the Productivity theory, the Use theory, the Abstinence theory, the Exploitation theory ? the Time'theory, there is truth, but the whole truth lies only in the correct synthesis of all theories. It should be added, however, that whatever be the theory as to the origin of capital and interest, neither the be- lievers nor the disbelievers in interest question the fact of the contribution, and the necessary contribution, that capital makes to production. Socialists, no less than the most conservative economists, admit the necessity of capital to production. Socialists simply assert that work (personal effort of head The Socialist or hand) should be required from every member of society (save from the young, ' aged or infirm), and that there should be no class of society whose economic func- tion is simply to furnish capital and live on the interest. They declare that all capital should be owned and furnished by the community, and that all individuals should furnish work and receive, therefore, their rightful share in the product. (See SOCIALISM.) Those socialists who do not hold with Adam Smith, Ricardo, and Marx that labor is the only source of value, do not either hold that capital comes wholly from unpaid labor ; they hold that capital may come from the personal labor of one's ancestors, or from Eersonal saving, or by speculation or investment in a undred ways, some of them moral, some immoral ; but they hold that, however gained, the unity of soci- ety is the key to the freedom of the individual, and that that freedom demands that capital be held and operated collectively for the equitable good of all, each man and woman being in some way a worker for the general good. This holding of capital is a step, in their opinion, n.ot based on any theory, but called for by the conditions of human life, in the process of evolution, developing a higher organism out of lower organisms. Those socialists who look to Divine sanc- tions for their acts find this act requisite upon man's ',, brotherhood, and natural unity resulting from God's Fatherhood. They argue that capital should be held in common and each The Christian work for the good of all, as a family Socialist holds property and work each for each. ~7 Interestjon capital they say is "natural," View. because capital performs a natural function, and can therefore obtain a por- tion of the product, as conditional to its being forthcoming ; and when capital is monopolized by a portion of the community, it can, subject to com- petition between capitalists, dictate its own terms, be- cause he who has it not is dependent upon him who has. What such socialists assert is that, though interest is natural, it is money, since God has made all men one, and given to all the duty of labor ; that therefore for one portion of society to furnish the capital and be able to live without labor, while another portion of society can scarcely live by the hardest toil, is a plain violation of the law of God. Such are the various theories as to capital that have prevailed at various times and are held to-day by various schools of thought. Turning to the laws that govern the growth of capital, we present two representative treat- ments of the subject, and first, one by Professor and Mrs. Marshall. In chap. vi. of their Eco- nomics of Industry, they say : "The growth of capital depends upon the power and the will to save. "The power of saving depends on the amount of wealth out of which saving can be made. Some coun- tries, which have a large population and produce a great amount of wealth, have very little power of saying. The whole continent of Asia, for instance, has less power of 711... rirnwtVi saving than England has. The total prod- A " w wrl ttce indeed of its industry is larger than 01 Capital, that of England ; but the number of peo- Orthodox pie among whom this is divided is so View great that they are compelled to con- sume almost the whole of it in support- ing life. "As Mill says, 'the fund from which saving can be made is the surplus of the produce of labor after sup- plying the necessaries of life to all concerned in the production (including those employed in replacing the materials and keeping the fixed capital in repair) ; more than this surplus cannot be saved under any circumstances ; as much as this, though it never is saved, always might be. This surplus is_the fund from which the enjoyments as distinguished from the nec- essaries of the producers are provided ; it is the fund from which [all are subsisted who are not themselves engaged in production ; and from which all additions are made, to capital. It ^is the real net produce of the country.' " Since the requisites of production are land, labor, and capital, the conditions on which the total produce of industry depends may therefore be classed'as, firstly, fertility of the soil, richness of mines, abundance of watercourses, and an invigorating climate ; secondly, the number andi the average efficiency of the working population ; this efficiency depending on moral as well as mental and physical qualities; thirdly, the abun- dance of the means which the industry of the past has accumulated and saved to help the industry of the present ; that is, the abundance of roads and railroads, of canals and docks, of factories and warehouses, of engines and machines, of raw material, of food and of clothing ; in short, the already accumulated capital of the nation. . . . " Next as to the will to save. " The strength of the desire of accumulation depends on moral and social conditions which .vary widely in different times and countries. " (a) The intellect. The inclination to save arises from the hope of obtaining some future ad vantage, and this future advantage, if it is to afford motive for action, must be realized. Children and nations in an early state of civilization are almost incapable of realizing a distant advantage ; the future is eclipsed by the present. . . . "() Affection for others is one of the chief motives if not the chief motive for the accumulation of cap- ital. . . . " (c) The hope of rising in the world. If people feel that they are bound down forever by a sort of caste regulation to one station in life, they will not save in order to better their position ; they will naturally have little motive to be frugal. . . . " (d) The opportunity to gain great social advantages by the possession of wealth. . . . " (e) Political and commercial security. " A man who saves, hopes that he and his family may enjoy in security the fruits of his saving. This re- quires, firstly, that Government should protect his property from fraud and violence ; secondly, that if he or those whom he leaves behind him are unwilling or unable to employ the capital in business themselves, they must be able to lend it out to others and to live in quiet on the interest of it. . . ." Lastly, Mr. and Mrs. Marshall inquire howj far the accumulation of capital depends upon the rate of prof- its, and the rate of interest which the owner of capital can obtain by lending it to others, and they answer : " A high rate of interest no doubt affords a liberal re- ward of abstinence, and stimulates the saving of all who are ambitious of earning social position by their wealth. " But 'the 'history of the past and the observation of the present show that it is a man's temperament, much more than the rate of interest to be got for his savings, which determines whether he makes provision for his old age and for his family, or not. Most of those who make such a provision would do so equally whether the rate of interest were low or high. And when a man has once determined to provide a certain annual in- Capital. 212 Capital. come, he will find that he has to save more if the rate of interest is low than if it is high. Suppose, for in- stance, that a man wishes to provide an income of 409 a year on which he may retire from business, or to in- sure .400 a year for his wife and children after his death. If the current rate of interest is $ per cent., he need 1 only put by .8000 or insure his life for ,8000 ; but if it .is 4 per cent., he must save .10,000, or insure his life for 10,000. "Again, a high rate of interest is a great inducement to retire ;early from business, and live on the interest of what has already been accumulated. Sir Josiah Child indeed said two centuries ago, 'We see that gen- erally all merchants' in countries in which the rate of interest is high ' when they have gotten great wealth, leave trading ' and lend out their money at interest, ' the gain thereof being so easy, certain and great ; whereas in other countries, where interest is at a lower rate, they continue merchants from generation to gen- eration, and enrich themselves and the State.' It is more true now than it was then, that many men retire from business when they are yet almost in the prime of life, and when their knowledge of men and things might enable them to conduct their business more efficiently than ever. Thus a fall in the rate of interest would in some ways promote the production and the accumulation of wealth. " But it would diminish the Power of saving from a given amount of capital, because the larger the income a man derives from his business, the larger are the means he has of saving." Such is an admirable example of the treat- ment of the subject from the standpoint of the most progressive orthodox economics. As an example of the treatment of the subject from the socialist standpoint, we give a quotation from the lecture on The Industrial Basis of Socialism, by William Clarke, and included in the Fabian Essays. Says Mr. Clarke : "The capitalist was originally an entrepreneur, a manager who worked hard at his business, and who received what economists have called the 'wages of superintendence.' So long as the capitalist occupied that position he might be restrained and controlled in various ways, but he could not be got rid of. His ' wages of superintendence ' were cer- tainly often exorbitant, but he per- r wth f formed real functions ; and society, as UTOWWI 01 y e j. un p re p arec i to take those functions Capital, upon itself, could not afford to discharge Socialist him. Yet, like the king, he had to be View restrained by the legislation already referred to, for his power involved much suffering to his fellows. But now the capitalist is fast becoming absolutely useless. Finding it easier and more rational to com- bine with others of his class in a large undertaking, he has now abdicated his position of overseer, has put in a salaried manager to perform his work for him, and has become a mere rent or interest receiver. The rent or interest he receives is paid for the use of a monopoly which not he, but a whole multitude of people, created by their joint efforts. " It was inevitable that this differentiation of man- ager and capitalist should arise. It is part of the proc- ess of capitalist evolution due .to machine industry. As competition led to waste in production, so it led to the cutting of profits among capitalists. To prevent this, the massing of capital was necessary, by which the large capitalist could undersell his small rivals by offering, at prices below anything they could afford to sell at, goods produced by machinery and distributed by a plexus of agencies initially too costly for any in- dividual competitor to purchase or set on foot. Now for such massive capitals, the contributions of several capitalists are needed ; and hence has arisen the joint- 1 stock company or Compagnie Anonyme. Through this new capitalist agency a person in England can hold ' stock in an enterprise at the Antipodes, which he has never visited and never intends to visit, and which, therefore, he cannot ' superintend ' in any way. He and the other shareholders put in a manager, with in- junctions to be economical. The manager's business is to earn for his employers the largest dividends pos- sible ; if he does not do so, he is dismissed. The old personal relation between the workers and the em- ployer is gone ; instead thereof remains merely the cash nexus. To secure high dividends, the manager will lower wages. If that is resisted there will proba- bly be either a strike or lockout. Cheap labor will be, perhaps, impoi ted by the manager; and if the work- people resist by intimidation or organized boycotting, the forces of the State (which they help to maintain) will be used against them. In the majority of cases they must submit. Such is a not unfair picture of the relation of capitalist to workman to-day, the former having become an idle dividend-receiver. The dictum of orthodox political economy, uttered by so compe- tent an authority as the late Professor Cairnes, runs : " ' It is important, on moral no less than on economic grounds, to insist upon this, that no public benefit of any kind arises from the existence of an idle rich class. The wealth accumulated by their ancestors and others on their behalf, where it is employed as capital, no doubt helps to sustain industry ; but what they con- sume in luxury and idleness is not capital, and helps to sustain nothing but their own unprofitable lives. By all means they must have their rents and interest, as it is written in the bond ; but let them take their proper place as drones in the hive, gorging at a feast to which they have contributed n'othing.' * " The fact that the modern capitalist may be not only useless, but positively obstructive, was well illustrated at a meeting of the shareholders of the London and South western Railway on February. . . . Three share- holders urged a reduction in third-class fares. The chairman pointed out the obvious fact that such a re- duction would probably lower the dividend, and asked the meeting if that was what they wished. He was, of course, answered by a chorus of ' No, no ! ' and all talk of reduction of fares was at an end. Here is a plain sample (hundreds might be quoted) of the evi- dent interests of the public being sacrificed to those of the capitalist. "That joint-stock capitalism is extending rapidly every one knows. In the United States, according to Mr. Bryce, the wealth of joint-stock corporations is estimated at one fourth of the total value of all prop- erty, t In England every kind of business, from brew- eries, banks, and cotton-mills down to automatic sweetmeat machines, is falling into the hands of the joint-stock capitalist, and must continue to do so. Twenty years ago who would have supposed that a brewery like that of Guinness, or such a banking firm as Glyn, Mills & Co., would become a joint-stock com- pany? Yet we know it is so to-day. Capitalism is be- coming impersonal and cosmopolitan. And the com- binations controlling production become larger and fewer. Barings are getting hold of the South African diamond fields. A few companies control the whole anthracite coal produce of Pennsylvania. Each one of us is quite ' f ree ' to ' compete ' with these gigantic com- binations, as the principality of Monaco is ' free ' to go to war with France should the latter threaten her in- terests. The mere forms of freedom remain, but monopoly renders them nugatory. The modern State, having parted with the raw material of the globe, can- not secure freedom of competition to its citizens ; and yet it was on the basis of free competition that capital- ism rose. Thus we see that capitalism has cancelled its original principle is itself negating its own exist- ence." Concerning statistics as to the large part played by capital in the modern world, see WEALTH ; TRUSTS ; MACHINERY ; DEBTS. A few statistics may be given here as an example concerning the United Kingdom of Great Brit- ain and Ireland alone : The profits of public companies, foreign invest- ments, railways, etc., assessed to income tax in the United Kingdom in 1887-88 amounted to .119,630,000. The interest payable from public funds was, in addi- tion, .46,512,000 (Report of Commissioners of Inland Revenue, 1889, C 5843). That these amounts are understated may be inferred from Mr. Mulhall's estimate of the stocks, shares, bonds, etc., held in Great Britain alone, as being worth ^3,491,000,000, producing an annual income of upward f .155,000,000 (Dictionary of Statistics, p. 256). And Sir Louis Mallet estimates the English income from foreign investments alone at ,100,000,000 annually. (National Income and Taxation, Cobden Club, p. 13). Nearly the whole of this vast income may be regarded as being received without any contemporary services rendered in return by the owners as such. We have, however, to add the interest on capital employed in private undertakings of manufacture or * Some Leading Principles of Political Economy, p. 32. t The American Commonwealth, chap, iii., note on p. 421- Capital. 213 Carey, Henry Charles. trade. This is included with "wages of superinten- dence " in business profit, both for the purpose of the income tax returns and in ordinary speech. Mr. Giffen estimates it r apart from any earnings of personal ser- vice, at .89,000,000 (Essays in finance, vol. ii., p. 403). The total amount of interest cannot, therefore, be less than ^250,000,000. The part which capital plavs in the whole world may be seen in the fact that the Com- pendium to the Eleventh Census of the United States gives the total national and local debts of the world at no less a sum than $30,349,927,600. For a discussion of whether the profits or capital are falling, see DIMIN- ISHING RETURNS, LAW OF. References: Capital and Interest : A Critical His- tory of Economical Theory, by E. V. Bohm-Bawerk, Professor of Political Economy in the University of Innsbruck (translation by William Smart, of Queen Margaret College, Glasgow) ; The Positive Theory of Capital, by the same author and with the same trans- lator. For the Exploitation theory, Capital: A Critical Analysis of Capitalist Production, by Karl Marx (translated by Samuel Moore and Edward Ave- ling, in two volumes ; for the development of capital, The Evolution of Modern Capitalism, by John A. Hob- son (London, 1894). CAPITALIZATION. The word capitaliza- tion is used in several senses. It may mean (i) the application of wealth as capital to the pur- poses of trade, etc. ; (2) the act of computing or realizing the present value of a periodical pay- ment ; (3) the conversion into capital, as when creditors consent to the conversion into capital of half of their claims (Century Dictionary}. But there is also a fourth sense not wholly cov- ered by any of the above, and yet a very com- mon use of the word ; neither the application of wealth as capital, nor the conversion of shares into capital, but the rating of plant or other form of capital at an enhanced and sometimes an utterly fictitious value, as a basis for the dec- laration of dividends. Says Professor Ely in his Political Economy : ^ " We must distinguish between capital invested and capitalization. Capitalization means the amount at which a property is valued, and it may be 10 times the cost of capital actually invested. When we speak of profits as being 10 per cent, or 5 per cent., we mean profits on free or disposal capital, and this rate depends on opportunities for production which are still open, not those which have already been seized. Let us suppose that the returns on investments still open to all are about 10 per cent., but that the returns to a tele- phone company or an electric lighting company which has actually invested $100,000 is $100,000 ; the undertak- ing will be capitalized at $1,000,000, so as to conceal the actual rate of profits ; and as profits fall on new invest- ments open to all, capitalization of old and lucrative enterprises rises in proportion, altho no new capital is invested. One familiar form which this takes is ' stock- watering,' but it is also seen in higher prices. If a house yields $1000 a year, and 10 per cent, is a fair return for house property, it will be valued at $10,000 ; but if profits fall, and 5 percent, is considered a good return, it will be valued at $20,000. This increase of capitalization is sometimes an unconscious process, and a man will at times feel poorer when he is receiv- ing 5 per cent, on his capitalization of an investment than when he was receiving 10 per cent., altho his capitalization has quadrupled without any additional investment of capital." (See STOCK-WATERING.) CARBONARI. A secret revolutionary or political society existing mainly in Italy and France, claiming great antiquity, with Francis I. of France as founder, but owing its modern activity at least to republicans and others in Naples who were dissatisfied with the French rule under the reign of Murat (1808-14). They are said to have been originally refugees from the mountains of the Abruzzi provinces, and to have taken their name from the mountain char- coal-burners. Their aim was to free Italy from foreign domination. After having aided the Bourbons in this, the organization spread all over Italy and into France, as the champions of the national liberal cause against the reaction- ary governments. At one time they numbered several thousand adherents. About 1820-21 Lafayette became the head of the society in France. It played an important part in the Revolution of 1830, since when it has not been prominent, if in existence. (See The Secret Societies of All Ages and Countries, by C. W. Heckethorn.) CAREY, HENRY CHARLES, was born in Philadephia, Pa., in 1793, and died in 1879. He was the son of Matthew Carey, an Irish refugee and publisher who had written on eco- nomic themes. The son succeeded the father, but retired with a competency in 1835, and de- voted his life to economics. Thirteen octavo volumes and 3000 pages of tracts, besides news- paper articles perhaps twice as voluminous, at- test his industry, while the fact that many of his writings have been translated into seven different languages speaks for his ability and originality of thought. Says Palgrave's Dic- tionary of Political Economy : "Carey began his scientific career at a juncture when the English school appeared to have exhausted its de- ductions from assumed premises, and to shrink from adjusting its conclusions to the conditions of actual life. His treatment of social science was original, and led him to a series of supposed discoveries, the order of which he has stated in the introduction to his most important work, The Principles of Social Science. His point of departure was a theory of value which he de- fined as the ' measure of the resistance to be overcome in obtaining things required for use. or the measure of nature's power over man ' in simpler terms, the cost of reproduction. This theory Carey applied to every case of value to commodities, services, and land, and in some passages seemingly to man himself. Reason- ing that every gift of nature is gratuitous, he found a universal tendency to a decline of value as the arts ad- vance, and to a decrease in the value of accumulated capital, as compared with the results of present labor, with a resulting harmony of interests between capital- ist and laborer. This theory Carey enunciated in his Principles of Political Economy, published in 1837-40, and its appearance, in slightly modified terms in Bas- tiat's Harmonies Economiques, in 18^0, led to a sharp djscussion between the two authors in the Journal des Economistes for 1851." Ten years later, in his Past, Present and Fu- ture, Carey expounded his notorious land theory, which was the exact reverse of the Ricardian ; but though argued by Carey with great vigor and at great length, and eliciting much interest because of its novelty, it has been accepted by scarcely any other careful economist. It laid down the principle that men first till the poorer and more easily worked lands, and then descend upon richer lands as capital increases, so that with the advance of civilization the rate of re- turn from land rises instead of falls. He de- duced from this a rejection of the Malthusian doctrine, since rising returns from land could support more and more men. The only limit to this tendency he found in Herbert Spencer's conjectured law of the diminution of human fer- tility and ultimate equilibrium between num- bers and subsistence. Carey seems to us to have based the somewhat true conclusion that civilization can A Check increasingly support population up- upon on more doubtful facts. Undoubt- Bicardo. edly men do sometimes occupy the poorest lands first, and in so far Carey's voluminous illustrations furnish a need- Carey, Henry Charles. 214 Carlyle, Thomas. ed check upon Ricardo's too sweeping and a priori statements ; nevertheless it is undoubt- edly true that Ricardo's theory usually holds true, especially as applied to old countries. Carey seems to have been misled by paying too much attention to the conditions of land occu- pation in the United States, at the time he wrote by no means so densely populated as to- day. Carey's cardinal principle, however, is found in the second chapter of his Social Science, where he states " the great law of molecular gravitation as the indispensable condition of the being known as man." This law of being he declares to be the same in matter, man, and communities. As, in the solar world, attraction and motion are in the ratio of mass and proxim- ity, so, in the social world, association, individu- ality, responsibility, development and progress are proportionate to each other. This theory, not of analogy, but of absolute identity of law, Carey maintained with great vigor in the Unity of Law, published in his seventy-ninth year. This theory led Carey first to adopt and advo- cate those theories of free trade for which he is perhaps the best known in the United States ; tho afterward, from the same principles, to retreat from this position. The central point of his social philosophy being association, as the primary condition of progress, in the commerce of exchange of commodities and of ideas be- tween countries Carey thought he saw the op- portunity for closer association, economic effi- ciency, and general efficiency, and hence argued strongly and determinedly for free trade, giving a strong impulse to the arguments now becom- ing common in this country. It was only later that he abandoned this belief, from a conviction that in the present state of the world the co- ordinating power of the Government must be used in order to preserve economic harmony and to arrive at ultimate freedom. Such is a brief review of his main positions. So great was his ability and so distinctive his views, that his school of thought is sometimes called the American School of Political Econ- omy. His main followers are E. Peshine Smith, and Professor R. E. Thompson, formerly of the University of Philadelphia. Professor Ingram, in his History of Political Economy, says of Carey (p. 173) : " His aim was, while adhering to the individualistic economy, to place it on a higher and surer basis, and fortify it against the assaults of socialism, to which some of the Ricardian tenets had exposed it. The most comprehensive as well as mature' exposition of his views is contained in his Principles of Social Science (1859). Inspired with the optimistic sentiment natural to a young and rising nation with abundant undevel- oped resources and an unbounded outlook toward the future, he seeks to show that there exists, indepen- dently of human wills, a natural system of economic laws, which is essentially beneficent, and of which the increasing prosperity of the whole community, and especially of the working classes, is the spontaneous result, capable of being defeated only by the ignorance or perversity of man resisting or impeding its action." Carey's main works are : Essay on the Rate of Wages (1835) ; Harmony of Nature (privately printed!, 1836) ; Principles of Political Economv (3 vols., 1837, 1838, 1840) ; The Past, the Present, and the Future (1848) ; Har- mony of Interests, Agricultural, Manufacturing, and Commercial (1850) ; Slave Trade, Domestic and Foreign 0^53) ; Principles of Social Science (3 vols., 1858-59) ; Manual of Social Science (edited by Miss M'Kean, 1864) ; The Unity of Law, as Exhibited in the Relations oj Physical, Social, Mental, and Moral Science (1872). CARLYLE, THOMAS (1795-1881). Car- lyle we consider here simply from the stand- point of social reform, yet this element forms no small portion of his life, and his contribution to social reform gave no slight impulse in the advance of the century. From the standpoint of the social movement, the nineteenth century must be divided into two nearly equal yet two very diverse parts. The first 50 years were, so- cially considered, negative, destructive, charac- terized by the freeing of the individual from the tyrannies and despotisms of government, monar- chical and despotic. Its outcomes were democ- racy, free trade, competition, individualism. The last 50 years of the century are, socially considered, positive, constructive (or at least seeking construction), characterized by the col- lective thought supplanting individualism and developing in its place the social organism. Its outcomes are unity, cooperation, monopoly, cen- tralization, socialism. The lines of force in these last 50 years are centripetal, as in the first half of the century they were unmistakably cen- trifugal. Carlyle belongs to the first half of the century, yet with no little trace of transition to the second. Living till 1881, his genius was matured, his views were formed, his greatest works were written before 1850. He is an indi- vidualist whose writings are full of undeveloped socialism. In more than his denunciation of wrong he is a John the Baptist, the last of the old prophets, and a forerunner of the new. The following quotation from Mazzini's magnificent essay on Carlyle pronounces, we believe, a just criticism. He says : "Mr. Carlyle comprehends only the individual ; the true sense of the unity of the human race escapes him. He sympathizes with all men, but it is with the separate life of each, and not with their collective life. . . . " The nationality of Italy, in his eyes, is the glory of having produced Dante and Christopher Columbus ; the nationality of Germany, that of having given birth to Luther, to Goethe, and to others. The shadows thrown by these gigantic men appear to eclipse from his view every trace of the national thought, of which these men were only the interpreters or prophets, and of the people, who alone are its depository. All gen- eralization is so repugnant to Mr. Carlyle that he strikes at the root of the error, as he deems it, by de- claring that the history of the world is fundamentally nothing more than the biography of great men (Lec- tures). This is to plead, distinctly enough, against the idea which rules the movement of the times. . . . " In the name of the democratic spirit of the age, I protest against such views. History is not the biog- raphy of great men ; the history of mankind is the history of the progressive religion of mankind, and of the translation by symbols or external actions of that religion. . . . " The great men of the earth are but the marking- stones on the road to humanity ; they are the priests of its religion. What priest is equal in the balance to the whole religion of which he is a minister? There is yet something greater, more divinely mysterious, than all the great men, and that is the earth which bears them, the human race which includes them, the thought of God which stirs within them, and which the whole human race collectively can alone accomplish. Disown not, then, the common mother for the sake of certain of her children, however privileged they may be ; for at the same time that vou disown her you will lose the true comprehension of these rare men whom you ad- mire. Genius is like the flower, which draws one half of its life from the moisture that circulates in the earth, and inhales the other half from the atmosphere. The inspiration of genius belongs one half to heaven, the other to the crowd of common mortals from whose life it springs." Yet we doubt if this does full justice to the work that Carlyle accomplished. It was Carlyle's great mission to discover and to proclaim to this generation the Carlyle, Thomas. 215 Carnegie, Andrew. world's need of God. And this he did as no other man in all this century, not even excepting the great Italian himself. "The beginning and the end of what is the matter with us," writes Carlyle, " is that we have for- gotten God." This is also the beginning and the end of Carlyle's teaching. Now from this socialism follows of inevitable necessity. It is not only true, as Maurice showed, that " there can be no brotherhood without a common father," but it is equally true that there can be no common father without a brotherhood. The one follows logically from the other. If God be the father of all, as Carlyle declared, then all men must be brothers, as socialists declare. Carlyle may not him- self have taken that step, but he compels his readers to take it. He was the seer of the present ; he saw through all the shams of his day. He is the great unmasker. He showed the pettiness and the selfishness and the nothingness of the Manchester economy. He blew the clouds away that hide God from the world. Above all, Carlyle saw God in man. " Thou, too, art man," he says, " the breath of God is in thee ; thou art here be- low to develop thy being under all its aspects ; thy body is a temple ; thy immortal soul is the priest, which ought to do sacrifice and ministry for all. Thus outlining Carlyle's general position, we condense his more detailed views from Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy, ar- ticle ' ' Carlyle. ' ' Carlyle conceived of political economy as a political His Views, philosophy, which should tell us ' ' what is meant by our country, and by what causes men are happy, moral, religious, or the ^contrary." (See Life of Carlyle, by Froude, vol. ii., p. 78.) Eco- nomics in the narrower sense he associated with Bentham and McCulloch (M'Croudy), and nick- named the ' ' dismal science. ' ' He admires pow- er, however, wherever he sees it. Says Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy of Carlyle's views on this point : "Even ' mammonism ' itself 'has seized some por- tion of the message of nature to man ; and, seizing that and following it, will seize and appropriate more and more of nature's message ' (Past and Present). The English people are the wisest in action, and their practical material work is the one thing they have to show for themselves that is true and solid (Past and Present). But he has done most service to economics by his criticisms. When Past and Present appeared (1843) the Deutsch-Franzosische Jahrbiicher of Marx, and Engels at once took note of it as the most impor- tant book of the day on social questions. Carlyle there showed that extreme laissez-faire may mean disintegration of society and simple anarchy ; it re- moves old bonds, and leaves men disjoined from each other, except for the 'nexus of cash payments.' The result is the ' nomadic servitude ' of the working -classes and the destruction of all security and per- manence in their conditions of life. In the Nigger Question (1849) he allows no advantage to the English laborer over the West Indian slave ; the slaves were 'hired for life,' and the workmen are hired by the job. He points to the common liability to disease as a wholesome reminder to the rich of their common humanity with the poor (Past and Present), and when he impresses on economists the fact that the ' economic man ' is an abstraction, and the universe is not one huge shop. He derides mere skill in selling cheap (Bobus of Hotindsditch), and even industrial enterprise, .so far as it aims at profit-making (Hudson, Plug-son of Undershot, etc.). But he is firm against corn laws, and against the landowners who ' refuse to take the mar- ket rate for their onions,' and forget that they did not make the land of England. He goes farther than most economists in his estimate of 'captains of industry,' and in his view that the relation of master and servant . is eternal (Nigger Question). He shows no apprecia- tion of the power of workmen's combinations, and ihas no sympathy with nations and peoples as distin- guished from individuals. On the whole, economists have learned more from his protests against abstract Ricardian political economy and its tendency to re- duce the State to ' anarchy plus the constable,' than from anv of his positive teachings. His pleadings had their influence even with men like John Mill, who were perfectly aware of their defects of logic." The following quotations, perhaps, give a correct idea of Carlyle's positions, style, and power in the world or reform : " To whom, then, is this wealth of England wealth ? Who is it that it blesses ; makes happier, wiser, beau- tifuler, in any way better? Who has got hold of it, to make it fetch and carry for him, like a true servant, not like a false mock-servant ; to do him any real ser- vice whatsoever? As yet no one. We nave more riches than any Nation ever had before ; we have less good of them than any Nation ever had before. Our successful industry is hitherto unsuccessful : a strange success, if we stop here ! In the midst of plethoric plenty, the people perish ; with gold walls, and full barns, no man feels himself safe or satisfied. Workers, Master Workers, Unworkers, all men, come to a pause ; stand fixed, and cannot go farther.' Fatal Earalysis spreading inward, from the extremities, in t. Ives workhouses, in Stockport cellars, through all limbs, as if toward the heart itself. Have we actually got enchanted, then ; accursed by some god ?" (Proem to Past and Present, chap, i.) " True, it must be owned, we for the present, with our Mammon-Gospel, have come to strange conclusions. We call it a Society ; and go about professing openly the totalest separation, isolation. Our life is not a mutual helpfulness ; but rather, cloaked under due laws-of-war, named 'fair competition' and so forth, it is a mutual hostility. We have profoundly forgotten everywhere that Cash-payment is not the sole relation of human beings ; we think, nothing doubting, that it absolves and liquidates all engagements of man. 'My starv- ing workers ? ' answers the rich mill-owner. 'Did not I hire them fairly in the market ? Did I not pay them, to the last sixpence, the sum covenanted for? What have I to do with them more ?' Verily Mammon- wor- ship is a melancholy creed. When Cain, for his own behoof, had killed Abel, and was questioned, ' Where is thy brother ? ' he too made answer, ' Am I my brother's keeper?' Did I not pay my brother his wages, the thing he had merited from me? "O sumptuous Merchant-Prince, illustrious game- preserving Duke, is there no way of ' killing ' thy brother but Cain's rude way?" (Past and Present, Part III., chap, ii.) Carlyle's social writings were not his first. They belong to his best period. Signs of the Times was first published in the Edinburgh Review, and written perhaps at the very time he was writing Sartor Resartiis. Chartism (1839) and Past and Present (1843) appeared soon after The French Revolution (1837). These, with portions of the last-named works, are his main writings on social themes. CARNEGIE; ANDREW, manufacturer, was born in Dunfermline, Scotland, November 2th, 1835. His father, a weaver in humble cir- cumstances, but ambitious to rise, and an ardent republican, came with his family to the United States in 1845, and settled in Pittsburgh. Two years later Andrew began his career by attend- ing a small stationary engine. Later he be- came a telegraph messenger, and subsequently an operator. He was one of the first to read telegraphic signals by sound. He became clerk to the superintendent of the Pennsylvania Rail- road, and manager of the telegraph lines. While in this position he grew interested in the sleep- ing-car invention, and joined in the effort to have it adopted. The success of this venture gave him the nucleus to his wealth. He was promoted to be superintendent of the Pittsburgh division of the Pennsylvania Railroad, and about this time was one of a syndicate who purchased property on Oil Creek, which cost $40,000, and in one year yielded over $1,000,000 in cash divi- dends. He was subsequently associated with others in establishing a rolling-mill, from which has grown the most extensive and complete sys- Carnegie, Andrew. 216 Castration. tern of iron and steel industries ever controlled by an individual. Besides directing these great iron industries, he for a long time owned 18 English news- papers, which he controlled in the interests of radicalism. He has devoted large sums of money to benevolent and educational purposes. In 1879 he erected commodious swimming baths for the use of the people of Dunfermline, Scot- land, and in the following year gave $40,000 for the establishment there of a free library, which has since received other large donations. In 1884 he gave $50,000 to Bellevue Hospital Medi- cal College to found a historical laboratory, now called the Carnegie Laboratory ; in 1885, $500,- ooo to Pittsburgh for a public library ; in 1886, $250,000 to Allegheny City for a music hall and library, and $250,000 to Edinburgh, Scotland, for a free library. He has also established free libraries at Braddock, Pa., and at other places for the benefit of his employees. In New York City he has built a Music Hall. Mr. Carnegie is a frequent contributor to periodicals on the labor question and similar topics, and has pub- lished in book form An American Four-in- Hand in Britain (New York, 1883) ; Round the World (1884) ; and Triumphant Democracy ; or, Fifty Years' March of the Republic (1886) ; the last being a review of American progress under popular institutions, which he believes to be the most successful in the world. (See HOMESTEAD. ) CARPENTER, EDWARD, was born at Brighton, England, in 1844. He graduated at Cambridge in 1868, and took orders in 1869. He was for a time curate to the Rev. F. D. Maurice (g.v.), at St. Edward's, Cambridge, where he also held a fellowship. About 1871, however, he changed his religious views, and resigning his fellowship and curacy, was for seven years a university extension lecturer on science, music, etc. In 1877 he visited the United States, seeing Walt Whitman among others. In 1881 he took to a simple yet artistic farm life, somewhat after the idea of Thoreau (y.v.}, near Sheffield, and began writing Toward- Democ- racy, issued in 1883, when he first definitely join- ed the socialist movement. In 1886 he com- menced making sandals, in which he now carries on quite a trade. He has since published Eng- land's Ideal (1887 and 1895) ; Chants of Z,a- &7r(i88g); Civilization: Its Cause and Cure (1889), with other books. He has issued from the Labor Press, Manchester, several pamphlets on sex questions Sex-Love, Woman, Mar- riage. His farm is at Holmsfield, Sheffield. As an example of Mr, Carpenter's thought and style we quote the following passage from his Civilization : Its Cause and Cure (pp. 39, 40) : " To-day it is unfortunately perfectly true that man is the only animal who, instead of adorning and beau- tifying, makes nature hideous by his presence. The fox and the squirrel may make their homes in the wood, and add to its beauty in so doing ; but when Alderman Smith plants his villa there the gods pack up their trunks and depart ; they can bear it no longer. The bushmen can hide themselves and become indis- tinguishable on a slope of bare rock ; they twine their naked little yellow bodies together, and look like a heap of dead sticks; but when the chimney-pot hat and frock-coat appears, the birds fly screaming from the trees. This was the great glory of the Greeks, that they accepted and perfected nature ; as the Parthenon sprang out of the limestone terraces of the Acropolis, carrying the natural lines of the rock by gradations scarce perceptible into the finished and human beauty of frieze and pediment, and as, above, it was open for the blue air of heaven to descend into it for a habita- tion, so throughout in all their best work and life did they stand in this close relation to the earth and the sky, and to all instinctive and elemental things, ad- mitting no gulf between themselves and them, but only perfecting their expressiveness and beauty. And some day we shall again understand this which, in the very sunrise of true art, the Greeks so well under- stood. Possibly some day we shall again build our houses or dwelling-places so simple and elemental in character that they will fit in the nooks of the hills or along the banks of the streams or by the edges of the woods without disturbing the harmony of the land- scape or the songs of the birds. Then the great tem- ples, beautiful on every height, or by the shores of the rivers and the lakes, "will be the storehouses of all precious and lovely things. There men, women, and children will come to share in the great and wonderful common life ; the gardens around will be sacred to the unharmed and welcome animals ; there all store and all facilities of books and music and art for everyone ; there a meeting-place for social life and intercourse ; there dances and games and feasts. Every village, every little settlement, will have such hall or halls. No need for private accumulations. Gladly will each man, and more gladly still each woman, take his or her treasures, except what are immediately or neces- sarily in use, to the common center, where their value will be increased a hundred and a thousand fold by the greater number of those who can enjoy them, and where far more perfectly and with far less toil they can be tended than if scattered abroad in private hands. At one stroke half the labor and all the anxi- ety of domestic caretaking will be annihilated. The pri- vate dwelling-places, 'no longer costly and labyrinthine in proportion to the value and number of the treasures they contain, will need no longer to have doors and windows jealously closed against fellow-man or mother nature. The sun and air will have access to them, the indwellers will have unfettered egress. Neither man nor woman will be tied in slavery to the lodge which they inhabit ; and in becoming once more a part of nature, the human habitation will at length cease to be what it is now for, at least, half the human race a prison." CARPENTERS. See BROTHERHOOD OF CARPENTERS AND JOINERS. CASSON, HERBERT N., was born in 1869, in Ontario, Canada, of English parents. Edu- cated at Victoria College, he entered the Meth- odist ministry in 1890. Becoming a socialist, he gave up his church and its creed and came to Boston, Mass., in 1893. He took a leading part in the agitation for the unemployed, and in January, 1894, he moved to Lynn, Mass., and founded (in America) the Labor Church Move- ment (q.v.*). He is the author of several spirit-- ed socialist tracts. CASTRATION. Members of the medical profession frequently recommend castration as a punishment for certain offences, and as a method of treatment for "sexual perverts." Boies' recent work on Prisoners and Paupers culminates in this recommendation. While ad- vances in modern surgery make^this a compara- tively safe and painless operation, it is doubtful if it will be permitted by modern communities. Professor A. G. Warner thinks it may ulti- mately be very widely used in the treatment of the diseased and criminal classes. He says (American Charities, p. 133) : " It is likely to be introduced first as a cura- tive treatment in the cases of the insane and the feeble-minded. Dr. Kerlin, in addressing the Association of Medical Officers of Institutions for the Feeble-Minded, said : ' While consider- Castration. 217 Centralization. ing the help that advanced surgery is to give us, I will refer to a conviction that I have that lifelong salutary results to many of our boys and girls would be realized if before adolescence the procreative organs were removed. My experi- ence extends to only a single case to confirm this conviction ; but when I consider the great benefit that this young woman has received, the entire arrest of an epileptic tendency, as well as the removal of inordinate desires which made her an offence to the community ; when I see the tranquil, well-ordered life she is leading, her usefulness L and industry in the circle in which she moves, and know that surgery has been her salvation from vice and degradation, I am deeply thankful to the benevolent lady whose loyalty to science and comprehensive charity made this op- .eration possible. " (See PENOLOGY, last section.) CATALLECTICS (from Gr. KaraMMjativ , to exchange), the science of exchanges, a name adopted by Whately as a designation of politi- cal economy, on the ground that exchange occupies such a fundamental place in the sci- ences. (See POLITICAL ECONOMY.) CAUSES OF POVERTY. See POVERTY ; CRIME, etc. ' CELIBACY. See MONASTICISM. CENTRALIZATION is used in social sci- ence for the tendency to administer, by the sov- ereign or the central government, matters which might be placed under local management. The legitimate application is to a state of change from local to central management. Europe to- , day is profoundly moved by the tendency, and has been ever since the existing European States began to grow out of the chaos of the fall of the Roman empire. That empire itself was, however, the greatest instance of centralization which the world has yet seen. In it the numer- ous municipalities and other local organizations originally existing in Italy, and communicated to the colonies, were entirely centralized. In England we can trace centralization from the time when there were about a dozen kings in Britain, and perhaps as many in Ireland, till the United Kingdom came under the rule of one monarch. In other countries as, for instance, in France, notwithstanding her desperate strug- gles for freedom the process long tended to a pure irresponsible despotism, but now has is- sued in a centralized republicanism. The Brit- ish Constitution turns the process to use instead of mischief. While administrative authority has been centralizing in the Crown, the control- ling power of Parliament has been increasing more rapidly, so that the vesting of a function in the Crown means the putting it under the control of Parliament, and especially of the House of Commons. There is nothing done in any of the offices under the Government for which a secretary of state, or some other mem- ber of the ministry, may not at any time be called to account. The creation of the county councils is a recent step in this direction in a somewhat different line. In the United States the problem of centrali- zation or decentralization has, under different names (see STATE RIGHTS), played a very impor- tant part. It may be said to be the distinguish- In the United States. ing point between the two great political parties which, under different names, have from the beginning divided this country. In the first continental congresses, the fundamental problem was how much power to give each State, and when the Constitution was proposed, this was still the burning question. Led by Hamilton, the men who believed in a somewhat strong central government gradually took the name of Federalists, gaining their ideas mainly from England ; while, largely under the lead of Jefferson, those who believed in giving much power to the States and little to the central govern- ment took the name of Republicans, or Democratic- Republicans, and are the direct ancestors of the pres- ent Democratic Party. Washington, though in reality of neither party, was by force or circumstances a Federalist, and during his presidency (1789-97), with that of Adams (1797-1801), this party was in power, giv- ing us the necessary unifying elements of our Con- stitution, especially as regards financial measures. Then, owing to Federalist errors, the Republican- Democratic Party came into power, with Jefferson (1801- 1809), Madison (1809-17), and Monroe (1817-25). Dur- ing this long period of " Jefferson democracy," the decentralizing States-rights influence was in power. The doctrine that that was the best government which governed least applied to the States, but especially to the central government. The Jeffersonian party was strong with the masses and the agricultural interests. Jefferson did awty with much of the ceremonialism of Washington. The Federalists were strong with the commercial and manufacturing interests and the Puritanism of New England, which, in spite of wor- ship of the local "town-meeting" self-government, revolted at the atheism of the French Revolution, and connected it with the Democratic-Republican Party. In general the Federalists stood for a loose construc- tion of the Constitution, since this gave them oppor- tunity to expand the central powers, altho they were ready to resist Congress when she stood in their way (there was even talk of a secession of the trading States from the Union), while the Jeffersonians gener- ally favored strict construction, since that would limit the powers of government ; yet they were willing even to violate the Constitution, if that were necessary, to effect the purchase of Louisiana. Hamilton, however, died in 1803, and the Federalists had no leader. In 1825, however, there came a change. Sectional quarrels under Monroe led to the election of John (Juincy Adams (1825-29), who was, on the whole, a Federalist, tho he had toyed with the Republican- Democrats ; and under the personal influence of Clay and Jackson, two great parties were again developed. the one, under the name of Democrats, maintaining the traditions of the old Democratic-Republican Party, and electing its candidate, Andrew Jackson (1829-37) ; the other, under the name, first, of National Republi- can and then Whig, maintaining the principles of the Federalists. The question of centralization was at this time carried out in another direction, in Jackson's vehement attack upon the National Bank of North America, which had been chartered by Congress. (See BANKS AND BANKING.) Resting mainly upon the Southern and agricultural vote, the Democrats were inclined to free trade, while the Whigs, with their manufacturing interests, favored protection. Mean- while, another great question, which, while it had ex- isted from the beginning, only now became so serious, was modified by the same contest between centraliz- ing and decentralizing tendencies. The South, mainly Jeffersonian, or Democratic, believed in State rights and slavery. The North, more Federalist, or Whig, gradually came to oppose slavery. Nevertheless, the Southern Democrats feared to break with Northern Demo- cratSj and the Northern Whigs feared to alienate the South, and, therefore, temporized. The result was a compli- cation of issues, the springing up of new parties Ab- olitionists, Free Soilers, etc. and the election of Van Buren (1837-41), Democrat ; W. H. Harrison, who died shortly after his inauguration (1841), Whig, leaving John Tyler President (1841-45), who was only nominally a Whig, and really a Democrat ; James K. Polk (1845- 49), Democrat ; Zachary Taylor (1849), Whig, who also died soon after inauguration, leaving Fillmore Presi- dent (1850-53), Whig ; Pierce (1853-57), Democrat ; Buchanan (1857-61), Democrat. The War of the Rebellion was fought not directly to abolish slavery, but to preserve the union by conquer- ing the States which had pushed the decentralizing State Centralization. 218 Champion, Henry Hyde. State-rights doctrine to the extreme of secession. The Whig Party had now given place to a new party, the Republican, made up of Whigs, Free Soilers, and others, which yet on questions of centralization, protec- tion, etc., carried out Whig principles. The election of Lincoln (1861-65), Republican ; the victory of the North ; Lincoln's assassination, Andrew Johnson, Vice-Presi- dent, becoming President (1865-69), Republican, are well known. Since the war the State-rights. question has been less prominent, it having been largely settled by the war ; but the centralizing or decentralizing question has still remained, its sides being advocated respectively by the Republican and Democratic parties, electing Grant, Republican (1869-77) ; Hayes, Republican (1877- 8); Garfield ('881), Republican, with Arthur, Republi- can.Vice-President, and, by Garfield's death, becoming President (1881-85); Cleveland, Democratic (1885-89) ; Harrison, Republican (1889-93) i Cleveland, Democratic, (1893-97). (See STATE RIGHTS.) The jpresent growing problems of social reform are also affected by the same tendencies, some advocating a highly centralized government ; others (even most socialists and nationalists) advocating a decentralized government, with great emphasis on local self-govern- ment, as developed in the old Saxon folk-mote and the New England town-meeting, giving us municipalism as even more important chan the national element of nationalism, which includes all governmental action, State and municipal. Many socialists, and notably William Morris in England, favor a government so de- centralized as to be little more than a confederation of communes. This brief resume will indicate how far this question has entered into our national history and how far it may yet affect our national politics and procedure. CHALMERS, Dr. THOMAS (1780-1847), a distinguished Scottish divine, we consider here mainly in relation to his great contribution to social experiment and theory. Born at An- struther, in Fifeshire, he was early destined to the Church, and at the age of n was enrolled as a student in the University of St. Andrews. In 1803 he was ordained as minister of Kilmany, a small parish near St. Andrews. He taught classes at St. Andrews, and gained great popu- larity and fame throughout all Scotland. In 1815, after a battle over his evangelical views, which were then much opposed, he became minister of the great Tron parish, in Glasgow, and in 1819 of the parish of St. John's. It was in Glasgow that Dr. Chalmers did the great so cial work of which we shall soon speak ; but in 1828 he accepted the chair of Theology in Edin- burgh. Here he finished, in three volumes, his Christian and Civic Economy in Large Towns, which he had begun before, and his Political Economy, besides many theological and philo- sophical works. Here, too, he had more leisure for general church activities, and he was placed at the head of the Church Extension Committee. In 1834 the Church had voted that " no minister shall be intruded into any parish contrary to the will of the parish," and that the dissent of the majority of the male heads of families, being communicants, should be a bar to settlements. The courts now held that the Church had no right to determine this, and a controversy and struggle rose which resulted in suspension of Dr. Chalmers and many others for upholding this vote of the Church ; and finally, in 1843, in the withdrawal of 470 clergymen from the Gen- eral Assembly, who constituted themselves the Free Church of Scotland, with Dr. Chalmers as their first moderator. The last four years of his life were spent in organizing this church and in perfecting his Institutes of Theology, as prin- cipal of the first Free Church college. We now come to notice more carefully his social experiments and positions. In visiting his first Glasgow parish, which con- tained a population of about n,ooo souls, he speed- ily discovered that nearly a third of them had re- linquished all connection with any Christian church, and that their children were growing up in igno- rance and vice. The appalling magnitude of the evil, and the certainty of its speedy and frightful growth, at once arrested and engrossed him. To de- vise and execute the means of checking and subdu- ing it became henceforth one of the ruling passions of his life. Attributing the evil to the absence of those parochial influences, educational and ministerial, which wrought so effectually for good in the smaller rural parishes, but which had not been brought to bear upon the overgrown parishes of our great cities, from all spiritual oversight of which the members of the Estab- lishment had retired in despair, his grand panacea was to revivify, remodel, and extend the old parochial economy of Scotland. Taking his own parish as a speci- men, and gauging by it the spiritual necessities of the city, he did not hesitate to publish it as his conviction that not less than 20 new churches and parishes should immediately be erected in Glasgow. All, however, that he could persuade the town council to attempt was to erect a single additional one, to which a parish con- taining no fewer than 10,000 souls was attached. In 1819 he became minister of the parish of St. John's. This parish contained 2000 families, chiefly weavers, factory operatives and laborers. More than 800 fam- ilies had no connection with any church ; and nearly all the children were uneducated. He at once estab- lished two large school-houses, in which 700 children were taught at very low fees. For those too poor to afford even a small school-fee he opened 40 or 50 Sab- bath-schools. In a short time these Sabbath-schools contained zooochildren. Dr. Chalmers then divided his parish into 25 districts, and placed over each an elder, to watch over the spiritual interests of the people, and a deacon, to care for their temporal interests. He re- tained control and direction of all, not only overseeing the work of others, but making 1000 visits among the families annually, and holding evening meetings. It was his special desire to test the old Scotch method of caring for the poor by voluntary contributions taken at the church door and administered by the kirk ses- sion. He was strongly against the English system of compulsory assessment ; and obtained permission of the Glasgow magistrates to try the Scotch plan with St. John's. His experiment was a complete success. When he took the parish its poor cost the city about $7000 a year ; but after four years of his management this sum was reduced to less than $1400 a year. This was done by his thorough organization of the parish, his rejection of the idle, drunken and vicious, his per- sonal visits among the poor and kindly sympathy with them, and his stimulation of the needy to self-respect and industry. His Political Economy seeks to secure the economic elevation of society by moral means. He defined political economy as the ' ' diffusion of sufficiency and comfort." He believed that without a Christian education to give self-con- trol, progress would be impossible. He felt the need of a more radical cure than philanthropy and a more sympathetic one than legislation. He favored home trade rather than foreign trade. His economic idol was agriculture, as giving both occupation and maintenance. CHAMPION, HENRY HYDE, was the son of General. Champion, and himself at one time a captain in the Royal Artillery. His early career was such as to foster the resoluteness and pre- cision which characterize him. After serving with his regiment in India and other places, gaining attention as a promising young officer, he threw up his commission as a protest against the unjust Egyptian campaign. Settling in Lon- don, he bought an interest in the " Modern Press" publishing house. About this time he became intensely interested in Henry George's Progress and Poverty, which was just published. Meet- Champion, Henry Hyde. 219 Charity Organization. ing Henry George, he soon became an ardent disciple, and took a leading part in the agitation which was raised in England during Mr. George's visit. Afterward coming in contact with the new socialist movement, he became a member of the Social Democratic Federation, where his ability made him one of the leaders. He was closely identified with that society until 1888, when he severed his connection. In 1886 he was, with Messrs. Hyndman, Burns, and Williams, tried at the Old Bailey on a charge of " uttering sedition and inciting to violence," but was acquitted. In 1888 he founded the Labor Electoral Association, which by organizing the labor interests greatly affected the voting in several of the parliamentary bi-elections. He also took an active part in organizing the unskilled workers into trade-unions, on the lines from which has since developed the ' ' new unionism. " CHANT, Mrs. LAURA ORMISTON (nee DIBBIN), was born at Chepstow, Monmouth- shire, October 9, 1848, and when about five years of age her parents removed to London. When 15 years of age she became a Sunday-school teacher, carrying on that work in different por- tions of England until she was 22. She taught in three ladies' schools for five or six years, after which she became a hospital nurse, and a year later became sister in the London Hospital in Whitechapel, meeting there her future husband. She decided to undertake the study of medicine, but owing to the powerful opposition of medical schools to women in the profession, and lack of means, did not qualify before marriage. After- ward she became absorbed in philanthropic work. This, with her services as a public speak- er, has given her the reputation she enjoys. Her experience as a nurse, and also as assist- ant manager of a lunatic asylum, is of great value to her in her work, as her house is indeed a refuge for the destitute, a place where broken lives are brought under the influence of loving care. Her home circle is seldom if ever without the lonely and poor, the outcast and criminal, as well as the stupid and giddy. This makes her personal work with individuals far above her other work. Mrs. Chant made her first public address on The Position of Women in the Nineteenth Century, advocating the franchise for them. She next appeared on the temperance platform, and then on that of social purity. Mrs. Chant is on the executive committee of the Women's Liberal Federation of England, of which Mr. Gladstone is president. She serves in the same capacity in the National Society for Promoting Woman Suffrage ; is vice-president of one or more liberal associations ; vice-president of the Peace Society, and member of the council of the National Vigilance Association of Great Britain and Ireland. She ardently advocates physical training and gymnastics, having written an in- troduction to Melio's work on gymnastics, and has also written and lectured on gymnastics. She produced the two grand sermons, The Spiritual Life and Signs of the Times, and is the author of one volume of poems entitled Verona. Her latest prominent activity has been her successful attack upon the Empire, as one of the most notorious, and, in her opinion, most evil, of London's music halls. CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIE- TIES, OR ASSOCIATED CHARITIES, are in their present form a distinctly modern move- ment. In 1819 the Rev. Dr. Chalmers (y.v.), in his parish at St. John's, Glasgow, comprising 10,000 souls, in the poorest part of the city, be- came convinced that miscellaneous almsgiving did more harm than good ; and, with the con- sent of the civic authorities, he undertook to stop all such bestowal of alms, and instead to insti- tute a system of friendly visiting among the needy by a large corps of workers, who were only to give relief in case of extreme necessity, but to do all they could to enable the poor to help themselves. The result was considered very favorable ; the amount of pauper relief was very much diminished, and yet there was less suffering than poor. After Dr. Chalmers, how- ever, left the parish, in 1823, the experiment dragged on for 14 years and then came to an end. Meanwhile similar experiments on a smaller scale were made elsewhere. From 1828-44 dis- trict visiting societies were formed in several London societies, while societies for repressing mendacity in begging were much older. In 1868 Edward Denison (.?/.), a son of the Bishop of Salisbury, went to live in the East End of London to study for himself at first hand the problems of the poor. He became convinced of the same principles at which Dr. Chalmers had arrived. He wrote : " I am beginning seriously to believe that all bodily aid to the poor is a mistake ; whereas by giving alms you keep them permanently crooked. Build school-houses, pay teachers, give prizes, frame workmen's clubs, help them to help themselves, lend them your brains, but give them no money, except what you sink in such undertakings." As a result, in 1869 a society was formed to act upon these principles, organized by Denison and some friends spurred on by his words and the experience of Octavia Hill (q.v.) in her work with her poor tenants. The society was called the London Society for Organizing Chari- table Relief and Repressing Mendicity, soon popularly abbreviated into the Charity Organi- zation Society. The movement rapidly grew, and aimed at bringing all the vast charitable relief of London, whether legal, corporate, or individual, into one administration. It has not done this, but has become a vast and thoroughly organized system, with a network throughout England. There is now in London a central committee with district committees in every poor-law union. The central committee does not relieve directly, but aims at propagating sound views on the sub- ject of charity by publication and discussion, promoting cooperation, suggest- ing new institutions on good prin- ciples, collecting information relat- In England, ing to individuals and of general import, and preventing misapplica- tion. The district committees in London and the 68 affiliated societies in England and Scot- land not only organize, but also administer re- lief on certain principles. Those principles may be summed up as follows : i. That all relief should aim at making the recipient indepen- dent of relief. 2. That no relief should be given Charity Organization. 220 Charity Organization. without thorough inquiry and investigation. 3. That existing institutions should be utilized as far as possible. 4. That all relief should be ade- quate to secure the object with which it is given. The council consists of the chairman, vice- chairmen, and treasurers ; of annually elected representatives from each district committee, with its chairman and secretaries not exceeding two ; of additional members in the proportion of one to four district representatives ; and of representatives of London charitable institu- tions. This council works through an executive committee. There are 39 district committees, one for each metropolitan poor-law union. As far a possible, these consist of ministers of re- ligion, guardians of the poor, and representa- tives of the principal local charities. The so- ciety comprises the district committees and donors of one guinea or more to the funds of the council, and it meets annually or by special call. District committees are to deal with all cases of alleged want referred to them. The council supervises and assists the district com- mittees, considers questions of principle and general methods, seeks the tion of London's larger institutions the administration of charity, and to sup'press imposture ; and it corresponds with similar so- cieties elsewhere. According to the report of 1892 there were, for the year 1890-91, in the 39 London districts, 23,476 applications for help decided and 2563 were withdrawn ; 9490 cases were not assisted, 11,943 were ; 5616 were aided by local agencies, 218 by guardians, 3352 by individuals, 4485 by charity organization funds ; 1643 cases were aided by loans, 6776 by grants in money ; 918 were aided with employment, 83 to emigration, 1117 with hospital treatment, 1177 with surgical apparatus, 2783 with convalescent aid, 276 with pensions ; 259 were admitted to homes ; 1565 were aided as vagrants. Of the income of the society, ,4845 was for general expenses at the central office, .1 1,380 for district committees ; ,244 was spent for emigration, ,21,102 for spe- cial cases and pensions, ^3752 for grants, and ,408 for loans. The object of the society, it must be remembered, is not itself to give, but to aid the poor with friendly advice and by in- lic sentiment was that every penny spent in administra- tion was so much abstracted from the poor, and that the best management was that which entailed the least cost in getting bread and soup to the hungry, and shelter, fuel, and clothing to the cold. . . . Legal relief consisted of outdoor and indoor systems, the latter being universally institutional, ana therefore it only falls incidentally within the scope of charity organi- zation efforts. The practice of outdoor relief differed greatly in different communities. In New York City the provision for this form of aid was comparatively slight, and consisted in appropriations for fuel distri- bution and for the adult blind in equal, inadequate amounts, and a trifling sum for medicines at the City Hospital. In some cities, like Buffalo, Philadelphia, and Brooklyn, large appropriations of money were made for outdoor relief, and its administration did not escape the suspicion of corrupt and political taint at times. In New England cities and town, overseers of the poor or selectmen distributed, much at their caprice, the relief provided for by taxation. But from every quarter testimony arises that the system was without adequate safeguards of investigation, tests of destitution or means of hindering duplication of relief from several sources simultaneously, or of making the relief adequate to the necessity." It was under such conditions that the movement tow- ard charity organization commenced. Our account of the movement we abridge from the Report of the Committee on History of Charity Organization in the United States, Made to the Twentieth National Con- ference of Charities and Correction (q. v.), Mr. Charles ' the Charity Organization Society of only secondly and incidentally in giving money aid. Mr. C. S. Loch, the secretary of the society, estimates (Charity Organization, p. 43) that ,4,719,224 were spent in charity in London in the year 1886-87 by all city, periodi- cal, and voluntary institutions, besides ,723,000 by hospitals. The history of charity organization in the United States has closely followed that of England. In the fifties there had been organized in al- most all the large cities relief societies, TVia TTwi+fl.1 usually called Societies for thelmprove- ine united ment of the Condition of the Poor. The States. Boston Provident Association was one. They were often conducted in theory upon principles of modern charity, but in practice, says Mr. Kellogg, "they sank into the sea of common almsgiving, appealing to their patrons for support on the ground that the money given to them would enable them to enlarge the number of their beneficiaries or increase the amount of their gifts, and attracting the needy to their doors with the hope of loaves and fishes. . . . On every side the current of pub- don Street Building in Boston. It was erected in 1869 by joint contributions from the city and personal subscribers, in pursuance of a plan first promulgated by Hon. Robert >,.___ C. Winthrop in 1857, and subsequently Beginnings, advocated in the annual reports of the Boston Provident Association, of which he was the president. Under its root are the offices of the official boards and the principal voluntary relief societies of the city. The economy and advantages of proximity for the purpose of exchanging information and concerting measures of dealing with applicants for help had been clearly pointed out, and the exist- ence of this building facilitated the subsequent sys- tematic development of registration and cooperation in that city. " Altho the movement to organize charities in the cities of the United States every where traces its origin to the London Society and its publications, or to the discussions which arose concerning it, there were several independent centers in . which it appeared nearly simultaneously in this country. In 1874 Rev. Charles G. Ames led in the formation, upon London models, of an association in Germantown, a suburban ward of Philadelphia, which employed household visitors to investigate applicants for aid, availed itself of the soup-houses, fuel societies, churches, and es- pecially of the outdoor municipal relief in procuring the requisite assistance, and supplemented it as need indicated from its own resources. It brought the charitable operations of Germantown into unexpected unison ; repressed imposture and the artificial appe- tite for aid of such poor as sought it only because they wanted to share in the good things provided for those who asked, and not because they would otherwise be destitute of them ; reformed outdoor municipal re- lief ; discovered real cases of hardship, and gained the confidence of the benevolent of all denominations in that community. This association profoundly influ- enced the measures adopted by the larger society formed in Philadelphia a few years later. "In the same year a Bureau of Charities was formed in New York City, of which Mr. Henry E. Pellew was chief promoter and secretary, that proposed to regis- ter persons receiving outdoor relief, either from the city, benevolent societies, or individuals ; but the scheme was frustrated the next year by the refusal of the largest relief-giving society in the city to co- operate. This plan met with better success in Boston. In the autumn of 1875 the Cooperative Society of Visitors among the Poor was formed in Boston, whose theater of operation was in the North End. The plan was a modification of the Elberfeld system as proposed by Octavia Hill for London. No visitor was to have more than four ' cases' on hand, and lists were obtained from the dispensary physicians of that congested and poor district. The society held weekly conferences of visitors and representatives of other Charity Organization. 221 Charity Organization. Various Cities. charities, and it opened a work-room in the Chardon Street Charity Building. " Buffalo has the honor of being the first city in the United States to produce a complete Charity Organi- zation Society of the London type. The Rev. S. H. Gurteen, an English clergyman, who had been active in the London Society, was settled as an assistant minister in St. Paul's Church there, and he systematized the work of his parish guild so that every application for aid was promptly investigated. He proposed in 1877 the creation of a clearing office to which the charitable agencies of the city should send daily reports, and he lectured on 'Phases of Charity,' at- tracting much attention. Simultaneously citizens, having met in conference, were engaged in an effort to reform the methods of municipal outdoor relief, which had become extravagant, was careless and cor- rupt. Failing to obtain legislation in Albany to create a commission for its control, they secured an ordinance from the city, under which, in October, 1877. all appli- cations for relief were for the first time investigated by the police. On December u, 1877, as a result of these agitations, the Charity Organization Society was set afoot at a public meeting, and it adhered to the princi- ple of coordinating existing relief agencies and giving no relief from its own funds except in rare emergencies. "In the spring of 1876 a Registration Committee was formed by private citizens of Boston, and work was begun in the autumn, carried on until the spring of 1878, and then abandoned in view of the larger enter- prise then under discussion. It had demonstrated the value of reports from the offices of the overseers of the poor, of benevolent societies, and of the friendly visitors, when collated, but it had failed to obtain the entire cooperation of relief organizations. Much dis- cussion and many conferences ensued during that year, looking to the formation of a society upon the principles of charity organization which would bring into association all the relief agencies, ecclesiastical and secular, of the city. The large relief societies knew the worth of registration, but doubted the value of ' friendly visiting. They were willing to support the new movement, provided 'the visitors had no power of relief.' This condition was fortunately ac- ceded to, and on February 26, 1878, a provisional com- mission was formed by delegates from many charities, which carried on the work until December 8, when the jjresent constitution of the Associated Charities of Boston was adopted and went into effect. " New Haven was next in line, May 23, 1878, with the cooperation of the older societies, and took charge of cases until investigation elicited some mode of making more permanent disposition of them. " Philadelphia brought forward its type in 1878. In the previous autumn the officers of several soup societies, dissatisfied with the results of their previous work, called a public meeting of citizens to confer upon larger and better methods for the future. A large committee was appointed to draw up a plan, and on June 13, 1878, a constitution was adopted and a pro- visional organization set on foot. This instrument was dominated by the idea of reproducing in each of the 30 wards of the city a complete association like that existing in Germantown. The Central Board was to be composed of two delegates from each ward, which should meet monthly, and meanwhile its powers were to be exercised by an Executive Committee. The provisional commission proceeded to organize ward associations with great rapidity, and in due time delegates were chosen to the Central Board, and the society was organized under its constitution. The im- mediate results of so cumbrous and democratic a scheme was that 23 societies were formed in as many wards or groups of contiguous wards, pledged to take care of all the distress and penury each in its territo- rial limits. Each raised its own funds and disbursed them without control ; and as there were but few per- sons in them who understood charity organization principles, the work often fell into wrong hands, and the ward associations were so many new almoning societies. By their attitude they were virtually say- ing to all the older charitable societies that there was no need of them, and they, as a rule, refused coopera- tion and still withhold it. Another result was that the Central Board had no authority to control the methods of relief, and was itself subordinate to its ward con- stituencies. One hundred and eighty persons were needed to fill the offices of directors, while there were large corps of visitors having a semi-independent organization. The movement was highly popular at the start, and came in the first year into an income of mearly $40,000. It offered itself to the community as a complete, independent, and self-contained system for dealing with every phase of charity, but its very sufficiency obscured the vital fact that charity or- ganization aims at no more independence than is necessary to maintain existence, and should be sub- servient to all existing charity agencies with a view to their coordination. Great reliance for the uniform working of the system was placed upon monthly con- ferences of all the workers, directors, local superin- tendents, and visitors, and for a time these confer- ences were well attended and were highly educational. In due time the plan was revised, the choice of the Central Board was transferred from the ward associa- tions to the annual meeting of the general society, its initiative and oversight was strengthened, and the wards were consolidated into 18 districts ; but the orig- inal features had made a deep impression which has not been obliterated. The business of registration and cooperation sank into control of the district organiza- tions ; the Central Office drifted into the specialty of caring for non-residents and wayfarers' lodges ; and the society remains, as it started out to be, a relief agency with charity organization traditions. "Cincinnati was promptly in the field, November 18, 1879. The Associated Charities was initiated through influences aroused chiefly by the Women's Chris- tian Association and other societies, the inaugural meeting being held the same hour with the first annual meeting of the Philadelphia society, and reciprocal congratulations being exchanged between them. It started avowedly on the lines laid down in the Boston society, but practically it fell into the Philadelphia methods, and created or adopted 12 district organiza- tions dispensing relief, and which the Central Board was not able to control. Fortunately the tact and force of the general secretary repressed much of the mischief, secured a general registration, and gave cohesion to the system until 1886, when he resigned and the society lapsed into a relief agency, became un- popular, and was about to be abandoned, when, in 1889, it was reorganized, the district treasuries were absorbed into onej the central authority made domi- nant, and the distribution of relief was stopped, to the great increase of efficiency and public confidence. " Brooklyn was another center where the movement arose spontaneously. In 1877 a commission of citizens undertook the investigation of outdoor relief, which in that year comprised 46,350 beneficiaries and involved an expenditure of $141,207. This resulted in restrict- ing municipal out-relief to coal in 1878, and in its total abolition the next year. In 1879 Mr. Seth Low, who had been providentially and unpremeditatedly pres- ent at the inauguration of the Buffalo society and deeply impressed thereby, enlisted Mr. Alfred T. White, and they, with others who had been instru- mental in abolishing the outdoor relief of the city, to- gether with the volunteer visitors of the out-poor, or- ganized the Brooklyn Bureau of Charities, which does not give relief, but maintains wood-yards, laundries, work-rooms, and a woman's lodging-house. " Indianapolis enjoyed the labors of Rev. Oscar C. McCulloch as president of the Benevolent Society, in which office he had made careful studies of the poor- relief problem. In 1876 Mr. King, the township trus- tee or overseer of the poor, began to systematize and improve the administration of poor relief, and to- gether these gentlemen led on to the formation, De- cember 5, 1879, f the Charity Organization Society. " New York, as the largest center of population in the country, demands notice here. The difficulties en- countered in securing influential cooperation in 1874 for a time paralyzed further effort, altho the neces- sity for some organization was long discussed by per- sons interested in charitable enterprises. In 1881 the matter was taken up by the State Board of Chari- ties, and through its initiative the Charity Organ- ization Society of the City of New York was founded in January, 1882, and incorporated on May 10 follow- ing. It followed the Boston plan in respect to the im- portant features of giving no relief and of creating dis- trict associations maintained from a common treasury and under central control. "All other charity organization societies in the United States trace their origin to these now enumerated, which have been selected not only as among the earli- est in the field, but as illustrating the diversity of origin of the movement, the causes which immediately led to the National associations for organizing charity, and Conference the two types of societies, those which combine relief from their own funds with their methods and those which do not. The movement found an expression of its unity in the National Conference of Charities and Correc- Charity Organization. 222 Charity Organization. tion, which is itself an outgrowth of the American Social Science Association. It is first mentioned in the proceedings of the Chicago Conference of 1879, where Mr. Seth Low presented a description of the work in Brooklyn, andT a committee was formed to report upon charity organization. Two years later, at Boston, 19 societies reported to the National Conference, and the committee grew to a section, which published a separate report of its own proceedings. " Simultaneously with the beginning of charity or- ganization, and promoted by the same Suppression men, there was a repression in impor- /f rnf Ann* tant cities of official out-door relief. 01 uui-aoor R eturns f rom f our cities for that time Relief. give the following results : CITY. Year. Out- relief. Year. Out- relief. Brooklyn 1877 1877 1876 1879 $141,207 99,196 90,000 66,000 1880 1880 1880 1880 None. $37,868 8,000 None. 35.53S Buffalo . Indianapolis, Center Township Philadelphia Amount saved to tax- payers Total $396,403 $396,403 While this elimination of out-door relief was not pressed by formal action of our societies, charity or- ganizationists claimed the credit of it as the result of their agitation and personal effort, and it was exactly in the line of the principles they advocated. Diligent inquiry showed that no suffering ensued in conse- quence of the withdrawal, while the admissions to alms- houses and infirmaries in the cities named contem- poraneously decreased. This event attracted wide attention in official and watchful circles, evinced the value of the investigations which preceded it, and dis- closed the worse than useless prodigality of out-door relief. Its influence spread far and wide beyond the limits where it could be statistically followed, and was the beginning of a wiser administration of the chari- table funds raised by taxation in many communities. " In 1882 there were 22 charity organization societies known to exist in the United States, and 10 others which had adopted some of the leading features of this movement and were enrolled as correspondents with the former societies. They embraced cities and towns having a population of 6,331,700, or 12 per cent, of the total of the United States, and among them were the chief centers of influence in the country. So far, Mr. Kellogg. At present (1895) there are in the United States 132 charity organization societies ex- isting under slightly different names and 21 relief so- cieties which largely adopt charity organization principles. An appendix Statistics, to Mr. Kellogg's report gives the follow- ing totals for 1892 : Administrative offi- , cers, 763 men and 511 women ; paid offi- cers or agents, 77 men and 135 women ; friendly visitors, 456 men and 3534 women ; branch or district organizations, 100: contributors, 15,726; churches or associations, 243. Received from city or State, $17,- 877.54 i income, $263,421.39 ; invested funds, $409,037.55. Concerning the lines of work developed, the report gives the following statistics : REPRESSION. Treatment of vagrants : Number turned over to police 537 = 01% Number lodged through your society. 37, 590 = 70. g# Number employed in wood-yard or other like test places 13,760 = 26^ Street beggars and impostors sup- pressed 967 = 01.85* Fraudulent schemes detected 117 = 00.2?! COOPERATION. With municipal or State boards : Number in the town 58 Number cooperating 56 = 97^ With societies and their institutions : Number in the town 1,443 Number cooperating 420 = 33^ With churches : Number in town 3,113 Number cooperating 1,253 44^ SANITARY WORK : a. Tenements improved through land- lords or through changed habits. . . . 208 b. Removals to better quarters 112 c. Open-air excursions, number of ben- eficiaries 3 I >7^ 2 OTHER AGENCIES INAUGURATED AND MANAGED; Wood-yards 7 Sewing-rooms, laundries, banks, way- farers' lodges, kitchens, etc 25 DISPOSITION OF CASES IN 1892. Totals. Per- cent- ages. 18,558 24.84 Needing work rather than alms 16.05 Not relieved, having relatives Not relieved, having vicious habits Placed in institutions 2,534 7>7'9 1,182 3-39 . 10-33 1-58 Placed in charge of churches or soci- 5,768 7.72 Placed in charge of police 572 .76 Aid procured from municipality or State 668 .89 Aid procured from churches and soci- 8,408 11.13 4,931 6.60 596 .80 18.04 Applicants' resources developed Removed to relatives or new situations. Brought to self-maintenance (esti- 46 490 1,524 .06 -65 2.04 CLASSIFIED CASES, 1892. Totals Per- cent- ages. 6.CC Deserted husbands or widowers 575 3-74 25 86 Orphaned or abandoned children 437 1 68 2.84 5,38o 1OO% 36.87 6.26 Over 70 1.66 United States, white 1,862 8.58 / j- 763 3-52 Dutch .... 16 88-1 181 2,589 161 384 Scandinavian. 289 842 21,697 90.265 Can read and write c 1 Cannot read or write 1,228 l8 -2Q 6,6 77 I OO% Charity Organization. 223 Charity Organization. Concerning: the objects of methods of charity organi- zation societies, Professor A. G. Warner, Ph.D., prints in his American Charities (pp. 380, 381) the following table, adding that the first three objects may be de- scribed as the essential functions, the remaining five being usually kept in view, but not invariably so : OBJECTS. METHODS. MACHINERY. i. Cooperation between all charita- ble agencies of a given locality, and the best coordination of their efforts. i. Comparison of relief records of the several agencies and mu- tual acquaintance of workers. i. A card or other alphabetical cata- logue of cases at a central office and frequent conferences of work- ers. 2. Accurate knowledge of all cases treated. 2. Thorough investigation, followed by careful registration. 2. Paid agents assisted by volunteer visitors, and elaborate case rec- ords either at central or branch offices. 3. To find prompt and adequate re- lief for all that should have it. 3. Bringing each case to the atten- tion of appropriate relief agen- cies willing to aid. 3. Correspondence, personal inter- views, sometimes a " Golden Book," or even a relief fund (wis- dom of this last questioned). 4. Exposure of impostors and pre- vention of wilful idleness. 4. After investigation, notification in all cases of those likely to be deceived, and, where feasible, arrest of impostors and profes- sional beggars. Work-test. 4. Paid agents, sometimes (especially for this work) publication of a "cautionary list, information to all asking for it in specific cases, wood-yard. 5. To find work for all able and will- ing to do anything. 5. To provide regular work where possible and relief work when necessary. 5. Employment agency, wood-yard, stone-breaking, laundries, rag- sorting, etc. 6. Establishment of relations of per- sonal interest and sympathy be- tween the poor and the well-to- do. 6. Friendly visiting. 6. Organization of corps of volunteer visitors who are not almsgivers, working under the guidance of paid agents. 7. Prevention of pauperism. ' 7. By above means and by special educational and provident schemes. 7. Kindergarten night schools, indus- trial schools, penny provident funds, provident dispensaries, fuel funds, etc. 8. Collection and diffusion of knowl- edge on all subjects connected with the administration of char- ities. 8. Discussion, public meetings, pub- lication. 8. Board meetings, annual meetings, conferences, lecture courses, peri- odicals. Besides this, or rather in connection with this gen- eral work, says Professor Warner (p. 391) : " Many organizations go further and seek to estab- lish special branches likely to assail pauperism in its causes. The creche, or day nursery, at which working mothers can leave their 6hildren during the day, has been established in several cities, notably in Buffalo. The kindergarten movement for poor children, or in connection with the public schools, has had the active assistance of charity organizationists. Cooking-schools, sewing-schools, trade-schools, and laundries for the education of the workers have been established, as well as different varieties of savings funds. Several of these funds operate with a system of stamp de- Eosits, some of them being through collections made rom house to house by the friendly visitors. The New York Society has been especially active in the pushing of stamp-deposit funds, having established 206 stations, with 26,732 depositors, and over $15,000 on deposit. In Boston and Baltimore provident schemes of a similar character have been established, but not under the charity organizations societies, tho cooperat- ing with them. Fuel funds, by means of which sum- mer savings can secure winter delivery of coal at summer prices, have been established by some of the societies. The rule of nearly all the societies is not to undertake these special schemes if some independent organization can be found that will push them. They are desirable things that the charity organizationist wishes to see established, but they are not undertaken by the society itself except when necessary. Frequent- ly such new enterprises start in connection with the society, and are then graduated into independent life." The report of Mr. Kellogg (1892) mentions penny savings funds controlled by the society in 17 cities and 18 provident funds. The main work of the organization, however, is closely adhered to. Says a recent report of the Boston societies : " ' Relief ' is not our business : help is. A friend in need is a friend indeed ! But this must be a trained friend to become the best friend. And we find that, just as lack of training is a large cause of poverty, so lack of training hinders and discourages our new vol- unteer visitors. The training comes more or less un- consciously :but it may be planned, as all training should be. The way to learn a business is to learn its details and their relations to principles. There is a right way of doing a thing, and there are more or less definite methods of going about the help- ing. The new visitor then must learn how. This is one of the reasons for or- Method. ganizing conferences. The conference is a body of volunteer visitors. Our purpose now is to speak more especially of parts of the conference the Case Committee, the Daily Com- mittee, and individual volunteer work, clerical or er- rands. " The Case Committee is a committee of one or two- persons to select the cases needing action, and present them concisely to the conference meeting for discus- sion and decision. One at least of this committee should be an expert; and by the concise manner in which the cases can be stated the visitors at the con- ference may learn much as to dealing with various classes of cases, and business may be despatched. " The Daily Committee exists in some form in about half of our conferences. It consists of two or more persons at a time, changing generally from day to day, and seems likely to become the most active busi- ness committee of all, besides helping our visitors to learn. They may be all members of the Executive Committee or not. If not experts, they have in their work the means of becoming so. They consider promptly on the spot and from the latest information the new cases which have come in, or any which re- quire immediate decision. They share with the agent the responsibility in such decisions, and may suspend or reverse, if necessary, decisions already made. They relieve the Case Committee from the press of ac- cumulated work. They are on hand some part of every day in office hours with the (paid) agent. The conference is the final responsible legislative body, subject to the board of directors. Charity Organization. 224 Charity Organization. *' While not yet a perfected system nor yet uniform, the above methods of work seem to be gaining accept- ance as the best we can yet find for getting our work effectively done, and as affording an attractive means of learning how to be a good volunteer visitor and the best friend to the poor. " It is interesting to notice in the statistics that the chief cause of need is sickness for 25 per cent., intem- perance for 22 per cent., lack of employment for 14 per cent., and other causes far less." In the larger cities directories of charities are pub- lished, embracing many hundred pages of lists, with brief notes of classified hospitals and relief societies, etc. In New York City a United Charities Building has been erected at a cost of over $750,000, the gift of Mr. John S. Kennedy. Charity organizations in the forms above described are mainly limited to England and the United States, but all civilized countries have societies acting more or less upon the same principles. The Annual Report of the New York So- Other ciety presents a list of foreign societies p . acting in cooperation with Charity Or- l/ounines. g an i za tion Societies whenever occasion requires. In this list Canada has 2 so- cieties ; Australia, 4 ; Austria, o ; Bar- bados, i ; Belgium, 2 ; Denmark, i ; Egypt, i ; France, 16 ; Germany. 28 ; Greece, i ; Holland, 3 ; India, 3 ; It- aly, 7 ; Natal, 3 ; New Zealand, i ; Nova Scotia, i ; Russia, 4 ; Spain, 2 ; Sweden and Norway, 2 ; Switzer- land, 3 ; Tasmania, i ; Turkey, i. Charitable aid in the different countries is, however, administered in quite various ways. In Italy it is almost wholly conducted by religious orders and societies ; in France there is a system which combines voluntary effort and official management. Says the Rev. France. L. R. Phelps in Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy : " The right to relief is recognized only in the cases of lunatics and deserted children ; all other relief may be described, as organized charity distributed by public bodies. Institutions, such as Hdpitaux for the sick, hospices for the aged and infirm, are supported by endowments and voluntary contributions, and man- aged by unpaid bodies, constituted and controlled by the State. The Bureaux de Bienfaisance, consisting of elected and nominated members, the mayor presid- ing ex officio, distribute relief in the commune to the poor at their own homes. The funds which they admin- ister are derived almost wholly from endowments and voluntary contributions, a small proportion only com- ing from taxation. Inquiry is' conducted mainly by Sisters of Charity, and is very thorough." German charity organization is noteworthy for the development of the Elberfeld system (q.v.); according to this system the city is divided by the municipal authorities into districts, over each of which districts an overseer is appointed Germany, with 14 or more visitors under him. These visitors investigate and report upon each application for relief. Meet- ings of the visitors with the overseer are held fortnightly, and records of all cases are made and transmitted to a central board or Verwaltung. The rules of the system and the instructions given to the visitors are very minute. Funds are raised by special and general taxation. All the officers and visitors are unpaid, and are appointed by the'council, service being in practice almost obligatory. Voluntary societies are expected to work in connection with the municipal system, and the planjs said to_meet with great success. OBJECTIONS TO CHARITY ORGANIZATIONS. Charity Organization Societies are criticised by many, especially by the leaders of the so- called labor movement. The ground of this criticism is often, however, a hostility to the general social and industrial conditions out of which the associated charity movement has grown, rather than an intelligent criticism of the movement itself. It is charged by these critics that the associated charities often keep even those applicants who are worthy waiting, tossed from this bureau to that, while their case is being investigated, analyzed, and finally re- ferred to the proper bureau. It is said that the investigation of cases by men and women who, however kindly may be their intentions, often do not understand the industrial and economic condition of the poor, leads to repeated cases of injustice, as these visitors try to distinguish* be- tween those whom they consider deserving and the undeserving. The working classes often resent this investigation of their family life that seems to them either an insulting espionage or a patronizing condescension from the rich. These labor critics assert, too, that the asso- ciated charities, by becoming, as it were, pro- fessional almoners for the rich, really prevent the natural contact of the rich with the poor, and dry up the flow of charity in a system of suspicion and of red tape. Above all, these critics assert that the associated charities, by their constant effort to make the poor self-sup- porting and self-dependent, nold out a false and reactionary standard of individualism which is impossible of fulfilment and yet which blinds the community to the real economic trouble. It is argued that many of the poor to-day cannot get employment, and therefore that it is idle and insulting for the associated charities to be forever bidding the individual to find work for himself when this is just what he wants to do and cannot. The need to-day, say these critics, j is for such changes in the social condition that ' all shall have work and not need alms, and the charity organizations prevent these changes by ' teaching that the poor can to-day help them- selves. For rich people who are living off the work of the poor to organize societies to. bid the poor be self-supporting is from this standpoint an insult and absurdity. It will be thus seen that the real opposition to the asso- ( ' ciated chanties springs from a sense of the in- justice of the present system. What is wanted, say these critics, is not associated chanty, but associated Answer to justice. The answer to this criti- Objections cism is that the associated charities are not responsible for the present system, be it just or unjust, but that under the' present system they are striving to aid the poor in what experience shows to be at present the wisest way. To the assertion that they keep the poor waiting while they are being investigated, it is answered that the records of the society prove this charge unsupported. Undoubtedly no system always works well, and among the hundreds and thousands of charity visitors, un- wise and foolish things are no doubt occasion- ally done and needless suffering caused, but it is proved that this happens very rarely and that the system is working better and better. Nevertheless many even of the firmest friends of charity organization are admitting that char- ity in any form cannot meet the real needs of the poor to-day, and that therefore just so far as associated charities make the wealthy and influ- ential believe that deeper social reforms are not needed, associated charities do become reaction- ary and harmful. President Tucker said, in a recent Phi Beta oration at Harvard"?' 1 ' The phi- lanthropy which is content to relieve the sufferer from wrong social conditions postpones the philanthropy which is determined, at any cost, to right those conditions. ' ' Associated charities are not righting the conditions. In an address at the Episcopal Church Congress, in Boston, No- vember, 1894, Mr. Robert Treat Paine, one of Charity Organization. 225 Chautauqua Assembly. the foremost associated charity leaders in Amer- ica, said, speaking of the conditions in the larger cities : " The day of panaceas is gone. . . . All that I can do is to utter my cry almost of despair." In England, says another charity organization worker, the Rev. S. A. Barnett (Practicable Socialism, p. 66) : " The most earnest member of a charity organization cannot hope that organized alms giving will be power- ful so to alter conditions as to make the life of the poor a life worth living. Societies which absorb much wealth and which relieve their subscribers of their responsibility are failing ; it remains only to adopt the principles of the education act, of the poor law, and of other socialistic organization, and call on society to do what societies fail to do." Nevertheless, it does not follow, even if Canon Barnett be right, that while we press toward new social reforms, we should not do all we can to relieve by wise charity the suffering of the poor to-day. References : Charity Organization, by C. S. Loch (London, 1890); Charity Organization Annual Reports and Publications ; Annual Reports of the National Conferences of Charities and Correction ; Annual Re- ports of State Boards of Charities ; The Charities Re- view (105 East 22d Street, New York City) ; Charity Or- ganization Review (of the London, England, C. O. S.) ; Public Relief and Private Charity, by Mrs. J. S. Lowell (New York, 1884) ; American Charities, by A. G. Warner (New York, 1895) > Lend a Hand (Boston). See also PAUPERISM ; POVERTY ; UNEMPLOYED ; POOR LAWS ; CHALMERS ; DENISON ; BOOTH ; TENE- MENTS ; SLUMS, etc. Revised by CHARLES D. KELLOGG. CHAUTAUQUA ASSEMBLY. In Au- gust, 1874, Lewis Miller, of Akron, O., and Bishop John H. Vincent organized the first Chautauqua Assembly. Its name was derived from Chautauqua Lake, in New York State, on the shore of which the meeting was held. It began as a summer school for the better train- ing of Bible teachers, and endeavored to lay most emphasis on the " week-day forces" in re- ligious culture. Its two founders desired to give Sunday-school teachers a continued, pro- gressive, and thorough study of biblical litera- ture and pedagogical principles. The first meet- ing was a success ; and by a gradual and natu- ral growth the plan has been broadened to include instruction in almost all branches of knowledge ; the session has been extended from two weeks to two months (July and August) ; and a town has been built up which presents an interesting study to the educator and sociologist in its municipal government and its ideals of life. The present form of the Chautauqua As- sembly was assumed in 1878, and various im- provements have been adopted from year to year. It is at present incorporated under the laws of the State of New York. Its manage- ment is intrusted to a board of 24 trustees, elect- ed either by the owners of property at Chautau- qua, or in case a quorum of such electors cannot be secured, by the board itself. The Assembly is not a stock company, nor are the trustees in- terested in the land beyond the ownership of lots for private use. By the provisions of the charter, all surplus funds must be used for the improvement and extension of the Assembly's work. The president and chancellor have never received compensation for their services. Those officers upon whom falls the management of de- tails are paid ordinary salaries. Chautauqua has become a city where munici- pal functions are extended to include free pub- lic instruction and entertainment. This ex- pense is defrayed by a system of taxation which falls upon all within the town, however brief the term of citizenship. The tariff for July is : one day, 25 cents ; one week, $i ; the month, $2.50 ; for August : one day, 40 cents ; one week, $2 ; the month, $3 ; the charge for the en tire season, $5. Citizenship includes the privilege of attend- ing all exercises of the general program, and access to the museum, the reading-room, the models, etc. . Chautauqua is distinctively a religious place in the broadest sense, embracing the higher men- tal, physical, and spiritual development of its citizens and members. It is strictly non-secta- rian. The general program provides a daily arrangement of lectures, concerts, dramatic recitals, and other exer- cises, to which all citizens have free access. Every evening a fine concert, a stereopticon lecture, or some other entertainment is given. Well-known men and women in all departments of life give courses of lec- tures or single addresses on contemporary religious, social, and economic questions. For those who wish to study, a six weeks' course of instruction is pro- vided at moderate charges : (a) Chautauqua College, teaching ancient and modern languages, literature, history, natural sciences, political economy, and philosophy, (b) Schools of sacred literature, pro- viding courses in Bible study, both in the original languages and in English, under leading biblical specialists, (c) A pedagogical course for public-school teachers extends over a period of three weeks, and includes instruction in psychology, pedagogical prin- ciples, and their practical application to the teach- ing of arithmetic, geography, science, etc. (d) A school of music, teaching both the theory and prac- tice of instrumental and vocal music, (e) A school of physical education in connection with a well-equip- ped gymnasium, conducting classes for both sexes in all branches of gymnastics, athletic contests, rowing, etc. (f) Other classes in art, photography, industrial drawing, china decoration, manual training, elocution, and short-hand. A daily paper, the Chautauqua Assembly Herald, is published. Besides the regular classes, there have been formed a number of clubs for various special ed- ucational purposes* One of the most important features of the As- sembly is the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle. This was started in 1878, and offers aid to self -educating people, either as individuals or in groups known as ' ' local circles. ' ' The essen- tial features of the plan are : 1. A. definite four years' 1 course of history, litera- ture, science, etc. 2. Specified volumes approved by the counselors. 3. Allotment of time. Reading apportioned by week and month. 4. A monthly magazine with additional readings, notes, and general literature. 5. A membership book, with suggestions, review out- lines, etc. 6. Time required, 40 minutes to an hour a day for nine months. 7. Certificates granted to all who complete the four years' course. 8. Advanced courses, for continued reading in special lines. 9. Pedagogical course for secular teaching. 10. Young People's Reading Course to stimulate the reading of good literature by the young. Further details may be obtained from Bishop Vincent, Buffalo, N. Y. At present (1895) the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle has enrolled over 200,000 members, and an endea- vor is being made to establish a " resident faculty for non-resident students." The offi- cers of Chautauqua (1895) are : President, Cherbuliez, Antoine E. 226 Chicago Anarchists. CHERBULIEZ, ANTOINE ELYSEE, was born in Geneva in 1 797. A barrister, magis- trate, and then professor, he was in the Can- tonal Legislature from 1831 to 1846, and till 1848 in the Great Council. From 1848 to 1851 he was in Paris, and then professor at Zurich, where he died 1869. His main work is Precis de la Science tconomique et de ses principales ap- plications (2 vols., 1862). CHEVALIER, MICHEL, was born at Limoges in 1806, and died at the Chateau de Montplaisir, near Lodev-e (Herault), in 1879. Commencing life as a mining engineer, he gave this up in 1829 to join Saint-Simonism (y.v.), and became editor-in-chief of the Globe. He was condemned, August 28, 1832, to a year's imprisonment and 100 francs (^4) fine, as the responsible agent of the Globe, for articles which were accused of being outrages on morality. His intentions were worthy, and his habits of life more strict than appearances led the world to suppose ; hence the Government itself, which discovered at this time M. Chevalier's abilities, remitted half the penalty, and also entrusted to him the mission of studying the railways of the United States. He devoted himself hencefor- ward to writing on engineering and economic subjects, and gradually but very materially changed his economic views. In 1841 he suc- ceeded Rossi in the chair of Political Economy at the College of France. In the Revolution of 1848 he opposed the so- cialism of the Commission du gouvernement pour les travailleurs. He wrote at that time in the Journal des Dtbats a series of letters called JLettres sur V organisation du travail, which were collected under this title. This and the Lettres sur I' Amtriqite du nord may be considered his most characteristic and remark- able works. The Institut (A cade 'mie des Sciences morales et politiques} opened its doors to him February, 1851. At the end of that year he gave in his adhesion to the Government of the coup d' e"tat. He believed liberty to be more in peril under the class of parliamentary government of which he had seen the working, than under a personal government. He was called to the council of state February, 1852. At the same date M. Chevalier published the Examen du systeme commercial connu sous le nom de systeme protecteur, a work in which the advantage of commercial liberty was shown. He induced Napoleon III. to sign the famous commercial treaty with England of January 23, 1860. In 1859 Michel Chevalier published a new vol- ume with the significant title, De la baisse probable de I'or. Facts have shown him wrong on this point. He strove later against Louis Wolowski in favor of the single gold standard against the system of a double stand- ard combined with a fixed ratio. He resumed his duties as professor in 1866 and carried them on till 1878, when he took a coadjutor this time one of his sons-in-law M. Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, who became his successor. (Abridged from the account by M. A. Courtois, fils, in Palgrave's Dictionary of Political Economy, ) History. CHICAGO ANARCHISTS, THE. The arrest, trial, and execution of the so-called " Chi- cago anarchists' ' mark an epoch in the develop- ment of the labor movement in America. The facts of the case, gathered out of the somewhat contradictory statements made by those who believe that the anarchists were rightly, and those who believe that they were wrongly con- demned seem to be as follows : The year 1886 was one of widespread social industrial agitation in the United States. In 1884 the Federation of Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada had issued a manifesto calling on all trades to unite in the demand for an eight-hour day, and petting a day for a general strike to gain that end. Afterward it was deemed wisest to postpone con- certed action for one year, and May i, 1886, was the day appointed when the new system should be inaugurated. All through the States the wave of organiza- tion spread, men and women of ad- vanced ideas all lending their aid to further the move- ment. In Chicago the excitement ran the highest. Here was a little group of men more or less loosely banded together, and popularly called anarchists. As a mat- ter of fact, they were of various economic views. They gathered around a section of the American Inter- national, which had become an anarchistic organiza- tion, and must not be confused with the old European socialist International. They had two principal or- gans : the Alarm, with Parsons as its editor, the English organ, and the Arbeiter Zeitung, the German organ, with Spies and Schwab as its principal writers, and Fischer as foreman. Fielden and Engel were also prom- inent in the group. Not agreed in their economic views, they were agreed in denouncing the present system as the parent of cruel wrongs, and in being will- ing to go to extremes in agitating against this system. They felt that the labor movement was dying of inertia. They felt that the working people were being utterly ground down, and were submitting too easily. They thought that, without really committing violence, if they threatened violence and talked " murder and dynamite, they could frighten the capitalists into either valuable concessions, or such a policy of restric- tion as would make the people rise. They therefore began in the Alarm to write incendiary articles ; and in order to frighten the capitalists, they reported the work- ing people as preparing to rise in vengeance. Some of them, at least, believed that by "talking violence" they would " really prevent violence." They argued that " if it did cost a little bloodshed now," it would "save bloodshed in the end." Some of them were themselves the gentlest of men. (For their individual lives, see the end of this article.) The eight-hour movement gave the anarchists oppor- tunity for agitation. An eight-hour association was formed in Chicago. Open-air meetings were continu- ally held. Bitterest language was used. On their side, the employers drew closer together against the movement. Some firms, however, granted some re- duction of hours. At McCormick's reaper works there was a prolonged struggle, commencing in February, and continuing many months. The master tried to force his men out of their organizations. Twelve hun- dred men were thrown out of work. On May i, 40,000 men and women struck work in Chicago for the eight-hour day. The Central Labor Union of Chicago held a mass-meeting attended by 25,000 people. Spies, Parsons, Fielden, and Schwab spoke. Strikes spread still further. On May 2 a great meeting of the locked- out men from McCormick's was held to protest against the Pinkertons he employed. Parsons and Schwab spoke at the meeting. Among the strikers were the lumber-shovers, most of them Poles, Bohemians, and Germans. May 3, the Lumber- Shovers' Union called a meeting to dis- cuss the terms of proposals to be sub- mitted to their employers. The meeting was held near McCormick's. Spies, be- ing known as a good speaker, was in- vited to attend. When he appeared, a protest was heard against letting a socialist speak. But Spies began, and was soon listened to in quiet. At four o'clock the bell of McCormick's began to ring, and the "scabs" were seen leaving. Some of the by- standers at the meeting then made a move toward the factory, while Spies went on quietly with his speech Chicago Anarchists. 227 Chicago Anarchists. for another 15 minutes. The crowd outside the factory began throwing stones. The police were telephoned for, and arrived in large numbers. They were received with stones, and replied with their revolvers. A few shots were returned by the crowd, and the police opened a general fire upon all in sight men, women, and children, who fled in terror, leaving four dead and many wounded. Burning with indignation, Spies rushed back to the Arbeiter Zeitung office and wrote a manifesto, the so-called "Revenge Circular." This was distributed at the different workmen's meeting- places. Among the many meetings that took place the same night was one of the socialist association, the Lehr und Wehr Verein. Gottfried Waller, who turned in- former afterward, was elected chairman. Engel and Fischer were present. The events of the afternoon at McCormick's were discussed, and also in a general way what the working men were to do if the police went on attacking strikers. It was resolved to call a meeting the following night in the Haymarket to pro- test against the police assaults. The next morning, May 4, Fischer informed Spies, at the Arbeiter Zeitung office, of the proposed meeting, and asked him to speak ; he consented. Shortly afterward he saw, for the first time, the circular calling the meeting, which contained the words, " Working men, arm yourselves, and appear in full force." Immediately on reading the circular Spies said that this must be struck out, or he would not speak or attend the meeting. Fischer at once agreed, and had the line taken out. The circular with that line omitted was printed, and about 20,000 copies distributed. Parsons had been away from Chicago to Cincinnati, from Sunday, May 2, and returned Tuesday morning. His wife asked him to help her in organization of the sewing girls of Chicago, and Parsons, knowing nothing of the Haymarket meeting, then called a meeting of the American group at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. In the evening Spies went to the Haymarket. but seeing no English speakers, went away, with a few friends, to find Parsons ; but soon returned, without having found him, and opened the meeting. Meantime, a few members of the American group had assembled at the Arbeiter Zeitung building. There were Fielden, Schwab, and at about 8.30 o'clock Parsons arrived, in company with Mrs. Parsons, his two children, and Mrs. Holmes. Schwab soon left to address a meeting at i) eermg- Schwab stayed at Deering until 10.30 o'clock. The discussion on the girls' movement was soon over, when somebody arrived from the Haymarket, stating that English speakers were wanted. Parsons, with his company, Fielden, and most of those present, at once went there. On their arrival Spies ceased speaking, and Parsons got up and spoke about one hour. The meet- ing was a quiet one, and at the close of Parsons' speech, the Mayor of Chicago, who attended the meeting for the purpose of dispersing it, if need should arise, left the meeting and went over to the police station, and told Captain Bonfield that he had better issue orders to his reserves at the other stations to go home. Par- sons was followed by Fielden. When he had been speaking some 10 minutes the weather clouded, and the wind blowing cold, Parsons suggested that they had better adjourn to Zepf's Hall, close by; Fielden said he would be through in a few minutes. Many left the meeting, among them Parsons, with his family ; they crossed to Zepf's Hall, where they found Fischer. Fielden went on speaking, when suddenly about 180 police turned out of the station, marching with a quick step, in fighting formation, and with arms in readiness, to the Haymarket, where only a few hundred persons remained. The captain of the first row of the police had just ordered the meeting to disperse, and his men, without waiting a reply, were advancing to the attack, when a small bomb was thrown by some one, alighted between the first and second companies of the police, and exploded with a loud report. About 60 of the po= lice were thrown to the ground, and one, named Mat- thias J. Degan, was killed. Instantly firing began ; people fled terrified in all directions, followed by the police, who fired at random as they followed. The Haymarket speakers, except Parsons, who had left Chicago, were arrested ; those who had taken a prominent part in labor meetings, and were known as labor organizers, were hunted and imprisoned. The Arbeiter Zeitung was suppressed, and all its printers and editors put in jail. When the friends of the arrest- ed men tried to restart it, it had to pass under the censorship of the chief of police. The meetings of workmen were prohibited or broken up. The most exciting tales about infernal conspiracies against the life and property of the citizens were circulated. The daily papers called for the hanging of the leading an- archists, as if they had been already proved guilty. After the Haymarket meeting, May 4, 1886, some 300 leading American capitalists met secretly to plan the destruction of anarchy. They formed themselves into The Citizens' Association, and subscribed $100,000 in a few hours. On May 17 the grand jury came together. "The body is a strong one," says a telegram from Chicago to a New York daily, " and it is safe to aver that anarchy and murder will not receive much quarter at the hands of the men composing it. It is certain that Spies, Parsons, Schwab, and the other inciters to outrage will be in- rpVio Trial dieted." Indicted they were. The in- ille irlal - dictment contained 69 counts, charging the defendants, August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, Georg Engel, Louis Lingg, Oscar W. Neebe, Rudolph Schnaubelt, and William Seliger with the murder of M. J. Degan. Schnaubelt and Parsons were not in the hands of the police, but when the trial came on Parsons presented himself at the bar of the court. Seliger had turned informer. On June 21 the impan- eling of the jury before Judge Joseph E. Gary began. About looo were examined. Of this number only five or six belonged to the labor class, and they were all challenged and refused by the State. The remainder were all employers of labor, or men dependent upon that class, as clerks or the like. Most declared they had a prejudice against anarchists, socialists, and com- munists as a class. This, however, Judge Gary ruled, was no cause to exclude them from the jury. On the motion for a new trial, an affidavit was produced wherein it was sworn that the special bailiff, Henry Ryce, had said to well-known men in Chicago that he was managing this case, and well knew what he was about ; that those fellows would hang as certain as death, and that he was only summoning such men as jurors as would not be acceptable to the defendants. The impaneling of the jury occupied 22 days. On July ij State's Attorney Gnnnell began his ad- dress, charging the defendants with murder and con- spiracy, and promising to show the jury who threw the bomb. The most important witnesses for the State were Waller. Schrader, and Seliger, all formerly comrades of the defendants, now turned informers. The theory for the prosecution was that the defendants were, with others, actively engaged in a conspiracy to overturn the existing authorities, and advocated bloodshed and violence in order to gain their ends, and that the meet- ing on May 4 in the Haymarket was only one step in their program. The evidence brought forward to sup- port such a theory was, however, extremely contradic- tory, and much of it broke down completely on the first examination. It was never proven who threw the bomb, and, as some of the men indicted were not at the Haymarket meeting, and had nothing to do with it, the prosecution was forced to proceed on the theory that the men indicted were guilty of murder because it was claimed they had at various times in the past uttered and printed incendiary and seditious language, practically advising the killing of policemen, of Pink- erton men, and others acting in that capacity, and that they were therefore responsible for the murder of Matthias Degan. Said Judge Gary : " If the fact be that a large number of men concurred with each other in preparing to use force for the de- struction of human life, upon occasions which were not yet foreseen, but upon some principles which they substantially agreed upon, as, for example, taking the words of The this witness, it a large number of men !>_,._,,.,*; agreed together to kill the police if they "Osecuuon. were fpund in conflict with the strikers I believe that is the phrase leaving it to the agents of violence to determine whether the time and occasion had come for the use of violence ; then, if the time and occasion do come when the violence is used, are not all parties who agreed beforehand in preparing the means of death, and agreed in the use of them upon time and occasion, equally liable?" The prisoners argued in defense that, as some un- known person threw the bomb, it was impossible to know beyond a reasonable doubt that he had been led to do it by any public speech of theirs or any editorial they had published. They also claimed that to punish them because of the effect of any public speech they had delivered or any newspaper article they had written or published would be a violation of the law that for- bids any abridgment of speech or press in the United States. The prisoners had counsel, but also defended Chicago Anarchists. 228 Chicago Anarchists. themselves in speeches rather of defiance than de- fense. After a prolonged trial the jury brought in the ver- dict : "We, the jury, find the defendants August Spies, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden, Albert R. Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, and Louis Lingg guilty of murder in manner The Verdict. an( l form as charged in the indictment, and fix the penalty at death. We find the defendant Oscar W. Neebe guilty of murder in manner and form as charged in the indict- ment, and fix the penalty at imprisonment in the peni- tentiary for 15 years." The case was carried to the Supreme Court, and was there affirmed in the fall of 1887. November 10 Lingg committed suicide by exploding a bomb in his mouth. The sentence of Fielden and Schwab was commuted to imprisonment for life, and Parsons, Fischer, Engel, and Spies were hanged November n, 1887. They suf- fered calmly and without flinching. Parsons' last words were, "Let the voice of the^eople be heard." The hanging excited great agitation over all the world. The major part of the daily press and of the capitalist community welcomed it as a necessary stamping out of anarchy in this country. On the other hand, many thoughtful men, including judges, lawyers, clergymen, and others, while expressing dissent from all sympa- thy with anarchists, declared their belief that the trial had not been a fair one. By the whole world of labor the anarchists were lauded as martyrs to the cause of labor and of liberty, and their trial and hanging denounced as an outrage upon justice and upon freedom. Mrs. Parsons went through all the land lecturing to crowded audiences. Anarchism was made almost popu- lar among many classes. Every year anar- chists and the more radical socialists and labor reformers of all schools of thought, who will unite on no other occasion, meet on both sides of the Atlantic to commemorate the hanging of " the Chicago martyrs." In June, 1893, the recently elected Democratic Governor of Illinois, John P. Altgeld, having thoroughly examined the evidence, pardoned Neebe, Fielden, and Schwab, on the ground that they had not been fairly tried. As is well known, public opinion is divided on this subject. We give a synopsis of Gover- nor Altgeld' s published argument for believing the trial not to have been a fair one, and then a synopsis of Judge Gary's statement upon the other side. Says Governor Altgeld in substance : "The several thousand merchants, bankers, judges, lawyers, and other prominent citizens of Chicago who have by petition, by letter, and in other ways urged executive clemency, mostly base their appeal on the ground that, assuming (Jov. the prisoners to be guilty, they have AH-frplfl's been punished enough, but a number of ig a them who have examined the case more Statement, carefully, and are more familiar with the record and with the facts disclosed by the papers on file, base their appeal on entirely different grounds. They assert : " i. That the j ury which tried the case was a packed jury selected to convict. " 4. That according to the law as laid down by the Supreme Court, both prior to and again since the trial of this case, the jurors, according to their own an- swers, were not competent jurors, and the trial was therefore not a legal trial. " 3. That the defendants were not proven to be guilty of the crime charged in the indictment. " 4. That as to the defendant Neebe, the State's attor- ney Jiad declared at the close of the evidence that there was no case against him, and yet he has been kept in prison all these years. "5. That the trial judge was either so prejudiced against the defendants, or else so determined to win the applause of a certain class in the community, that he could not and did not grant a fair trial. " Upon the question of having been punished enough, 1 will simply say that, if the defendants had a fair trial, and nothing has developed since to show that they are not guilty of the crime charged in the indictment, then there ought to be no executive interference, for no punishment under our laws could then be too severe. Government must defend itself ; life and prop- erty must be protected, and law and order must be maintained ; murder must be punished, and if the de- fendants are guilty of murder, either committed with their own hands, or by some one else acting on their advice, then, if they have had a fair trial, there should be, in this case, no executive interference. The soil of America is not adapted for the growth of anarchy. While our institutions are not free from injustice, they are still the best that have yet been devised, and there- fore must be maintained. "The record of the trial shows that the jury in this case was not drawn in the manner that juries usually are drawn ; that is, in- stead of having a number of names Was the drawn out of a box that contained many j nrv Packed' hundred names, as the law contemplates " " shall be done in order to insure a fair jury and give neither side the advantage, the trial judge appointed one, Henry L. Ryce, as a special bai- liff to go out and summon such men as he, Ryce, might select to act as jurors. While this practice has been sustained in cases in which it did not appear that either side had been prejudiced thereby, it is always a dangerous practice, for it gives the bailiff absolute power to select a jury that will be favorable to one side or the other." The judge then gives the evidence, and says : " Upon the whole, therefore, considering the facts brought to light since the trial, as well as the record of the trial and the answers of the jurors as given there- in, it is clearly shown that while the counsel for defend- ants agreed to it, Rvce was appointed special bailiff at the suggestion of the State's attorney, and that he did summon a prejudiced jury which he believed would hang the defendants, and further, that the fact that Ryce was summoning only that kind of men was brought to the attention of the court before the panel was full, and it was asked to stop it, but refused to pay any attention to the matter, but permitted Ryce to go on, and then forced the defendants to go to trial before this jury. " While no collusion is proven between the judge and State's attorney, it is clearly shown that after the ver- dict, and while a motion for a new trial was pending, a charge was filed in court that Ryce had packed the jury and that the attorney for the State got Mr. Favor to refuse to make an affidavit bearing on this point, which the defendants could use, and then the court re- fused to take any notice of it unless the affidavit was obtained, altho it was informed that Mr. Favor would not make an affidavit, but stood ready to come into court and make a full statement if the court desired him to do so. " These facts alone would call for executive inter- ference, especially as Mr. Favor's affidavit was not be- fore the Supreme Court at the time it considered the case. "The second point urged seems to me to be equally conclusive. In the case of the People v. Couglin, known as the Cronin case, recently decided, the Supreme Court, in a remarkably able and comprehensive review of the law on this subject, says among other things : "'The holding of this and other courts is substan- tially uniform, that where it is once clearly shown that there exists in the mind of the juror at the time he is called to the jury box a fixed and positive opinion as to the merits of the case, or as to the guilt or innocence of the defendant he is called to try, his statement that, notwithstanding such opinion, he can render a fair and impartial verdict according to the law and evidence, has little, if any, tendency to establish his impartiality. This is so because a juror who has sworn to have in his mind a fixed and positive opinion as to the guilt or innocence of the accused is not impartial, as a matter of fact. . . . " ' It is difficult to see how, after a juror has avowed a fixed and settled opinion as to the prisoner's guilt, a court can be legally satisfied of the truth of his answer that he can render a fair and impartial verdict, or find therefrom that he has the qualification of impartiality, as required by the Constitution. ..." " Applying the law as here laid down in the Cronin case to the answers of the jurors above given in the present case, it is very apparent that most of the jurors were incompetent, because they were not impartial, Chicago Anarchists. 229 Chicago Anarchists. for nearly all of them candidly stated that they were prejudiced against the defendants, and believed them guilty before hearing the evidence ; and the mere fact that the judge succeeded by a singularly suggestive examination in getting them to state that they believed they could try the case fairly on the evidence did not make them competent. . . . " No matter wtiat the defendants were, charged with, they were entitled to a fair trial, and no greater danger could possibly threaten our institutions than to have the courts of justice run wild or give way to popular clamor ; and when the trial j udge in this case ruled that a relative of one of the men who was killed was a com- petent juror, and this after the man had candidly stated that he was deeply prejudiced and that his relationship caused him to feel more strongly than he otherwise might, and when in scores of instances he ruled that men who candidly declared that they believed the de- fendants to be guilty ; that this was a deep conviction and would influence their verdict, and that it would re- quire strong evidence to convince them that the defendants were innocent, when Does the m & U these instance the trial judge ruled p,-nnf oVinnr that these men were competent jurors rrooi snow simply because they had, under his Uuilt } adroit manipulation, been led to say that they believed they could try the case fairly on the evidence, then the proceed- ings lost all semblance of a fair trial. " The State has never discovered who it was that threw the bomb which killed the policemen, and the evidence does not show any connection whatever be- tween the defendants and the man who did throw it. The trial judge in overruling the motion for a new hearing, and again, recently, in a magazine article, used this language : " 'The conviction has not gone on the ground that they did have actually any personal participation in the particular act which caused the death of Degan, but the conviction proceeds upon the ground that they had generally by speech and print advised large classes of the people, not particular individuals, but large classes, to commit murder, and had left the com- mission, the time and place and when to the individual will and whim, or caprice, or whatever it may be, of each individual man who listened to their advice, and that in consequence of that advice, in pursuance of that advice and influenced by that advice, somebody not known did throw the bomb that caused Degan's death. Now, if this is not a correct principle of the law, then the defendants of course are entitled to a new trial. This case is without precedent ; there is no example in the law books of a case of this sort.' "The judge certainly told the truth when he stated that this case was without a precedent, and that no example could be found in the law books to sustain the law as above laid down. For, in all the centuries during which government has been maintained among men and crime has been punished, no judge in a civil- ized country has ever laid down such a rule before. The petitioners claim that it was laid down in this case simply because the prosecution, not having dis- covered the real criminal, would otherwise not have been able to convict anybody ; that this course was then taken to appease the fury of the public, and that the judgment was allowed to stand for the same rea- son. I will not discuss this. But taking the law as above laid down, it was necessary under it to prove, and that beyond a reasonable doubt, that the person committing the violent deed had at least heard or read the advice given to masses, for until he either heard or read it he did not receive it, and if he did not receive it, he did not commit the violent act in pursuance of that advice, and it is here that the case for the State fails ; with all his apparent eagerness to force convic- tion in court, and his efforts in defending his course since the trial, the judge, speaking on this point in his magazine article, makes this statement : ' It is proba- bly true that Rudolph Schnaubelt threw the bomb,' which statement is a mere surmise and is all that is known about it, and is certainly not sufficient to con- vict eight men on. In fact, until the State proves from whose hands the bomb came, it is impossible to show any connection between the man who threw it and these defendants. . . . " Again it is shown that various attempts were made to bring to justice the men who wore the uni- form of the law while violating it, but all to no avail ; that the laboring people found the prisons always open to receive them, but the courts of justice were practically closed to them ; that the prosecution offi- cers vied with each other in hunting them down, but were deaf to their appeals ; that in the spring of 1886 there were more labor disturbances in the city, and Earticularly at the McCormick factory ; that under the ;adership of Captain Bonfteld the brutalities of the previous year were even exceeded. Some affidavits and other evidence is offered on this point which I can- not give for want of space. It appears that this was the year of the eight-hour agitation, and efforts were made to secure an eight-hour day about May i, and that a number of laboring men standing, not on the street, but on a vacant lot, were quietly discussing the situation in regard to the movement, when suddenly a large body of police, under orders from Bonfield, charged on them and began to club them ; that some of the men, angered at the unprovoked assault, at first re- sisted, but were soon dispersed ; that some of the police fired on the men while they were running and wounded a large number who were already 100 feet or more away, and were running as fast as they could ; that at least four of the number so shot down died ; that this was wanton and unprovoked murder, but there was not even so much as an investigation. " While some men may tamely submit to being club- bed and seeing their brothers shot down, there are some who will resent it, and -will nurture a spirit of hatred and seek revenge for themselves, and the occurrences that preceded the Hay- market tragedy indicate that the bomb was thrown by some one who, instead Was it Per- son al Re- venge i of acting on the advice of anybody, was simply seeking personal revenge for having been clubbed, and that Captain Bonfield is the man who is really re- sponsible for the death of the police of- ficers. " It is also shown that the character of the Haymarket meeting sustains this view. The evidence shows there were only 800 to 1000 people present, and that it was a peaceable and orderly meeting ; that the mayor of the city was present, and saw nothing out of the way, and that he remained until the crowd began to disperse, the meeting being practically over, and the crowd en- gaged in dispersing when he left ; that had the police remained away for 20 minutes more there would have been nobody left there, but that as soon as Bonfield learned that the mayor had left, he could not resist the temptation to have some more people clubbed, and went up with a detachment of police to disperse the meeting, and that on the appearance of the police the bomb was thrown by some unknown person, and sev- eral innocent and faithful officers, who were simply obeying an uncalled-for order of their superior, were killed. All of these facts tend to show the improbabil- ity of the theory of the prosecution that the bomb was thrown as the result of a conspiracy on the part of the defendants to commit murder. If the theory of the prosecution were correct, there would have been many bombs thrown ; and the fact that only one was thrown shows that it was an act of personal revenge. " It is further shown here that much of the evidence given at the trial was apure fabrication ; that some of the prominent police officials in their zeal not only ter- rorized ignorant men by throwing them into prison and threatening them with torture if they refused to swear to anything desired, but that they offered money and employment to those who would consent to do this. Further, that they deliberately planned to have fictitious conspiracies formed in order that they might get the glory of discovering them. In addition to the evidence in the record of some witnesses who swore that they had been paid small sums of money, etc., several documents are here referred to. "First, an interview with Captain Ebersold, pub- lished in the Chicago Daily News, May 10, 1889. "Ebersold was chief of the police of Chicago at the time of the Haymarket trouble, and for a long time before and thereafter, so that he was in a position to know what was going on, and his utterances upon this point are therefore important. Among other things he says : " ' It was my policy to quiet matters down as soon as possible after May 4. The general unsettled state of things was an injury to Chicago. On the other hand, Captains Schaack wanted to keep things stirring. He wanted bombs to be found here, there, all around, every- where. I thought people would lie down and sleep, better if they were not afraid that their homes, would be blown to pieces any minute. But this man, Schaack, this little boy who must have glory or his. heart would be broken, wanted none of that policy. Now, here is something the public does not know. After we got the anarchist societies broken up, Schaack wanted to send out men to again organize new soci- eties right away. You see what this would do. He The Chief of Police's, Statement. Chicago Anarchists. 230 Chicago Anarchists. wanted to keep the thing boiling, keep himself prom- inent before the public. Well, I sat down on that, I didn't believe in such work, and of course Schaack didn't like it. " ' After I heard all that I began to think there was perhaps not so much to all this anarchist business as they claimed, and I believe I was right. Schaack thinks he knew all about those anarchists. Why, I knew more at that time than he knows to-day about them. I was following them closely. As soon as Schaack began to get some notoriety, however, he was spoiled. "This is a most important statement, when a chief of police, who has been watching the anarchists closely, savs that he was convinced that there was not so much in all this anarchist business as was claimed, and that a police captain wanted to send out men to have other conspiracies formed in order to get the credit of dis- covering them and keeping the public excited, it throws a flood of light on the whole situation, and de- stroys the force of much of the testimony introduced at the trial. " It is further charged with much bitterness by those who speak for the prisoners that the record of the case shows that the judge conducted the trial with mali- cious ferocity and forced eight men to be tried to- gether ; that in cross-examining the State's witnesses he confined counsel for the defense to the specific points touched on by the State, while in the cross-ex- amination of the defendants' witnesses he permitted the State's attorney to go into all manner of subjects entirely foreign to the matters on which the witnesses were examined in chief ; also that every ruling throughout the long trial on any contested point was in favor of the State ; and, further, that page after page of the record contains insinuating remarks of the judge, made in the hearing of the jury, and with the evident intent of bringing the jury to his way of think- ing ; that these speeches, coming from the court, were much more damaging than any speeches from the State's attorney could possibly Prejudice or have been ; that the State's attorney Snbserviencv often took nis cue from the judge's re~- .uuoci viciii/jr raar k s . that the judge's maga/ine article Of Judge, recently published, altho written near- ly six years after the trial, is yet full of venom ; that, pretending to simply re- view the case, he had to drag into his article a letter written by an excited woman to a newspaper after the trial was over, and which therefore had nothing what- ever to do with the case, and was put into the article simply to create a prejudice against the woman, as well as against the dead and the living, and that, not content with this, he in the same article makes an in- sinuating attack on one of the lawyers for the defense, not for anything done at the trial, but because more than a year after the trial, when some of the defendants had been hung, he ventured to express a few kind, if erroneous, sentiments over the graves of his dead clients, whom he at least believed to be innocent. It is urged that such ferocity or subserviency is without a parallel in all history ; that even Jeffreys in England contented himself with hanging his victims, and did not stop to berate them after they were dead. " These charges are of a personal character, and while they seem to be sustained by the record of the trial and the papers before me, and tend to show that the trial was not fair, I do not care to 'discuss this fea- ture of the case any further, because it is not necessary. I am convinced that it is clearly my duty to act in this case for the reasons already given, and I, therefore, grant an absolute pardon to Samuel Fielden, Oscar Neebe, and Michael Schwab, on this 26th day of June, 1893. "JOHN P. ALTGELD, " Governor of Illinois.'" In The Century Magazine for April, 1893, Judge Gary gives, in a 3o-page article, a defense of the verdict. Judge Gary's statement in substance is this : Mr. Gary reviews the events and scenes of the trial in detail, stating his motives to be a justification of the verdict and an effort to prove that the anarchists did not represent the laboring classes, but simply made a show of friendship to the latter in order to bring them into their own ranks. He asserts that the seven men sentenced to death were beyond all cavil guilty of murder, and that it would have been a great misfor- tune if society had not maintained its right to defend itself. The most noted legal authorities are adduced to show that the men who argued on every occasion for anarchy and destruction, in their press and through their orators, and who " incited, advised, encouraged the throwing of the bomb that killed the policemen," were clearly within the condemnation of the law. To further support this, facsimile and other long extracts are given from the more rabid anarchistic press, and pictures appear of the bombs and apparatus of the des- perate men. Mr. Gary shows carefully and fairly the evidence which led to the conviction of the ringleaders, and takes the ground that they were sentenced not be- cause they were anarchists, but because they were parties to murder. On page 835 the judge says: "The conviction pro- ceeded upon the ground that they had generally, by speech and print, advised large classes to commit mur- der ; and had left the commission, the time, and place, and when to the individual will and whim or caprice, or whatever it may be, of each individual man who listened to their advice ; and in consequence of that ad vice, in pursuance of that advice, and influenced by that advice, somebody, not known, did throw the bomb that caused Degan's death." On pages 830 and 831 the judge says : " It is probably true that Rudolph Schnaubelt threw the bomb. He was twice arrested ; but, having shaved off a full beard immediately after that fatal night, was discharged. After the second arrest he disappeared and has gone to parts unknown. But whether Schnaubelt or some other person threw the bomb is not an important question." The case is the more remarkable because it was not claimed that either of the prisoners threw the bomb or gave any person any secret advice to throw it. The case proceeded on the ground that the prisoners gave all their advice from public platforms and in the columns of newspapers. On page 830 the judge says : " Secrecy is not essential to a conspiracy." On page 812 the judge says : "They incited, advised, encouraged the throwing of the bomb that killed the policeman not by addressing the bomb-thrower spe- cially, and telling him to throw a bomb at that or any special time or occasion, but by general addresses to readers and hearers." On the same page he also says : "The sincerity of the anarchists in their belief of the benefits to accrue from anarchy (if they were sincere) is not to be considered when the question is whether they were murderers." On page 812 the judge says that "every reader (of the anarchist papers), following the advice to arm himself, would must understand that he must exer- cise his own discretion in using his weapons." He concludes : " For nearly seven years the clamor, uncontradicted, has gone round the world that the anarchists were heroes and martyrs, victims of preju- dice and fear. Not a dozen persons alive were pre- pared by familiarity with the details of their crime and trial, and present knowledge of the materials from which those details could be shown, to present a suc- cinct account of them to the public. It so happened that my position was such that from me that account would probably attract as much attention as it would from any other source. Right-minded, thoughtful people, who recognize the necessity to civilization of the existence and enforcement of laws for the protec- tion of human life, and who yet may have had misgiv- ings as to the fate of the anarchists, will, I trust, read what I have written, and dismiss those misgivings, convinced that in law and in morals the anarchists were rightly punished, not for opinions, but for hor- rible deeds. The main sources of evidence for the facts are, of course, the official records of the court. A history of the trial has been written by Dyer D. Lum, and the speeches of the anarchists in court have been printed many times in pam- phlet form. For the other side, see the Centttry, April, 1893. We append a brief notice of the condemned. George Engel was born in the city of Cassel, Ger- many, April 15, 1856. His father died when George was only 18 months old, and when he was 12 years of age his mother died, and he was thrown on the world. After much suffering he was enabled to learn the painter's trade, George after which he came to America. In Eneel January, 1873, ne secured work in a Philadelphia concern, and in the sum- mer of the same year obtained work at his trade. In Philadelphia, for the first time in his life, he heard something about serious labor troubles, Chicago Anarchists. 231 Chicago Anarchists. through seeing some of the militia marching through the streets after subduing some striking miners. He removed to Chicago, where he began the study of social questions, and was an active worker in the Inter- national Working People's Association. Engel says : " The history of all times teaches us that the oppress- ing classes always maintain their tyrannies by force and violence. Some day the war will break out, there- fore all working men should unite, and prepare for the last war, whose outcome will be the end forever of all war, and will bring peace and happiness to all man- kind." At the time of the anarchistic excitement at Chicago Engel was arrested for his utterances and sentenced to 15 years in the State prison, but was par- doned by Governor Altgeld in 1893. Samuel Fielden was born at Todmorden, Lancashire, England, February 25, 1847. His father was one of the Fielden Brothers, owners of the largest mills in that part of the country, and was interested in the reform movements of the day. Samuel Samuel's mother died when he was 10 years old, and his father died August 28, 1866, nine years later. Samuel says of his home life : " I remember that the most intelligent people of our acquaint- ance, instead of going to church Sunday, used to meet at our house to discuss politics, religion, and all sub- jects pertaining to social and political life. These dis- cussions contained a peculiar charm for me, and gave me my first taste for the study of sociology. When the ten-hour movement was being agitated in England my father was on the committee of agitation in my native town, and I have heard him tell of sitting on the platform with the Earl of Shaftesbury, John Fielden, Richard Oastler, and others." A great deal of Samuel's early life was spent in a factory, and while he says he could write volumes, he contents himself with saying : " I think if the devil has a particular enemy whom he wishes to unmercifully torture, the best thing for him to do would be to put his soul into the body of a Lanca- shire factory child, and keep him as a child in a fac- tory the rest of his life." Fielden is spoken of by all who know him as " good- natured Fielden." In his speech at the Haymarket Square meeting, even as reported by the Chicago Tribune, not one word can be found which has the least suggestion of bomb-throwing, or containing any proposition or suggestion for the use of violence that night or in the immediate future. His presence there and his speaking resulted simply from the request for speakers sent to the meeting of the American group. He was sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment at Joliet, 111., in 1887, but was pardoned by Governor Altgeld in 1893. Adolph Fischer, one of the Chicago anarchists, born in Bremen, Germany, came to America at the age of 15, and learned the printer's trade. He was married in 1881, and has three children living with his widow. He was executed by Adolph order of the court in 1887. While living Fischer. a j 5$**% ?} e was employed on the Aroeiter Zettung, and was a zealous student of the labor question. In early life, before coming to America, he grap- pled with the social problem. He went among the working people and saw their condition, and says of them : " I perceived that the diligent, never-resting human working bees, who create all wealth, and fill the magazines with provisions, fuel, and clothing, en- joy only a minor part of this product, and lead a com- paratively miserable life, while the drones, the idlers, Keep the warehouses locked up, and revel in luxury and voluptuousness." Fischer was one of the speakers at Haymarket Square the night the bomb was thrown. Louis Lingg was born in Mannheim, Germany, Sep- tember Q, 1864. His father was a lumberman, and his mother did laundry work. Louis said : " When 13 years old, I received the first impressions of the prevailing unjust social institu- Louis Lingg. tions i.e., the exploitation of man by man. The main circumstances which caused these reflections were the experi- ences of our own family. It did not escape my obser- vation that the employer of my father grew continually richer, despite the extravagance of himself and family ; while my father, who had performed his part in creat- ing the wealth the boss possessed, and who had sacri- ficed his health, was cast aside like a worn-out tool. The feeling of hatred of existing society thus implanted in my mind was intensified with my entrance into the industrial arena." Lingg learned the trade of a carpenter, and after serving, according to German custom, a three years' apprenticeship, he traveled in Southern Germany and Oscar Neebe. Albert B. Parsons. afterward in Switzerland, working wherever there was a chance. Soon he learned the doctrines of social- ism, which he eagerly espoused. He came to America in 1885. Settling in Chicago, he worked at his trade, became an active member of the union of the craft, and was appointed an organizer of the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners. Lingg pointed with pride to the fact that his union came out of the ill-fated eight- hour movement in May, 1886, with undiminished strength. Lingg was arrested and sentenced to death after the Haymarket affair, but while in jail under sentence he took his own life, by exploding a cartridge in his mouth. Oscar Neebe was born in Philadelphia in 1850, of German parents. While not a wage- worker, but a well- to-do business man, he was always in sympathy with the toiling masses, was a staunch sup- porter of socialistic ideas, and did won- derful service as an organizer of trade- unions. He became associated with the anarchists of Chicago, and was arrested after the bomb-throwing at Haymarket Square, altho he had nothing to do with the meeting or the bomb- throwing. He was sentenced to 15 years in the State prison, but was pardoned by Governor Altgeld, in 1893, the governor declaring that his sentence, as well as that of his associates, was unjust, and not in accord with the evidence. Albert R. Parsons, the so-called Chicago anarchist, was born in Montgomery. Ala., June 24, 1848. His father, Samuel Parsons, who was noted as a public- spirited, philanthropic man and an active temperance advocate, was a manufac- turer of shoes. Albert's mother died when he was two years of age, his father three years later ; and Albert came un- der the guardianship of his elder brother, General W. H. Parsons, who was married and living at Tyler, Tex. In 1855 the family moved to the Texas frontier, where Albert be- came an expert in the use of fire-arms, riding, and hunting. In 1859 he went to Waco, Tex., living one year with his sister (wife of Major Boyd). In 1860 he was appren- ticed to learn the printer's trade in the Galveston News office. When the Civil War broke out, in 1861, tho but 13 years of age, he joined a local volunteer com- pany. He wanted to enlist in the Confederate army, but his employer and guardian ridiculed the idea, on account of his age and size. Albert then took French leave, and enlisted in a local artillery company ; his enlistment expired in a year. He then joined the cav- alry brigade of his brother, General Parsons. Albert was afterward a member of the renowned McMaby scouts. He returned to Waco at the close of the war, and for a short time attended the university at that place ; after this he finished learning the printer's trade. In 1868 he published and edited the Spectator, a weekly paper. In it he advocated the acceptance in good faith of the terms of the surrender, and supported the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, and the reconstruction measures. He became an active Republican, and consequently incurred the enmity of many former army comrades, neighbors, and the Ku-Klux-Klan ; and for his cour- ageous advocacy of their cause he won the love of the enfranchised slaves, and the Spectator came to an end. In 1869 he was appointed traveling correspondent and agent for the Houston Daily Telegraph. In 1870, at 21 years of age, he was appointed assistant assessor of United States Internal Revenue, under Gen- eral Grant's administration. About a year later he was elected one of the secretaries of the Texas State Senate, and was soon after appointed chief deputy collector of United States Internal Revenue at Austin, Tex., which position he held satisfactorily, accounting for large sums of money. In 1873 J 16 resigned his posi- tion, and accompanied an editorial excursion as the representative of the Texas Agriculturist, making an extended tour through Texas, Indian Territory, Mis- souri, Iowa, Illinois, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. In the fall of 1872 he married the Spanish Indian maiden whom he had met while traveling for the Houston Telegraph. At the close of his tour, in 1873, he decided to settle in Chicago. He became interested in the labor question in 1874, and in 1876 joined the working men's party, and soon be- came one of its most trusted leaders. July 4, 1876, he joined the Knights of Labor. In 1877 ne was the work- ing men's candidate for county clerk, receiving about 8000 votes. He was nominated by the working men of Chicago three times for alderman, twice for county clerk and once for Congress. In 1879 he was delegate Chicago Anarchists. 232 Children's Aid Society. Michel Schwab. to the national convention of the socialistic labor party, and was there nominated for President of the United States, but declined the honor, not being of the constitutional age (36 years). In 1876 he was chosen assistant editor of the English weekly, The Socialist. He kept up an active participation in the labor move- ment till 1880, when he withdrew from further active effort. The conviction gained on him that long hours and low wages practically disfranchised the masses of the people. Bribery, intimidation, duplicity, corrup- tion, and bulldozing, he says, grew out of the condi- tion which made the working people poor and the idle rich ; on this account he subseq uently turned his efforts toward reducing the hours of labor. The National Conference of Labor Reformers held in Washington, D. C., 1880, adopted a resolution, forward- ed by Parsons, which called attention to the fact that the United States Congress, when it neglected to en- force the eight-hour law, passed years before, and made applicable to Government departments, found it easy enough to pass and enforce all capitalistic legislation demanded. In 1884 the International founded in Chi- cago a weekly newspaper, called The Alarm, and Parsons was chosen editor. The paper was anarchistic in tone, and was suppressed by the State Government in May, 1886. It was during this month that the Hay- market affair took place ; for participation in which Parsons was tried, and subsequently hanged at Chi- cago, althp, according to evidence, he had no hand in the throwing of the bomb that killed the police, except so far as his speeches may have incited the act. Michel Schwab, born in Kitzingen, Central Germany, August 9, 1853, was left an orphan at 12 years of age, and when about 14 was apprenticed to a bookbinder. This apprenticeship expired in 1872, and he became interested in the study of the great labor problem, and was an active member of trade-unions. He joined the socialistic labor party, and in 1874 traveled over Central Europe, agitating the cause, and working at his trade at all times for support. In 1879 he emigrated to the United States, and shortly after arrival went to Chicago, where he lived during the remainder of his life, except for a short time, when he traveled about working at his trade in Milwaukee, Kansas City, Denver, Leadville, Cheyenne, and Durango. He joined the socialistic labor party while in Milwaukee, and ever after was its active advocate. On his return to Chicago he became engaged as reporter, and afterward assistant editor, on the Arbeiter Zeitunj?. He was arrested for his utterances at the time of the Haymarket affair, and was executed in 1887. He was always ready to respond to any call in behalf of working men. August Vincent Theodore Spies was born in Landerk, Germany, December 10, 1855 ; emigrated to America in 1871, and learned the upholstery trade in Chicago. In 1876 he began taking an active part in the labor movement, and in 1877 joined the socialists. In 1880 he became pub- lisher of the Arbeiter Zeitung, and in 1884 was also business manager and edi- tor. A man of force and energy, a read y writer and good speaker, and possessing a good moral character, he acquired great influence among those of socialistic and anar- chistic tendencies, his writings and speeches attracting wide attention. He was hanged November n, 1887. CHILDREN'S AID SOCIETY (of New York City), THE, was organized in February, 1853, by the late Charles L. Brace (q.v.), who with a few other gentlemen had already been working for the vagrant boys of New York City. The society was incorporated in 1854 "for the education of the poor, by gathering children who attend no school into its industrial schools, caring and providing for children in lodging- houses, and procuring for them homes in the rural districts and in the West. ' ' The fundamental idea upon which the society was founded, and which has been its governing motive ever since, was that of self-help of teaching children how to help themselves. The industrial schools, now numbering 21, have trained and given aid and encouragement to over 100,000 children of the very poor. In the boys' and girls' lodging-houses about 200,000 August Spies. homeless and vagrant boys and girls have found shelter, instruction and the kindly advice and admonition of experienced superintendents. Up to 1892 the society had emigrated 84,318 children, of whom 51,427 were boys and 32,891 were girls. Some of these were not sent to a great distance, nearly 39,000 of them being placed in the State of New York, 4149 in New Jersey, etc. The Western States receiving the largest number were Illinois, to which 7366 were sent ; Iowa, 4852 ; Missouri, 4835 ; Indiana, 3782 ; Kan- sas, 3310 ; Michigan, 2900 ; Minnesota, 2448. The children have been placed at an average expense of $10 per child, and at first little care was taken in placing and supervising them ; but recently much greater care has been neces- sary to reconcile the States to receiving them. Hastings H. Hart, of the Minnesota State Board of Corrections and Charities, has investigated the results of the children placed in Minnesota by the Children's Aid Society of New York, and finds that the methods of placing were frequently too inexpensive and in- cautious ; and while for the most part the society took care of children that did not turn out well, this was not true in all cases. In some cases they were placed in families so destitute as to be receiving public assist- ance, and other unsatisfactory placements were made. "From our experience," says Mr. Hart, " we are posi- tive in the opinion that children above the age of 12 years ought not to be sent West by the Children's Aid Society. In this opinion I understand that the officers of the society concur. Our examination shows," concludes Mr. Hart, "with reference to chil- dren under 13 years of age, that nine tenths remain, four fifths are doing well, and all incorrigibles are cared for by the society. It properly placed, faithfully supervised, we are willing to take our full share of these younger children in Minnesota" (quoted in A. G. Warner's American Charities, p. 230). Of this whole number, 84,318 were children 51,427 being boys and 32,891 girls ; 39,406 were orphans ; 17,- 383 had both parents living ; 5892 a father only ; 11,954 a mother only, and of 9680 the parental relations were unknown. As supplementary to its work the society maintains : The East Side Mission, whose work is to distribute flowers daily during the summer months among the sick and poor ; free reading-rooms for young men ; the Health Home at West Coney Island, comprising cottages and dormitories where mothers with sick children are given an outing ; the Sick Chil- dren's Mission, at 287 East Broadway, with a staff of 14 physicians and 4 nurses, who visit the sick poor at their homes and supply free medical attendance, medicine, and food for sick children, of whom 1500 are treated yearly ; a summer home at Bath Beachj L. I., where over 4000 tenement-house children are given a week's outing at the seaside each yearj six lodging- houses, five for boys and one for girls, in which, dur- ing 1892, oyer 6000 boys and girls were fed and sheltered ; 21 industrial schools with Kindergartens, and n night- schools, in which 12,000 children were taught and partly fed and clothed during 1892. One of the indus- trial schools is located in each of the lodging-houses for boys. Special features of the girls' lodging- house, now called the Elizabeth Home for Girls, are its dressmaking department, sewing-machine and typewriting schools, and laundry. The instruction in all branches is free. A late adjunct to the society is a i25-acre farm located at Kensico, Westchester County, New York, for the primary and brief education of the large street boys in agriculture, preparatory to their being provided with places in the country. All the different branches of the society's work are dependent upon the contributions of the public. At the Health Home in 1894 over 7000 mothers and children were received and given the benefit of pure sea air, together with skilled medical care and nourish- ing food ; 2000 of these were there a week, and in in- stances where a longer stay was advisable the time was prolonged until a permanent cured was effected. Parties of little ones were also taken there each- week from the nurseries. The report for November, 1894, says : " There were during the past year, in our six lodging-houses, 6349 different boys and girls ; 235,393 meals and 187,866 lodg- ings were supplied. In the 21 day and 12 evening schools were 13,307 children, who were taught and partly fed and partly clothed, 759,058 meals being sup- Children's Aid Society. 233 Child Labor. plied ; 2266 were sent to homes and employment, and restored to friends in both the East and the West ; 3974 were aided with food, medicine, etc., through the Sick Children's Mission; 5399 children enjoyed the benefits of the Summer Home at Bath, L. I. (averaging about 540 per week) ; 7404 mothers and sick infants were sent to the Health Home at Coney Island ; 98 girls have been instructed in the use of the sewing- machine in the Girls' Temporary Home and the in- dustrial schools ; 16 were taught typewriting, and 80 boys were trained at the Farm School ; $2836.48 have been deposited in the Penny Savings Banks. Total number under charge of the society during the year, 38,811. . . . " The total annual expense of our 21 industrial schools and 12 night schools, for salaries, rents, food, clothing, books, fuel, etc., was $130,822.53, which sum, divided by 6204, the average number in daily attendance, would make $21.08 the annual cost for each child. " In our lodging-houses 6349 boys and girls were fed, sheltered, and taught, during the past year at a total expense of $55,100.89. Deducting $24, 138.61, beingthe re- ceipts of the lodging-houses, together with the cost of construction, the net running expense was $30,962.28 ; dividing this by the average nightly lodgings, 516, we have the average cost to the public of each child for the year, $60. " The total number for whom homes and employ- ment have been found by the society during last year was 2266 ; the total cost for railroad fares, clothing, food, salaries, etc., was $26,921.79 ; the average cost to the public accordingly, for each person sent, was $11.88. Yet any child placed in an asylum or poor- house costs nearly $140 a year." The central office of the society is at the United Charities Building, 22d Street and 4th Avenue. CHILD LABOR. There is , scarcely one subject in the whole range of social reform more important than that of child labor. It is, too, a subject of pressing importance at present in the United States, as well as in other countries. According to the census of 1880, of persons en- gaged in industry in the United States (17,392,- 099), 1,118,356 were children 15 years of age or tinder (Compendium of Tenth Census, Part II. , p. 1358). The final returns on this subject for the census of 1890 are not yet available, though a census bulletin of manufactures alone gives the total number of employees as 4,711,831, of which 121,493 were children. But this figure is undoubtedly far too small. Pennsylvania is credited with 22,417 children at work. Says Mr. McCamant, Chief of Pennsylvania's Bureau of Industrial Statistics : " The [1880] census returns for Pennsylvania give the number of youths from 10 to 15 years of age in the three grand divisions of industry, other than manu- factures, mechanical and mining [agricultural, pro- fessional, and personal service, trade and transporta- tion], as 46,629. There can be little doubt that this num- ber was top small at the time the census was taken, but assuming it to have been correct, and allowing for the natural increase of child labor, there would be in 1887 not less than 50,000 children thus employed, which, added to the 75,000 employed in manufacturing and mining, would swell the total number of children employed in various occupations to 125,000." Mrs. Florence Kelly, Chief Inspector of Fac- tories and Workshops in Illinois, writes in the Arena for 1894 : " The 1890 census bulletin reports upon 20,482 manu- facturing establishments in this State, and gives the total number of children employed in them as 5426. In five months' work we found 6576 children in 2542 establishments, a reason for once more challenging census figures, altho in our work girls under 16, as well as boys, are counted children. The census re- turns, it will be remembered, place girls over 15 years among adults, but reckon boys under 16 as children. " Massachusetts in the census bulletin is credited with 8877 children, but the factory inspectors of Mas- sachusetts report 9471 children under 16 in the textile mills alone, in January of 1889, Commissioner White expressing the belief that ' much of the larger portion of small children employed is outside of the textile factories' " (Report of Chief of District Police, 1888, pp. 22, 46). It is thus doubtful if there has been any re- duction of child labor in the United States since 1880, even in manufactures ; but taking into consideration the great retail stores, which have notoriously increased in size since 1880, and em- ploy many times their former number of chil- dren as cash-boys, bundle-girls, etc., the total number of children employed in gainful occu- pations in the United States must largely have increased. Child labor under its worst aspect is to be found in the "sweating shops" of New York, Brooklyn, Chicago, and other large cities. These workshops are often small confined rooms in the tenement-houses, n^-ia T ^ which, according to the report of a . T: g , a * New York factory inspector, repro- duce in an intensified form all the horrors of dirt and overcrowding to be found in European cities. Formerly cigar-making was largely carried on in these tenement-houses, but the unhealthy character of the industry caused the Legislature to interfere, and it was prohibited by an act of 1884. Nevertheless the New York Report for 1888 speaks of the unor- ganized cigar-makers as working still in tene- ment-houses. The explanation of this seems to be that the strong opposition of the Manufac- turers' Association to the act led to its being de- clared unconstitutional by the Court of Appeals in 1887. The manufacture of cheap clothing is carried on in badly ventilated and overcrowded rooms, and in defiance of the provisions of the Factory Acts. The Chief Inspector for New York, in his fifth annual report, says : ' ' Summed up in a nutshell, the trouble with the ' sweater ' workshops of New York is this : the hours of labor are too long, being sometimes as high as 90 a week ; the ventilating and sanitary arrange- ments are nearly always vile to the last degree, and the work-rooms are excessively overcrowd- ed." The wages of child labor in the United States are low, but so vary with age and trade that averages are, after all, misleading rather than helpful. According to extra Census Bulletin 67, the average wage paid to the 121,194 children it reports in Children's manufactures (girls under 15 and Wages, boys under 16) was $139 per year. In Maine it was $100 ; California, $> 158 ; Illinois, $144 ; Pennsylvania, $151 ; Rhode Island, $158 ; New York, $161 ; Massachusetts, $181. It must be remembered that this is per year, without reference to the number of days of employment. Massachusetts does not neces- sarily, according to the above table, pay chil- dren nearly twice what they are paid in Maine. She may have given more days' work. By industries for the whole country, children's wages averaged $112 per year in making men's clothing, which employed 2065 children (of those reported) ; only $29 in canning fruit, etc. , which employed 5579 children (tho probably only a small portion of the year) ; $130 in manufactur- ing cotton goods (where the work is commonly steady) ; $78 and $130 in two kinds of tobacco- making, which together employed 7618 children. Child Labor. 234 Child Labor. According to the report of the Rhode Island Labor Bureau (1891), p. 181, the average weekly wages paid to children in specified industries were as follows : INDUSTRIES. Boys. Girls. $2.83 $2.89 t.-t6 ^38 Rubber 3. SO 2.38 Silk 2.80 2.45 3.48 Total $2.89 $3.08 But this, too, must not be taken as the aver- age earnings of children in stores, or as news- boys on the streets, etc. The following table, from the Report on Ger- many of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor (p. 43), indicates that the evil is greater in the United States than In Different in other countries. It. should be Countries, said, however, that as factories are being developed in Germany, the employment of children there is increasing ; yet this is the table : COUNTRY. Children under 15. Proportion to Total Number of Persons engaged in Occupations. Germany (June 5, 1882) .... Italy (December 31, 1881). . England and Wales (April 4, 1881) 524,158 1,072,397 2.76 7.08 4.76 The United States (June i, X 88o) 6.43 I. EUROPE. No one can question, however, in any country the seriousness of the problem, and we approach it country by country. We commence with England, as no other country has had so long or so carefully recorded an experience with the evils of child labor, or with efforts and legislation for its cure. We England, abridge for this purpose an essay by William F. Willoughby, published by the American Economic Association. He says in substance : "The growth of child labor is inseparably connected with the introduction of machinery. In the year 1769 Mr. Arkwright obtained his first patent for a machine for spinning cotton yarn, and commenced manufactur- ing by machinery. This was the beginning of the fac- tory system. Then followed Compton's spinning mule in 1775, Cartwright's power-loom in 1787, and in 1793 the invention of the famous cotton-gin by Eli Whitney. Thousands of ^ hands were suddenly required to work at places far distant from home. The small and nimble fingers of little children were by far the most in request. Before the change had attracted much attention, large numbers of children were massed together in factories. " The first form of child employment differed greatly from that of later years. The first system originated in the procuring of apprentices from the different parish workhouses of London, Birmingham, and else- where. Many thousands of these little hapless crea- tures, ranging from 14 down to four and even three years of age, were thus sent down into the North. Agreements of the most revolting character were often made between the manufacturers and the differ- ent parish workhouses for bands of children for a number of years, in which the condition of the chil- dren was totally disregarded. Such, for example, were those provisions whereby it was agreed that with every 20 sound children one idiot should be taken. "Says Professor Walker (Political Economy, p. 381): " ' The beginning of the present century fo'und chil- dren of five and even three years of age in England working in factories and brick- yards ; women working underground in mines, harnessed with mules to carts, drawing heavy loads : found the hours of labor what- ever the avarice of individual mill-owners might exact, were it 13, 14, or 15 ; found no guards about machinery to protect life and limb ; found the air of the factory fouler than language can describe, even could human ears bear to hear the story.' " According to the statement of Dr. Gould, out of 23,000 factory hands investigated by him, in 1816, 14,000 were under 18. In the same year a return from 41 mills in Scotland gave a total of 10,000 employees, of which 4404 were under 18, and of these 415 under 10. A simi- lar return from Manchester gave a total of 12,940, of which 793 were under 10 and 5460 between 10 and 18 (Gaskell, Report 0/1816). " Children of all ages, down to three and four, were found in the hardest and most painful labor, while babes of six were commonly found in large numbers in many factories. Labor from 12 to 13 and often 16 hours a day was the rule. Children had not a moment free, save to Terrible snatch a hasty meal or sleep as best they ~r. . could. From earliest youth they worked Conditions. to a point of extreme exhaustion, with- out open-air exercise or any enjoyment whatever, but grew up, if they survived at all, weak, bloodless, miserable, and in many cases deformed cripples, and victims of almost every disease. Drunk- enness, debauchery, and filth could not but be the re- sult. Their condition was but the veriest slavery, and the condition of the serf or negro stood out in bright contrast to theirs. The mortality was excessive, and the dread diseases rickets and scrofula passed by but few in their path. It was among this class that the horrors of hereditary disease had its chief hold, aided as it was by the repetition and accumulation of the same causes as first planted its seeds. The reports of all the many investigations showed that morality was almost unknown. It was not an uncommon thing, in the mines, for men to work perfectly naked in the presence of women ; who, in turn, were bare to their waists, and below covered only by a ragged pair of trousers. In the coal mines the condition of the chil- dren was even worse. According to the report of 1842, on child-labor, it was estimated that fully one third of those employed in the coal mines of England were children under 18, and of these much more than one half were under 13. The facts revealed in this elabo- rate report of over 2000 pages, devoted chiefly to child- labor in coal mines, would be scarcely credible if they were not supported by the best of authority, so fearful was the condition of the children found to be. Down in the depths of the earth they labored from 14 to 16 hours daily. The coal often lay in seams only 18 inches deep, and in these children crawled on their hands and feet, generally naked, and harnessed up by an iron chain and band around their waists, by which they either dragged or pushed heavily loaded cars of coal through these narrow ways. In nearly every case they were driven to work by the brutal miners, and beaten, and sometimes even killed. Law did not seem to reach to the depths of a coal-pit. Thus these young infants labored their young lives out as if condemned to tor- ture for some crime. But it is useless to dwell longer on their condition. Volumes might be filled in por- traying their sufferings. Treated as brutes, they lived with no regard to morals, religion, education, or health, in a condition that will probably never be du- plicated. "The injustice of such a system could not long pass without criticism, and action was demanded of Par- liament to remedy or abate this social disease. To Sir Robert Peel, Sr., belongs the honor of first providing a measure for the relief of this evil. In 1802 he commenced the First factory legislation by securing the pas- T --. i_ f .-.. T , sage of his apprentice bill. This bill, -Legislation. altho of the most limited scope, and applying only to cotton factories, was then considered as a measure, radical if not revolu- tionary. This legislation then met with the bitterest opposition from the manufacturers and the political economists. Financial ruin to English manufacturers was predicted as the result of such interference. Child Labor. 235 Child Labor. " With the abolition of the apprenticeship system, the law became inoperative, and unrestricted hours of labor again became the rule, and the condition of the children became, if possible, even worse than before. Accordingly, in 1815, Robert Peel again came to the front, and in that year secured the appointment of a committee to ' inquire into the expediency of extend- ing the apprenticeship act to children of every de- cription.' The result of this examination was pre- sented to Parliament in reports for the years 1816, 1817, and 1818. The result of this was the passage of the Act of 1819. "The employment of children under 9 was for- bidden, and the hours of labor for those between 9 and 16 were limited to 12 hours daily. In 1825 a partial holiday was made compulsory for the children. In 1831 night work was forbidden to all under 21, and n hours a day was made a limit for those under 18. " In 1833 Lord Ashley (afterward Earl of Shaftes- bury) became the champion of the laborers by the in- troduction of a new bill, extending yet further the pro- visions of former acts. This act was the most sub- stantial step yet taken in this direction. Its principal provisions were : (i) The employment of children under 9 was forbidden. (2) The hours of labor for those between 9 and 13 were limited to 8 hours a day. (3) The hours of labor for those under 18 engaged in worsted, hemp, tow, and linen-spinning should not ex- ceed 12 hours a day, and night work was forbidden them. The most significant feature of this act, how- ever, was that relating to school attendance, and the appointment of inspectors to enforce the law. " In 1835 the employment of children under 10 in the mines was forbidden. These regulations were, how- ever, by various devices, persistently evaded. " As the introduction and use of machinery became more general, and the subdivision of labor became more minute, the employment of children became more extensive. The Parliamentary report of 1833 estimated that out of 170,000 employees in the cotton mills in that year, 70,000 were children under 18. In 1839 there were employed in the factories of Eng- land a total of 419,590 persons of all ages, and of these 192,887, or nearly one half, were under 18 years of age. " In 1842, through the efforts of Lord Ashley, a commission was appointed to investigate the condi- tion of children employed in England, and in 1842 was presented their first report, already referred to. In consequence of this report, the Act of 1843 was passed, which was the most important measure that had up to that time been adopted. It applied to all laborers outside of agriculture. By it 'freedom of contract ' on the part of women was finally abol- ished. Women over 18 years of age were put in the same category as young persons, and their toil lim- ited to ii hours a day. Children under 13 were not allowed to work more than six and a half hours a day, and, above all, attendance at school was required for the other half day as a condition of employment. By this act the restriction of child employment was re- duced to a uniform basis. It is difficult to measure the advancement thus given to the oppressed children. From this time on every working child in England spent as much time in school as in the workshop. " In 1847 Lord Ashley secured the passage of another act, carrying out his plan still more fully. This completed the reduction of the working time for children under 13 to 5 hours per day, and to 10 hours for all women and those minors between the ages of 13 and 18. " During the following years until 1878 various acts were passed extending the provisions of former acts in one or another direction. Of these, the Factory Act of 1874 was the most important. By it the minimum age for the employment of children was raised to 10. " In 1878 this long line of legislation was fittingly crowned by the act of that year. This act, entitled ' An Act to Consolidate and Amend the Law Relating to Factories and Workshops' amends and consolidates in one wide-embracing Present act a11 the Kronnd covered by the 16 acts iico passed between 1802 and 1878, besides Legislation, embracing, with some changes, the Pro- vision of the Public Health Act of 1875, and the Elementary Education Act of 1^76. It was prepared with the greatest care and full- ness, and furnishes an admirable code for factory regulation. Never before had the paternality of gov- ernment been so strongly declared, and never before liad the right of the workmen to demand protection by the State against their employers been so distinctly asserted. The importance of this act, as setting forth the present regulation of child labor in England, demands a closer survey. Its provisions are as fol- lows : "(i) The hours of employment for children shall be as follows : those under 10 shall not be employed at all, and those under 14 shall be employed only half time, either in the mornings or evenings, or on alter- nate days. (2) The hours of employment for young persons (14 to 18) shall be from 6 to 6 or 7 to 7, of which 2 hours shall be devoted to meals, and on Saturdays all work shall cease for them at 1.30. (3) Adequate sanitary provisions are provided. (4) Also ample provisions against accidents. (5) A suitable number of inspectors and assistants are created to insure the due execution of the law. (6) Medical certificates of fitness for employment must be furnished by all under 16. (7) Weekly certificates must be obtained from the proper authorities by the employers, showing the re- quired amount of school attendance for every child in their employ. " The direct benefits resulting to the lower classes from this act cannot be equaled by any other act upon the rolls of Parliament. " It will be seen from this brief sketch, that the English factory system was one of slow growth and development. One restriction after another was placed upon the employer, until to-day the English laborer is more taken care of by the Government than in any other country, Prussia possibly excepted. It can be said of it, as of no other course of legislation, that its results have all been beneficial, not only to the em- ployees, but to the employers as well, as is now gener- ally admitted by them. Its results have more than justified the acts in every particular. In it can be traced the rise of many important principles in the science of the functions of government. This series of acts first established the right of the State to regu- late industry. It was the most important advance and attack that has yet been made upon the laissez faire doctrine, that ' the less government the better,' so strongly insisted upon by the old economists. Al- tho every political economist who wrote _ before 1850 was uncompromisingly opposed to this legislation, not one who has written since 1865 has ventured to deny the advisability of the Factory acts. " It is also characteristic of this earlier period, that the employers were unanimous in their opposition to any abridgment of their rights to employ children, and in this were supported in Parliament by such men of the school mentioned as John Bright, proud of the name of friend of the people; Lord Cobden and his associates, and many of the most distinguished of English statesmen. Every improvement in the con- dition of English labor was only obtained against the combined opposition of these two classes. Too much praise cannot be given to those men, Lord Ashley, Robert Owen, Oastler, and others, who labored un- ceasingly to secure the passage of these acts. This change of front by the employers and economists is one of the most cheering signs of the time." II. CONTINENTAL EUROPE. Of child labor in Germany, the report on that country of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor says : "The employment of child labor in Germany shows a considerable proportionate decrease as compared with the middle of the century, but at the same time a decided increase during the last few years. In 1853 the number of children employed in Prussian factories was 32,000 ; 8000 were between 9 and 12 years of age, and 24,000 between 12 and 14. In 1888 and 1890 no children under 12 were to be found in Prussian factories, and the numbers of those between 12 and 14 were only 6225 n erm anv and 6636. The abuses attendant upon " eru the employment of children in the middle of the century have been described by Professor Thun, who states that in the textile indus- tries of Gladbach and Aix-la-Chapelle it was not un- usual to find children employed at only five or six years of age, and that the profits to be drawn from child labor of this kind were an encouragement to early marriages. In 1875, when an inquiry was made by the Federal Council into the question of the labor of women and children, the number of children em- ployed throughout the German empire was 88,000, 24 per cent, of whom were between 12 and 14, and 76 per cent, between 14 and 16. The proportion of child to adult labor was about i to 10. The weekly wages of chil- Child Labor. 236 Child Labor. dren between 12 and 14 varied from i mark to 9 marks; those of children between 14 and 16, from i marks to 13$ marks ; the average wage of the first class was 3 marks and that of the second 5 marks. " Since 1882 the extent to which child labor is em- ployed can be computed from the reports of the fac- tory inspectors, which give the following results : YEAR. Children from 12 to 14. Young Per- sons from 14 to 16. Total. 882 14,600 123,543 138,143 883 18,935 143,805 884 18,882 135,477 154,359 886 134,589 888 22,913 169,252 192,165 800 27,485 "The great increase noticeable in 1890 is due in part to the inclusion of Alsace-Lorraine in that year ; but even disregarding the 1071 children and 10,168 young persons employed in those provinces, the record for the nine years shows an increase of 80 per cent, in the employment of children, and 65.2 per cent, in that of young persons. The factory inspectors state that on the whole this increase is not disproportionate to that of adult labor ; but Dr. Stieda is of opinion that adult labor has scarcely advanced at so rapid a rate." According to the Industrial Code of 1891, based on the recommendations of the Berlin Conference, called by the emperor, children under 13 years of age cannot be employed in factories, and even if over 13 years of age they can only be employed if freed from the necessity for school attendance. The n. j_ n f IOQI hours for children under 14 years of age v/oae 01 iol. must no t excee d six a day, with a pause of at least half an hour, and young per- sons between 14 and 16 must not work in factories more than 10 hours a day, with one hour's in- terval in the middle of the day, and half an hour in the morning and afternoon. Young persons must not be employed on Sundays or holidays, nor during the hours fixed for religious instruction by the authorized priest or pastor. In the country children over 10 may be partially exempted from school attendance, and al- lowed to assist in open-air work, such as minding cattle; but this partial exemption is in the hands 6f the school inspectors, and is not, as a rule, granted until the completion of the eleventh or twelfth year. No child may be employed until a labor card stamped by the authorities has been given to the employer stat- ing the name, day and year of birth, and denomination to which the child belongs ; the name, calling, and resi- dence of the father or guardian, and the extent to which the child is still obliged to attend school. A list of all the children employed must be kept in every factory, and hung up, together with a statement of their hours, in the rooms in which they work. In cer- tain occupations of unusual danger or unhealthiness. as mining, glass works, etc., the restrictions are still greater. Inspectors are appointed to enforce the laws. France, by the law of 1884, prohibited child labor un- der 12, and limited it to 12 hours, with specified intervals for rest and meals to those between 12 and 16. Night and Sunday work were prohibited to boys and to girls under 21. The govern- p -. ment, however, had considerable power rraiioe. Q exception and regulation. By the law of November 2, 1892, children under 16 can only work 10 hours a day, and from 16 to 18, n hours. Night work and work under- ground are prohibited to children and women. All child labor under 13 is prohibited. In Italy child labor is carried to a large extent, but an act of 1886 forbade the employment of children un- der nine in factories, mines, or quarries, and those under 10 underground. Night Italy and work is prohibited for children under Ct-ritVm-ianri I2 - Such an act shows, however, how ewuzeiiana. eyil cond j tions must have been and sti n are, particularly in the sulphur mines of Sicily. Switzerland has better laws; women, girls and boys under 14 cannot be employed at night, nor can any child work in factories under 14. Subiect to these restrictions, child labor is said to be very common in Switzerland. Other Countries. In crowded Belgium, the conditions are frightful. Large numbers of children are employed in tex- tile industries, and even in such un- healthly trades as glass-blowing ; but the worst conditions prevail in the Belgium. mines. In 1891, Belgium had 4439 wom- en and girls of over 16 and 2742 girls under 16 employed in above-ground mines, and 23,008 women and girls above 16, with 683 girls under 16, em- ployed in underground mines. By a law which came into force January i, 1892, the employment of women and children under 21 years of age is prohibited. In vol. iv. of the Reports on the Labor Question (Brussels, 1888, p. 15), we read in the testimony that a young girl of 17 testified to going down into the mine at 5 A.M. and coming up sometimes at 9 and sometimes at n P.M. She said she loaded 60 to 70 cars per day, and fetched her empty cars from 150 to 300 ft. The earnings of these women are reported at 36 to 40 cents per day. One woman said her husband earned $2.60 per week, and her boy 16 cents per day. Sweden, by a la\v of 1883, forbids employment of all under 12, and limits the work of children under 14 to six hours, and under 16 to 12 hours. Night work is forbidden to all under 18. Denmark, by a law of 1873, forbids the employ- ment of children under 10. Holland in 1874 forbade the employment of children under 12 save in domestic ser- vice and agricultural labor. Russia in 1884 forbade night work to women and all persons under 17. Children from 10 to 12 may only be employed in specified industries, and from 12 to 15 all limited to eight hours per day. Austria forbids the employment or children in fac- tories under 14. Night work is forbidden to women and all under 16. III. THE UNITED STATES. Concerning child labor in the United States, one of the best statements is Mrs. Florence Kelly's tract, Our Toiling Children (written under her former name, Mrs. Wischnewetsky), from which we condense the following, supple- menting it by later statements. Mrs. Kelly says : " There was a time in the history of the country when every child was a child, granted as its birthright ample time in which to grow to manhood or woman- hood, and required to work only by the exigencies of family life on the paternal farm. That was in the early days, before the capitalistic system of produc- tion had developed in the new country, while work was still done chiefly for its product's uses, and not exclu- sively for exchange and profit. To-day the working man's child is a drudge from its babyhood. The chil- dren of the clothing makers in New York City begin work at four years of age, their labor power being available, under the sweating system of tenement- house manufacture, for picking out basting threads. " The conditions under which children work are fraught with danger to life and limb, to health, morals, and intelligence. It is necessary to take up each of the dangers in its order ; first, then, the danger to life from fire. " In 1888 Inspector White, of Massachu- setts, said: ' It would be very little use to put a fire-escape on a powder house, and hundreds of the buildings now oc- cupied for tenement and lodging-houses would, under favorable circumstances, burn down so quickly as to render nearly useless any means of escape that can be provided. The late fire in a tenement-house (factory) in New York is a striking example of the terrible results of such methods of con- struction' (Second Annual Convention of Factory Jn- spectors, June, 1888. pp. 37, 39). " Speaking of Ohio factories, Chief Inspector Dorn says : 'It is somewhat difficult to speak with calmness of men who, while liberally insuring their property against fire, so that in case of such a visitation a dan- ger always imminent their pockets shall not suffer, will not spend a dollar for the security of the lives of those by whose labor they profit' (Report Second An- nual Convention Factory Inspectors of America, June, 1888, p. 19). "Inspector Schaubert, of New York, reports : ' I find some fire-escapes made of gas-pipe bent and driven into the wall, that would require a trapeze performer Danger to Life from Fire. Child Labor. 237 Child Labor. to ascend them. For instance, in Rochester are two buildings seven stories high. In one there are usually 150 and in the other about 270 female operatives em- ployed on the top floors. But one stairway in each connects the various stories. In the rear of these structures, I find these gas-pipe arrangements for fire- escapes. . . . Another alleged fire-escape is that in the rear of a certain printing house. About 60 females are here employed on the fifth floor. Only one narrow staircase runs from the top of the building to the street, and in the rear a straight ladder extends from the top to the second floor. This ladder would be almost valueless in case a panic should seize the work- women ' {Second Annual Report Factory Inspectors of New York, 1887, p. m). " Even in Massachusetts, according to Commissioner White, 'the statutes in this regard (/. e., precaution against loss of life by fire) are less definite in their pro- visions, and there is less in them to guide the inspector, than in any other laws which we are called upon to en- force ' (Report Second Annual Convention Factory Inspectors of America, June, 1888, p. 37). " To aggravate the danger of fire, there is a very gen- eral practice of locking the work-room doors. " 'Imagine,' says Inspector Dorn, of Ohio, 'a large building filled w'ith work people men, women, and children all the doors closed, the custodian of the keys absent, all means of egress cut off. In what peril would those people be in case of fire ! ' " Children are employed in vast numbers in mills of many kinds in tending steam-driven machinery. They are therefore especially exposed to danger of explo- sion. Of boiler explosions, Factory Inspector Dorn, of Ohio, says : 'The number of lives annually lost by the explosion of steam boilers is so great that it seems al- most incredible that the State has done nothing toward securing a proper inspection of so necessary and yet so dangerous an adjunct of our manufacturing industries.' " The National Association of Stationary Engineers furnish the following information in their address : 'We believe that the frequent killing and maiming of people by the explosion of steam boilers is unneces- sary ; that it can and should be entirely prevented ; we have the evidence that our membership, numbering several thousand operating engineers, does not furnish a single one chargeable with the rupture or explosion of a boiler while under steam pressure. We ask that the prime cause of boiler explosions be removed, by enacting laws preventing the ignorant, drunken, un- skillful from taking charge ; that the law shall only permit the skillful, sober, and competent to take charge of this terribly destructive explosive. During the past 12 months a record has been kept of boiler explo- sions, comprising only those published by the daily press and others, that came to the knowledge of our members and were reported to the secretary of the so- ciety. From these reports we can give the following aggregates: Number of boiler explosions, 496 ; number of deaths, 697; number of injured, many fatally, 1273. Thus with incomplete returns we have 1970 people killed, maimed, or crippled, all resulting from igno- rance, intemperance, and avarice.' " The records of death and mutilation inflicted by ma- chinery are defective everywhere, and the effort to obtain adequate data is new, even in Massachusetts. The first attempt to Uns-uarded Polish an official record, however in- " o,". complete, for one full year, of all acci- Macmnery. dents to employees reported to the State factory inspectors, was made simulta- neously in Massachusetts, New York,and New Jersey, and is embraced in the inspectors' reports of those States for 1887. A similar attempt is embraced in the report of the factory inspectors or Ohio for 1888. This record is in no. case even approximately full, be- cause the law requiring employers to report is nowhere adequately enforced. Yet the official data, with their descriptions of the killed and wounded, rival the rec- ords of actual warfare, and sustain the metaphor of the battlefield of industry. Altho in these lists the ages of the slain are not always given, the ' accidents ' to children are known to be so numerous that Professor Hadley, while Commissioner of Labor Statistics for Connecticut, expressed his official opinion that this subject required special legislation. " Inspector Wade, of Massachusetts, prefacing his statement with the assurance that ' there has been a steady decrease both in the number and severity of accidents from unguarded machinery,' proceeds to report 638 accidents to 642 persons, including 23 fatal accidents, 62 injuries to hands, 53 to arms, 22410 fingers, 29 to thumbs, 38 to legs, 40 to feet, 29 to heads, besides a large number unspecified (Annual Report District Police, 1887, pp. 37-47). " In his first report for 1887, p. 27, Inspector Connally, of New York, says : " 'It is no uncommon thing to see children working minus a hand or fingers, and twice during our brief term of 9ffice we have been in the factories where boys were injured by having their hands bruised by the machinery. In one New York City factory five chil- dren have been injured in four months.' " The machines used for stamping metal are extreme- ly dangerous, and boys and girls are chiefly employed at them. One day, in the office of the factory, the in- spector met a boy looking for work who had lost two fingers where previously employed. When asked why he did not return to work where he was injured, he said that the loss of his fingers made him useless to his former employer. " ' The time taken to clean the machinery is not con- sidered by a few employers as a part of the regular working time, and they require the operatives to clean it after shutting down. Probably one third of the acci- dents occurring are caused by cleaning the machinery while in motion.' " So says Inspector Fell, of New Jersey, adding : " ' It is too much the practice of the management of factories for the purpose of saving five minutes of time, rather than stop the machinery, to allow (if they do not command) boys as well as men to replace a belt which has slipped off a pulley, while the driving shaft giving the power to the pulley is running at full speed ; or oftener, to shut down to half speed, which is a danger- ous practice, and should receive the fullest condem- nation. " ' The number of accidents occurring daily through unprotected machinery is really frightful. It is estimat- ed that from 50 to 60 persons are killed or injured daily through accidents occurring by operating buzz-saws. We frequently read of young girls having their scalps torn off, boys having their fingers and arms cut off, or injured ; death by being carried around shafting and so on, and yet almost all these frightful occurrences might be prevented by the strong arm of the law. 1 ( Third Annual Report Inspectors Factories and Work- shops, State of New Jersey, 1885, p. 29.) 'The dangers to health and morals besetting the working child, though less sensationally conspicuous than the danger of death by fire and explosion, are neither less deadly nor less widespread. They are most hideously visible in the tenement-houses of such cities as New tr.-n.'i, _j York, Chicago, Boston and San Fran- -n-esuin. ana cisco, but every manufacturing commu- Morals. nity has its own share of havoc wrought upon the health and purity of the chil- dren of the working class. "New York State taking the lead in manufactures, both in the amount of capital invested and the number and importance of its establishments as well as popu- lation. New York, as the ' epitome of the nation,' natu- rally forms the greatest market for child labor, and presents the most perfect types of its employment. " Commissioner C. F. Peck, in his report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of New York for 1884, p. 145, says : " 'The employment by parents of children of tender age in the tenement-house cigar factories of New York City furnishes one of the strongest arguments present- ed in favor of the enactment of stringent and effective laws against the evil of enforced employment of chil- dren at laborious, unhealthy, and immoral callings, in many cases to satisfy the greed of those who by nature are intrusted with all that pertains to their present or future welfare, and who should be compelled by law to provide for the health, the morals, and the educational training of their offspring.' "The following is sworn testimony of cigar-workers, taken from the same report (pp. 171, 162) : " ' All the children in tenement-houses work. I have seen those of nine and 10 years old at work.' " ' I have seen children employed in tenement-house cigar factories varying in age from six years, I should say, to 14 ; they have been kept from school and been obliged to work almost any length of time without any regulations as to time, and barely have time to go through with their meals. . . . They were often com- pelled to remain in rooms -which were overcrowded with adults, where decency was a strange factor, morality unknown, and where, in the heated term of the year, the adults were almost nude.' " Inspector Connally, in his factory report for 1887, p. 26, says : " 'The workshops occupied by contracting manufac- turers of clothing, or sweaters, as they are called, are foul in the extreme. Noxious gases emanate from all corners. The buildings are ill-smelling from cellar to garret. The water-closets are used alike by males Child Labor. 238 Child Labor. and females, and usually stand in the room where the work is done. The people are huddled together too closely for comfort, even if all other conditions were excellent. And when this state of things is taken into consideration, with the painfully long hours of toil which the poverty-stricken victims of the contractors must endure, it seems wonderful that there exists a human being that could stand it for a month and live.' " Lest any one should suppose that the industrial con- ditions of New York are peculiar, local, worse than those of other American communities, I quote testimo- ny covering several States, and showing that the evils of the exploitation of labor are inherent in the system of production by exploitation, and appear wherever that system develops. " In his report of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor of Massachusetts for 1881, Mr. Carroll D. Wright said (p. 466) : " ' In our cotton mills especially, the women and chil- dren largely exceed the men, being often from two thirds to five sixths of the whole, and the proportion is steadily increasing. And what are these women and children but the very weakest and most dependent of all the people ? ' " An operative testifies : " ' Young girls from 14 and upward learn more wickedness in one year than they would in five years out of a mill.' " The following is. taken from the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Wisconsin for 1888, p. 264 : " ' Janesville Cotton Manufacturing Company. I went to these mills some time ago, and found several children whom I suspected of being under 12 years of age. The company promised to discharge them, and I have every reason to think that they have done so. But there are some 300 women and children who are working n'/ to 12 hours per day and night, the night being the time most of the children are employed. It is a hard place to work ; young persons cannot stand the strain and long hours. Child labor is the main feature ; there are many of them under 14 years of age, and all have to work 1 1 ;4 hours. The thermometer (I am told by an employee) averages in the heated term about 108 degrees. There are plenty of openings for light and air, but if there is too much air stirringj the windows must be left closed on account of blowing the cotton. The dressing-room thermomecer runs (I am told) as high as 140 degrees, and averages no to 120 degrees. (Men work here eight to 10 hours a day.) I am told by employees that girls who have worked here since last September are quitting on account of loss of health caused by hard work and long hours ; they can- not stand the intense heat at night, and they cannot get sufficient sleep in the daytime.' " Mr. Fassett, Commissioner of Bureau of Statistics- of Labor for Ohio, says in his report for 1887, p. 9 : " ' I have found boys 12 and 14 years old struggling for a livelihood in a room heated 20 degrees Fahrenheit/ " Working children know nothing of the education of happy home life. Many of them are orphans, for the average life of the working man is short at best, and the ' accidents ' involved in scores of occupations rob a very large number of children of paternal care and Education. support. Then the widowed mother is obliged to turn home into a laundry or go out to work. Home life is lost. " So much for the home training of our working chil- dren. Now as to the schools. Scores of thousands of American-born children under 16 years of age are earn- ing their bread to-day who have never entered a school- room. I am not speaking of the negro illiteracy of the South, but of the great manufacturing States of the- North. For thousands of these children there are no schools provided. New York and Philadelphia have not even an accurate census of the school population upon which to base calculation of the school accommo- dations necessary. Superintendent McAllister, of Philadelphia, believes that 10,000 children of that wealthiest of cities are out of school because there are no schools provided for them. And he has shown in his report for 1888 that 4716 children attending school are 'unprovided with desks. A like story comes from Chicago, and from every large manufacturing com- munity outside of Massachusetts. " The New Jersey Compulsory School Law especially exempts from its provisions those cities which have not provided sufficient school accommodations, thus put- ting a premium for manufacturing communities whem child labor is a tempting commodity, upon failure to provide adequate schools. "Mr. A. S. Draper, State Superintendent of Public- Education for New York, says in his report of 1888 : " ' There is a large uneducated class in the State, and our statistics show that it is growing larger. The at- tendance upon the schools does not keep pace with the advance in population." Thus far Mrs. Kelly, writing in 1887. The Seventh Special Report of the United States Com- missioner of Labor (Carroll D. Wright), 1894, upon slums (p. 76), gives the follow- Slums, ing table of the proportion of children in the slums at work and at school (based on a canvas of 83,852 people) : NUMBER AND PER CENT. OF NATIVE AND FOREIGN-BORN CHILDREN OF EACH CON- DITION IN THE UNITED STATES. NATIVITY. BALTIMORE. Native born Foreign born Total. CHICAGO. Native born Foreign born , Total. NEW YORK. Native born Foreign born Total. PHILADELPHIA. Native born Foreign born Total. (See SLUMS.) CHILDREN AT HOME. CHILDREN AT WORK. CHILDREN AT SCHOOL. CHILDREN AT WORK AND AT SCHOOL. TOTAL OF ALL, CHILDREN. Num- ber. 962 234 Per cent. 30.60 29.66 Num- ber. Per cent. Num- ber. Per cent. Num- ber. Per cent. 3 -38 Num- ber. Per cent. IOO.OO IOO.OO 132 89 4.20 11.28 2,049 463 65-17 58.68 i 3 3> I 44 789 1,196 30.41 221 5.62 2,5*2 63.87 4 .10 3,933 IOO.OO 689 396 29.22 26.17 51 139 2.16 9.19 1,589 922 67-39 60.94 29 56 1.23 3-7 2,358 1,513 IOO.OO IOO.OO 1,085 28.03 190 4.91 2,511 64-87 85 2.19 3,871 IOO.OO 627 387 1,014 18.04 18.69 18.28 90 323 2.59 15-59 2,740 1,325 4,o65 78.85 63-98 18 36 52 1.74 3,475 2,071 IOO.OO IOO.OO 413 7-45 73-3 54 97 5,546 IOO.OO 433 255 23-14 lo.ia 57 227 3-5 14-35 1,374 1,082 73-44 68.39 18 37 1.14 1,871 1,582 IOO.OO IOO.OO 688 19.92 284 8.23 2,456 7I-I3 25 72 3,453 IOO.OO Child Labor. 239 Child Labor. IV. ECONOMIC BEARING. It is sometimes said that child labor is neces- sary to eke out the parents' wages ; but the real result is to lower the parents' wages. Professor Richard T. Ely, in his Introduction to Political Economy, says (p. 221) : " Among the striking evidences of the truth of the standard of life, as the norm for wages, the fact is es- Eecially noteworthy that, as a rule, it seems to fail to enefit the laboring population on the whole, and for any length of time, for the wife and children to earn money, even apart from all other considerations than mere money-getting. The world over, when it be- comes customary for the wife, or wife and children, to work in factories, it very soon becomes necessary for them to do so to support the family. The wages of the head of the family and the earnings of the entire family, as before, just maintain the standard of com- fort among that class of the population. Professor E. W. Bemis has called attention to the fact that in the textile industries of Rhode Island and Connecticut, where the women and children work, the earnings of the entire family are no larger than in other industries, like those in metal, in western Connecticut, where only the men work." The Inspector of Factories for New Jersey, in his second annual report (1884, p. 19), says : "The employment of children has increased with the reduction of wages, and the employ- ment of adults has decreased with the employ- ment of children. ' ' The Hon. Carroll D. Wright, in the sixth an- nual report of the Bureau of Labor of Massa- chusetts, says (p. 51) : "There seems, within recent times, to have occurred a change in the relation of wages to support, so that, more and more, the labor of the whole family becomes necessary to the support of the family ; that, in the majority of cases, working men in the commonwealth do not support their families by their individual earn- ings alone. The fathers rely, or are forced to depend, upon their children for from one quarter to one third of the entire family earnings, and the children under 15 years of age supply by their labor from one eighth to one sixth of the total family earnings." Socialists argue that child labor is the result of competition. Says the American Fabian (April, 1895) : "Child labor is the result of competition. Under competition the employer must employ the cheapest labor that will produce the required quantity and quality of work. Machinery enables small girls to do the work formerly done by skilled men. In making paper four men and six girls can now do work formerly done by 100 men, and do it better. In the jewelry trade one boy and a machine, in a day, can turn out 9000 pairs of gold sleeve-buttons" (D. A. Wells, Recent Economic Changes, p. 53). V. LEGISLATION. The following summary of legislation on child labor in the United States is taken from the re- port on the United States of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor (i 892), being the latest com- pilation available. Yet it must be remembered that this legislation is constantly changing, tho this progress has been temporarily checked by the fact that an Illinois act to limit the work of women factory employees to eight hours a day was decided (March 15, 1895) to be unconstitutional by the Illinois Supreme Court. (See JUDICIARY.) Says the English report (p. " In Connecticut, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, no child under 13 may be employed ; in New York the minimum age is 14 ; in Maine and Ohio it is 12, and in New Jersey it is 12 for boys and 14 for girls. Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, and Tennessee allow no child under 12 to be employed in a mine, while in Indiana 12 is the limit in some industries, and 14 in a mine. The same limit is fixed in Colorado and Illinois for children in mines. The age below which children may not be employed at all is fixed at 10 in New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Vermont. In New Hampshire a child of 12 may not be employed unless it has attended school the whole of the last school year. A child of 14 must have attended school for 6 months, and one of 16 for 3 months during the year preceding its employment, and all such children must be able to read and write. In Connecticut, Illinois, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri, Ohio, Rhode Isl- and and Vermont children of 14 must not be employed unless they have attended school for a period in the preceding year varying from 12 to 20 weeks in the different States. In Colorado, Kansas, Maine, and New Jersey there is a similar provision in the first two States as regards children of 16, and in the last two as regards those of 15. The hours of labor for children are restricted to 10 in Indiana, Maine, Maryland, Mas- sachusetts, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Cali- fornia, Louisiana, Michigan, New Hampshire, North and South Dakota, Virginia, Rhode Island, Pennsyl- vania, Ohio, and Vermont, and to 8 in Connecticut, Alabama, and Wisconsin. In Massachusetts they may not exceed 58 a week. Very many of the regulations concerning child labor are, however, ineffective, owing to a lack of sufficient and competent inspectors. Where the acts are enforced, as in Massachusetts, the result is encouraging. Between 1882 and 1890 the num- ber of children under 14 years of age employed in Massachusetts decreased fully 70 per cent., and a con- siderable reduction was reported from Maine when the act had been in force only one year." Says Mrs. Kelly, in the tract above men- tioned : " The legislation needed is of the simplest but most comprehensive description. We need to have : i. The minimum age for work fixed at 16. 2. School attendance made compulsory to the same age. 3. Factory inspectors and truant offi- What is cers, both men and women, Needed, equipped with adequate salaries and ' traveling expenses, charged with the duty of removing children from mill and workshop, mine and store, and placing them at school. 4. Ample provision for school accommodations. Money supplied by the State through the school authorities for the support of such orphans, half orphans and children of the unemployed as are now kept out of school by destitution. " Any provision less than this will share the defects of our present deplorable measures, whose very meagerness makes enforcement im- possible. It is impossible to ascertain which children have gone to school 10, 12, i4> 16, or 20 weeks, as different States provide. But when all children are compelled to go to school all the school year, there will be no difficulty in verify- ing from the school records the statements of parents, children and teachers, with reference to the age and past attendance of a child applying for work, and claiming to be beyond the com- pulsory school age. " So far as I have been able to ascertain, neither the women of the nation nor our philan- thropic bodies have thus far taken steps toward the emancipation of our toiling child slaves, ex- cept the women's organization of Chicago in co- operation with the Woman's Alliance of Illinois, and Mrs. Leonora Barry, of the Knights of Labor. With these exceptions, all the noble struggle of half a century for the rescue of our toiling children seems to have been confined to the labor unions and to the bureaus of statistics of labor, which have themselves been created Child Labor. 240 Chinese Immigration. year by year by the efforts of the working men since 1869." References : Among the best are : Two Prize Es- savs on Child Labor, by William F. Willoughby, A.B., arid Miss Clare de Graffenreid (American Economic Association, Baltimore) ; Our Toiling- Children, a tract by Mrs. Florence Kelly (Wischnewetzky) (Woman's Temperance Publication Association, Chicago). The best reports on child labor are found in the Labor Re- ports of Connecticut (1885), Massachusetts (1874 and 1891), Michigan (1887) ; Minnesota (1889-90), New York (1890), Rhode Island (1891). See also reports on the various countries ,of the (English) Royal Commission on Labor. Among the best articles on child labor are : Little Laborers of New York City-, by C. L. Brace (Harper's, 47 : 321) ; Children in Coal Mines of England (Eclectic, 76 : 201 ; Quarterly Review^, 70 : 158 ; Westmin- ster Review, 38 : 86) ; Children in Factories (Quarterly Review, 67 : 171) ; Children* 's Labor : a Problem, by E. E. Brown (Atlantic Monthly, 46 : 787) ; Commission on Employments of Children (Quarterly Review, 119 : 364) ; Child Labor : a Symposium (Arena, 1894, vol. 10, p. 117). CHILD, LYDIA MARIA (ne'e FRANCIS), was born in Medford, Mass., February n, 1802. Miss Francis attended the common schools and studied with her brother, Rev. Convers Fran- cis, D.D. When 17 years old she saw an article in the North American Review discussing the field offered to the novelist by early New Eng- land history, and she immediately wrote the first chapter of a novel entitled Hobomok, and finished it in six weeks, and published it (Cam- bridge, 1821). From this time until her death she wrote continually. She taught in Medford and Watertown, Mass., till she married, in 1828. She began in 1826 the publication of the Juve- nile Miscellany, the first monthly periodical for children issued in the United States. In 1831 both Mr. and Mrs. Child became deep- ly interested in the subject of slavery. Mrs. Child's Appeal for that Class of Americans called African (Boston, 1833) was the first anti- slavery work published in America in book form, and was followed by several smaller works on the same subject. Mrs. Child had to endure social ostracism, but from this time was a steady champion of anti-slavery. On the es- tablishment by the American Anti-slavery So- ciety of the National Anti-Slavery Standard, in New York City, in 1840, she became its edi- tor and conducted it till 1843, when her husband took the place of editor-in-chief, and she acted as his assistant till May, 1844. In 1859 she wrote a letter of sympathy to John Brown, then a pris- oner at Harper's Ferry, qffering her services as a nurse, and enclosing the letter in one to Gov- ernor Wise. Brown replied, declining her offer, but asking her to aid his family, which she did. She also received a letter of courteous rebuke from Governor Wise, and a singular epistle from the wife of Senator Mason, author of the Fugitive Slave Law, threatening her with fu- ture damnation. She replied to both in her best vein, and the whole series of letters was pub- lished in pamphlet form (Boston, 1860), and had a circulation of 300,000. She also wrote two small tracts on the Fugitive Slave Law and Emancipation in the British West Indies. During her latter years she contributed freely to aid the national soldiers in the Civil War, and afterward to help the freedmen. She died in Wayland, Mass., October 20, 1880 : Mrs. Child's works are voluminous and treat of a great variety of subjects. Besides those already men- tioned are the following : The Rebels; or, Boston before the Revolution , The American Fnigal Housewife (1829); The Family Nurse, or companion of The Fru- gal Housewife ; The Mother's Book and The Girl's tives of American Slavery (1838) ; The Evils of Slavery and the Cure of Slavery (1836) ; Philothea: A Grecian Romance (1845) ; Letters from New York (2 vols., 1843-44) ; Fact and Fiction (1846) ; Flowers for Chil- dren (1852) ; Isaac T. Hopper: a True Life (1853); The Progress of Religious Ideas through Successive Ages (3 vols., 1855) ; Autumnal Leaves: Sketches in Prose and Rhyme 11857); Looking toward Sunset (1864); The Freed- man'sBook (1865) ; and The Romance of the Republic (1867). CHILD-SAVING. DREN. See DEPENDENT CHIL- CHINESE IMMIGRATION. The gen- eral subject of immigration into the United States is considered under the article IMMIGRA- TION, but there is, or has been, one class of im- migration into the United States which should be considered separately. The inhabitants of China up to 40 years ago were so averse to leave their native land that Chinese immigration scarcely existed. The total number of natives of China reported as having arrived in the United States before 1851 was 46. In 1854 the number of arrivals of this race increased to over 13,000. The immigration of the Chinese has since been : Chinese Year. Immigrants. 1854 13,100 1855 3-526 1856 4,733 1857 5.944 1858 5,128 1859 3,457 1860 51467 1861 7,518 1862 3,633 1863 7,214 2.975 2,942 1865. 1866. 1870 . 1871 . 1872 . . 3,863 .10,684 . 14,902 ".943 . 6,030 . 10,642 1873 18,154 1874 16,651 1875 19.033 1876 16,879 1877 10.379 9.10 .20,711 35.6i4 The increasing number of Chinese laborers early excited fear and aroused opposition on the Pacific coast. Some of the objections to the Chinese as permanent residents of this country were stated by Justice Field of the United States Supreme Court in a judicial opin- ion delivered in California in September, 1882. He said : " It was discovered that the physical characteristics and habits of the Chinese prevented their assimilation with our people. Conflicts between them and our people, disturbing to the peaco of the country, followed as a matter of course, and were of frequent occur- rence. Chinese laborers, including in that designation not merely those engaged in manual labor, but those skilled in some art or trade, in a special manner inter- fered with the industries and business of this State Their frugal habits, the absence of families, their abil- Chinese Immigration. 241 Chinese Immigration. ity to live in narrow quarters without apparent injury to health, their contentment with small gains and the simplest fare gave them great advantages in the struggle with our laborers and mechanics, who always and properly seek something more from their labors than sufficient for a bare Cheap Labor, livelihood, and must have and should have something for the comforts of a home and the education of their chil- dren. A restriction upon the immigra- tion of such laborers was therefore felt throughout this State to be necessary if we would prevent the degra- dation of labor and preserve all the benefits of our civ- ilization." Other objections to the presence of the Chinese on the Pacific coast were allegations of unhealthful, vi- cious, and corrupting practices. Public feeling was aroused, and many attacks on them occurred in San Francisco and other cities. Restrictive measures were adopted by the city authorities designed to prevent the Chinese from carrying on their usual avocations. Some of these measures were oppressive enough to be rebuked by the local courts. A wide difference of opinion existed in various parts of the country as to the justness of some of the complaints and the necessity of forbidding the further importation of Chinese laborers. A committee of the United States Senate and - House of Representatives investigated the sub- ject in 1876 and 1877, and made a report recom- mending legislation to restrain the incoming of Asiatic populations. The Chinese Government had never greatly favored the emigration of its subjects, and little difficulty in modifying the treaty with China was experienced in 1 880, when, in response to the urgent appeals from the in- habitants of the Pacific coast, an effort was made to limit the immigration of Chinese laborers. The Burlingame treaty of 1868 had provided for free emigration and immigration, but the modified treaty permitted the limitation or sus- pension by the United States Government of the coming or residence in the United States of Chinese laborers, but the absolute prohibition of such immigration was forbidden. After excited discussion Congress passed in 1 8 82 a bill suspending for 20 years the coming into the United States of Chinese laborers. The bill was vetoed by President Arthur, but a mod- ified act fixing the limit of suspension at 10 years became a law. The Chinese who had already become residents of the country were not disturbed, and those who wished to make visits to China with the intention of returning hither were furnished with passports. The sus- pension of immigration related only to laborers, a term which has been construed to include skilled workmen. Nevertheless, this law was not considered sufficient by the Pacific coast, and in 1892 Con- gress was induced to pass a law not only for- bidding Chinese immigration, but to exclude those now here except under certain conditions. The following is the full text of " an act to prohibit the coming of Chinese persons into the United States," passed by the fifty-second Con- gress, approved by President Harrison May 5, 1892, and commonly called the " Geary Law" : " Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represen- tatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That all laws now in force prohibiting and regulating the coming into this country of Chinese per- sons and persons of Chinese descent are hereby con- tinued in force for a period of 10 years from the pas- sage of this act. Sec. 2. That any Chinese person or person of Chinese descent, when convicted and adjudged under any of said laws to be not lawfully entitled to be or re- main in the United States, shall be removed from the United States to China, unless he or they shall make it appear to the justice, judge, or commissioner before whom he or they are tried that he or they are subjects or citizens of some other countrv, in which case he or they shall be removed from the United States to such country : Provided^ that in any case where such other country of which such Chinese person shall claim to be a citizen or subject shall demand any tax as a condition of the removal of such person to that country, he or she shall be removed to China. " Sec. 3. That any Chinese person or person of Chinese descent arrested under the provisions of this act or the acts hereby extended shall be adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States, unless such person shall establish, by affirmative proof, to the sat- isfaction of such justice, judge, or commissioner, his lawful right to remain in the United States. "Sec. 4. That any such Chinese person or person of Chinese descent convicted and ad judged to be not lawfully entitled to be or remain in the United States shall be imprisoned at hard labor for a period of not exceeding one year and thereafter removed from the United States, as hereinbefore provided. Sec. 5. That after the passage of this act on an ap- plication to any judge or court of the United States in the first instance for a writ of habeas corpus, by a Chinese person seeking to land in the United States, to whom that privilege has been denied, no bail shall be allowed, and such application shall be heard and deter- mined promptly without unnecessary delay. " Sec. 6. And it shall be the duty of all Chinese laborers within the limits of the United States, at the time of the passage of this act, and who are entitled to remain in the United States, to apply to the collector of internal revenue of their respective districts, within one year after the passage of this act, for a certificate of residence, and any Chinese laborer, within the lim- its of the United States, who shall neglect,. fail, or re- fuse to comply with the provisions of this act, Or who, after one year from the passage hereof, shall be found within the jurisdiction of the United States, without such certificate of residence, shall be deemed and ad- judged to be unlawfully within the United States, and may be arrested by any United States customs offi- cial, collector of internal revenue, or his deputies, United States marshal, or his deputies, and taken before a United The Geary States judge, whose duty it shall be to Law order that he be deported from the United States as hereinbefore provided, unless he shall establish clearly to the satisfaction of said judge, that by reason of accident, sickness, or other unavoidable cause he has been una- ble to procure his certificate, and to the satisfaction of the court, and by at least one credible white witness, that he was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of this act ; and if, upon the hearing, it shall appear that he is so entitled to a certificate it shall be granted upon his paying the cost. Should it appear that said Chinaman had procured a certificate which has been lost or destroyed, he shall be detained and judgment suspended a reasonable time to enable him to procure a duplicate from the officer granting it, and in such cases the cost of said arrest and trial shall be in the discretion of the court. And any Chinese person other than a Chinese laborer, having a right to be and remain in the United States, desiring such certificate as evidence of such right, may apply for and receive the same without charge. " Sec. 7. That immediately after the passage of this act the Secretary of the Treasury shall make such rules and regulations as may be necessary for the effi- cient execution of this act, and shall prescribe the necessary forms and furnish the necessary blanks to enable collectors of internal revenue to issue the certifi- cates required hereby, and make such provisions that certificates may be procured in localities convenient to the applicants. Such certificates shall be issued with- out charge to the applicant, and shall contain the name, age, local residence, and occupation of the appli- cant, and such other description of the applicant as y of the Treasury, and a duplicate thereof shall be filed in the office of the shall be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, collector of internal revenue for the district within which such Chinaman makes application. " Sec. 8. That any person who shall knowingly and falsely alter or substitute any name for the name writ- ten in such certificate, or forge such certificate, or knowingly utter any forged or fraudulent certificate, or falsely personate any person named in such certifi- cate, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon con- viction thereof shall be fined in a sum not exceeding $1000 or imprisoned in the penitentiary for a term of not more than five years. " Sec. 9. The Secretary of the Treasury may author- ize the payment of such compensation, in the nature of Chinese Immigration. 242 Christ and Social Reform. fees to the collectors of internal revenue, for services performed under the provisions of this act, in addition to salaries now allowed by law, as he shall deem necessary, not exceeding the sum of $i for each certifi- cate issued. " In the special session of the Fifty-third Congress the following bill to amend the Chinese Exclusion act was introduced in the House of Representatives by Repre- sentative Everett, of Massachusetts. It was under- stood that this bill represented the policy of the Cleve- land administration : " Be it enacted, etc., that Section 6 of an act entitled ' An Act to Prohibit the Coming of Chinese Persons into the United States,' approved May 5, 1892, is here- by amended so as to read as follows : "Sec. 6. And it shall be the duty of all Chinese labor- ers within the limits of the United States at the time of the passage of this act, and who are entitled to re- main in the United States, to apply to the collector of internal revenue of their respective districts, on or be- fore the first day of September, 1894, for a certificate of residence, and any Chinese laborer within the limits of the United States who shall neglect, fail, or refuse to comply with the provision of this act, or who, after said first day of September, 1894, shall be found within the jurisdiction of the United States without such cer- tificate of residence, shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States, and may be arrested by any United States customs official, collect- or of internal revenue, or his deputies, United States marshal, or his deputies, and taken before a United States judge, whose duty it shall be to order that he be deported from the United States, as hereinbefore pro- vided, unless he shall establish clearly to the satisfac- tion of said judge that by reason of accident, sickness, or other unavoidable cause he has been unable to pro- cure his certificate, and to the satisfaction of the court, and by at least one credible white witness, that he was a resident of the United States at the time of the passage of this act ; and if upon the hearing it shall appear that he is so entitled to a certificate, it shall be granted upon his paying the cost. " Should it appear that said Chinaman had procured a certificate which has been lost or destroyed, he shall be detained and judgment suspended a reasonable time to enable him to procure a duplicate from the officer granting it, and in such cases the cost of said arrest and trial shall be in the discretion of the court. And any Chinese person other than a Chinese laborer having a right to be and remain in the United States desiring such certificate as evidence of such right, may apply for and receive the same without charge. Sec. 2. That no proceedings for a violation of the provisions of said Section 6 of said act of May ^, 1892, as originally enacted, shall hereafter be instituted, and all the proceedings for said violation now pending are hereby discontinued." The law has been fiercely criticised as unfair in singling out one nation for such legislation, and in breaking treaty faith with China. Its defenders say : "Objection is made to the registration, that it sub- jects the Chinese to hardships, and degrades them. If registry is degradation, there are many Americans who have a right to complain. Thirty-four States re- quire that citizens shall register before being allowed to vote } and in most of the States members of certain professions and trades are required to register and obtain a certificate before being allowed to pursue their calling. " The law provides that officers go to the Chinaman wherever he be and afford him every facility for com- plying with the law, without expense or burden. The law was wise and just, and ought to be enforced. It is known from experience in California, where nine tenths of the Chinese in the United States reside, that the great mass of Chinamen here would willingly have complied with the la\v but for the threats of their masters, the Six Companies, who hold most of the Chinese in this country under control. The antago- nism of the Six Companies to the law is not on account of the degradation it offers to their subjects, but be- cause its enforcement would insure the prevention of any further importation of their slaves. It was the destruction of their slave-trade that caused the Six Companies to fight the law, and not any love for the vassals now in their employment here. "The law is in entire accord with the last coinpact between this Government and China. In this treaty it is provided that : " ' If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, Law. now either permanently or temporarily residing in the United States, meet with ill-treatment at the hands of any other persons, the Government of the United States will exert all its power to devise measures for their protection, and to secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and exemption as may be en- joyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by treaty.' " Such language is not found in any treaty with any other nation, and illustrates the acuteness of Chinese diplomacy. As the National Govern- ment is made primarily liable for any injury to Chinamen in the United States, Argument it became the duty of this Government to adopt a system of registra^n of all these people for whose protection they became specially liable. The exercise of the registration power is justified by this treaty, and failure to require registration would be gross carelessness. " The first duty of governments is to their own citi- zens. Is it fair to subject our laborer to the competj- tion of a rival who measures his wants by an expendi- ture of six cents a day, and who is habituated to live on an income of five dollars per month ? What will be- come 9f the boasted civilization of our country if our toiler is compelled to compete with this class of labor, with more competitors available from China than twice the entire population of Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Switzerland, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain ? "The Chinese laborer brings here no wife and no children, and his wants are limited to his individual necessities, while the American must earn income sufficient to maintain wife and babies." The number of Chinese in the United States by the census of 1890 was 94,987, of whom 86,- 360 were in the Western States and 5404 in the North Atlantic States. (See IMMIGRATION.) CHRIST AND SOCIAL REFORM. The relation of Christianity to social reform and of the Church to social reform we consider under their respective heads. We here ask what was and what is the personal relation of Jesus Christ to the problems of social existence. With His relation to the individual and with any theologi- cal conceptions of Christ we are, in this cyclope- dia, not concerned, save as these conceptions bear directly upon social reform. But to a growing number of minds this is a very large and a very important question, and it must therefore be distinctly considered here, setting forth impartially, however briefly, all the im- portant views. i. We may very speedily state the opinion of those to whom Christ was but as any man, though perhaps the noblest, the best, the most inspired, nay, even in this sense, the most divine of men. To such a view Christ bears no special rela- A Religious tion to social reform save as does any Reformer. great leader and inspirer of human thought and action. Christ is con- ceived by those who hold this view in two main ways : (a) as a great idealist and religious teach- er, quickening the world by lofty maxims, altru- istic ideals, spiritual insight, above all, by a pure, self-sacrificing life. He is, as Sakya- Mouni, as Confucius, as Socrates, as St. Fran- cis of Assisi, as many another, though per- haps greater than any other. His relation to social reform, according to this conception, is, therefore, to raise ideals of brotherhood, of self- sacrifice, of the supremacy of character over cir- cumstances, of the scorn of material comfort. Mr. W. M. Salter says in his Ethical Religion* pp. 188, 189 : "It cannot be claimed that we stand in any such re- lation to Socrates or the Hindu prince or Confucius as Christ and Social Reform. 243 Christ and Social Reform. to Jesus. Socrates has not been without influence upon us, but it cannot be soberly called a tithe of that which Jesus has had. Would that men read the Apol- ogy oftener ; they would find meat and drink in it, a tonic and an inspiration for their lives ! But there is need for no such wish in relation to the Gospels. Jesus is an ideal of goodness, all too indistinct often, but hovering in the thought of wellnigh every one of us. It is true that there is much uncertainty relating not only to His life, but to His teaching : yet as there > need be no doubt as to the main tenor and events of His life, so there need be none as to the commanding features of His teaching. They make too largely consistent a whole, and bespeak a mind of too much freshness and originality and power, to allow us to think of them as coming in an indefinite way from an age otherwise so traditional, so barren, and so prosaic." The ethical features which Mr. Salter finds in Christ are : (i) His opposition to the traditional morality of His day ; (2) His giving to the moral law a more distinct inward application, teach- ing that thoughts and words have a moral sig- nificance, like that of actions ; (3) His removing of all barriers of love to our fellow-men ; (4) His teaching that the " kingdom of God" is to come from above, and not in the natural course of things i.e., " not from the onworking of man's natural self-regarding impulses." The limita- tions in Christ's ethical teachings, Mr. Salter finds, at least as far as the ethical require- ments of otir own day are concerned, to be (i) His failure to emphasize " the intellectual vir- tues," straightforwardness, etc. ; (2) His lack of concern with the State. Says Mr. Salter : " Jesus was not concerned with the State, indi- cating neither ideal nor practical courses for it to follow. ' ' He was ever looking for a kingdom to come, which, says Mr. Salter, has proved one " of humanity's blighted hopes ;" (3) Mr. Salter finds in Christ's teaching little guidance for in- dustry ; and (4) no clear presentation of an ideal to be the end of human existence. But (b) there is another conception of Christ held by those who deny the deity of Christ, very different from and at almost every point opposed to the conception we have just no- ticed. This is the conception that A Social prevails largely among working Reformer, men outside of the Church, and es- pecially among materialistic social- ists. To such minds Christ was pre- eminently a social reformer. He is the first so- cialist. They term Him the good ' ' Sansculotte, ' ' to use Camille Desmoulin's phrase of the French Revolution. " The First Representative of the People" were the words written beneath the pic- tures of Christ that were posted in the halls of the French communists of 1848. The Carpen- ter of Nazareth is the name dearest to many working men. According to this conception, Christ was a Jewish labor leader, a religious trade-unionist, who taught of a kingdom of brotherly love, where inequalities and oppres- sion were to vanish ; where the poor, the weak, the unfortunate were to overthrow the kingdoms of wealth and of injustice. For opposing the rich and preaching communism He was cruci- fied by the chief priests exactly as the pastors of the churches of wealth to-day oppose socialism and would hang all revolutionists so this con- ception holds. Christ, argues Austin Bierbower, in his Socialism of Christ, sought to establish a kingdom in the interest of the "outs," of the ruled as against the rulers. He proposed to re- verse existing conditions to " lay the axe unto the root of the tree," " to put down the mighty from their seat," " to scatter the proud in the imagination of their hearts," " to send the rich empty away," "to fill the hungry with good things," " to exalt them of low degree." Christ's miracles, says Bierbower, " were all done in the interest of the poor." "The common people heard Him gladly. ' ' His command was to give up " houses and lands for the kingdom of God's sake." He said to the rich young man, "Sell all that thou hast, and distribute to the poor." The leading clergy Christ called hypocrites and whited sepulchers. Christ's method, says Bier- bower, was one of revolutionary force. He was an insurrectionist, who could be confused with Barabbas. He came " not to bring peace, but a sword." He prophesied a reign of terror. Jerusalem was to be destroyed. Not one stone was to be left upon another. Pilate accused Christ of stirring up the people. This insurrec- tion was to establish a communism. In Christ's teaching all men were to be equal. " Call no man master. ' ' There was to be no more clean and unclean. Men were to live in simplicity, to " take no thought for the morrow ;" not to have two coats. Many working men think that Christ was an Essene, or at least the founder of a communistic sect like the Essenes, of which the Orient was then full. According to Osborn Ward's The Ancient Lowly, Palestine was in the time of Christ full of trade-unions or secret guilds of slaves and despised artisans, and to these organized laborers Jesus Christ ap- pealed, entering into their life and carrying their principles of fraternity and equality through the world. Working men are not surprised that Christ was crucified. ' ' The cross and hemlock cup have ever been the reformer's reward." Such is the materialist reformer's conception of Jesus Christ. II. We cd eleventh centuries there seems to of God " have been a sort of peace "revival," 1 almost "a crusade of peace." Who- ever broke the " Peace of God" lost his property, and was driven from among men. The peace lasted from Thursday evening to Monday morning, and included Christian feasts and other festivals. Many religi9us fraternities to recon- cile enemies were formed in the Middle Ages. A meeting of clergy at Charons (989 A.D.) anathematized all who should plunder the poor and the clergy. The Council of Poictiers, 1004 A.D., worked for the same end. By the Council of Limoges (1031) all disputes were to be brought before the bishop and his chapter. The popes made public proclamations of peace. Almost all the councils reaffirmed this peace. In the thirteenth cen- tury Brotherhoods of the Agnus Dei worked for peace. In the same century Friar John of Vicenza traversed large portions of Italy, preaching the " Peace of God." In the fourteenth century a great religious movement for peace stirred the minds of different nations. Pil- grims with white bands around their necks (J Bianclii} marched through various lands preaching the duty of a Christian peace. In Germany the Church and the free cities combined, and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries largely introduced courts of arbitration un- der the bishop in place of feuds. The capitularies of Charlemagne are replete with evidence showing the effect of Christianity in the way of social reform. One of them reads: " Let peace and good intelligence rule among bishops, abbots, counts, judges, and men of all conditions, for without peace, nothing pleases the Lord." "If ye love one another, all will know ye Charle- ar e Christ's disciples." " Widows and . orphans and minors are to be protected magi as under the peculiar care of God." "The Capitularies, true charity, which loveth God and our neighbor," is to be cultivated. The peo- ple are exhorted to peace, because" they have one Father in heaven," and because the blessed book has taught them that " blessed are the peace- makers." The powerful are cautioned against the oppression of the poor, and all are exhorted to be imitators of Him who would save the souls of men. All Christians are most solemnly warned to give their utmost diligence lest they be forever separated from the kingdom of God by their strifes and contentions and falsehood and wicked vices. The laity were or- dered to learn the Apostles' Creed. The stranger and far-comer were especially protected " under the in- junctions in the Bible, and because such may be jour- neying in the service of their common Master." Similarly indicative of the influence of Christianity are old English laws. King Alfred (about 870 A.D) in- troduces his code with the ten commandments and other laws taken from the Bible. Of his laws, the King says: "These are the dooms that the Almighty God Himself spake to Moses and bade him to hold., and when the Lord's only begotten Son that is, Christ the Healer on middle earth came, He said that He came not these dooms to break nor to gainsay, but with all good to do and with all mild-heartedness and lowly-mindedness to teach them" (Hughes' transla- tion). "That ye will that other men do not to you, do ye not that toother men. From this one doom, a man may think that he should doom every one rightly ; he need keep no other doom-book." The Saxon and early Norman laws are strict as to Sunday work. If a bondsman work on Sunday by his lord's order, the lord must pay a fine of 30^.; if without this order, he must be flogged. If a freeman work without his lord's order, he must forfeit his freedom or pay 6o.y. A priest pays double. In King Ethelred's dooms the Christian impulse is very strong (978 A.D.). " This, then, first, that we all love and worship one God and zealously hold one Christianity ; . . . that every man be regarded as entitled to right, and that peace and friendship be carefully observed within the land before God and be- fore the world." King Canute's laws (1017 A.D.) are similar : " Let every Chris- English tian man do as is needful for him ; let T OTITO him keep his Christianity," etc. J^aws. Christianity in the Middle Ages did much for education. The Council of Vaison (529 A.D.) says: " It hath seemed good to us that priests with parishes should receive into their houses, according to a sound custom in Italy, young readers to whom they give spiritual nourish- ment, teaching them to study, to attach themselves to Serfdom. holy books, and to know the law of God." The Synod of Orleans (799) says : " Let the priests in villages and towns hold schools, in order that all the children en- trusted to them can receive the first notion of letters. Let them take no money for their lessons" (Theod., cap. 20). In 859 another council declared : " Let one raise everywhere public schools, that the Church of God may everywhere gather the double fruit of relig- ion" (Cone. Ling., cap. 10). The Council of Trent commands that the children of the poor have at least one master to teach poor scholars grammar gratui- tously" (Cone. Trid. occ.}. Charlemagne had already said : " Let one open schools to teach children to read ; let, in every monastery, in every bishopric, some one teach psalms, writing, arithmetic, grammar, and em- ploy correct copies of holy books ; for often men seek- ing to pray to God, pray badly on account of the un- faithfulness of copyists" (Cap. Ecc., 61-66). All these exhortations, and there were many more, had the effect of multiplying schools. The contribu- tion of the monasteries to education is well known. An immense quantity of manuscripts was copied. Thomas a Kempis said of this copying : " Do not trouble yourself at the fatigue of your work, for God, who is the source of every good and just labor, will give the reward, according to your efforts, in eternity. When you shall be no more, those who will read the books copied by you with elegance will pray for you ; and as he who gives a glass of cold water does not lose his reward, so he who gives forth the living water of wisdom will receive more surely his recompense in heaven." All classes studied in these monastic schools, so that rich and poor were brought together on the field of learning. Nor were the popes altogether wanting to the intellectual movement. Equally was the Church effective in behalf of liberty. Medieval serfdom sprang from the chaos of the times. Freed slaves found themselves unable to protect them- selves. They preferred to join them- selves, as land-slaves, to some master. The small farmer found himself better guarded from robbers by becoming the serf of some powerful nobleman. Wealthy patrons at Rome rewarded their faithful clients by bestowing on them parcels of land in the provinces, where they were attached as co- loni to the soil. Again, the government settled bodies of prisoners or immigrants on large districts of public^ land, and made them serfs to the soil. These coloni were considered as free born, but attached to the es- tate. They could not marry nor teach their children without the consent of their lord, though they could become priests. They had a little cottage, a little land, pasturage and fuel, and Rogers says (see SERFS) rent free. The estate could not be sold without them, nor they sold from the estate. They paid no taxes. The laws of Constantine forbade the separation of near relatives among slaves of the soil. Slavery, how- ever, still existed. Up to the twelfth century there was an absolute power of the master over the life of the slave. For these and for the serfs the Church did much ; 37 Church councils are reported to have passed acts favorable to slaves. In 305 A.D. any master ill- treating his slave was condemned ; in 517 the mur- derer of a slave was excommunicated ; in 549 the right of asylum in a Christian church was offered to the runaway, and slaves freed by the Church were pro- tected ; in 583 the ornaments and property of the Church were permitted to be sold for ransoming slaves ; in 566 Christians were forbidden to reduce free men to slavery ; in 922 no Christian was permitted to enslave a fellow-Christian ; in 656 any slave compelled to work upon Sundays became free by the fact, or if he were held over the font for baptism. The decree of the Council of Chalons (650 A. D.), with 44 bishops in session, ordered that no Christian slaves should be sold outside the kingdom of Clovis, with the words: "The highest piety and religion demand that Christians should be re- moved entirely from the bonds of servitude." One form of manumission was " For fear of Almighty God and for the cure of my soul I liberate thee, and may the angel of our Lord Jesus Christ deem me worthy of a place among His saints." Another form was, " I, in the name of God, thinking of the love of God, or eternal retribu- tion, ... do free this slave from the bonds of servitude." In the eleventh century, the Emperor Conrad speaks of the sale of human beings as a thing ne- farious and detestable to God and man (Pertz.) xi., 38). In the fourteenth cen- tury the Count of Valois, brother of Philip the Beautiful, freed the serfs of his comtt with the words : " As the human creature who has been formed in the image of our Lord ought to be free by natural right, ... let Slavery. Christianity and Social Reform. 248 Christianity and Social Reform. these men and women be free. . . ." In 1256 the city of Bologna freed all its serfs, paying an indemnity to their masters, closing the decree with these remark- able words : " The city of Bologna, which has always combatted for liberty, remembering the past, and its eyes fixed on the future, in honor of our Savior Jesus Christ hath ransomed all the serfs on its territory, and decreeth that it would not suffer there a man not free" {Istoria di Bologna, Girarhacci, quoted by Laurent Sugenheim and von Raumer, vol. iii.,p. 168). In Germany, the Sachsenspiegel, or Mirror, the code of the thirteenth century, is full of the traces of the influ- ence of Christianity against slavery. The Lord is said to have " put rich and poor equally under His love." Slavery is declared to have its origin " from unjust captivity," and, quoting the Bible, the law affirms that man belongs to God alone, and "whoever holds him as slave, sins against the power of the Almighty." < One of the first Christian kings of Norway, Knut the Holy, at the end of the eleventh century publicly pro- claimed that slavery should be abolished. By 1214 it had almost ceased, and by the fourteenth century there are no traces of it. In Sweden, King Magnus Eriksen, 1335, made a similar proclamation. In England, as upon the Continent, slavery arose from many causes birth, captivity, punishment, poverty. Thousands of Britons, in the first century after the Norman con- quest, sold themselves into thraldom. Children were sold by their parents. Bristol was the great slave market, and there might be seen long trains of British youths and maidens the latter often received for the sake of selling their offspring all to be sold either to Ireland or to foreign countries. One authority says that from ./Ethelwulf to William I., for 230 years, a great part of the English peasantry became reduced to slavery. By the Doomsday Book (1068-71 A.p.), the number of male slaves in Sussex was 9200, which would make the whole number about 50,000, while the freemen were only about 38,000. In the whole of Eng- land there seems to have been 25,000 slaves, 89,000 serfs, and 110,000 villeins. There is proof that slaves were branded and yoked as cattle. Christianity strove against this evil. Bishop Wulf- stan, of Worcester, about 1086, came yearly to Bristol and spent several months preaching against the slave trade. Edward the Confessor, 974 A.D., said of Christian brotherhood : " We Slavery in have all one heavenly Father and one spiritual mother, which is called Eccle- s f a _ that iSj God's church and therefore are we brothers." St. Aidan, of North- umbria, ransomed slaves. Bishop Wil- fred having received an estate with 250 Christian slaves, emancipated them. Laws were enacted in be- half of the" slaves, but always on a Christian basis. Some of these we have seen. A female slave led into sin by her master, by that act became free. The Seven Years' Jubilee, taken from the Jewish system, did much to destroy slavery in England. Under William I. the law forbade the slave trade. A council in London (1102), called by Anselm, forbade absolutely the nefarious business of selling human beings like brute beasts. The chivalry of the Middle Ages owes much, at least, to Christianity. The initiation of the knight was essentially religious; his ideals were largely so. His first oath wa's often " to fortify and defend the Christian religion to the uttermost of my power." Sim- ilarly the crusades and much of the life of the first period of the military orders like the Knights Templars were largely influenced and formed by Christianity, and were undoubtedly largely f9r good. The effect of the monastic life upon equality is noticed under the article COMMUNISM. Christianity and the Church did far more for civil liberty than is usually recognized. It should not be forgotten that Stephen Langton, Arch- bishop of Canterbury, was the main instrumentality in forcing from King John the priceless Magna Charta. For the part played by John Ball and Wycliffe, " poor priests,' f see JOHN BALL. The social influences of Sa- vonarola in Italy, who can estimate ? The democracy of the Church certainly influenced the political move- ment. For the development of this subject, see the second portion of this article. We come now to THE PERIOD OF THE REFORMATION. The first social effect of the Protestant Reformation, with its emphasis upon the right of private judgment, salvation by personal faith, the worth of the individ- ual soul, was the outbreak of a struggle for social freedom. In this struggle Germany took the lead (see PEASANTS' REVOLT). Many associations among the peasants were formed. One is spoken of on the Upper Rhine, which had a banner with a picture of Christ crucified, before whom knelt a serf with the legend, " Nothing but God's justice." The Swabian peasants, in the insurrection of 1525, said : " It hath been the cus- tom till now to hold us for serfs, which is a pity, see- ing that Christ hath bought us and redeemed us with His blood ;" and, " It is found in the Holy Writ that we are free, and we . . . desire to be free. . . . We would have God as our Lord, and know our brother in our neighbor." The fourth article claims on re- ligious grounds the use of wild game and wood from the forests. In con- clusion say the peasants, "If any of T,, r ,,_._. these articles are opposed to Holy Writ, ln erman y' and this can be proven to us, we will give them up. The peace of Christ be with us all." The peasants on the Neckar claimed un- der the emperor an absolute equality for all men. " All worldly lords are to be reformed, so that the poor cannot be burdened by them beyond the rules of Christian freedom ; the same law is to be for the highest and lowest." " All cities and parishes are to be reformed in divine and natural rights, after the prin- ciples of Christian freedom" (see also ANABAPTISTS ; CHRISTIAN COMMUNISM, etc.). Such was the first social result of the Reformation. But it did not en- dure. The leaders of Protestantism soon became too much engaged in the discussion of doctrines to lay great stress upon social rights. Protestantism be- came engrossed in "other worldliness." It is not to be denied that the preaching of the right of private judg- ment and the value of the individual had far-spread ing- social and political influence. John Fiske says of Cal- vin, for example: "The spiritual father of Coligny, of William the Silent, and of Cromwell must occupy a foremost rank among the champions of modern de- mocracy." Liberty owes indeed a great debt to Prot- estantis'm, however much Protestants hung and burn- ed and tortured those who did not believe with them according to the spirit of the times. Plymouth Rock is a truer outcome of Protestantism than the persecu- tion of the Salem witches. In the words of Cromwell, "They that trusted God for the liberty of conscience could venture life for the liberty of country." Prot- estantism against Romanism meant to Protestants, very largely, liberty against absolutism. Never- theless, Protestantism soon turned against the com- mon people. Luther was against the German peas- ants. Others than Milton found that " new presby- ter was but old priest writ large." Protestantism has stood for political liberty, but not for social re- form. What Christianity accomplished for social re- form up to the Reformation was accomplished large- ly through the Church. Since then it has been mainly through individuals, in spite of the Church. The Reformation produced in the Church of Rome, it is true, somewhat of a counter reformation, yet the ef- fect upon her, as upon the Protestant mind, was mainly doctrinal, and the Church, both Protestant and Roman, largely forgot to apply its Christianity. The opening of the new world, and especially of the gold mines of the new world, produced a revival of greed and of mammon worship, and led to the horrors of a modern slave traffic, that has endured 400 years. The first considerable cargo of slaves seems to have been brought in 1444, under Prince Henry of Portugal, by a Portuguese captain from the coast of Guinea. Charles V. granted in 1517 a monopoly to Governor de Bresa to import 4000 negroes during eight years into the Spanish colonies, but in 1542 the monop- oly covered 23,000 slaves. In 1700 a Spanish treaty with a Portuguese com- pany of Guinea stipulated to furnish 10,000 tons of negroes. The treatv of Utrecht (1713) gave Great Britain a monopoly in the slave trade for 30 years, from 1713-43, and during this period the British Government agreed to import 144,000 negroes of both sexes into Spanish America at 33% piasters per head. The British slave trade began under Queen Elizabeth. Certain statutes of William declared that "the trade was highly beneficial and advantageous to the king- dom, and to the plantations and colonies thereunto be- longing." Between 1752 and 1762, it is estimated that 71,- 115 slaves were imported into Jamaica alone. During two centuries the Spanish Government concluded more than 10 treaties " in the name of the most Holy Trini- ty," which authorized the sale of more than 500,000 hu- man beings. The first ship which sailed from Eng- land in 1562, under Sir John Hawkins, to buy slaves in Africa and sell them in the West Indies, bore the name of Jesus. In 1807 Lord Eldon said in Parliament : " It [the slave trade] has been sanctioned by Parliament, wherein sat jurisconsults the most wise, theologians the most enlightened, statesmen the most eminent," Slavery. Christianity and Social Reform. 249 Christianity and Social Reform. Bancroft estimates that for one century previous to 1776, 3,250,000 negroes were torn from Africa by Great Britain alone, of whom 250,000 perished in the Atlantic from the horrors of the " middle passage," where they were chained between decks so low that they could not stand up, the living often chained to the dead. Helps estimates that from 1519-1807, between five and six mil- lions of negroes were carried from Africa by various European powers to America as slaves. The American colonies protested against it, Oglethorpe, the great founder of Georgia, declaring that they prohibited it in that colony " because it is against the Gospel, as well as against the fundamental law of England." Within two years, however, the inhabitants petitioned for slaves. Protestantism and Romanism have thus the terrible stain to bear of the approval of slavery. Yet it should not be forgotten that it was mainly Christian thought that finally The Anti- broke up the slave traffic and slavery it- Slavprv sel ^' '^ ne Society of Friends or Qua- kers, both in England and America, was Movement, the first modern body of Christians to denounce and oppose slavery. As early as 1675 the devoted missionary, John Eliot, in Massachusetts, spoke against slavery, and in 1701 a petition against slavery was presented to the rep- resentatives of Boston. Among the Friends who opposed it in the eighteenth century should be mentioned Bene- zet and John Woolman. The great divines Wesley and Whitefield preached against it. Dr. Hopkins, a Con- gregational clergyman of Rhode Island, distinguished himself by his efforts against it, till in 1774 Rhode Island gave up the traffic, and in 1784 abolished sla- very. The Society of Friends was, however, the only religious body which as a whole forbade the holding of slaves. The early abolition societies all took religious ground. "Nearly all," says Wilson, the historian of the slave power (vol. i., p. 230), " who engaged in the formation of anti-slavery societies were members of Christian churches." In Great Britain the opposition to slavery came equally from Christian men, notably Baxter, Bishop Warburton, Paley, Wesley, Bishop Porteus, Whitefield, and others. The first p'etition to Parliament against the slave trade (in 1776) was based on the religious ground "that the slave trade is con- trary to the laws of God and the rights of man." The slave trade was abolished in the British Empire, 1806-7. The United States had included their judgment on the slave trade in the Constitution, but adjourned the final abolition till 1807. In England religious sen- timent rose till in 1833 England abolished slavery, paying .20,000,000 to the planters as indemnity. In the United States, early Church conferences denounced slavery. The Presbyterian Synod in 1787 "recom- mended to all their people to use the most prudent measures, consistent with the interests and state of civil society in the countries where they live, to procure eventually the final abolition of slavery in America." In 1818 it pronounced slavery "utterly in- consistent with the law of God . . . and totally irrec- oncilable with the spirit and principles of Christ." Congregationalists and Unitarians went even further. The Methodist Episcopal Church in 1780 plainly con- demned the system of human bondage. In 1800 the annual conference was directed to prepare an ad- dress favoring gradual emancipation. But the words were finally removed, and this was added, " Let all our preachers from time to time, as occasion serves, ad- monish and exhort all slaves to render due respect and obedience to the commands and interests of their re- spective masters." But the conflict was as irrepressible in the Methodist Church as it afterward proved to be in the nation. At the General Conference of 1844, which was held in the city of New York, the contention took an extremely angry form. It centered The lire- upon the personal relations of one of the nressible bishops of the Church (Andrew), who ^ had come into the possession of slaves Conflict. by a marriage which was contracted after he entered the episcopate. It was his wish and intention to resign, but he was overruled by the Southern delegates. They final- ly called a convention of delegates from the Southern conferences, which met at Louisville, Ky., in 1845. This body took formal action, separating itself from the Northern churches. By this secession the Methodist Episcopal Church lost 1345 traveling and 3166 local preachers and 495,288 members. Many" discerning minds regarded this ac- tion as prophetic of the same results in the organic life of the nation. But it was true nevertheless that from 1830 to 1850 the churches as a whole were subservient to the slave power. Dr. Albert Barnes said, " There is no power out of the church that could sustain slavery an hour if it were not sustained in it." Judge Birney called "the American churches the bulwarks of American slavery." Yet were there individual churches and clergymen not a few that battled for abolition. The clergyman Lovejoy was killed for advocating aboli- tion. Garrison and Phillips were strong in Christian sentiment. At one meeting in Illinois, more than 30 clergymen attended and opposed the introduction of slavery into that State. During the struggle in 1823, which prevented Illinois from becoming a slave State, the clergymen were almost as one man against slavery. But whatever the position of the churches, it is not too much to say that Christianity put down slavery. For the other social effects of modern Christianity, see CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM ; but Christianity, if not the church (q.v.\ has had at least its part to play in the gradual emancipation of woman, in the condem- nation cf war, the favoring of arbitration, in the care of the wounded in war, the condemnation of dueling, in prison reform, in the creation of hospitals and char- ities of every kind, and in temperance reform. II. CHRISTIAN SOCIOLOGY. The first note of Christianity in relation to so- ciety is that it is world-wide and international. It knows "neither Greek nor Jew, circumci- sion nor uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ all and in all." It taught Peter to World-wide. call no man common or unclean, but " that God is no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he that feareth Him and worketh righteousness is accepted with Him" (Acts x. 34). It led Paul, once a_Pharisee of the Pharisees, to write to the Ephesians, " Now, therefore, ye are no more strangers and foreigners, but fellow-citizens with the saints, and of the household of God" (Eph. ii. 19). It taught the Christian Church the unity of the faith " One Lord, one faith, one bap- tism, one God and Father of all, who is above all and through all, and in you all" (Eph. iv. 5, 6). One Lord Jesus Christ, " of whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named" (Eph. iii. 15). Hence Christians of every age, however they have explained it, have believed in "the holy Catholic Church," " the communion (liter- ally the communism, aoivuvia) of the saints," the unity of believers, the kingdom of God. Thus Christianity, at least till the Protestant Reformation, in Catholic countries, and even under Protestant denominationalism, in a deep- er-lying unity, has ever stood for the unity of man in Christ. Says Bishop Barry : "The Catholic [not Roman] Church is a universal so- ciety, which knows no distinction of age and physical circumstance, no distinction of peoples, nations, and languages. It is no castle in the air, no mere promise of a future heaven. It is a living reality now, ob- viously the one, ever-growing international society ; already realizing by its Bible read and its Christian worship offered in some 200 languages, the sign of Pentecost, and always advancing toward its future heritage of the world of humanity. This great unity . . . underlies all special, local, temporary character- istics ; its communion is a communion of saints ; its one universal tie is the indwelling of the Spirit of God ; . . . its means and pledges of unity are the sacraments of communion with Him" (Lectures on Christianity and Socialism, p. 13). Canon Fremantle's Bampton Lectures (1883) bring out still more plainly the unity of the Church "as a moral and social power, present, universal, capable of transforming the whole life of mankind, and destined to accomplish this purpose." The Church he calls "the social state in which the spirit of Christ reignSj embracing the general life and society of men, and identifying itself with these as much as possible, as having for its object to imbue all human relations with the spirit of Christ's self-re- nouncing love, and thus to change the world into a kingdom of God." Christianity and Social Reform. 250 Christianity and Social Reform. This makes the field of Christianity the world, and identifies with the coming of God's king- dom any advance in unity and in love. Says Canon Fremantle : "All goodness is essentially one, and therefore es- Its Field sen tially Christian. " The coming of all Life, love in all human relations is thus the coming of God's kingdom. The Jewish Church Canon Fremantle therefore calls a training in national righteous- ness. The early Christian Church he considers the beginnings of the universal society. The imperial and medieval Church a united Christen- dom attempted. The medieval theory of Chris- tendom he thus states : ' ' Christendom forms one great whole, in which there are two chief func- tionaries, the Pope and the Emperor, each in a different way its head. Each power is instituted by God. The one is to rule over man bodily, the other over his spiritual interests. Both spring from the old Roman Empire, which, hav- ing become Christian, was at once empire and Church. The two powers must support each other, both mutually necessary. The Em- peror sanctions the Pope's election, the Pope crowns the Emperor ; the Emperor protects the Pope and the clergy and the spiritual courts, and these in return support the authority of the Emperor over his subjects. This theory," says Canon Fremantle, "though it did not wholly correspond to the facts, had much in it, consid- ered as an ideal, which was sound." It ex- plains much of the crusades, is the key to Dante's De Monarchia, gives rise to both a Frederick Barbarossa and a Hildebrand. It gave to the world an Alfred the Great, a St. Louis, a Savona- rola. The Reformation was largely a reaction toward individualism, but still it was full of efforts toward a Christianized society ; and in England especially toward a Christian national- ism. Christianity to-day is drawing together the lines of Christendom. Canon Fremantle sees its unity and universality in (i) public worship, not as a separate cult, but as seeking to raise the tone of the general life ; (2) the family, the social unit ; (3) knowledge, the education of all ; (4) art, which must be national and popular, to gladden, not individuals, but mankind ; (5) so- ciety, which must acknowledge its stewardship ; (6) trade, which must learn cooperation ; (7) the nation, the constitutional and organic form of the Christian spirit ; (8) the universal Church or universal State, to be attained through arbitra- tion, international law, international congresses, and federation. Into all these channels the spirit of Christianity is more and more being poured. This is Christianity leading to inter- national socialism. But, more definitely, what does Christianity teach as to social reform ? First, that humanity is to come into a unity of brotherly love, not by building up some new scheme of universal brotherhood, but by the recognition that mankind is to-day a unit in the common Fatherhood of God, and may through The Christ enter into united life. It denies RrntharVinnd that society can be "made anew by ar- * w rangements ;" it believes that it is to be 01 Man. regenerated " by finding the law and ground of its order and harmony the only secret of its existence in God" (Maurice). This is the first social message of Chris- tianity "Return to God." Carlyle saw the need when he wrote : " The beginning and the end of what is the matter with us in these days is that we have for- gotten God." Mazzini saw it when he wrote to the working men of the world, " The source of your duties is in God," and contended that agitation conducted in the name of the rights of man had brought in up to the present day simply an increase of selfishness and in- dividual competition. When we accept God, we have the basis and possibility of union. " There can be no brotherhood without a common father," wrote Mau- rice. " From that time began Jesus Christ to preach and to say, Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand." To return to God is the first step in Christian sociology. Second, Christianity declares that to do this Christ is the Way. " I am the Way, l.he Truth, and the Life ; no man cometh unto the Father but by me." This is the second sociologic position of Christian- ity, that Christ is the elder Brother, the Way, the leader into brotherhood. This, as we have already seen, Christ came to be the -fulfiller of the law. Christ the Way. He is the King made manifest, the King in man, the King on earth, the head of the body. The way to realize human brotherhood and unity is not alone to discuss Christ's divinity, but to accept His mastership, to become His follower, to join His kingdom. This is to be a Christian. Men realize this in personal salvation ; but it is equally to be realized in social salvation. For Christians He is " the Man," and He must be the solution of all human problems. That is the primal creed. Not only is He, as the " Man of Sorrows," the Brother and Comforter of all who are weary and heavy laden ; not only are the poor His peculiar charge and treasure, but more than that : He is Himself, in His risen and ascended royalty, the sum of all human endeavor, the interpre- tation of all human history, the goal of all human growth, the bond of all human brotherhood. It is in this character that He has been kept so little in practi- cal mind ; it is this office of His which is reserved to such an obscure and ineffectual background. His living Headship, as the Second Adam raised to the right hand of power, as the perfect Son of Man, this has not been brought to bear, with energy and con- fidence, upon the actual society which He, in this lord- ship sealed to Him, necessarily claims as His own. It is this extension of the fruits of the Passion over the entire surface of human life which Christian sociol- ogy emphasizes. The whole of human nature is to be brought within the sway of the " New Man." And human nature is corporate ; " man is a social animal." The natural bonds which hold together men into so- cieties and races must, of necessity, receive the new inflowing force which comes to them out of the suprem- acy of Him who gathers all men unto Himself. Third, it is a spiritual way. " Ye must be born again" is true of society as well as of individuals, the third point in Christian sociology. A nation's life must be from the spiritual to the ma- terial, from the inner to the outer, .till all be spiritual. Not by law material A Spiritual but by law spiritual does God's king- Way dom come. This does not mean that we ' are only to build up God's kingdom by spiritualizing individuals alone. It was not Christ's method (see article CHRIST AND SOCIAL REFORM). We must spiritualize all life the body, the city, State, the nation. This is the distinctive function of the Church. The national Church should be the soul of the nation, into which and through which God's Spirit may come to the nation. Fourth, if Christian sociology consists in society's obeying, through spiritual life, the social law of Christ, we must know that law. It is simple. "Then one of them, which was a law- yer, asked Him a question, tempting T v g oc ; a i Him, and saying, " Master, which is the great command- .Law. ment in the law ? " Jesus said unto him, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind. "This is the first and great commandment. "And the second is like unto it, Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. " On these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets" (Matt. xxii. 34-40). Says Professor Ely : "This is a most remarkable, and at the same time a most daring summary of the whole duty of man. A human teacher would never have ventured to reduce all God's commandments to two simple statements ; nor would such a teacher have pre- sumed to exalt man's obligation to love and serve his fellows to an equal plane with his obligations to love his Christianity and Social Reform. 251 Christian Socialism. Creator. All false systems of religion exalt the love of God above the love due pur fellow-men, and tell us that we may serve God by injuring our fellows. How many millions of human beings have thought that they did God service by human sacrifice ! 'Not only is this true, but it is furthermore true that, in proportion as be- lievers in the true religion depart from the mind which was in Jesus Christ, they neglect the second command- ment. Thus, when Christ dwelt on earth, He found men excusing themselves from duty to their fellows on the plea of higher obligation to Deity. "The second commandment, which is like the first, means that in every act and thought .nd purpose, in our laws and in their administration, in all public as well as private affairs, we if indeed we profess to be Christians should seek to confer true benefits upon our fellow-men. It means that the man who professes to love God and who attempts to deceive others in re- gard to the real value of railway stock, or, for that matter, any other property, that he may coax their money into his pockets, is a hypocrite and a liar. It means that the man who oppresses the hireling in his wages is no Christian, but a pagan, whatever may be his declarations to the contrary notwithstanding. What does God say of such an one ? He says : ' I will be a swift witness against those that oppress the hire- ling in his wages.' What does His second command- ment mean for those rich men who keep back the hire of their laborers ? It means that they ' must ' weep and howl ' for the miseries that shall come upon them.' And what does this message mean for monopolists who use their superior advantages of wealth or intellect, or bodily strength or other resources, to crowd out and grind down their fellows according to the methods of modern commercial competition? The prophet Isaiah shall tell us : ' Woe unto them that join house to .house, that lay field to field, till there be no place, that they maybe placed alone in the midst of the earth.' " It is needless to enlarge upon this. It must be seen that the arrangements of this world are not in accord with the commandment given to love our neighbors as ourselves." Fifth, the interpretation of this is the Cross. The Cross cannot be removed from Christian sociology. There can be no obeying Christ without sacrifice. Via cruets, via lucis. "If The Cross an ^ man will come after Me, let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow Me." This is the fifth point in Christian sociology. It is the only way to fulfil love. Love is the leaving of self, the living- in others. Love and life and sacrifice are one. It is thus indeed that we most truly gain. But if we love and deny ourselves for the sake of gain,, we do not love. " Whosoever shall seek to save his life shall lose it." Christian sociology is finding one's true individuality in losing it in the life of all. Therefore, luxurious bishops and priests and ministers cannot teach Chris- tian sociology, for their lives give the lie to their words. We must become poor, if we would make the many rich. Sixth, we come to more detailed questions. They can only be answered by those who have long passed the merely sentimental assertion that Christ is all in all. and have set them- selves to the solid task of discovering 1 what that solemn truth really and pre- cisely means, and have worked it down into the concrete facts, and have sur- veyed and estimated the full need of the circumstances, and striven to make clear to themselves what is the first step, and what the second, and the third, if that great royalty of Christ is, in very deed, ever to be made good here on earth, amid men as they are, and after a history such as they have hitherto had. (a) Christianity must demand in some form the opening of all the earth, including all natural advan- tages, to all God's children equally. How may be a question of political and economic method (see LAND), but in some form it must be accomplished. Equity, brotherhood, and the declaration of Christ demand it. That private property in land was forbidden, and every Jew entitled to the use of land by the Jewish theocracy, is undisputable ; that Christ came to fulfil the law and the prophets can no more be denied. That we must follow their method is not certain, but that in some way Christianity must bring to the world what Judaism required of the Jew can be denied by no Christian. (h) Christianity demands that love and not competi- tion be the law of trade. The golden rule must be made the rule for gold. "Competition," said Maurice, "is put forth as the law of the universe. This is a lie. The time -is come to declare it is a lie by word and deed." This means that in some form Christianity ira- It is Definite. ' plies socialism (q. v.\ Said Laveleye : " Every Christian who understands and earnestly accepts the teachings of his Master is at heart a socialist ; and any Christian who opposes what is commonly known as Christian Socialism misunderstands Christ, or socialism, or both." The inference is not, of course, that Christianity must be committed to State socialism, but society to be Christian must in all ways conform to the law of co- operation. (c) Christianity demands that every man able to work should work. Not otherwise can he follow the Carpenter of Nazareth. " If any man would not work, neither should he eat" is the injunction of well-nigh the oldest TV .. T__ A * Christian epistle. (d) It follows from this and from the Labor. whole spirit of .Christianity that we are not to live upon the work of others by usury. (For the detail of this argument, see USURY.) (e) Christianity demands the enthronement of the family, in the abiding unity in love of one man and one woman. " And I say unto you, whoso- ever shall put away his wife, except it be for fornication, and shall marry mi, e Family another, committeth adultery ; and *' whoso marrieth her which is put away, doth commit adultery." These words of Christ, with all they imply, are fundamental to Christian sociology (see FAMILY). (/) Lastly, Christian sociology demands that, the Christian go into the details of all political, social, and industrial life of every kind, and bring them into subjection to Christ. Only so shall we be His disciples. " Not every one that saith unto Me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom, but he that doeth the will of my Father, which is in heaven." Into all these details Christ's spoken ordinances do not go. Christianity is not a system of ordinances. But it is a life, and into these details the Christian life must go. (For different views, see CHRIST AND SO- CIAL REFORM.) References : Among the best books are C. L. Brace's Gesta Christi ; N. C. Koun's Arius the Libyan ; Canon Freman tie's The World as the Subject oj 'Redemp- tion , R. T. Ely's Social Aspects of Christianity ; F. D. Maurice's Social Morality ; P. \V. Sprague's Christian Socialism: Tolstoi's My Religion SLn&What to Do : Bishop Westcott's Social Aspects of Christianity ; Can- non Farrar's Social and Present Day Questions ; G. D. Herron's The Christian Society ; J. H.W.Stuckenberg's Christian Sociology ; S. D. Headlam's Lessons from the Cross and the Laws of Eternal Life. (See also THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM.) ' CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM is a term first used by the little band of men clergymen and laymen that gathered round the Rev. Fred- erick Denison Maurice in 1848. It was used by them to express their position that socialism was really but a development, an outcome of Chris- tianity, and that to be effective and true it must be grounded on a definite Christian basis. What they meant by it in more detail we shall see later on. It must, however, be pointed out here that since that date the phrase has been used in different and very loose and sometimes mis- leading senses. It has been and is to-day used by some for any application or attempt at the application of Christian principles to social life. This is especially true of its use upon the conti- nent of Europe by both Protestants and Roman Catholics. It is, however, more commonly and more strictly used even to-day for the position originally held by Maurice and the early Chris- tian Socialists. This, however, is not incon- sistent with the fact that almost all those who call themselves Christian Socialists, at least in England and America to-day, hold economic views in some ways materially different from the views held by the early Christian Socialists. Circumstances have changed. Social thought has developed. Socialism has changed. The same principle that led Maurice and Kingsley to take one view leads their successors to take an- Christian Socialism. 252 Christian Socialism. other. What these various positions are, that are united under the one general principle, will be best seen by the history of the movement. We commence with ENGLAND. The year 1848 was a dark one for English working men. Bad harvests, heavy taxes, the potato famine had brought to a head all their sufferings and wrongs. Ireland was on the verge of rebellion. There were riots in more than one Eng- Beerinnings. li sn town. Chartism (q.v.) had done its work. On April 10 there was an im- mense mass-meeting at Kennington Common. London was thrown into intense excitement and fear. Wellington assumed military control. Two hundred thousand special constables were sworn in. Meanwhile, two clergymen of the Church of Eng- land, F. D. Maurice and Charles Kingsley, with a young lawyer, J. M. Ludlow, had been growing more and more interested in social questions. Charles Kingsley now rushed down from his parish at Evers- ley, and meeting Ludlow at Maurice s house, it was decided to publish placards and spread them broad- cast, sympathizing with the workmen, but urging re- straint from violence, and the necessity of virtue and religion to make men fit for liberty. Charles Kings- ley wrote all that night, and the next morning ap- peared on thousands of posters his address to the workmen of England, signed "A Working Parson." The crisis was passed. A pouring rain and the energy of O'Connor prevented any outbreak. It was now decided by the above three to publish a little penny weekly, entitled Politics for the People. In these, in addition to Maurice, Kingsley, and Lud- low, we find articles by Archdeacon Hare, Professor Conington, Sir Arthur Helps, Archbishop Whately, Dr. Guy, French, Stanley, Osborn, and others a rare galaxy of brilliant minds. Kingsley wrote in it the well-known articles signed " Parson Lot" (see KINGS- LEY). The first number appeared May 6, 1848. The columns, moreover, contained many communications from Chartists, among others one signed by " One of the wicked Chartists of Kennington Common." The paper, however, was discontinued after 17 numbers for lack of support, although it attained a circulation of 2000. The little knot of writers, however, now including Thomas Hughes, held meetings all winter, meeting with many of the Chartist leaders, and starting night schools. It was at one of these conferences that Kings- ley made his celebrated speech beginning, " I am a Church of England parson and a Chartist," in which he acknowledged the grievous wrongs of the work- men, but dissuaded them from violence. A Mr. Mayhew at this time contributed to the Lon- don papers a series of articles on the poor and the sweating system, which called out Charles Kingsley's burning and indignant tract on Cheap Clothes and Nasty. But Maurice from first to last remained its directing spirit. The Christian Socialists began dis- trict visiting in the courts and alleys (especially Little Ormond Yard) round Lincoln's Inn, of which Maurice was preacher at this time. At stated times they met for conference in Maurice's house to discuss social problems. Ragged schools were begun under their auspices, and " sanitary leagues" when the cholera began to rage. Colonization was projected. "Let us devise a socialist home-colonization as soon as you please ; provided only we give it a ground to stand upon, the sooner the better," said Mr. Maurice, in a letter to Mr. Ludlow. A cooperative institution, which was a practical em- bodiment of their ideas, was started, being an associa- tion of tailors in Castle Street, nearly opposite to the place where now stands the Cooperative Institution. This was in 1849. I n l8 5 a society for promoting work- ing men's associations was formed, with Maurice for its president, and became the nucleus or center of the cooperative movement. The fundamental principle of this society was "the practical application of Chris- tainity to the purposes of trade and industry." In December, 1849, a dinner was held at Ludlow's and a plan for cooperative stores was discussed, and for the first time the term Christian Socialism was agreed upon. Said F. D. Maurice, in a tract in 1850: "That is the only title " Christian which will define our object and will Socialism" comm it us & \ once to the conflict we Douaiism must engage in sooner or later with the First Used, unsocial Christians and the unchristian socialists." This position was taken largely under the influence of Ludlow, who had been in Paris and seen there the associations OMvriers, and who had written to Maurice from there that "socialism must be Christianized or it would shake Christianity to its foundation, precisely be- cause it appealed to the higher and not to the lower in- stincts of man." The Christian Socialists, now work- ing under this name, started a periodical and also a cooperative store under the leadership of Walter Cooper, the ex-Chartist. Their periodical, The Christian Socialist, was edited by Ludlow, but contributed to by all the members. The following, by Ludlow, clearly expresses its ideas : " A new idea has gone abroad into the world : that socialism, the latest born of the forces now at work in modern society, and Christianity, the eldest born of those forces, are in their nature not hostile, but akin to each other ; or rather, that the one is but the devel- opment, the outgrowth, the manifestation of the other. . . . That Christianity, however feeble and torpid it may seem to many just now, is truly but as an eagle at moult ; that socialism is but its livery of the nine- teenth century, which it is even now putting on, to spread erelong its wings for a broader and heavenlier flight. That socialism without Christianity, on the one hand, was lifeless as the feathers without the bird, however skilfully the stuffer may dress them up into an artificial semblance of life. That every social- ist system which has maintained itself has stood upon the moral grounds of righteousness, self-sacrifice, mutual affection, and common brotherhood. . . . That Christianity, on the other hand, in this nineteenth century of ours, becomes in its turn chilly and help- less when stripped of its social ^influences ; or, in other words, when divorced from socialism. . . . That if the Gospel speaks true, and ' ye cannot serve God and mammon,' it is wholly incompatible with a political economy which proclaims self-interest to be the very pivot of social action ; . . . but that it is compatible with those theories or systems which have for a com- mon object to bind up into fellowship, and not to di- vide by selfishness and rivalry ; to substitute fair prices and living wages for a false cheapness, and starva- tion, its child ; and which have adopted for their watchwords Association and Exchange instead of Competition and Profit. . . . If it be given us to vindi- cate for Christianity its true authority over the realms of industry and trade, for socialism its true character as the great Christian revolution of the nineteenth century, so that the title of socialist shall be only a bugbear to the idle and to the wicked, and society from the highest rank to the lowest shall avowedly regulate itself upon the principle of cooperation, and not drift rudderless upon the sea of competition, as our let-alone political economists would have it do then, indeed, we shall have achieved our task ; and no amount of obloquy, ridicule, calumny, neglect, shall make us desert it, so long as we have strength and means to carry on the fight. For a fight it is, and a long one, and a deadly one a fight against all the armies of mammon." The Christian Socialist was, nevertheless, less long- lived than Politics for the People. The movement, however, did not end. Kingsley published his Alton Locke. It brought down on the Christian Socialists a shower of abuse. Says Professor Seligman of it : " ' Tracts full of raving and disreputable rant ; mouth- pieces of class selfishness, popular prejudice and igno- rant passion ; ravings of blasphemy, rapine and non- sense ; miserable delusions ; mischiev- ous provocations clothed in oily phrases of peace and charity ; a clique of way- Opposition ward-minded men who, from a morbid Encountered craving for notoriety or a crazy strain- "* ing after paradox, have taken up the un- hallowed task of preaching the doc- trines of Jacobinism and the Jacquerie 'this and much more of the like was said of them in all the re- views and journals. Advertisements were refused by the daily papers, booksellers did not dare to keep cop- ies of their publications. Tlie Christian Socialist was prohibited by the French Government from circulating in the realm. A committee of King's College was ap- pointed to investigate Maurice's activity in these dan- gerous schemes, and he narrowly escaped losing at once his professorial position. Kingsley was invited to deliver a sermon in a London church, and at the close his opinions were openly branded as untrue and dan- gerous by the officiating rector." Eventually Maurice was removed from his chair at King's College, and very affecting is the address of condolence presented to him by those workmen who had through him come to believe in the divine mission of Christianity in saving society. But opposition and obloquy, so far from discouraging the Christian So- cialists, only acted as a spur to further exertion. "I Christian Socialism. 253 Christian Socialism, am a revolutionist," says Kingsley in one of his letters. His " Bible Radicalism" meant to go to the root of the matter, and to recover the true and original basis of Christian fellowship. The Cooper- At the same time they all felt that if a HTTO MnvA their work was to prosper they must put move- their hand to the p[ow and g < ve a prac _ meat. tical demonstration of their theory. In this work the laymen of the movement were most prominent. Among these most of all Mr. E. Vansittart Neale, who, with a prodi- gality of self-sacrifice rarely witnessed, provided the funds for the first attempts in cooperative production, and the establishment of the central cooperative agency. In this case many of the aristocracy and clergy wished to encourage the promoters. From both orders came flowing in, and the success that was so far attained by such means induced the promoters to open an " East-End Needle- women's Workshop," and to aid the formation of an association of shoemakers. Thus in course of time a number of productive associations were formed in London and the provinces, principally in the North, especially after visits by invitation from Air. Maurice, Mr. W. Cooper, and others, to render ad- vice in their formation. With the further development of the movement, the need began more and more to be felt for legal protection, such as did not exist at the time. But more than legal and other advice was re- quired, the power of the Legislature was invoked and obtained, tho not without a struggle, owing to the prej- udices still pervading the House of Commons and the country. But the real boon, the " Magna Charta of Cooperation," the Industrial and Provident Partner- ships Bill, did not pass till February, 1852. The Society for Promoting Working Men's Associa- tions received now a new constitution, the principles of which were stated to.be : 1. That human society is a body consisting of many members, not a collection of warring atoms. 2. That true workmen must be fellow-workers and not rivals. 3. That a principle of justice, not of selfishness, must govern exchanges. It will be seen from this that the principles remained the same, tho the altered condition of the law required a change in the by-laws and regulations for the con- duct of business. When the cooperative associations grew strong enough to stand on their own legs ; when it was dis- covered that those among them which had risen up in- dependently, and had received less or no support from the promoters the societies for distribution were also those which throve the best, then it began to be felt by the main body of the promoters that their work in this direction was done. What they must do in the future, they thought, must be done by means of education. This led to the establishment of the Working Men's College, which was opened in 1854, in close vicinity of the scenes marked by the earliest suc- cesses of Christian Socialism. Henceforth the history of the Christian Socialism of England of this period was lost in the cooperative movement developing in the North of England. The London stores separate from this either failed or were swallowed by the larger movement. But the Christian Socialist thought lived. According to Maurice, the world is essentially a mani- festation of God's order, but the selfishness of man has produced a deviation from the original principles. " God's drder seems to me more than ever the antago- nist of man's systems," he writes. Says Professor Seligman : " These Christian Social- ists were reformers in the fullest sense of the word. The kingdom of Christ was to them no empty formula ; they were thoroughly imbued with the belief that this kingdom, created through Principles of revelation, actually existed and was the Earlv destined in time to subjugate all wick- r , . . edness and misery. Society, according CarisUan to them, is not to be made anew by ar- SocialistS. rangements, but is to be regenerated by ' finding the law and ground of its order and harmony, the only secret of its ex- istence, in God.' In speaking of the term Christian Socialism, they denied having adopted the word Christian merely as a qualifying adjective ; they maintained that Christianity has 'the power of re- generating whatever it comes in contact with, of making that morally healthful which apart from it must be either mischievous or inefficient." They strongly protested against the notion of turning the Bible into a book for keeping the poor in order. The Bible they considered, on the contrary, the poor man's book, the voice of God against tyrants and humbugs. "Justice from God to those whom men oppress, glory from God to those whom men despise," was to them the thought running through the Bible. Men of such a stamp viewed with a sovereign dis- dain the social doctrines of the Manchester school of political economy. They wrote : "Of all narrow, con- ceited, hypocritical, anarchic, and atheistic schemes of the universe, the Cobden and Bright one is exactly the worst." To the Christian Socialists a Manchester ascendancy seemed a horrible catastrophe. Said Kingsley : "I expect nothing from a public press which pan- ders to popular Mammonism by scraps of politico- economic cant, and justifies the ignorant miser to him- self by retailing Benthamite phrases which sound like scientific laws, while they are really nothing but the assertion of barren truisms. I expect nothing from the advocates of laissez faire the pedants whose glory is in the shame of society, who arrogantly talk of economics as of a science so completely perfected, so universal and all-important that common humanity and morality, reason and religion must be pooh- poohed down, if they seem to interfere with its infal- lible conclusions, and yet revile, as absurd and Utopian, the slightest attempt to apply those conclusions to any practical purpose. . . . The man who tells us that we ought to investigate Nature, simply to sit still patient- ly under her, and let her freeze and ruin and starve and stink us to death, is a goose, whether he calls him- self a chemist or a political economist." "Competition," said Maurice, "is put forth as the law of the universe. That is a lie. The time is come to declare that it is a lie, by word and deed. I see no way but by associating for work instead of for strikes." Kingsley maintained that not self-interest, but self-sacrifice, was the only law upori which human society could be grounded with any hope of success. " That self-interest is a law of human nature, I know well. That it ought to be the root-law of human so- ciety, I deny, unless society is to sink down again into a Roman empire and a cage of wild beasts." The en- thusiasm of the promoters was unbounded. Thomas Hughes thought (and still thinks to-day) that they had found the solution of the labor question ; but at that time he was also convinced that " we had nothing to do but just to announce it and found an association or two, in order to convert all England and usher in the millennium at once, so plain did the whole thing seem." And the majority of the promoters were equally sanguine. The Christian Socialists were mistaken. Not thus are millenniums ushered in. It takes more than a co- operative association or two to make a millennium. Says William Clarke in the Fabian ssays : " The Christian Socialist, which was the organ of Maurice and Kingsley, betrayed great simplicity as to the real nature of the economic problem. It neglected Owen's principle of 'community in land,' and sup- posed that by working together and selling articles of good quality at a fair price po\*ferty could be elimi- nated, while yet every worker in the community was paying his tribute of economic rent to the owners of the in- Maurice's struments of production." And yet the Tract Christian Socialism of Maurice and his coworkers was true socialism. The first of The Tracts on Christian Social- ism, published in 1849, was written by Maurice. It commences as follows : A Dialogue between Somebody (a person of respectabil- ity) and Nobody (the writer). Somebody. CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM ! I never saw that adjective united to that substantive before. Do you seriously believe that a socialist can be a Christian, or a Christian a socialist ? Nobody. I seriously believe that Christianity is the only foundation of socialism, and that a true social- ism is the necessary result of a sound Christianity. S. Sound and true ! One imderstands those words very well. True socialism is your socialism, not that of Owen, Fourier, Louis Blanc, or any other English- man, Frenchman, German. Sound Christianity is your Christianity, not that of any church, "sect, school, or divine hitherto known in Christendom. N. The socialism I speak of is that of Owen, Fourier, Louis Blanc, and of the Englishmen, Frenchmen, Ger- mans, who have fraternized with them or produced systems of their own. S. A sufficient warrant for the other half of my proposition. Your Christianity then, I presume, is that of Owen, Louis Blanc, Fourier ? A rather pecul- iar species of a very comprehensive genus ! But to waive that point for the present. Your socialism is Christian Socialism. 254 Christian Socialism. To-Day. that of a hundred different men at strife with each other. N. All these men, if I understand them rightly, are attempting to compass the same end. They differ about the means of compassing it. S. The same end ? Happiness, I suppose. Socialists and anti-socialists are probably agreed so far. N. The watchword of the socialist is COOPERATION ; the watchword of the anti-socialist is COMPETITION, Any one who recognizes the principle of cooperation as a stronger and truer principle than that of competi- tion has a right to the honor or the disgrace of being called a socialist. jV. further says in the tract : " I grant you that a Christianity which is merely brought in to help out the weakness of a system formed in the eighteenth or nineteenth century will be a very poor, weak Chris- tianity indeed. I do not believe that these French reformers, if they are as honest as I hope some of them are, can ever be content with such a feeble and paltry creation. They want a ground to stand upon, not a Corinthian capital, to make their edifice look more stately and graceful. And if they begin to look ear- nestly at the Bible history, at the creeds of the Christian Church, at the records of it from the Day of Pentecost to this time, I believe they will find more and more that they have the ground there, the only one upon which they can stand or work. They will not read in the Divine Book of a great strife of individ- ual competitors, but of a Divine family, expending it- self into a Divine nation, of a universal society growing out of that nation, recognizing and preserving both the forms of human fellowship out of which it was unfolded." After this wave of Christian Socialism in England, we have a long gap in the movement. Socialism of all kinds seemed dead in England. But the thought was not dead. Early in the seventies the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam founded and has ever since been warden of the Guild of' St. Matthew. English Chris-Altho a so-called High Church organi- zation, it has become the leader of the remarkable moveme nt among the younger Catholic wing of the Church of England toward radical socialism. It believes the secular to be spiritual, and finds secular principles involved in the high- est Church teachings. Since 1882 Mr. Headlam has also edited the Church Reformer, the organ of the guild, and an outspoken mouthpiece of Christian So- cialism (see ANGLICAN POSITION IN SOCIAL RE- FORM). Its radical nature can be seen in its reference to the Queen's Jubilee celebration as that "blasphe- mous" adulation going on at Westminster Abbey ; and by the ultra-socialistic literature advertised and com- mended in its columns. The Guild of St. Matthew has a small but enthusiastic following through all England. In or near London alone some 50 clergymen belong to it, among them The Rev. C. L. Marson (q v.), the Rev. Percy Dearmer (q.v.}, the Rev. W. E. Moll, of St. Mary's, Soho, the Rev. H. C. Shuttleworth, and the' Rev. T. Hancock, author of sermons widely circulated in England, such as the one entitled The Banner of ' Christ in the Hands of the Socialists. Of much more recent date and not so radical in its socialism, and yet doing a very wide and important work in the Church of England, is the Christian Social Union, founded in Oxford in i88q, under the lead of the Bishop of Durham and Canon Scott Holland. (For a fuller account of it, see CHURCH SOCIAL UNION.) While it does not declare explicitly for Christian So- cialism, its principles and teachings so largely tend this way that they are commonly spoken of in Eng- land as *' The New Christian Socialism." It is signifi- cant, therefore, that the Union embraces so many of the leading members of the Church of England, is the publisher of the able Economic Review, and includes men of such power and spirituality as the Rev. Charles Gore, Dean Stubbs, and others, including its secretary, the Rev. John Carter. In East London, the Rev. James A. Adderley (q.v.) has founded a brotherhood and publishes Good Will, a magazine of Christian So- cialism adapted to use in parishes, with a circulation of about 24,000. Outside of the Church of England too there is much Christian Socialism. A Society of Christian Socialists organized early in the eighties, not confined to the Church of England, and which from 1883 to December, 1891, published an organ, The Chris- tian Socialist, no longer exists, but its work is carried on by The Christian Socialist League, of which the Rev. Dr. John Clifford, a leading Congregational clergyman, is president, and J. Bruce Wallace, Percy Alden, E. D. Girdlestone, John H. Belcher, and Profes- sor Shuttleworth are prominent members. Among the Wesleyans the Revs. Hugh Price Hughes and Mark Guy Pearse are outspoken for Christian Socialism, while in Scotland the Rev. John Glasse, of the Church of Old Greyfriars, is a pioneer of socialism in Scot- land. Apart from all Church organizations, yet standing for a very vital Christian Socialism, are the labor churches (q.v.) begun in England by John Trevor (q.v.) in 1891. (For a full account, see LABOR CHURCHES.) They rep- resent a strong radical movement politically in con- nection with the Independent Labor Party, yet insist- ing on the religious character of the labor movement. Some two dozen labor churches exist in England, with beginnings of a dozen or more. In London, J. Bruce Wallace is pastor of the Brotherhood Church and founder of the Brotherhood Trust (q.v.) Altogether no one can deny that Christian Socialism in one form or another is a very vital part of English social reform. GERMANY. Christian Socialism in Germany dates in its present form from the period of the Lassalle agitation, yet had its precursors in the philoso- phy of Fichte and Hegel and the communistic preaching of Albrecht the Prophet and of Weit- ling (q.v.). We consider its Roman Catholic and Protestant developments separately. The Roman Catholic movement came first. Early in this century Franz Xavier von Baader (q>.v.), moved by the sorrows of the working class, recom- mended a "theocracy," a monarchy guided by Divine Eolitics, as opposed to a democracy of revolution, a tate held together by Christian love, equally free from slavish despotism and la\vless individualism. "The Church," he said, "must strive for this. It must provide a new diaconate to bring about a more equita- ble redistribution." A greater German Roman Catholic Christian Social- ist was Wilhelm von Ketteler (q.v.\ the late Bishop of Mayence. Von Ketteler was in very many ways like Kingsley. He said of himself : " I have lived with and among the people, and know them in their sorrows and com- plaints. There are few of the tears and none of the sufferings among the people committed to my charge which have es- caped my notice." He had especially endeared himself to his people by his bravery and devotion during an epi- demic of typhus fever in 1847. He was elected to repre- sent his district in the Germanic Confederation at Frankfort. As early as 1848 he preached a course of sermons on the social subject in the cathedral at May- ence to audiences of many thousands. He largely indorsed the socialistic program of the day, invoking State protection against the encroachments of irrespon- sible capitalists ; but he held that to endure, society must be founded on the rock of St. Peter. He pointed out the impotence of legislation to equalize property. Christianity alone, he taught, could put cooperative associations on a sound basis. " May God in His good- ness," he cried, " bring all good Catholics to adopt this idea of cooperative associations of production upon the basis of Christianity." Yet little directly resulted. In 1864, however, Ketteler published a treatise, The Labor Question and Christianity, and in 1868 organiza- tion was reached in the Christian Social Working Man's Associations. An organ of the movement was started, Die Christliche Sociale Blaetter. In 1870 the Catholic Journeymen's Clubs, which had been started in 1847 by Father Kolping, a pious artisan, joined the Chris- tian Socialist movement. These clubs numbered, in 1872, 70,000 persons, mainly in Bavaria and Westphalia. They were strictly under the control of the Church, and therefore were more or less opposed by the Social Democrats. Yet the movement grew. In 1878 it num- bered 12,000 in Westphalia alone. It took many forms benefit associations, savings and credit associations, associations for diffusing literature, working girls' as- sociations, etc. The movement is represented by sev- eral papers. At the meeting in 1871 Canon Mou- fang, in a memorable speech, presented the points which have become the program of the movement : (i) Legislative protection of the rights of labor ; (2) pecu- niary State subvention in aid of cooperative associa- tions ; (3) reduction of the burdens of taxation and military service ; (4) restriction of the power of cap- ital, and the removal of evils arising from usury and over-speculation. At the conferences of German Ro- German Catholic Christian Socialism. Christian Socialism. 255 Christian Socialism. man Catholic societies at Breslau, in 1872 ; Aachen, 1873 ; Mainz, 1874 ; Schlesien, 1877, and especially at Diis- seldorf in 1883 and Trier in 1887, the social question was very prominent. Gradually two wings have de- veloped : one tending to individualistic methods of re- form and "self-help," etc. ; the other calling for State action and much of the socialist program. At Trier and Diisseldorf especially the latter wing showed it- self in the majority. The rapid growth of the Social Democratic Party in Germany has, however, made it very difficult for the Catholic Socialists to maintain their hold on the working man. Nevertheless in 1882 they had no representatives in the Reichstag, and in 1891 they counted 820 unions with 75,000 members. In fact, the main strength of Catholic Socialism lies in this widely spread system of organization. In places the number of associations of operatives under Church auspices surpasses the aggregate amount of all other similar associations taken together. There are Catholic associations of masters and apprentices, of factory laborers, miners, and vintners ; there are " Patriotic Bavarian" and Westphalian unions of peas- ant proprietors, and a number of other societies of men and women in every direction, exercising a pow- erful influence under strict clerical supervision, the result of which is that in purely Catholic regions for any efforts of social reform to be successful, it is essential in the first instance to secure the Catholic ecclesiastics as auxiliaries in any such undertak- ing. The movement has thus enabled the Roman Church to bring into the field a strong force of artisans in the battle of the cuiturkampf, developing at times a strange political union between the Radical and Church Socialists in the struggle against the Bourgeoisie, and fulfilling the prediction of Cavour of a union between Romanism and Socialism, between the red and the black International, between Ketteler's " Kosacken reg- iment," as it has been contemptuously called, and the followers of Lassalle and Karl Marx. This union, how- ever, it must be remembered, is only political, and only exists at times and for particular ends. The Social Democrats of Germany, as elsewhere in Europe, are opposed to all churches (see ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM). Protestant Christian Socialism in Germany has been a wholly separate movement. As early as 1838 Victor Aime Huber (q. v.), who may be called the founder of German Christian Social- P ism, at the request of Friedrich Wilhelm we IV of p russ i a commenced in Berlin a Protestant paper, the Janus, advocating religious Christian cooperation. After the revolution in Q->r>iaii'om l8 4 8 tnls was discontinued, but Huber socialism. formed an Association of Christian Order and Liberty. It was not success- ful, altho Huber himself seems to have been a man of sound judgment and full of benefi- cent plans. "The father of vagabonds" he called himself, and in a little town among the Hartz Moun- tains he established a home among the poor, going out thence on journeys through Germany, France, and England, urging cooperation in agriculture and in all forms of life. He died July 19, 1869. About 1878, however, commences the chief movement of Protestant Christian Socialism in Germany, begun by Pastor Todt and brilliantly championed by Stocker, the court chaplain. From the first it allied itself to the paternal State socialism, which has become the policy of the Prussian mpnarchs. Kaufmann, in his Christian Socialism, says of this German Protestant Christian Socialism: "This title is somewhat misleading,'since those to whom it is applied, and who cheerfully accept the appellation, are so far from being socialists, in the ordinary sense of the word, that the name ' Defenders of Society on Church and State Principles' would convey a more correct idea of their aims and purposes to English readers. Properly speaking, they are conservative would-be saviors of society, who see no other means of escape from the present social dilemma but in a firm alliance between crown and altar for the purpose of regenerating so- ciety." An association was formed and soon gained adhe- rents in " Christian circles." It called itself the Cen- tral Union for Social Reform on a Religious, Constitu- tional, Monarchical Basis. It sent forth an appeal to the clergy, reminding them that the hour had come for the Church to bestir itself to meet the social crisis with the spiritual weapons at its command, as an evangelical body. Two fundamental principles are laid down in the program, one indicating the duties of the .State, the other those of the Church : i. That thorough reforms have become necessary in order to inspire the enfranchised masses with confi- dence toward the Government. 2. That the solution of the social question is impos- sible without the cooperation of the moral and relig- ious factors, and the Church's recognition of the just demands of the fourth estate (the working men). Among the objects of the association are mentioned the diffusion of a wholesome literature for the purpose of stemming the tide of materialistic and revolutionary modes of thought and feeling among the masses ; the publication of a paper, the Staats Socialist, for the ex- position of free discussion of burning questions in political economy ; the collection and organization of the scattered loyal elements among the people as the best available means of defense against the anarchical attempts of social democracy ; and the full expression both in word and deed of sympathy with the rightful demands of the working classes, to assure them of the support of the " main pillars" of society, the Church and the State. Eventually, Todt and Stocker founded two associa- tions : first of all, the Central Union for Social Re- form, and then the Christian Social Working Men's Party. Altho the same ideas and nearly the same persons had directed'the formation of the two groups, their aims were very different. The Union for Social Reform was to be composed of well-to-do and educated men, such as ministers of the Church, professors, manufacturers, and land-owners, who would join in seeking for means of conciliating the anarchic classes through reforms inspired by the spirit of Christianity. The Christian Social Working Men's Party was to rally and to aid working men. The movement met great opposition. All the pro- gressive papers protested against it as mucker-social- ismus, or sham socialism. The liberal press also op- posed it. "We prefer," said one paper, "socialists in blouse to socialists in surplice." The higher dignitaries of the Evangelical Church held aloof from the movement, or indeed were hostile to it ; but the common clergy were stirred. More than 700 ministers sent in their adhesion to the Central Union for Social Reform. Dr. Kogel, one of the court preachers, Dr. Buchsel, the superintendent-general, and Dr. Bauer strongly urged the Protestant clerg}- to take up the social question. Dr. Stocker displayed wonderful courage. He attended public meetings at Berlin, where he confronted the most fanatical oppo- sition of the Socialist Democrats, and sometimes, by sheer force of eloquence, he won cheers from the hos- tile crowd. He was attacked with extraordinary vio- lence by Herr Most, who organized what he called a Massenaustritt aus der Kirche, or formal renunciation of the Church. The Central Union for Social Reform also obtained the adhesion and even the cooperation of several well-known economists, such as Professor Adolf Wag- ner, of Berlin University ; Dr. Schaeffle, former Minis- ter of Finance in Austria, and author of Socialismus und Capitalismus : Herr Adolf Samter, banker at Konigsberg; and Professor von Scheel. But in order to influence the masses, as the ( atholic Socialists have done, the assistance of the clergy was needed ; and it was to gain this assistance that the founders of the movement, Stocker and Todt, directed all their efforts. According to them, the duty of ecclesiastics, and even of the Protestant Church as a body, was to take part in discussions on the social question. This question, they said, embraces the whole of humanity. The So- cial Democracy rests on materialism and propagates atheism, while liberalism and so-called positive science, by endeavoring to eradicate the religious sentiment, supply it with weapons. Who is to defend this pre- cious treasure, if not the pastor ? Christ came to bring the " glad tidings" to the poor ; His disciples and apostles ought to do likewise. They ought to search out the causes of the ills of the lower classes, in order to find the remedy. Political economy can alone throw light upon these difficult questions, and it must accord- ingly be sedulously studied. The clergy ought unceas- ingly to remind the State and the upper classes of the duty imposed upon them by the law of the Gospel in respect of their destitute brethren. The passion for accumulating riches is becoming more and more the characteristic of our age. This " Mammonism" is the enemy of Christianity, and must be unwearyingly combated. Pastor Todt is the chief author of the movement, his book, Radical German Socialism and Christian So- ciety, having a large reading and much influence. In this work Todt condemns the economics of liberalism as unchristian, and seeks to show that the ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity are scriptural, as are also the socialist demands for the abolition of private Christian Socialism. 256 Christian Socialism. property and of the wage system, the laborer to have the full produce of his labor, and labor to be associated. Herr Todt places the following epigraph at the head of his work : " Whoever would understand the social question and contribute to its solution must have on his right hand the works on political economy, and on his left the literature of scientific socialism, and must keep the New Testament open before him." Political economy, he adds, plays the part of anatomy : it makes known the construction of the social body.- Socialism is the pathology which describes the malady, and the Gospel is the therapeutics which apply the remedy. Is it not remarkable that the Christian countries are precisely those which have evolved socialism ? What is the reason of this? According to Herr Todt, it is be- cause socialism has its root in Christian- ity : only it has gone astray from it. It Present De- is the fruit of the Gospel, but it has be- , i come corrupt. In reality, according to veicpmeni. jj err Todt, socialism springs from the sentiment of revolt, produced by the sight of the contrast between the exist- ing economical constitution of society and a certain ideal of justice and equality. Hence arises the desire to remove this contrast by a radical reform of the so- cial order. Christianity also condemns the present world, where selfishness and evil passions prevail, and announces the "new kingdom," where the first shall be last, where charity shall make all men brothers, and where the earth shall belong to the peaceful and lowly. Adolph Wagner, the learned Professor of Political Economy in the University of Berlin, is from the stand- point of science even a greater influence in this move- ment. More recently the two branches of the move- ment have become one under the name of The Central Association for Christian Social Reform, and is doing a very wide work. Its adherents are said to number over 7000, mainly in Berlin. The movement has, how- ever, largely changed its character. Herr Stocker early became a leader in the anti-Semitic movement, and by so doing attached to himself a certain political following not always of a desirable character, and, at the same time, prejudiced against him many who had been attracted by his Christian Socialism. The move- ment, therefore, so far as it is Christian Socialist, has broken away from his lead, and for the most part has become a movement for all kinds of church and social philanthropic societies and efforts. It has in this line developed a large and useful activity. It has, how- ever, become so connected in this movement with the so-called "Inner Mission" (g.v.) in Germany that we consider it best under that head. Only a few of the younger men adhere to any large extent to the radical views with which Christian Socialism in England and America is usually identified. Nevertheless, important yearly congresses of the Evangelische Socialisten, as they are called, are held, and led by such men as Paul Gohre, for a long time the secretary of the association, exert no small influence in the Protestant Churches of Germany. (See INNER MISSION.) FRANCE. France may be said, in a very real sense, to be the birthplace of Christian Socialism. As long ago as 1790 did Claude Fauchet(^.?/.),oncea court preacher, and then a leader in the Revolution, advocate a radical Early Christian communism, and found- Christian ed a Christian communist paper Socialists, the first socialist paper of the world, Bouche de Fer (The Iron World}. He founded Christian socialist clubs, and exerted no little influence. The bon mot of Camille Desmoulins, calling Christ le bon sans- citlotte, is well known. Saint Simon (g.v.) him- self has been sometimes called the first Christian Socialist. His first idea was to induce the Pope to found a new Christian social order, and when he failed in this, he undertook himself to found what he called a New Christianity. Several of the Saint Simonians, notably Buchez (g.v.), be- lieved that they could, and endeavored strenu- ously to establish a new social Christianity. Far more truly may Lamennais (g.v.) be considered a leading French Christian Socialist. His journal, L' Avenir, began in 1830 with its motto, " God French Catholic Christian Socialism. and liberty, the Pope and the people," and after his break with the papacy, his Les Paroles d'len Croyant (The Words of a Believer, 1839), are among the noblest and most burning Christian socialist utterances ever made. Cabet, the brill- iant author of the Utopian Icaria, must also be mentioned here, with his book, Le Vrai Chris- tianisme suivant Jesus Christ (1846), striving to show that Christianity is communism. Yet in spite of these and other brilliant utterances there has been no organized Christian socialist movement in France until very recent times. Says Kaufmann, in his Christian Socialism, p. 169 : " De Maistre. Lamennais, Lacordaire, on the one hand, Bonald, Le Play, and le Comte de Mun, on the other, represent in the order we have placed them, tho not in chronological sequence, thte ascending and descending scale from and to the Ultramontane standpoint of Christian Socialism." The great movement of Le Play (q.v.) can, in itself, however, scarcely be called a Christian Socialist movement, altho it has led to some extent to a move- ment sometimes using this name. Le Play himself, al- tho a devout Roman Catholic, aimed to make his movement purely educational. The founder of the real Roman Catholic socialist movement in France is the Comte de Mun (q.v.). He, with the Comte de la Tour-du-Pin Chambly, founded, soon after the Fran- co-Prussian War, the CEuz>re des Cercles Catholiques d'Ottvriers, an association organized for the purpose of bringing together working men on a Church basis, and standing on the social prin- ciples of the encyclical and syllabus of 1864. Its professed object is "the counter-revolution, made in the name of the syllabus, and the great work of reestablishing a Christian order in the world of labor." The followers of this school hold the Protestant Reformation to be the parent of all France's moral and social ills. They see in the Ref- ormation a revolution against God, the worship of the sovereignty of the man in place of the sovereignty of God. They class Luther, Calvin, Voltaire, Rous- seau, Danton, Robespierre, side by side. Against^ the Reformation, with its asserted ecclesiastical, political, social, and moral results, they declare war. In place of Protestantism and economic individualism they would establish cooperative association with State aid, under the patronage of the Church of Rome. With the Social Democrats they have nothing to do. Since the Pope has condemned socialism under that name, though indorsing many of its principles, they deny that there can be a Christian Socialism. The movement is more ecclesiastical and political than really Christian Socialist. It is an effort to hold the working classes for Rome. The direction of the unions is placed in the hands of local committees in close connection with a central committee in Paris. It is an attempt, moreover, of bringing together the higher and lower classes of society by means of Christian sympathy, and so to effect social union. These Cath- olic working men's associations combine the advan- tages of a religious club, a cooperative supply associa- tion, and a laborer's friend society all in one. Eventually the CEuvre purposes to become the nucleus of a number of benevolent institutions to promote the welfare of the working man. Originally intended for the workmen of large towns, these asso- ciations have spread into the villages, and are now what the Comte de Mun calls calmly settled "islets in the midst of immense populations agitated by the tempests of social war. ' There were 450 of these cercles in 1880, and several employers of labor, like the Christian philanthropist Harmel in the Val-des- Bois, are able to give most satisfactory reports of their own attempts to transform unruly colonies of work- men into quiet and industrious communities by the adoption of the principles of the cercles, and thus to establish a happy relationship between employer and employed. In 1887 there were 400 cercles and 130 cooperative as- sociations. Their leader, the Comte de Mun, is an active politician and fluent speaker, and tho sometimes defeated, has frequently been elected to the Chamber of Deputies, where he is the leader of his party. This movement, however, is not the only Roman Catholic social movement in France. In 1890 Bishop Christian Socialism. 257 Christian Socialism. Frippel founded La Societe Catholiqtte d' economic poli- tique, representing the Le Play movement, but in direct conjunction with the Church. To the Le Play school also belong Claude Janvel, Charles Perin (q.v.), the Jesuit fathers Forbes and Caudron, and other prominent Catholic workers for social reform. (See LE PLAY ; also ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SO- CIAL REFORM.) Protestant Christian Socialism in France is still more recent. Our account is abridged from an article by Rev. John G. Brooks in The New World, December, 1802 : "In 1887 Pastor L. Gouth of Aubenas (Ardeche), after much conversation and correspondence with Pastor I. Fallpt and other laymen, took the initiative in the establishment of a Protestant Association for the Practical Study of Social Questions* A provisional committee was named, French ano - requests for membership were sent Prntoatant out to every department, and on Octo- -rroiesiani, ber ig and ^ ig8g> the association held Christian its first general assembly at Nimes Socialism. (Gard). In this assembly there met members of the different Protestant churches of France, especially the clergy. The fact which caused the most astonish- ment and rejoicing was that orthodox and liberals of the national Church forgot their divisions and joined hands on common ground, after 15 yearS of theological and ecclesiastical controversy. All were there ani- mated by the same spirit, and all sought the same end. If this end was not very clearly seen the greater part of the members having given very little study to the complex social question, or social questions rather all felt that there was something for Christians to do, and that it was a duty for all to labor in concert to es- tablish the kingdom of righteousness in the world. After a noble discourse by the president, the courage- ous Pastor I. Fallot, and an incisive and thoughtful re- port by M. Charles Gide, the eminent professor of political economy, rules and regulations were voted, of which these are the principal articles : ' i. A Protes- tant Association for the Practical Study of Social Questions in France is hereby established. 2. It ap- peals without distinction of opinion to all Protestants, men and women, who comprehend their responsi- bilities and their duties in view of the sufferings and the dangers of existing society, and who are resolved to thoroughly apply to the organization of society, as well as to the life of the individual, the principles of justice and love proclaimed by Jesus Christ. 3. It proposes to aid its members in the study of economic science and of the various efforts at social reform. 4. Placing itself above all on moral and religious ground, the association will apply itself to the investigation and publication of everything in the existing order which is contrary to justice and solidarity, everything of a nature to hinder the moral and religious develop- ment of the individual, and consequently his salva^ tion. 5. The aim of the association is to labor to re- pair the evils from which we suffer, by pointing out to Christians their social duties, by suggesting to them the initiative in works of brotherhood and relief, and by acting upon public opinion and the established powers to bring about necessary reforms.' " Many general assemblies have since been held at Nimes, Lyons, Montbeliard (Doubs), Marseilles, Havre, and Paris. The association has now a mem- bership of some 600, and has striven mainly to encour- age social studies, both theoretical and practical, chiefly through means of conferences ; to undertake or encourage the publication of these social studies in pamphlet form or in periodicals ; to establish in Prot- estant communities groups for social study and social activity. Several of the members have established in their churches, or rather in their communes, institu- tions answering to its aims, a bureau of information and employment, a Maison de Travail, & mutual aid society ; elsewhere a society for the aid of young ap- prentices of both sexes, lodging-houses, and the like institutions. The Review of Practical Christianity, published once in two months, at Vals-les-Bains (Ardeche), at the price of five francs, is the official or- gan of the association. Edited by M. Chastand, pastor at Vals, this review publishes papers from the histori- cal, the theoretical, and the practical points of view, by MM. Gide, de Boyve, Fallot, Robin, Konig, Raoul Allier, and many others of the laity and clergy. M. de Boyve edits L Emancipation, published at Nimes (Gard). "The association during the Paris Exposition was represented at the congress on participation in profits, at the congress held to consider accidents to working people, and at the congress on Sabbath rest. The fine work of Pastor Wagner, Lajeunesse, has been crowned by the Academy. It has lately been translated into English and issued in England and America. Efforts of many kinds are made, especially in what concerns the elevation of woman a work pursued with stead- fastness by MM. Fallot, Charles Secretan, Minault, Gouth, Comte, and several others." OTHER EUROPEAN COUNTRIES. Belgium has distinguished herself in the literature of Christian Socialism. Colins, born in Belgium in 1753, should perhaps be mentioned here, tho he wrote mainly in Paris, and devel- oped a philosophy in most respects any- Polo-inni thing but Christian, since he believed, Del S lum - strangely to say, in immortality, but not in God. As an ardent land nation- alizer, however, and with a religious spirit, altho a bizarre theology, he perhaps sowed seeds which have sprung up in Belgian Christian Socialism. Huet (g. v.), born in 1814, was an out-and-out Christian Socialist. His Le Regne Social du Christianisme, published about 1850, is one of the earliest and best statements of Chris- tian Socialism in any language. ProfessordeLaveleye was his pupil, and says of this book that it has not re- ceived the attention it deserves, being too full of Chris- tianity for most socialists and too full of socialism for most Christians. A Roman Catholic of the school of Pascal and Bossuet, he protested to the last against ultramontanism, and for a liberal Catholicism and a spiritual secularity. Professor Emile Louis de Lave- leye,his most distinguished scholar, belongs to the same school. Professor of Political Economy at Liege, he is as well known for his Christian Socialism as for his economic and sociological writings. A Catholic, altho of the extreme liberal type, his position on Christian Socialism may be summed up in the passage from the introduction to his Contemporary Socialism, where he says : " Every Christian who understands and earnestly accepts the teachings of his Master is at heart a socialist ; and every socialist, whatever may be his hatred against all religion, bears within himself an unconscious Christianity. Professor C. Perin, of the Roman Catholic University of Louvain, belongs to the ultramontane school. His treatise on Wealth in Christian Society was published in 1861. Later he published a work on the Laws of Christian Society, which was prefaced by a pontifical breve, dated 1875. In 1879116 published a work on Christian Social- ism, to which was added an address he delivered at the opening of the Congress of the Directors of the Roman Catholic Workman's Associations, at Chartres, August Q, 1878. Perin founds social order on Divine authority, but trusts largely to the moral rather than the dogmatic influence of the Church. Industry, he believes, should be organized, both paternally and fraternally, under employers, and yet with a Christian fraternal spirit. (For further details, see COLINS ; HUET ; LAVELEYE ; PERIN.) With all these and other Christian Social- ist writers in Belgium, one is not surprised to find much fruit. Roman Catholic Workman's Associations have existed in Belgium some 25 years. Altho in many ways not popular organizations among the masses, since they are very largely managed and controlled by priests and Jesuits, they do reach many workmen, and their frequent congresses have been very influential. On the occasion of the congress at Liege in 1886, Pope Leo XIII. addressed a favorable letter to the Bishop of Liege, which was enthusiastically received. The In- ternational Catholic Congress at Liege in 1887, under the presidency of the Cardinal Archbishop of Rheims, and attended by prelates from all over Europe as well as by Belgian members of Parliament and employers of labor, gave large attention to social questions, and took position largely on the lines advocated by Profes- sor Perin. At the congress at Liege in 1800 there were 1500 delegates, including 10 bishops. The Catholic movement, however, in Belgium has two schools, one of which would oppose Catholicism to the socialist movement, and try and defeat it ; the other would work with the socialists so far as possible, and try and Christianize their movement. Both parties, however, are opposed to radical democratic socialism, and are, therefore, violently opposed by the Belgian socialists, who would away with pope and bishop, as well as capitalist and king. In other European countries Christian Socialism has a less hold. In Geneva, in Switzerland, however, there are two societies of Christian Socialist*, and these extend their influence very largely through all Switz- erland. One of these, the Christian Swiss Society of Social Economics, is mainly an educational society, Christian Socialism. 25 8 Christian Socialism. working among the educated classes. Its president is M. Frederic Necker, a descendant of Madame de Stael. It numbers among its members many of the prominent Swiss Protestant clergy- men, but has also many professors, busi- ness men, and bankers. The venerable Countries, and well-known Professor Charles Sec- retan, of Lausanne, was among its direct- ors and a firm Christian Socialist in the larger sense of the term. The other society, the Society for the Practical Study of Social Questions, works among the working classes, and attempts to come into contact with the non-Christian Swiss socialists. It is un- der the lead of the Geneva pastor, M. H. Rqerich, and is mainly useful in publishing some admirable altho radical Christian Socialist literature. It publishes a monthly paper, La Solidarite, at Imprimerie Dubois, Quai des Moulons, Geneva ; price, for foreign coun- tries, 75 cents. Roman Catholic Christian Socialism in Switzerland has little development, altho not a few of the priests, notably one at Chur, speak openly on this question, following the recent lead of the Pope (see THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM ; ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH). In Austria Christian Socialism was first ad- vocated by a Protestant, Rudolph Meyer, but he was effectively seconded by Roman Catholics Prince von Leichtenstein, Counts Blome and Kuefstein,and most of all by Baron von Vogelsang, the founder of the organ- ized movement. Austrian Christian Socialism is, how- ever, little more than patronage of working men in the interests of Rome. Other countries have done still less, altho Rev. M. Kaufmann (q. v.), in his Christian Socialism, says : " As the eye travels over the map, different countries at once call up before the mind figures of prominent Christian Socialists in every di- rection. The Scandinavian North suggests the vener- able figure of the late Bishop of Zeeland, and his work on Socialism and Christianity as a Fragment of Chris- tian Ethics. Italy reminds us of the social studies of Rafaele Mariano in his work on Christian Catholicism and Culture. To this in Italy should be added the great name of Mazzini (q. v.), who, tho neither a Chris- tian nor a socialist, as they were presented to him in his days, was one of the truest Christian Socialists of the century, as witnessed to bv his Duties of Man and other writings. (See MAZZINI.) THE UNITED STATES. Christian Socialism in America has made a more recent appearance. This is due undoubt- edly mainly to economic conditions in part to the American idea of the divorce of Church and State, which has meant too often the divorce of secular and religious life. There have long been those, however, in America who have in- dividually looked this way. Many of the par- ticipants in the Brook Farm and the early Fou- rier experiments acted on motives largely those of Christian Socialism. As early as 1849 Henry James, Sr., in a lecture delivered in Boston, argued the identity of Christianity and Social- ism. In 1872 a Christian Labor Union was or- ganized in Boston under the lead of George E. McMill, Edward H. Rogers, Hon. T. Wharton Collins (of New Orleans), the Rev. Jesse H. Jones, Henry T. Delano, and others. The Rev. esse H. Jones from 1874-75 published a paper in Boston called the Equity, really a paper of Christian Socialism. The writings of the Rev. R. Heber Newton, D.D., of Drs. Lyman Ab- bott, Rylance, Washington Gladden, Professor R. T. Ely, are well known. Yet were there no Christian Socialists, so-called, in America till organization was effected in Boston, April 15, 1889, largely under the lead of the Rev. W. D. P. Bliss. It was called the Society of Christian Socialists, and adopted the following principles : " To exalt the principle that all rights and powers are gifts of God, not for the receiver's use only, but for the benefit of all ; to magnify the oneness of the human family, and to lift mankind to the highest plane of privilege, we band ourselves together under the name of Christian Socialists. " I. We hold that God is the source and guide of all human progress, and we believe that all social, politi- cal, and industrial relations should be based on the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, in the spirit and according to the teachings of Jesus Christ. " II. We hold that the present commercial and in- dustrial system is not thus based, but rests rather on economic individualism, the results of which are : " (i) That the natural resources of the earth and the mechanical inventions of man are made to accrue disproportionately to the advantage of the few instead of the many. (2) That production is without general plan, and commercial and industrial crises are thereby pre- Society of cipitated. (3) That the control or busi- fViriotion ness is rapidly concentrating in the ^""suai hands of a dangerous plutocracy, and Socialists. the destinies of the masses of wage- earners are becoming increasingly de- pendent on the will and resources of a narrowing number of wage-payers. (4) That thus large occasion is given for the moral evils of mammonisnij reck- lessness, overcrowding, intemperance, prostitution, crime. " III. We hold that united Christianity must protest against a system so based and productive of such re- sults, and must demand a reconstructed social order, whichj adopting some method of production and dis- tribution that starts from organized society as a body and seeks to benefit society equitably in everyone of its members, shall be based on the Christian principle that ' We are members one of another.' " IV. While recognizing the present dangerous ten- dency of business toward combinations and trusts, we yet believe that the economic circumstances which call them into being will necessarily result in the develop- ment of such a social order, which, with the equally necessary development of individual character, will be at once true socialism and true Christianity. " V. Our objects, therefore, as Christian Socialists, are : " d) To show that the aim of socialism is embraced in the aim of Christianity. (2) To awaken members of Christian churches to the fact that the teachings of Jesus Christ lead directly to some specific form or forms of socialism ; that, therefore, the Church has a definite duty upon this matter, and must, in simple obedience to Christ, apply itself to the realization of the social principles of Christianity. " VI. We invite all who can subscribe to this decla- ration to active cooperation with us, and we urge the formation of similar fellowships in other places throughout the land." This society included members of all churches. Its president was a Baptist, the Rev. O. P. Gifford, and among its officers Rev. P. W. Sprague (Episcopalian) and Mrs. Mary A. Livermore (Universalist). Branch societies were also started in many cities. The society also established, in 1889, a monthly organ, The Dawn, for some years published in Boston by Mr. Bliss. The society, however, no longer exists. Mr. Bliss has established an Episcopal mission, the Church of the Carpenter, in Boston, which supports the name and principles of Christian socialism, but through the country the organization has not taken root. This is, perhaps, however, somewhat due to the fact that Christian Socialism has in one form or another very largely entered the churches themselves. The Daivn in January, 1893, published a list of some 700 clergy- men more or less actually engaged in Christian Social reform. In the Episcopal Church, a Church Social Union (q.v.) has been established that has reached 1000 members. In the Baptist Church a Brotherhood of the Kingdom (q.v.) has been formed. Still larger and more influential is the American Institute of Christian Sociol- American ogy (q.v.), which is not confined to any one denomination. In many colleges and divinity schools there are now either chairs or courses of lectures in Sociology. Christian Sociology. Especially active in this work has been the Rev. G. D. Herron, D.D., Professor of Christian Sociology at Iowa College, Grinnell, la. Professor Herron is author of many small but brilliant books, and is constantly lecturing or holding institutes of Christian Sociology in all sections of the country. The Rev. Graham Taylor, Professor of Christian Sociology in Chicago Theological Seminary, is also- working, tho more conservatively, on Christian social lines. The Kingdom, a monthly of applied Christianity, published in Minneapolis, has reached a circulation of some 20,000. Almost all Church papers in the United States, notably The Outlook (see ABBOTT) and The Christian Christian Socialism. 259 Christian Socialism. Christian Statesman, published in Alleghany, Pa., are full of earnest articles on Christian social reform. Much of this movement, however, is not committed to the defi- nite principles of Christian Socialism, nor to the radi- cal measures (advocated in The Dawn in this country and among most English Views of Christian socialists. The emphasis of Dr P D ^ r ' Herron's teaching, e.g., is upon the JJT. IT. if. coming of the kingdom of God and the Herron. enthronement of Christ as king over all social life. Savs a reviewer of Dr. Herron's work : " His spirit is one of in- tense loyalty to Jesus Christ, demanding His immedi- ate enthronement in those spheres of action in which most Christians and the world have denied Him sover- eignty. There are no books that breathe a stronger personal attachment to a risen living Lord than his. His basal principle is the Cross self-sacrifice as the law for Church and society, State, nation, and world, as well as for individual life. And this he iterates and reiterates with an intensity and passionate eager- ness, a particularity and a wideness of scope that no man in history has attempted (so far as I know) this side of Paul. 'In the class room from day to day, as well as in the pulpit on Sundays, he seems determined to know nothing but Jesus Christ and Him cruci- fied.'" Dr. Herron steadily declines to go into detailed schemes for the reconstruction of society. He believes it to be the function of Christian sociology not to enter such details, but to present the general principles ac- cording to which a true society must be constructed. Without fear or favor, however, Dr. Herron condemns the present industrial, social, and ecclesiastical con- ditions, and demands their reformation in the name of Christ. On the other hand, the Christian Socialism advocated by 77ie Dawn and a few of the more rad- ical Christian Socialists of the country Radical does advocate the definite measures of Christian the socialist program, yet ever in the <5npialic-n name of and based upon the life and socialism. teachm>fs of j es us Christ. Says a tract by the Rev. W. D. P. Bliss : " Christian Socialism is the application to society of the way of Christ. It believes that Christ has a social way. and that only in this way are there healing and wholeness for the nations. Christian Socialists do not deny the necessity of individual Christianity. The first thing to do is for the individual to accept Christ. Repentance, faith, baptism, the sacraments, the indi- vidual spiritual life Christian Socialism is no substi- tute for these. It is no salvation by the wholesale, by machinery, by power of environment ; it is no new gospel of modern thought. It is, rather, simply the carrying out of the full, old gospel, which is to all peo- ple. It holds that Christian Socialism follows from and is involved in personal obedience to Christ. It is first Christian. Its starting-point is the Incarnation. " But this being so, it quickly adds, that while Chris- tian Socialism follows from personal obedience to Christ, it is not enough to-day to say that all that is needed is for the individual to follow Christ. This, while true, is too indefinite. It begs the question. IV e need to be told what it means to follow Christ. Those sentimental Christians who will listen to naught else, and say that all that is necessary is for individu- als to obey Christ, and to induce others to follow Him, are in danger of saying, ' Lord, Lord,' without showing what the Lord would have us do. Christian Socialism tries to voice the social law that it has learned from Christ. " First, it declares that all men are the children of God's creation, and that in the Son, who is God's eter- nal purpose manifest in the flesh, their sonship is to be realized, they by Him being reunited to God. This is the starting-point of Christian Socialism. But from this much follows. It follows that men are not merely individuals ; they are born united ; they are born in one family. It is not necessary, therefore, to develop an organism. The world is one. We simply need to realize what we are. Society makes the individual, more than the individual makes society. Society be- gins in God. This being so, the first social necessity is to recognize this. We are not to attempt to develop a social system that starts from the individual, but simply to develop the social unity we derive from God. "Second, the law for the social life Christian Social- ism finds in the Old Testament. The Mosaic revela- tion gives the law for society. It founded a theocracy on earth. God was the Universal Father ; every man of the theocracy a brother. Property in land was not absolute ; the land was conceived as belonging to God. No individual could own it in fee simple. He could only use it. In its use he was inalienably protected. It came to him through the family as an inalienable inheritance. If, through poverty or misfortune, he temporarily parted with it, it returned to him in the year of jubilee. No landless, homeless class could, therefore, be permanently developed among the He- brews. (See JUDAISM.) "The law went farther. It cared especially for the poor, the oppressed, the children, the fatherless, the widow. Usury (or interest : all scholars agree that the two words originally meant the same thing) was posi- tively forbidden between members of His kingdom. The law provided for every one's independence. It not only provided land for the worker, but defended him in the ownership of clothes, tools, etc. (capital), which could not permanently be taken from him. If taken as a pledge, they must be returned before night. No permanent mortgage indebtedness was, therefore, possible on either land or capital ; that is, the law was truly socialistic in providing in the name of organ- ized society for both land and capital for every family. And this was not, be it remembered, a law of mere in- dividual righteousness. In order to reap its benefits, the family had to belong to the theocracy. The Jew could take interest from a foreigner ; the foreigner could be enslaved, even killed. The law was essen- tially national and institutional. " Third, this law can only be fulfilled in Jesus Christ. The Hebrew law did not work : no law can work ; it is not the function of law to work ; man must ivork the law; hence the Christ, hence conversion, hence the sacraments, hence the means of grace. Jesus Christ came to enable us to fulfil the law. What the law could not do, in that it was weak through the flesh, that Jesus Christ came to fulfil : only the spiritual life must not replace the law, but fulfil it. This is the di- vine unity. Individualism forgets law ; institutional- ism forgets grace. A true socialism fulfils the social law through grace. The Old Testament gives the world its social track ; Jesus Christ gives the locomo- tive power. To preach as Tolstoi and most Protestants do, the latter without social organization, is to try and run a locomotive without a track. No wonder that it lands them in the ditch of impossibilities and absurdi- ties. Protestantism has run the world into a quagmire. Jesus Christ is the locomotive power drawing the world along the social track. " And notice that tho the locomotive is above the track, the track must be laid down first and the loco- motive stand upon it. Hence the Old Testament be- fore the New, the majesty of Sinai before the Sermon on the Mount, the law before the Gospel. " fourth, this law, fulfilled through grace, must be fulfilled socially. Protestantism has here made a grievous mistake. But to make a mistake here is to misconceive the whole Incarnation. In Christ, God became man on earth. He took all humanity into Himself. Christ was not only a man, but MAN man in his entirety ; man in all that is in man or possible to man save sin ; man in art, in science, in letters, in Eolitics, in society, in commerce, in industry. In the ncarnation all life entered into God, and God into all life. God's laws are practical. What is impractical is not divine. Now, individualism has been found im- practical. Under it men have tried to do good. They have tried to carry out the Golden Rule on individual lines, and they have failed. We do not say they have wholly failed. No earnest effort, even tho mistaken, wholly fails. But, generally speaking, they have fail- ed. Large numbers of business men say to-day that the Golden Rule cannot be applied to business. They are right, on the present system of business, because the system is wrong. You ' cannot serve God and Mammon.' You cannot apply God's laws to the devil's methods. The two do not mix. Pathetic, noble but impractical are the desperate efforts of Christian men and women to do good and be Christ-like in modern business. It is a hopeless task. God's way demands a social basis. " Fifth, Christian Socialism would strive to fulfil the social law through grace, by striving to build up practically a Socialism based on Christ. " It would aid the eight-hour movement. It would reduce the hours of labor in factory and in shop, that men may have longer hours of labor in the home, the library, and the church. Christian Socialism would favor direct legislation, through the initiative, the referendum, and proportional representation, purging 1 our politics of corruption, breaking down the machine, and teaching the people self-government. It would emancipate woman as well as man. It does not be- lieve in a democracy of half the people. It would de- velop a true municipalism, as is being done in Bir- mingham, Glasgow, London, Berlin, and other cities. Christian Socialism. 260 Christian Social Union. Glasgow, by spending $7,0x30,000 in tearing down and rebuilding the worst tenements, and by municipally clearing courts and passages ; by provid- ing municipal baths, wash-houses, etc., A Christian has reduced her death-rate from 54 to Socialist 29 P er I00 - This Christian Socialism out usu considers practical Christianity. It Program, would have the city employ the unem- ployed, in ways not to compete with present labor. Says Turgot, whom Matthew Arnold calls ' the wisest statesman France ever had : ' ' God, when He made man with wants and rendered labor an indispensable resource, made the right of work the property of every individual ; and this property is the first, the most sacred, and the most imprescriptible of all kinds of property.' It would have cities obtain the funds for doing this by conduct- ing gas works, surface railroads, etc., for a profit for the city, instead of having them owned by rich capi- talists favored by city franchises. "Christian Socialists would have the nations own and manage railroads, the telegraph, expressage, etc. In every way it would replace competition by frater- nal combination, and it would press toward reform in all these ways. It is not one reform. It is many re- forms on one principle. Perhaps most important of all is land reform. Christian Socialism would revert to the Bible principle, that God is the owner of all the earth, and men only entitled to its use. It would, therefore, favor the reclaiming of the land for the use of all the people, by taxing land values on a graduated scale, and increasingly every few years, till finally the whole value of the natural resources of the earth be taken for the people, and not for the favored few. Christian Socialism would not go out of the world to save the world. It would be in it, tho not of it. Gradually it would influence cities, and States, and nations." References : (a) Historical : Oiven and the Chris- tian Socialists, by Professor E. R. A. Seligman, in the Political Science Quarterly (June, 1886) ; Christian Socialism, by Rev. M. Kaufmann (London, 1888); The Socialism of To-Day, by De Laveleye (Eng. trans., London) ; The Church in Germany and the Social Question, bvj. G. Brooks, in The New World (Decem- ber, 1892) ; The Social Movement in French Protes- tantism, in The New World (June, 1893) i Stegmann and Hugo's Handbuch des Socialismus, art. Christlicher Socialismus ; Catholic Socialism, by F. S. Nitti (Lon- don, Sonnenschein, 1895). (V) Statement of Principles : Christian Socialism, a tract by F. D. Maurice (1849 ; republished by the [Eng.] Christian Social Union) ; Social Aspects of Christianity, by B. F. Westcott, the Bishop of Durham (London, 1887) ; The Incarnation and Common Life, by the same (London, 1893) ; Chris- tian Socialism, a tract by Stewart D. Headlam (Lon- don Fabian Society); Christian Socialism What and Why, by Rev. P. W. Sprague (New York, 1891) ; Social- ism and Spiritual Progress, a tract by Miss Vida D. Scudder (Boston, 1891) : The New Redemption and the Christian Society, by Rev. G. D. Herron (New York, 1893 an< i I 8_94) ; What Christian Socialism Is and The Social Faith of the Catholic Church, tracts by Rev. W. D. P. Bliss (Boston, 1894). (See also CHRIST AND SOCIAL REFORM ; CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL RE- FORM ; THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM.) CHRISTIAN SOCIALIST LEAGUE, THE, is an English organization which has grown out of a society called the Ministers' Union, formed in London, March 2, 1893. This society adopted the name Christian Socialist League February 8, 1894, and framed a new constitution, of which the following are the clauses of general interest : OBJECTS. To assist in the reconstruction of society upon the principles of Jesus Christ, by means of (a) lectures and sermons ; (b) publications ; (c ) civic, personal, and other efforts. MEMBERSHIP. i. Candidates shall be proposed and seconded by members from personal knowledge, and shall sign the following declaration : " This country cannot accurately be called Christian so long as the people in their collective capacity, by their social, industrial, and commercial arrange- ments, practically deny the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of men. The members of the Christian Socialist League believe that the principles of Jesus Christ are directly applicable to all social and economic questions, and that such application to the conditions of our time demands the reconstruction of society upon a basis of association and fraternity." 2. Candidates shall be elected by a unanimous vote of the executive present and voting. 3. A minimum subscription of i shilling shall be paid upon election and at each annual meet- ing- Branches of the League have been formed in Glasgow, Liverpool, Lymington, Walthamstow, Forest Gate, and Islington. Several lecture tours have been undertaken and considerable activity developed. The League is unsectarian, and uses the word Christian in the broadest sense. The membership is about 250. The President is the Rev. John Clifford, D.D. (y.v.) ; its Vice-President, J. Bruce Wallace (g.v.) ; its Secretary, John H. Belcher, 40 Alexander Road, Wimbledon. CHRISTIAN SpCIALISTS, THE SO- CIETY OF, a society organized in Boston, U. S. A., in 1889, but, altho not disbanded, not now in active existence. (See CHRISTIAN SO- CIALISM.) CHRISTIAN SOCIAL UNION, THE, was founded in England in 1889. The Rev. Wilfrid Richmond gave during Lent of that year four lectures on Economic Morals at Sion College in London. The four meetings were presided over by the Rev. Canon B. F. Wes- cott (now Bishop of Durham), the Rev. Canon C. W. Furse, the Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop of Marlborough, and the Rev. Canon H. S. Hol- land. At the close of the lectures a provisional committee, with the Rev. Canon H. S. Holland as chairman, was appointed, which chose the name and formulated the objects of the society. The first regularly constituted branch was or- ganized at Oxford, November 16, 1889. The London branch began in 1890. The Oxford branch has been mainly engaged in the system- atic study of economic facts ; the London branch has been more active in holding public meet- ings, organizing courses of sermons and issuing addresses on definite political, social, and indus- trial problems. The principles of the Union declare that the Union consists of Churchmen who have the fol- lowing objects at heart : 1. To claim for the Christian law the ultimate au- thority to rule social practice. 2. To study in common how to apply the moral truths and principles of Christianity to the social and economic difficulties of the present time. 3. To present Christ in practical life as the Living Master and King, the enemy of wrong and selfishness, the power of righteousness and love. Members are expected to pray for the well-being of the union at Holy Communion, more particularly on or about the following days : The Feast of the Epiphany, the Feast of the Ascension, the Feast of St. Michael and all Angels. The president of the Union is Dr. Brooke Foss Wescott, the Lord Bishop of Durham, its Christian Social Union. 261 Church and Social Reform. secretary the Rev. J. Carter, of Pusey House, Oxford. The president of the Oxford branch is the Rev. Canon Gore. The chairman of the London branch is the Rev. Canon H. Scott Hol- land, and its secretary the Rev. Percy Dearmer. There are now.(i895) 27 branches and about 2600 members. Of these, about one quarter are resi- dent in London, one fifth in Oxford. The Union publishes the Economic Review, one of the fore- most of the economic quarterlies in England, and the London and Oxford and other branches issue tracts and studies of special topics. The Union in all its branches holds frequent meet- ings for lectures, discussion, and study. The London branch has a loan library, and the whole Union lays great stress upon economic study. The action of the London branch has been mainly in holding conferences and issuing manifestoes, etc., on practical questions as they have come up in local elections and the develop- ment of city life. A recent feature has been the institution of courses of sermons on social sub- jects in various London churches, but especially at St. Edmund's, Lombard Street, during Lent, when crowded audiences, largely of business men, have listened to the foremost preachers of the English Church. The spirit of the Union may be seen in the following quotations from a tract, The Ground of Our Appeal, by Canon Scott Holland : " i. We start from the conviction which has been for so long stamped on every heart that feels or brain that thinks that the time is come to vote urgency for the social question. We believe that political prob- lems are rapidly giving place to the industrial prob- lem, which is proving itself more and more to be the question of the hour. . . . "2. We are of those who are convinced that the ultimate solution of this social question is bound to be discovered in the person and life of Christ. He is 'the Man ;' and He must be the solution of all human problems. That is our primal creed. . . . "It is true that this relationship of His to the social life of men is less obvious and direct than His rela- tionship to their sorrows or their sins as the Redeem- er. For the victory which gained Him this living lordship over all that man is was won by Him not in the social, or economic, or political, but in the spiritual sphere. He redeemed men's souls from sin. That was His primary task ; . . . but its significance is bound to tell on every level of existence down to which the influence of the victorious Spirit reaches. The whole of human nature is to be brought within the sway of the 'New Man.' And human nature is corporate | 'man is a social animal.' The natural bonds which hold together men into societies and races must, of necessity, receive the new inflowing force which comes to them out of the supremacy of Him, who gathers all men into Himself. " 3. But this application of the redemptive force of Christ to actual society can be no very simple matter. The problems raised by human society are manifold, intricate, and immense ; and however firm our con- viction may be that Christ is Himself their one and only solution, yet the solution of a difficult problem must, of necessity, be itself difficult ; and if the per- plexities have been themselves a matter of long and gradual growth, then their undoing, also, will be slow and gradual. "These are the questions; and they can only be answered by those who have got long past the merely sentimental assertion that Christ is all in all, and have set themselves to the solid task of discovering what that solemn truth really and precisely means, and have worked it down into "the concrete facts, and have surveyed and estimated the full need of the cir- cumstances, and striven to make clear to themselves what is the first step, and what the second, and the third, if that great royalty of Christ is, in very deed, ever to be made good here on earth, amid men as they are, and after a history such as they have hitherto had. " We cannot all of us undertake such a study as this involves ; we have not the leisure or the brains. But that is just why we should all take some direct meas- ures for keeping in touch with those who have the faculties and the opportunities that we lack. Some servants of the Church there must be who will give themselves seriously to the training that such a task involves. . . . They will arrive at the discussion pos- sessed by two deep convictions : First, that the present situation is intolerable ; and, secondly, that its solution must be found in the unfaltering assertion of moral, as supreme over -mechanical, laws. ... It is to collect together such men as this, it is to foster and to enlarge such a spirit, that the Christian Social Union exists." It should be added that the Union is com- mitted to no one school of economic thought, altho its tendencies are recognized in the fact that its teachings are often called in England the new Christian Socialism. For the differ- ence, however, between its position and those of the early and other Christian Socialists see that article. There are affiliated societies in the United States, Canada, South Africa, and Aus- tralia, but the branch in the United States is now called the Church Social Union (g.v.). CHURCH AND SOCIAL REFORM, THE. In another article we treat of Christian- ity and Social Reform ; it seems necessary, however, to consider here the Church and So- cial Reform in an article by itself ; first, because very many make a sharp distinction between the ideal relations of Christianity to reform and the actual relations of the Church to reform, and, secondly, because whatever be one's opin- ion concerning the Church, all are agreed upon the immense power wielded by the Church, be it for evil or for good, and also upon the in- tricate connection between the Church and the advancement or retardation of social reform. We consider the subject under the following heads : 1. The Apostolic Church. 2. The Primitive Church after the Apostolic Period. 3. The Medieval Church. 4. The Church from the Reformation to the Present Time. 5. The Modern Church. 6. The General Possible Relations of the Church to Social Reform. i. THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH. We here consider the Church as commencing with the apostles and their followers in the up- per chamber at Jerusalem. (For the beginnings of the Church in the Hebrew theocracy, and the relations of that theocracy to social reform, see JUDAISM ; for the teachings of Christ in regard to society, see CHRIST AND SOCIAL REFORM.) That the Church as organized in Jerusalem had vital relation to social life needs no reiteration. (See article COMMUNISM, etc.) The indisputable record is that the members had ' ' all things in common," and that to each was given " accord- ing as any man had need." It is, however, perhaps necessary to point out that this was not an accident or mere passing incident in the his- tory of the apostolic Church, born of the enthu- siasm of its first love, but rather the necessary and logical result of the very character and na- ture of the Church. The first Christians of Jeru- salem were drawn from among the Jews or from among the proselytes to the Jewish faith, the ' ' strangers within the gates. ' ' They were Church and Social Reform. 262 Church and Social Reform. therefore familiar with the social teachings and requirements of the Jewish law and the Jewish Scriptures. Any one who knows what these were their care for the The Church afflicted, the oppressed, the father- of the Upper less and the widow, their minute Chamber, directions as to the organization of social life, their provisions for se- curing land in perpetuo to every individual for use, while in ownership it was held as belonging to God, their prohibition of usury and oppression in every form, and, above all, the recognition of all this as binding because it was the law of God, to be taught, upheld, and enforced by the institutes and officers of the national religion any one, we say, who at all realizes this cannot wonder that the first act of the first Christian Church was to apply its pentecostal love to the conduct and the ordering of property and of the social life. Jesus Christ had enforced this spirit. He had taught both by word and deed that He had come as a King, with authority over all life, so- cial as well as spiritual. He had fed the hun- gry, healed the sick, raised the dead. He had entered Jerusalem as a King. He had in every word taught of the kingdom of heaven as the great summation of His life and as near at hand, on earth as truly as in heaven. (See CHRIST AND SOCIAL REFORM.) Yet it must be also noted that this so-called communism of the Church of Jerusalem was not one of law and of requirement. Love was the fulfilling of the law. The incident of Ananias and Sapphira (Acts v. i-n) shows that there was no requirement to renounce private prop- erty in land or houses. Until the disciples had given property to the Church, their property re- mained their own. It was only out of their love that ' ' as many as were possessors of lands or houses sold them and brought the prices of the things that were sold and laid them at the apos- tles' feet, and distribution was made unto each, according as any one had need." But with this caveat against the conception of the primi- tive communism of the Church as a formal, com- pulsory one, too much emphasis cannot be laid upon it as a fact, and as the necessary and logi- cal outcome of their love and of their faith. Nor are we to think of it as peculiar to the Church at Jerusalem. While it is true that we do not know so much of the communism of any other Church, and while but little has come down to us in any way of Primitive the life of other Christian churches Christianity, of the first century, the indica- tions nevertheless are very strongly against the communism of the Jeru- salem church being exceptional. All that we know points to its not being exceptional. In the Book of the Acts and in the Epistles there are abundant references to the life of love as carried on in the.se other churches. We have Dorcas, or Tabitha, at Joppa (Acts ix. 36) " full of good works. ' ' Paul writes to the Corinthians (2 Cor. ix. 6) about giving to the poor. He praises the Christians of Macedonia (2 Cor. viii. 2) for giving almost beyond their power. He orders the churches both of Galatia and Corinth (i Cor. xvi. 2) to lay by a store for charity " on the first day of the week," as each person was pros- pered. St. James declares that " pure religion and undefiled before our God and Father is this : to visit the fatherless and widows in afflic- tion, and to keep himself unspotted from the world." We read of the churches at Troas (Acts xx. 6) and at Corinth holding agapa or love feasts, where they came together to break bread. Jude 12 indicates that this was a com- mon custom in all the churches, i Tim. v. 3 in- dicates the duty of the widow (or deaconess) to wash the saints' feet, entertain strangers, bring up children, relieve the afflicted. Hospitality is continually urged. The slave is to be treated as " a brother beloved" (Philemon xvi.). These are but few of the incidental references in the New Testament to the life of the apostolic Church, indicating that the life of the churches everywhere was like that of the Church at Jeru- salem, a communism of love, though not of law and of requirement. If it be said that the fact that St. Paul took up a collection for the poor saints at Jerusalem is indicative of a peculiar condition in that Church, and that their com- munism and giving up of private property had brought them into special poverty, it may be said, on the other hand, that the Church at Jeru- salem was under notorious and excessive perse- cution, as during the first century the churches throughout the rest of the Roman Empire were not, and this is sufficient to account for their es- pecial need of help. From the days of Nehe- miah, as has been well said, to those of Sir Moses Montefiore, it has been customary to send aid to Jerusalem. The argument, therefore, for holding that the communism at Jerusalem was peculiar is invalidated by the general probability and indication that it was not the case. And this is rendered the more probable by one other 'strong circumstance. It appears (cf. Hein- rici, The Christian Church of Corinth and the Religious Communities of the Greeks in the Zeitschrift fitr wissenschaftlische Theolo- gie, 1876, iv. ; Uhlhorn's Christian Charity in the Ancient Church, and the whole of C. Os- born Ward's The Ancient Lowly ) that as soon as the Church emerges into recognized form, its legal position in the Roman Empire was as a collegium, very much resembling the collegia tenuiorum, or sodalities of the poor, organized to collect contributions for the poor or for special ends, such as burial, etc. For a full account of these, see GUILDS ; but we must here note the similarity between these and the early churches in their social life. Tertullian uses the same words, steps and area, for the contribution and contribution chest of the Church as were technically employed in the collegia for their collections. These collegia had their presiding officers, or magistri, their meeting places, more or less humble, according to their wealth. They had regular meeting times and dues for various purposes, mainly of ben- efit, but sometimes for carousals. They had banquets or meals together. Some of them had considerable wealth, lands, houses, etc., being donated to them by wealthy members or patrons. On appointed days there were sportula, or distributions of bread, wine, or money among the members. Members were called brothers and sisters, and their presiding officers fathers and mothers (for there were women among them as truly as men). It is evident how close these were in resemblance to the social organization of the Church at Jerusalem, with its contributions, its offi- cers, its gifts of houses and land, its common meals, its organized distribution "in the daily ministration" to the widows and those in need. Now if these collegia, so exactly in this respect like the Church in Jerusalem, Church and Social Reform. 263 Church and Social Reform. existed through all the empire, as seems proven, and that legally the churches all through the empire were regarded as collegia, and used the very technical terms of the collegia, does it not indicate almost be- yond a doubt that the picture given in the acts of the Church at Jerusalem is a picture of every church in the apostolic days, with its life and feasts of Christian love, and deeds of charity, and voluntary and common renunciation of private property, and also with its spots on its feasts of charity, in the murmuring of the Grecians at Jerusalem because their widows were neglected in the ministration, and also in the excesses to which the love-feasts were carried in Corinth and in other places ? The Church, even in apostolic days, was by no means immaculate ; it was being saved, not wholly sanctified ; but its very essence and its inmost spirit was a life of brotherhood and of practical love upon this earth. 2. THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH AFTER APOSTOLIC DAYS. We come here into fuller light, and may con- sider the subject in detail, dividing the subject into parts, considering, first, the spirit of equal- ity and of brotherhood that pre- vailed in the primitive Church. The Spirit of Roman Empire was full of poverty Equality, and distress. Slavery was univer- sal. Uhlhorn estimates that at Rome under Augustus there were 580,000 proletarians needing support to 90,000 senators, knights, soldiers, and traders not needing support, and this does not include the slaves, who composed the large masses of the population. (See CITIES.) At Athens at one time, according to some historians, there were 400,000 slaves to 31,000 citizens ; according to others, 200,000 to 100,000. In Italy, according to Blair, there were under Claudius nearly 30,- 000,000 slaves to 7, 000,000 free men ; and though these figures may be too high, according to all, the slave population was in an immense major- ity. This, of course, meant widespread suffer- ing beneath a corrupt aristocracy of enormous wealth. The working-class lived, and little more. Momsen reckons the Roman bushel of wheat at i denarius, and this was the usual day's wage. Meat was pro- portionally dear. Diocletian- fixed the price of beef and mutton at about 30 cents the kilogram, and a fowl at the same price. A modest dwelling in the upper stories of one of the large lodging-houses at Rome came to about $80. On the other hand, the wealth of the few was enormous. The augur, Cn. Lentulus, and Narcissus. Nero's freedman, were said to own $22,000,- ooo. Lat if undid were growing. Cascilius, a freedman of Augustus, left in his will, Pliny tells us, 4116 slaves. It is true that this does not indicate either such wealth on the part of the rich, or such poverty on the part of the laborer as we have to-day ; but the worst of the slave condition under the Roman Empire was the lack of civil or moral standing : he could be sold, killed, vio- lated, thrown to the fishes at pleasure with impunity. Such was the society in which the Christian Church took root. In CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM we have traced the influence of Christianity upon the laws and organized society, and have shown how it gradually overthrew slavery. Here we are simply concerned with what the Church did directly as a church, and upon this point it was to introduce the feeling of equality and of brotherhood, in opposition to aristocracy and slavery. The Church spread at first, it is evident, mainly among the slaves and the oppressed. Hence it was powerless directly to affect the legislation of proud emperors and senators, but it did welcome the slave to its fold as an equal and it did practice brotherhood among men. It taught that be- ing descended from one Father, all men were equal. "We are all born alike, both emperors and beggars," said an early Christian writer (Brevariumm Psalt., in opp. Hieron., vol. ii., p. 133). "Thou sayest that thy father is consul and thy mother holy and good," says Chrysostom ; " what does it matter to me ? Show me thy own life, for it is only by that I can be able to judge vast republic, a great family of God's children," writes Tertullian (Apol. xxxviii.). The whole of Christian- ity the early Church found in charity rather than in hope or faith (Zeno Veron, Book I., tract 2, p. in). Chrysostom puts it above fasts or solitary penances. Love, gentleness, almsgiving, are greater, according to him, than celibacy (Horn. I., in Matt., 7). " Love on earth must be without thought of earthly profit or heavenly recompense" (Orig., Contra Cels., I., 67, vol. i., p. 382). Gregory Nazianzen says : " Rich and poor, strong and weak, servant and freeman, have one only Head, from whom everything comes, Christ Jesus. What the members of the body are for each other, each among us is for his brothers, and all for each (Greg. Naz., Or. 16, vol. i., p. 243). Of this unity the agapcz, or love-feasts, were symbols. " Here they brought the poor and the needy" (Constit. Apost., II., 28, p. 243). The Church, Augustine calls " a spiritual republic in the midst of a pagan society" (>e opere Mon- ach, chap, xv., vol. yi., p. 363). At first at least the Christian Church did not favor monasticism. Their communism Spirit of was not-at all like the Essenes. " Chris- Brotherhood tians," says one, " are not distinguished * from other nations either by language, dress, or habits. They do not shut them- selves up in particular towns, but live where they were born, in the midst of Greeks or barbarians. They are different from pagans in conduct, and their life is altogether distinct'^ (Ep. ad. Diogn., chap, iii., p. 237). They honored the magistrates and prayed for them, and for the emperor, who was their earthly head, asjesus Christ was head in the kingdom of God ipr giving divine honors to the emperors, bowing before idols, swearing by their genii. Here they were in- flexible. The aged Polycarp, summoned by the pro- consul to swear by the genius of Caesar, refused to do so, but was willing to obey in all else. Ambrose reck- ons it among the duties of an ecclesi- astic to take an interest in the oppressed and suffering. " Your office will shine Belation to gloriously," he writes, " if the oppres- *.- gt a t e sion of widows and orphans attempted by the powerful should be hindered by the servants of the Church ; if you show that the commandment of the Lord is more to you than the favor of the rich" (De Offic., II., 22). Atha- nasius excommunicated the viceroy of Lydia, notorious for his cruelty and excesses, and Basil declared that the Church agreed with him (Bas. Ep., 16). Syne- sius of Ptolemais excluded from the Church the Pre- fect Andronicus for the same reason, having first in vain warned him (Synesii Epp., 57, 58, 72). When the inhabitants of Antioch were trembling before the wrath of the emperor, because they had overthrown his statues, Bishop Flavian went to Constantinople to intercede, while Chrysostom preached his fa- mous "statue sermons, and when prosecutions began, a monk, seizing the bridle of the judges as they were riding, cried : " Tell the emperor you are not only an emperor, but a man, and those you reign over are your fellowmen. Human nature was made in the image of God ; do not then so mercilessly and cruelly destroy the image of God." The story of Am- brose himself expelling Theodosius the Great from both Church and sacrament till he did public penance, for having allowed his soldiers a massacre at Thessa- lonica, is well known. The Church became the sanctu- ary of the oppressed. When a debtor, sued for 17 sol- idi (about $150), fled to the Church, Augustine paid the debt. He who violated the right of sanctuary was excommunicated. Next to the spirit of the equality and brother- hood and protection to the oppressed, we notice what the primitive Cnurch did for the family and for woman. Under Rome woman was either the slave, the toy, or the property of man. The Church recognized her equality. "I do not know anything more unjust," said Augus- tine of the Roman laws which kept women in an infe- Church and Social Reform. 264 Church and Social Reform. rior position (De Civil. Dei. iii., chap, xxi., vol. vii., p. 63) ; and all the Fathers teach the equality of man and woman (Clem. Alex., Pacing., I., 4, vol. i., p. 103 ; Greg. Naz., Or. 31. vol. m. rn.~~~\. i-, P- 502? Greg. Nys., Or. i, in Verba The Church A ^w.. vol. i.,p. 151). Marriage was and Woman, regarded in its spiritual aspect as for eternity an association of souls rather than of bodies (Athenag., Leg:, chap, xxxiii., p. 311). It was a type of the union of Christ with His Church (Chrysost., Horn., 12 in cpl., 5, vol. xi., p. 419). Some of the Fathers, such as Ambrose and Augustine, began to exalt celibacy and virginity above marriage, but in the begin- ning it was not so ; and was never so with all the Fathers. With Chrysostom a true man and wife joined in sacred union show a holier life than the in- habitants of many a monastery (Horn., /., in Rom. xvi. 3, vol. iii., p. 175). In marriage, the woman, according to the Fathers, was wedded to the husband as the Church to its Head. Chrysostom says : " Woman can neither carry arms nor vote in the assemblies, nor manage the commune, but she can weave thread, give better advice than her husband about domestic mat- ters, rule and keep order in her household, superintend the servants, and bring up the children. Each sex has its special vocation. God has not given all to one. He has wisely divided it" (Chrysost., Quales Ducendce sint Uxores, vol. iii., p. 127). "Nothing," he says further, "can better mold man than a pious and wise woman" (Chrysost. /. c. ; Sermo, 4, in Gen., i, vol. iy., p. 659). Mixed marriages between pagans and Christians were frowned upon. Second marriages were discouraged. Tertullian said that " he who marries again commits a decent kind of adultery" (Athenag., Leg:, 33, p. 311). Montanists absolutely forbade second marriages, but after the time of Augustine it was a heresy to con- demn second marriages. Adultery was the only ad- mitted cause of divorce, and then separation was usually recommended. Purity was required of both sexes equally. "The laws of the Caesars are different from the laws of Christ," says Jerome. " With us, on the contrary, what is not permitted for women is also forbidden for men" (Ep. 77, Ann. 399, vol. i., p. 459). Nevertheless, condemning strictly their vice, the Church welcomed the Magdalenes, and many of them became noble martyrs. Pelagia, a celebrated cour- tesan of Antioch, was converted and retired to a con- vent, and spent the rest of her life in humble piety. Afra died for her Savior in Augsburg with three ser- vants, who, having followed her in vice, followed also in conversion. Similarly high was the position of the Ch-urch in regard to children. At a time when abor- tion and exposure were frequent, the Fathers declared that to cause a child to perish by abortion is to destroy the work of God. God is the father of all life, however incomplete it be. Those guilty of it were excluded from the Church for 10 years (Const. Apost., vii., 3, p. 366). Exposure was still more condemned. The Church welcomed the children. " If old sinners," says Cyprian, " are received in the Christian community, how much with greater reason shall the new-born child be received, who has not yet committed sin ?" (Ep. 59, p. 99). This was true even of natural children. They were still under God's paternal care, and to be wel- comed by the Church (Methodius, Conviv. x. Virgi- num, or. 2, in Combelis). According to Chrysostom, what has upset the whole world is that man has not cared more for his own children (Horn, de Viduis, vol. iii., p. 317). Chrysostom and Jerome especially urge ttpon mothers to rightly influence the children. Thus we have in the early Church Monica, the mother of Augustine ; Nonna, the mother of Gregory of Nazian- zus ; Anthusa, the mother of Chrysostom. The first schools that may be called primary were kept in the fourth century by Christian priests (Palladius, Vita Chrys. ; in Opp., vol. xiii., p. 77). Basil during his rule made it an especial duty (Regula Fusius. Tract., in- terrog., 15 et 23, vol. ii., p. 355). We come next to the relation of the primitive Church to the laboring classes. These, accord- ing to all classic antiquity, were despised. Artisans, according to The Church Aristotle, were not worthy of the and the name of citizens (O., chap, ii., i). Working Almost all manual and most mental Classes. work was done by slaves. By the Christian Church work was honor- 'ed. They neither felt themselves to be miserable nor disgraced because they had to work with their hands (Ep. ad. Zcnain et Serenum,chap. xvii., in Opp. Just. M-art., p. 416). They remembered Christ the carpen- ter and Paul the tent-maker. The Apostolic Constitutions forbid a man to mix with the idle crowd, and advise him to engage in useful work, having his soul turned toward God (Book I., chap. iv.). The necessity of teaching youth- ful arts to children was dwelt upon (Cons fit. Apost. , Book IV. , chap. xi. , p. 301). They taught that if a man did not work, " neither should he eat. ' ' The relation of the Church to slavery has been much discussed. The primitive Church did not immediately seek to overthrow slavery, but did undermine it. Before the Reformation slavery had wholly disappeared from Christian lands, and long before that it had almost dis- appeared. The Church started among the poor, and despised by the powerful, had not the power to abolish the institution in any legal way. But while the Church long allowed sla- very, it did much to alleviate it, and welcomed the slave as an equal ; only in later years did the Church ever practise slavery. " No one is a slave by nature," say Clement of Alex- andria and Basil (Clem. Alex., Pcedag., III., chap, xii., vol. i, p. 207 ; Basil, De Spir., s., I., chap, xxi., vol. in., p. 42). Chrysostom says God, who created the two- first beings free and equal, never created slaves to serve them (Horn. 22 in Eph., 2, vol. xi., p. 167). Some of the Fathers held that slavery was punishment, but they held so of all work, and yet that work was honor- able. " I call noble and lord," says Chrysostom, " the slave who is covered with chains, if it accords with his life ; I call him low and ignoble who in the midst of dignities retains an enslaved soul" (Or. in Terra Motum et Laz., 7, vol. i., p. 782). In the Church slavery was only an accidental external condition which did not affect the moral worth. Again and again, the Church taught that Christianity was service. Christians called themselves, like St. Paul, servants or bondservants (SouAoi) of Christ. Ignatius wrote of the slaves : " Let them continue to serve without mur- muring, and God will give them a better than earthly liberty" (Ad. Polvc., chap, iv., p. 41). Slaves were recom- mended to bear servitude in the passing world of exile, where none is free, and beyond which the Chris- tian expects deliverance and glory (August., De Agone Christiana, chap, vii., vol. vi., p. i8i). In 451, the Council of Chalcedon forbade the convents to receive slaves without the consent of their masters, ' in order that the name of God be not dishonored" (Canon IV.). Many slaves bore noble testimony to their master, Christ, such as Potamiaena, Eutyches, Victorinus, Maro, Nereus, Vitalis, and others. But while bidding the slave be patient, the Church spoke plainly to the Mas- ter. Said Chrysostom : " Do not imagine that an injury to a slave will be regarded as indifferent, because it is only to a slave. The laws of the world see a difference between the two races ; but the laws of the common- wealth of God ignore it" (Chrysost. Horn. 22, in Eph., 2, vol. xi., p. 167). We observe the difference between the recog- nition of slavery by the primitive Church and its recognition too frequently by the Church in modern times. The primitive Church recog- nized it as a human institution, which they were to submit to. The modern Church too often tried to prove slavery a Divine institution. Masters were told by the primitive Church to love their slaves as sons and as equals (Constit. Apost. , Book IV. , chap. xii. , p. 302). The Church refused to receive the gifts of the master who ill treated his slaves (Constit. Apost., Book IV., chap, vi., p. 197). There were in the early Church families where master and servants formed one family. When Thecla was cited to appear before the tribunal, Church and Social Reform. 265 Church and Social Reform. 50 of her slaves, urged by gratitude, appeared in her fa- vor (Actass., January, vol. i., p. 601). Paula, a descend- ant of Paulus, JEmilius, Leo, and Fabiola are spoken of as the servants rather than the mistresses of their women. But the Fathers went farther than to counsel gentleness. They urged masters to free their slaves. Gregory Nazianzen and Chrysostom are prominent in such exhortations, and many masters did the same. The earliest instance that has come down to us is that of Hermes, Prefect of Rome under Trajan, who em- braced Christianity with his wife, children, and 1250 slaves, whom he freed on the day of their baptism, Easter day, with ample assistance to enable them to gain a livelihood. He himself afterward suffered martyrdom with Bishop Alexander, who had been the means of his conversion. Another prefect of Rome, Chromatius, under Diocletian, freed his 1400 slaves, saying that those who had God for their father ought not to be the servants of man. Melania, with the con- sent of her husband, Pinius, freed 8000 slaves ; Ovonius, a French martyr, 5000. The Church especially did her utmost to end the horrors of the gladiatorialcorri l oa.\s, and the degradation of the theatrical exhibitions. The Church refused baptism to gladia- tors unless they gave up their pro- Gladiatorial fession. Lactantius said : "Instead Combats, of buying and feeding wild beasts, ransom prisoners and feed the poor ; instead of bringing together men to kill each other, go and bury the innocent dead" (Div. Instit., Book VI., chap, xii., vol. i., p. 470). From the theaters, at this time grossly immoral, Christians were warned to absent themselves. Those who, in spite of warnings, still attended, were declared unworthy of Chris- tian communion. Christians were urged to find their exhibitions in nature. " What theater," says one writer, "construct- ed by the hand of man can equal these wonders of creation" (Tract.de Spect., in Opp. Cypr., p.3i2) ! Actors who became Christians and had no other means of earning a livelihood, such as Euchratius, were provid- ed for by the Church through the efforts of Cyprian. We come now to consider the relation of the primitive Church to the poor, and in its property relations in general. This may be said to be a more or less faithful carrying out of the volun- tary communal life of Jerusalem. There seems to be no evidence that there was anywhere es- tablished by the primitive Church a mechanical communism. Voluntary communism seems to have been the ideal to which they always tend- ed, though sometimes very vaguely and remote- ly. The emphasis was on love. "It is not the census," said Ambrose, "but the qualities of the soul, that show the rich man" (Ep., chap. Ixiii., 89, vol. ii.,p. 1044). Barnabas, in warm- ly commending charity, argues that " we ought not to consider anything as belonging to our- selves alone, but to share everything with our neighbor ; for if there is communion in spiritual and everlasting things, with how much greater right ought it to exist in these material things" (chap, xix., p. 52). Ambrose of Milan wrote, " Nature created everything for common use. If, then, there are men who are excluded from the enjoyment of the products of the earth, it is contrary to nature. The unequal division of this wealth is the result of egoism and violence. Nature is the mother of common right, usurpa- tion is the mother of private right" (De Off, Minis tr., Book I., chap, xxviii., 132, vol. ii., P- 35). The early Church opposed riches as hindering salva- tion, but Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, and others teach that riches are not to be condemned in them- selves. " Neither is every poor man a saint, . . . nor is every rich man condemned," wrote one (Asterius, De Divite et Lazaro, p. 13). " The hand of the Chris- tian," said the same writer, Asterius, " ought only to be held out to give alms, never to seize what does not be- long to him (Horn, de CEconomo, Jm'quto, p. 23). The giving of charity the primitive Church exalted. "It is better to do the works of charity than to ornament churches, or to enrich them with precious vases" (Hieron., Ep. 130, vol. i., p. 991). The priests were to lead in this, especially the bishops. The Apostolic Con- stitutions lay down their duties in these words : "To orphans take the place of a father ; to widows give the Erotection that they would have from their husbands ; elp young people who desire to marry with your counsels ; find work for the artisans ; have pity on the infirm ; receive strangers beneath your roof ; give food and drink to those who are hungry and thirsty and clothes to the naked ; visit the sick and help the prisoners" (Book IV., 2, p. 295). Charity was to cost sacrifice. We read of the early Christians fasting that they might give to the poor (Constit. Appst., V. xx., p. 331). Deaconesses were appointed to aid poor women. Under Bishop Cornelius, toward the close of the third century, the Church of Rome supported more than 1500 poor people. The Church of Antioch, in the time of Chrysostom, maintained more than 3000. The Church of Rome, under Bishop Sotir, in the second half of the second century, and 100 years later, under Bishop Stephen, sent money collected in distant prov- inces, sometimes to help populations wasted in famine, sometimes to lighten the burdens of the persecuted. Prelates sold the vases and ornaments of their churches to aid the poor. This was done by Cyril, by Acacius, Bishop of Amida, who sold 420 vases and sent back to freedom 7000 Bansoming imprisoned Persians, and by Deogratias, po-ntiwna of Carthage. Augustine and Ambrose ^ a P" ves - did it to ransom captives. Paulinus of Nola and Hilary of Aries sold their large estates for the poor. Martin of Tours sacrificed his sacerdotal robes. The Bishop of Escupere, of Tou- louse, went hungry and used only basket and glass for the bread and wine of the Eucharist, in order to help the poor. When the martyr Lawrence was asked by the pagan governor for the treasures of the Church, he showed him the poor. Peter, the tax-gatherer, in the time of Justinian, on being converted, expiated his harshness by selling himself to a slave merchant for the benefit of the poor. Clement of Rome writes to the Church in Corinth : " We have among us many who have given themselves to servitude in order that others might be free." It is told of Bishop Eleusis, of Cyzicus, that he took the pagan temples and made them into hospitals for the old and widowed. The first orphan-houses are of this period, and were cared for by priests. Special collections were made for prisoners. The poor denied themselves a day's food to give to these. The funds of the Church were used to ransom brothers sentenced to public works or the arena. The Church was the asylum. Even Alaric, on taking Rome, is reported to have 'spared those who took refuge in the churches. The innocent went to the bishops for redress. In the midst of universal anarchy, the bishops raised their voices in behalf of outraged humanity. It was one of their special duties to save defenseless men from the hands of powerful oppressors and to intercede with the emperors and magistrates in their behalf j to undertake long journeys and brave all wrath, provided the cause of those in whom they were interested was just. Most frequently we find bishops giving assistance to country people, who suffered from the rapacity of the fiscal agents, the avarice of the usurers, the oppression of great proprietors. For the sick, the primitive Church did much, even for the lepers. Basil advises that lepers be not deserted, but be loved the more for the miseries of their desolation. During the plague of Carthage, about 250 A.D., and during that of Alexandria, the Christians showed great bravery and love. The first hospitals are due to the Church, the first being established in tke early part of the fourth century. From the latter half of this century they multiplied greatly. The most important of these was founded by Basil in Caesarea. It rpse,says Gregory Nazianzen, like a new town, providing lodgings for travelers, rooms for invalids, workshops for the poor, provision for lepers. It bore the name of Basilias. Chrysostom founded several hospitals. By the time of Theodosiusmost of the large towns had hospitals. The hermit Thalassius founded one for the blind. The early Church was especially remarkable for its sacrifices in behalf of its enemies. Ter- Church and Social Reform. 266 Church and Social Reform. tullian could truly say that ' ' if all men loved their friends, the Christians alone knew how to love their enemies" (Ad Scap., i., p. 69). The Fathers, too, with their profound re- spect for human life, unanimously condemned capital punishment. The Council of Elvira (A.D. 305) excludes the magistrates whose duties as decemvirs caused them to judge cases involving capital punishment from joining in worship dur- ing the year. The emphasis the early Church put upon hospitality is well known, as is also its universal opposition to war. It is well to notice the organization of the Church for practical charities. At first there was little or none. "We give to all and communicate to every one who is in need," says Justin (Apolog., i., 14). The shepherd of Hermas says : " Give simply to all, without asking doubtfully to whom thou r>v. n -*;t; givest, but give to all" (Pastor Hermcz. onariues. Mand., II.). Clement of Alexandria warns against trying to judge who is de- serving and who undeserving (Qut's divis salvus., chap. xiii.). Concerning the giving up of prop- erty, Hermas says to Christians : " You are dwelling here in a foreign city. Would any one dwelling in a foreign city provide himself with fields and expensive accommodations?" (Similet^ I.) The Church was in the world, but not of it. " We are no Brahmans nor Indian gymnosophists ; no wild men of the woods and sepa- ratists from life. We are mindful of the gratitude which we owe to the Lord our God, and do not despise the en- joyment of His works," wrote Tertullian (Apolpg., 42). But the Fathers everywhere counseled simplicity of life. "On the road to heaven," says Clement, "the best provision is frugality, moderation is the shoe, and beneficence the staff (Pcedagog. III., 7). Clement pities the insatiable who collect their dainties from all parts of the world, with whom "the basting ladles and the kitchen form the central point of existence" (Pcedagog., I., i). In an old catalogue of the apostles, Peter, An- drew, and the sons of Zebedee are fishermen ; Philip, an ass driver ; Bartholomew, a vegetable gardener ; James, the son of Alphseus, a mason. Later, when the Church became corrupt, men like Chrysostom vehe- mently attacked the luxury of the day. Said Chrysos- tom of the luxuriously dressed woman : " Of how many poor, O woman, dost thou bear upon thine arms the spoils !" Yet, even when the Church was at her simplest, there was some organization for charity. Deacons,deaconesses,and widows, who were considered officers in the Church, had special charge of the chari- ties, but always under the direct guidance of the bish- ops. Alms were collected and distributed largely at the agaptz, which were first suppers in common for all church-members, later suppers for the poor, and finally occasions of drunkenness and excesses. Montanism tried to react from these excesses and any compromise with the world by strict discipline and limiting church- membership to the select few, but this was to make the Church separatist and sectarian and sacrifice her power as a Church for the world. It taught the Church to distinguish between the "religious and the " secular," sending the " religious" into monasticism and asceti- cism, and the " secular" into worldliness. Gradually we find as a result of this the alli- ance of the Church with the State, still more de- veloping its worldliness, till it came to palliate, allow and endorse and even own slaves (so that even so pure a spirit as Gregory the Great makes no apology for having a fugitive slave brought back " by any means" from Otranto, though he was also torn from wife and children, to serve as a baker in Rome). The Church gradually thus became full of all such worldliness as called forth the burning protests of Chrysostom. On the other hand, we have the development of monasticism, for the social results of which see MONASTICISM. Still through all the earlier cen- turies the Church was not only the friend but the leader of social reform. If she did not abol- ish slavery or advocate all the social reforms that are suggested to-day, it was because they were not proposed. She was at least on the side of the most radical reform there was, or, rather, the mother and the life of all reform. On the whole, well could Tertullian point to the life and love of the Church, which to the jealous hatred of its enemies was a reproach. " See how they love one another," mocked these enemies ; " as if they were ready to die, the one for the other. ' ' " Yes," said Tertullian, " we love one another ; we are brothers, for we have a common Father, and the same Spirit has led us from darkness to light. We are also your brothers, because, al- though you are our persecutors, you are men like us. We support one another ; we have every- thing in common except our wives ; each one freely brings his offering to relieve the poor, the sick, orphans, widows, travelers, and prisoners. We are not incapable of the business of life, for do we not live with you, sharing your habits and necessities ? We do not retire into forests ; we do not flee from life ; we use everything with thanksgiving ; we sail with you ; we mix with you in the Forum, in camp, in commerce ; we refrain only from your spectacles, sacrifices, dis- orders, and crimes" (Apologeticus, about 198 A.D.). 3. THE MEDIEVAL CHURCH. In this section we shall not enter so much into detail, because the details are given in other arti- cles : that on the CANON LAW, which belongs almost exclusively to the medieval Church, and the general article on CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM, Christian influence, in the Middle Ages at least, being admittedly almost identical with Church influence. Yet a few general characteri- zations may here be made, and one or two points elucidated. We notice, first, that the medieval Church was always the great leveler ; that the clerical order was the one profession in which it was possible for a man of the humblest birth to attain to the highest position. This was less by virtue of express enactment than in consequence of the facts (a) that the Church remained free from the distinctions of classes that grew up in the civil State, and (b) that the churchman, as the rule of celibacy became universally accepted in Latin Christendom, could be raised to arfy rank with- out the drawback of his founding a family of nobles. Many a peasant heard doubtless of the learned Grostete, the son of a serf, the most dis- tinguished scholar of thirteenth century Oxford, of the Oxford which existed long before a col- lege was founded the friend of the reforming friars, the enemy of the Roman court, the advo- cate of England for the English ; and was eager, out of his scanty means, to buy the li- cense that his son might go to the schools and take orders. The possibility of rising was, it is true, not confined to churchmen ; but that which was the exception among the laity was common among the clergy ; and in one important point, with respect to slavery, the exemption of the clerical status from the classes of civil society produced a remarkable relaxation of class con- ditions. It was not, however, for many centuries that it became the accepted doctrine that an ordained person was ipso facto a free man. Church and Social Reform. 267 Church and Social Reform. If, however, in the fifth century it could be conceived as possible that a man might be a clergyman and yet a slave, this idea early gave way before another, which presumed that if a slave were ordained with the knowledge of his lord, and without any objection raised by him, he was a free man, tho not formally manu- mitted. For the effect, however, of the medieval Church upon slavery, see CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM. It must not be forgotten that before the time of the Reformation slavery, and, in some countries like England, even serfdom, had disappeared from Christendom. The me- dieval Church had put it down. We notice next as characteristic of the medi- eval Church its monasteries and nunneries and Church brotherhoods of various kinds, not only as centers of Christian equality, but as asylums for the oppressed and as centers of brotherhood life and work. Says Thorold Rogers upon this point : "The relief of destitution was the fundamental re- ligious duty of medieval Christianity, I might have said of Christianity itself. In ancient polities it might be the duty of the State to relieve distress ; it was always its prudence, if it cared for security. _ To get abundant supplies of food for the poorer citizens in one way or the other was the constant anxiety of demo- cratic Athens and of imperial Rome. But from the very first Christianity transferred this duty from the State to the individual, and to the voluntary corpora- tion. The early Church undoubtedly preached patience, but it much more M**,. ,.;= emphatically inculcated the duty of monasteries. almsg i v i n g. The contribution of the tithe was enforced in order that a third Fart, at least, of the proceeds should go the deserving poor. In the fifteenth century nothing moves the righteous wrath of Gas- coigne more than the teaching of Pecock to the effect that ecclesiastical revenues enjoyed by churchmen can be disposed of according to the discretion of the recipient as freely as the proceeds of private property. After heresy, simony, and sorcery, thfe heaviest charge which could be leveled against a churchman was that of avarice, and a covetous priest who hoarded his revenues was lucky if the charge of avarice was not coupled with those graver vices to which I have re- ferred. We may be certain, too, that the duty which was so generally imposed on them by public opinion the force of which is not yet extinct was inculcated by them on others. In times of plenty, too, food was often given with wages. A wealthy monastery or college would find a place at the servants' table for the artisans whom they employed without much grudging, and still more would the poor at the gate not be sent away empty-handed. Where mendicancy was no dis- grace, almsgiving was like to be considered the most necessary and the most ordinary of the virtues. " It has been often said and often denied that the monasteries supplied the want which the poor law, two generations after the dissolution of these bodies, enforced. That the monasteries were renowned for their almsgiving is certain. The duty of aiding the needy was universal. Themselves the creatures of charity, they could not deny to others that on which they subsisted. But some orders were under special duties. The Hospitalers were bound to relieve casual destitution. Hence, when Waynfiete procured the sur- render of the house of the Oxford Hospitalers, he bound his college to the duties which the surrendered house had performed, duties which, it is almost super- fluous to say, were speedily evaded. So again tn preaching and begging friars were the nurses of the sick, especially of those who labored under infectious diseases. There were houses where doles of bread and beer were given to all wayfarers, houses where the sick were tended, clothed, and fed, particularly the lepers. There were nunneries, where the nuns were nurses and midwives; and even now the ruins of these houses contain living record of the ancient practices of their inmates in the rare medicinal herbs which are still found within their precincts. In the universal destruc- tion of these establishments, the hardest instruments of Henry's purposes interceded for the retention of some among the most meritorious, useful, and un- blemished of them. It is possible that these institu- tions created the mendicancy which they relieved, but it cannot be doubted that they assisted much which needed their help " (Work and Wages, p. 416). What an enormous part in the polity of the Middle Ages was played by these monasteries is well known. The estates of the monasteries are said over and over again to have comprised a third of the knight's fees in England. Most of these religious houses were founded before the close of the thirteenth century, many of them in the early ages of the Saxon polity. Only a few were founded in later times. Besides these mo- nastic estates, the bishops and the chapters held large possessions. Many of the English towns grew up round monas- teries. The piety of the converted Saxons led them to spend lavishly in the foundation of these institutions, and the principal part of the documents which have been preserved from a period antecedent to the Con- quest refer to these early monasteries. Thus the town of Oxford grew up under the shadow of the great monasteries of St. Frideswide and Osney. Such was the origin of Abingdon, of Reading, of St. Albans, of Coventry, of Durham. That these centers of religious life were cen- ters also of humble brotherly work is also well known. Says Palgrave's Dictionary of Politi- cal Economy : " The lands held by a religious house, at least those in its immediate vicinity, were, as a rule, cultivated by the brotherhood itself, and the personal interest thus devoted to the work produced better results than the enforced labor of bondmen. The evidence of the Domesday survey goes to show that the Church lands were in a higher state of cultivation than other prop- erty. The monks also employed themselves in clear- ing forests, draining marshes, and making roads and bridges (cf. Lingard, i., 267 seq. ; Cunningham^ Growth of English Industry and Commerce in the Early and Middle Ages, p. 64 seq., i8go) ; and the Cistercian order, through the activity which it displayed in sheep-farm- ing, promoted in a singular degree the production of the staple commodity of England. Through the immense extent of their property, variously estimated in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries from a quarter to a half of the total landed property of Eng- land (Wycliffe, de Eccl., xv., p. 338 ; cf. Pearson, His- tory of England, ii.,497, 1867), the churches and religious houses came to take an important share in the indus- trial development of the country ; and it is acknowl- edged that the clergy were mild landlords (see gen- erally Stubbs, Constitutional History, iii., 562). The attacks of the Lollards upon the landed property of the Church were inspired rather by a priori objections to the system itself than by any actual abuses to which it led ; and the considerations which Bishop Pecock, writing in the middle of the fifteenth century, alleged on the opposite side are probably in the main just. ' The treuthe is,' he says, 'that the tenementis and alle the possessiouns with her purtenauncis, which the clergie (religiose or not religiose) holden and hauen, is better meintened and susteyned and reparid and kept fro falling into nouzt and into wildirness, than if tho same tenementis and possessiouns with her purtenauncis weren in the hondis of grete lordis, or of knyztis, or of squyeris. . . . The tenauntis, occupying tho tenementis and possessiouns with purtenauncis vndir the clergie, ben esilier tretid, lasse disesid, and not greeued bi extorcioun, as thei schoulden be, if thei helden the same tenementis and possessiouns of temporal lordis or of knyztis and squyers.' Among other points in favor of those who held of the Church, Pecock notices that their tenure was less liable to be disturbed than that of those who held under lay lords (Represser of Overmuch Blaming of the Clergy, vol. ii., p. 370 seq., ed. Babington, 1860). It has been noticed by critics least friendly to the medieval Church that it was such causes the known advantage to the tenant that did much to reconcile public opinion to the enormous estates held by the Church (Pearson, History of England, vol. ii., p. 502 ; Rogers, vol. i., p. 160). That at the close of the Middle Ages the state of things was somewhat altered, and the abuses which had arisen with respect to the man- agement of Church property called forth well-founded complaints (cf. Dyaloge betwene a Gentillman and a Husbandman, 1530, ed. Arber, 1871, p. 134 seq.: Ballads from Manuscripts, ed. Furnivall, 1869, vol. i.), need not be denied." But it was not only manual work that was Church and Social Reform. 268 Church and Social Reform. performed by the monks and clergy. Says Rogers : "The clergy, in the widest sense of the term, con- tained nearly the -whole of what we should call the professional classes. The architects, the physicians, the lawyers, the scribes, the teachers of the Middle Ages, were almost always clergymen, and when em- ployed in these callings were rewarded for their ser- vices with benefices. We know but few of the men who designed the great cathedrals, churches, and castles of the Middle Ages those buildings which are the wonder of our age for their vastness, their exquisite proportions, and their equally exquisite detail. But when we do know, as it were by accident, who the builder was, he is almost always a clergyman. It seems as tho skill in The Clergy architecture, and intimate acquaint- of the ance with all which was necessary not " . only for the design of the structure, but Middle Ages, for good workmanship and endurance, were so common an accomplishment, that no one was at the pains to proclaim his own reputation or to record the reputation of another. It is known that we owe the designs of Rochester Castle and the Tower to one ecclesiastic. It is recorded that William of Wykeham was Edward III.'s architect at Windsor, as well as his own at Winchester and Oxford, and of various handsome churches which were built during his long episcopate. It is probable that Waynflete designed the beautiful buildings at Magdalen College ; and it is alleged that Wolsey, in his youth, planned the matchless tower, which has charmed every spectator for nearly four centuries. But no one knows who designed and car- ried out a thousand of those poems in stone which were the glory of the Middle Ages, and have been made the subjects of servile and stupid imitations in our own. " The monks were the men of letters in the Middle Ages, the historians, the jurists, the philosophers, the Ehysicians, the students of nature. It is owing to their ibors that we know anything of our annals, of the events by which the political history of England is interpreted. They were often frivolous, frequently credulous, but they collected the facts to the best of their ability. It is true that the material which they put into shape is far less in quantity than those vo- luminous archives are which are preserved in our national collection. But these, tho of great col- lateral value, would have but little constructive importance in the absence of the chronicles which the monks compiled. This is abundantly illustrated by the history of the fifteenth century and part of the sixteenth " I am convinced that schools were attached to every monastery, and that the extraordinary number of foundation schools established just after the Reforma- tion of 1547 was not a new zeal for a new learning, but the fresh and very inadequate supply of that which had been so suddenly and disastrously extinguished." ( Work and Wages, p. 162). And it must be remembered that they were not monks of the lower ranks who did manual and literary work, but ecclesiastics of the highest rank. We find such men as Hilary of Aries one of the leading prel- ates in the French Church, working in the field. Bucket, the Archbishop of Canterbury, when he visited a monastery in harvest did not hes'itate to labor in the fields. St. Dunstan is reported to have been an excellent blacksmith. For what the medieval Church did to put down feuds, to bring in "the peace of God," etc., see CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM. "We notice here the influence of the Church upon the State. The political influence of the medieval Church was enormously great. Un- doubtedly much of it was due to ambition for temporal power, especially with the Roman see, and wherever her spirit went ; but equally un- doubtedly, apart from all question of ambition, the medieval Church often used her enormous power, and especiallly did many of her leading prelates use their commanding influence, to pro- tect the rights of the common people against the aggression both of the barons and of the king. We can cite only a few examples, but they are strewn on every page of medieval history. In The Poor Priests. England, Stephen Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, was the leader and the prime mover in wresting from King Richard the Magna Charta, which has now become the birth- right of every Englishman and American. In France, the life of Bernard of Clairvaux is filled with records of masterly and effectual resistance against the wrongs and violence of the barons. In Italy, the political influence of Savonarola, the Dominican monk, can hardly be overesti- mated, and these are shining illustrations of what was done in an humbler way and on a lesser scale by thousands of brave medieval church- men. The influence of Wycliffe's poor priests, and above all of John Ball (g.v.), must not be forgotten. Says Thorold Rogers : " The poor priests alone could traverse the country by right, and, without suspicion, advise their follow- ers. They were precisely the personswho could organ- ize resistance among the serfs, could win and keep their confidence, and could be trusted with their subscriptions, their plans, and their communications. Wycliffe's poor priests had honeycombed the minds of the upland folk with what may be called religious socialism. By Wycliffe's labors the Bible men had been intro- duced to the new world of the Old Testament, to the history of the human race, to the primeval garden and the young world, where the first parents of all man- kind lived by simple toil, and were the ancestors of the proud noble and knight, as well as of the down- trodden serf and despised burgher. They read of the brave time* when there was no king in Israel, when every man did that which was right in his own eyes, and sat under his own vine and his own fig-tree, nonrj daring to make him afraid. They read how God, through His prophet, had warned Israel of the evils which would come to them when a king should rule over them, and how speedily this was verified in the conduct of the young Rehoboam, with his depraved and foolish counselors, of how woe had been predicted to the people over whom a child should rule. The God of Israel had bade His people be busbandmen, and not mounted knights and men-at-arms. But, most of all, the preacher would dwell on his own pro- totype, on the man of God, the wise prophet who de- nounced kings and princes and high priests, and, by God's commission, made them like a potter's vessel in the day of His wrath, or on those bold judges, who were zealous even to slaying. For with this book, so old, yet so new, the peasant preacher we are told that many learned to read when they were old that they might tell the Bible story could stir up the souls of these clowns with the true narrative of another people, and would be sure that his way to their hearts and their confidence would be, as it always has been with the leaders of a religious revival, by entirely sympathizing with their wrongs, their sufferings, and their hopes. And when they told them that the lords had determined to drag them back to their old serf- dom, the preacher could discourse to them of the natural equality of man, of the fact that all, kings, lords, and priests, live by the fruits of the earth and the labor of the husbandman, and that it would be better for them to die with arms in their hands than to be thrust back, without an effort on their part, into the shameful slavery from which they had been de- livered. And as their eyes kindled, and they grasped their staves, he could tell them to keep their ears open for the news of their deliverance, that on the pass- word being given, they were at once to hie to the ap- pointed place, where a great work could be done for God's people by His appointed servant" ( Work and Wages, p. 254). It is true that the correctness of this '^view has been questioned, but that it is largely true is perhaps fixed. Green says that in the preaching of John Ball, "the mad priest of Kent," England "first listened to the knell of feudalism and the declaration of the rights of man." For an account of somewhat similar movements on the continent, see BRETHREN OF THE COMMON LIFE ; COMMUNISM ; MIDDLE AGES, etc. But already in noticing these movements that were reformatory of the Church, as well as of society, we are in the dark days when Rome, led by her earthly ambition and desire for temporal power, had forgotten the life of the spirit ; and, first, the papacy itself had grown utterly and scandalously corrupt, and was. Church and Social Reform. 269 Church and Social Reform. completely dominated by worldly policy, and then gradually the poison spread from the head to feet and members till the whole medieval Church, save for reforming movements like those led by Wycliffe, Huss, and Savonarola, became dead in trespasses and sins the higher clergy profligate mammon-servers, the lower clergy profligate servers of the senses ; the monasteries (tho not always even then) too com- monly centers of vice, the nunneries homes of license for the monks. But on this we need not dwell, tho it must be remembered in obtaining a true picture of the effect of the medieval Church upon social reform ; yet there is little danger in Protestant lands of its be- ing forgotten. We are more apt to forget that the poison of corruption came from the worldliness of Rome, and that for long centuries, even after Rome was herself corrupt, the Catholic Church (in England especially, never wholly subject to Rome) was the great purifying, liberating, civilizing, Christianizing factor of medieval life. For the close relation be- tween many of the medieval trade guilds and the Church, see GUILDS. Almost all guilds had their pa- tron saint and their church, where they went for solemn worship, and whose clergy took an active interest in their life, religion and business being continually in- terblended in medieval life. 4. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE PRESENT TIME. With the Reformation, or at least soon after, when the principles of the Reformation had be- come well established in reformed countries, we have a great change in the history of the Church and social reform. That Protestantism, by reaching the individual, has along certain lines done much for social reform, no thoughtful man can deny. But the Protestant churches as a whole accomplished but little. Rome, too, since the Reformation has done until recently even less. The Reformation, in its appeal to personal faith, to the right of private judgment, to the letter of the Scriptures, had largely the effect, both on Roman and Protestant churches, of exalting belief, creeds, dogma, and discussion above life. It divided Protestantism into so many sects, each discussing and battling to sustain its own peculiar belief and separate church ma- chinery, as to cause the reform of the social life to be until recently almost forgotten. This, too, has been intensified by two other elements in Protestant faith. First, its exaltation of what it calls " the spiritual life," largely meaning by this a life that finds its chief interest in the life hereafter, leading to what has been well called "other worldliness ;" and secondly, the ten- dency to individualism. This combination of tendencies in Protestant thought has at times almost wholly divorced Church life from the life of this world ; and it is therefore no wonder that in the history of THE CHURCH AND SOCIAL RE- FORM we have after the Reformation nearly a blank. There are, however, exceptions to be noted. First, the early Protestants for exam- ple, the Anabaptists of Germany referring di- rectly to the New Testament, learned there of its communism, and not a few at- tempts were made to reproduce it. Social It has led to a long series of Prot- Uprisings estant attempts at communism of the (see article COMMUNISM), some of Reformation, them very successful for example, the Shakers (g.v.). But, in the first place, these attempts were made by sects, and therefore were so limited by various narrow and peculiar doctrinal requirements as to very materially limit their influence ; while secondly, they were based on the belief that Christians must go out from the world and be separate, rather than on the Catholic doctrine that the whole world is God's, and the duty of Christians is to remain in the world, tho not of it, and to bring it wholly into subjection to its King. The second exception to the divorce between the Protestant churches and the social life was in the attempt of many of the first Prot- estant leaders, such as Calvin, Crom- well, and the Pilgrim Fathers in America, to set up a theocracy on The Puritan earth, with their particular church Theocracy. organization as the interpreter of the Divine will. These efforts have passed into history, and are now as much marked by their complete failure and their renunciation by all Protestant sects as they were once marked by intense faith in their efficacy. The attempts belong to the first years of Protestantism, when its principles were held in the glow of enthusi- asm, fanned by persecution and martyrdom. Protestantism, as soon as it reached its logical outcome, conceived this world for the most part to be " a dreary wilderness," from which the individual is saved by the efficacy of his personal faith in the atoning blood of Christ ; Christianity to be the salvation of the individual soul, and the Church to be but the coming together of the in- dividuals who are being saved. While later Protestant thought in Unitarianism and even in orthodox circles has given up much of this soteriology, still the divorce of the Church from practical social matters, has until recently re- mained. The individualism of Protestantism is admitted by friend and declared by foe. As applied to economics, it had its good and its bad effect. Undoubtedly it has produced a period through which both the world and the Church had to pass. Economic and religious individualism are largely identical. Says Pal- grave's Dictionary of Political Economy : " Guizot, Seebohm, K. Marx, and E. de Laveleye de- clare alike that the 'history of capital and the suprem- acy of private interest,' i.e., commerce in its modern as- pect, commenced contemporaneously with the period of the Reformation, accompanied, as that movement was. by many discoveries and inventions, and the recovered sense of personal freedom and responsibility. In Protestantism and Catholicism in their Bearing upon the Liberty and Prosperity of Nations, by Emile de Laveleye (1875), the progress of economic enterprise is attributed to the superior education and enlightenment fostered by Protestantism. De Tocqueville ascribes to the Puritan discipline of the first set- tlers the same result in the commercial expansion of the United States. From Protestant- Luther to Protestant divines of the pres- _ _, T-JJ-^J ent day the moral force of the dignity of lsm i na ivm- labor and the duty of cheerful exertion UallStlC. in the subduing the earth by economic effort have been held up to admiration, and have given an impulse to the economic life of Protestant countries. The Wealth of Nations ap- peared in 1775-76, and marks a revolution of thought as truly as in the world of industry. ' The machine is somewhat in the nature of Protestantism,' says Dean Uhlhorn in his brochure on Katholicismus und Protes- tantismus gegeniiber der socialen Prage (1887). Pri- vate property is encouraged by Protestantism. Luther, in his Sermon on Usury (1579), speaks of three grades ' of dealing well and worthily with temporal goods.' The highest is to allow ourselves to be despoiled of it without offering opposition ; the lowest is to take neither profit nor interest, tho he sees objections to this ideal being realized. While Erasmus complained of the 'rage of ownership,' Protestantism endeavored to make a compromise, maintaining the ideal in theory and encouraging what Fr. A. Lange calls a ' moderate egoism,' or ' ethical materialism,' in practice (see Ge- schichte afes Materialismus, i., 254, 294. Cf. J. E. Thor- Church and Social Reform. 270 Church and Social Reform, old Rogers on The Economic Interpretation of History, 1888, p. 83). Liberation of industry follows logically from that of liberty of thought, developing the five Eoints of industrial independence freedom of labor, ree trade in land, free movement of capital, freedom of industrial enterprise, and a free market regulated by demand and supply : it further implies the removal of all governmental and trade restrictions in a word, Laissez-faire. Individualism in religion and in indus- try go together." It is not therefore strange that slavery, suppressed in Europe by the medieval Church, reappeared in the slave trade after the Reformation, practised by both Protestant and Roman peoples. It is not strange that all the evils which are laid at the door of individual- ism and competition should be largely condoned, sometimes defended, and at least allowed and not seldom practised by individualistic and competing churches. Individual Protestants like Wilberforce, and Howard, and Chalmers, and Shaf tesbury, and Garrison (for at least in Garrison's early reform days he was a believer in the Church), and Gough, and a long list of noble Protestants may have done much for social re- form, and no one can challenge the effect upon the daily moral life of Protestantism among the Scotch Covenanters, the English and American Puritans, or the more ordinary life of many a parish in Scotland or town in New England (such as Northampton, Mass., under Edwards, when nearly the entire population were in church every Sabbath, and 600 out of a popula- tion of uoo were members of the Church) ; yet the point is only too well sustained that the Protestant churches as organizations have had little to do with social reforms. 5. THE MODERN CHURCH. With the modern Church we reach a new era. The Church of to-day can by no means be fair- ly accused of doing nothing for humanity. Those who accuse it, as many do in unsparing terms, of being separated from the masses and not battling for social reform, mean that it does not battle for certain ideas of reform. For charity and in certain lines of re- form the Church, in all its history, . Activity never accomplished more than to- of the day. If charity (in the modern Church. sense) be the fulfilling of the law, no one acquainted with the facts can condemn the Church. And this should not be forgotten even by those who do not believe that such charity is the fulfilling of the law. Those who would put justice before charity must themselves be just enough to give the Church credit for what she is doing. The real state of the case seems to be not that the Church is inactive, for she is immensely active, but that she is not active along the lines most needed in the opinion of most progressive think- ers. We shall therefore point out here the lines upon which the modern Church is active, and in the next section point out the position she might take. We cannot here enter into details concerning separate churches and church organizations. For these see ANGLICAN POSITION, BAPTIST, CON- GREG ATIONALIST, METHODIST, PRESBYTERIAN, PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL, ROMAN CATHOLIC, UNI- TARIAN, and UNIVERSALIST CHURCHES in their re- lation to social reform. We consider here only those activities which hold more or less true of all churches. The first of these is the marked activity of the churches in sustaining our great charitable institu- tions. Especially in our larger cities, like New York, our great hospitals, for example, are almost solely due to the churches. Many of our best educational institutions, too, are the direct offspring of our churches (see CHARITY ORGANIZATION SOCIETIES; HOSPITALS; EDUCATION, etc.). The immense activity of the Church in these respects can hardly be realized, save by a detailed study, and if one adds to this the enor- mous benefactions given, the sums contributed, and the charities and institutions founded by individual members of the Church, and largely as the result of the constant, quiet teaching and inculcation of Chris- tian pulpits, the influence of the Church for the social uplift of humanity can scarcely be exaggerated. Second, in spite of severe criticism from those who- believe that our churches, or at least church-members, are guilty in supporting political parties wedded to the saloon interest, it cannot be denied that in other ways at least our churches are exerting a vast in- fluence for temperance (see TEMPERANCE ; PROHIBI- TION ; WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION \. CHURCH TEMPERANCE SOCIETY, etc.). Thirdly, the churches are exerting a growing social influence through the development of numerous so- called "institutional churches," where charities and classes and clubs and benefit societies are developed and maintained of the most various kinds, and largely on the lines of social reform. These will be noticed in more detail in the articles on the several churches. We here refer only to such churches and institutions as the East Side House of St. Bartholomew's Church, New York City; the work at St. George's, in the same city ; at Berkeley Temple, Boston ; the People's Palace, Jersey City ; the Temple College, connected with Grace Church, Philadelphia ; the Church of the Paul- ist Fathers, in New York City ; in London, the Oxford House, Mansfield House, Newman House, and num- berless others in all the important cities and towns of Europe or America. For Germany and France, see article CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM. Fourthly, many general movements for social re- form, like the social work of the Salvation Army, the immensely important educational work of the Chautau- qua movement, of the University Extension, the battle for Social Purity, the Social Settlement Idea these and a hundred others are, first, the indirect re- sult of Church teaching and, secondly, very largely supported by Church people, and not seldom directly in connection with the Church. Fifthly, the main influence of the modern Church on Social Reform we have yet to notice in its deep, vital influence through the development of individual char- acter. That the whole present influence of the Church upon character is good many may doubt ; that the total effect of its influence is good a few radicals may question ; but that the Church helps to develop purity^ kindness, filial and marital love, general honesty, patriotism, temperance, the sacredness of life, the supremacy of duty, and that these are immensely im- portant social forces, no man can deny. It is fre- quently said that the main work of the Church is not to teach social reform, but to prepare and move in- dividuals to develop social reform. Into this private fundamental work, however, in an encyclopaedia of Social Reform we cannot largely enter ; yet must it never be forgotten by those who would ask what the Church is doing. Often those who condemn the Church know her only as she was twenty or more years ago, and know not that a wholly new life and spirit have entered into her to-day. And yet no fair reviewer of the question can deny that along cer- tain lines the Church is far from being or doing what she should. Almost all social thinkers are now agreed that the social evils of the day arise in large part from social wrongs, in monopolies of land, of money, of machinery, of railroads, and of capital of other kinds. They are also all agreed that whatever be their especial economic views, in some way society has a large part to- play in righting these wrongs, and that such re- forms are therefore at present needed as much as the personal charities and activities of the Church. Now it is in this large field that the Church does so little. Many earnest churchmen claim that this is a field which the Church should not enter. But this is exactly the difficulty urged by social reform- ers. They claim that the Church has no ade- quate conception of what she could and should do. If Jesus Christ be the King of all life (see Failure of the Church. Church and Social Reform. 271 Church and Social Reform. CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL REFORM), surely the Church, as working for Him, should demand that all life obey Christ, and surely the political, social, and industrial spheres are a part of hu- man life. It is more than hinted that while the churches do much for charity (often, however, in their wealth giving of that which costs them little), they fear to take up these fundamental social questions because they have become iden- tified with and dependent upon wealthy donors interested in sustaining these private and class monopolies. City clergymen, with their (often) large salaries and luxurious homes, are espe- cially scorned, hated, and denounced by work- ing men, who claim that these men are not true followers of the Nazarene Carpenter. ' ' We de- nounce and leave the Church," say these labor leaders, " not because it is Christian, but pre- cisely because it is not Christian." In these lines it is easy to see how, in spite of their grow- ing activities, the churches are still denounced as false to their pretended creed and duty. Nevertheless even on this line there is a great change. Under articles CHRISTIAN SOCIALISM and the respective articles on the various Chris- tian churches will be found much evidence of this. Clergymen of all denominations are com- ing to see that Christ really meant His kingdom to come on earth and all kingdoms of this earth, including the kingdoms of politics, trade, indus- try, etc. , to become a portion of His kingdom. It is significant that a new policy is proposed for foreign and home missions, whereby the Church should organize its converts into Chris- tian, industrial and social communities, as indeed the Moravian missionaries have long done. Certainly a new life is in the Church, altho when one realizes the social need and the power that is in the Christ the Church professes to serve, the little done seems lost in the undone vast. (See also CHURCH AND THE WORKING MEN.) 6. THE GENERAL POSSIBLE RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO SOCIAL REFORM. The Church either has taken or may take at least six possible positions in relation to social reform. i. It is claimed that the Church has no rela- tion to social reform ; that the only mission of the Church is to rescue individual souls from a perishing world, and save them for a spirit life to come. This, tho Merely to not often nakedly admitted in Rescue the words, is a position, as we have Individual, seen, that has often been taken in the past and is still not unf requent- ly practically taken by many Prot- estant churches and sects to-day. It is, how- ever, now given up, in words at least, by almost all educated and thoughtful Christians, and needs small consideration. The Christ who fed the hungry, healed the sick, and prayed that His kingdom might come on earth, surely never meant His Church to neglect the bodies and earthly relationship of men. "Think of that long series of works of Christ which are generally now called 'miracles,' but which St. John, at any rate, used to call ' signs,' significant acts showing what kind of a person Christ was, and what He wished His followers to be ; and you will find- without troubling for the moment how they were done, but merely considering what all those who believe they happened are bound to learn from them that they were all distinctly secular, socialistic works : works for health against disease, works restoring beauty and harmony and pleasure where there had been ugliness and discord and misery, works taking care to see that the people were properly fed, works subduing nature to the human good, works showing that mirth and joy have a true place in our life here, works also showing that premature death has no right here." 2. It is claimed that while a new social era shall come on earth, it will only come with the personal advent of Christ, or can only be realized by prayer and spintual development, so that practically the Church to-day has nothing to do for distinctively social reform. This position in effect and sometimes in words is taken by many Adventists and so-called Holiness people, and by not a few in churches nominally not holding to these views. It is almost as demoralizing a position as the first. As the first position de- thrones God in this world, so this position cuts the nerve of Christian activity and makes the Christian not a worker for the coming of the kingdom, but a parasite without healthy life. Christ said to His disciples, " Go ye into all the world." He bade them heal the sick, feed the hungry, clothe the naked. Undoubtedly the true Christian will depend on Christ for his power, but this is no excuse for the lack of action and obedience to Christ's command. Christ did the wonderful secular works we have noticed above, and then said to His disciples, " He that believeth on Me, works that I do shall he do also, and greater works than these shall he do." 3. The Church may claim that while it should work, its work is to be confined to the indi- vidual ; that only by saving individuals and building them up into a true char- acter can it finally save society, so that for a society as a whole the To Beach Church has no message or duty, the World This position is not unfrequently through the asserted, and is continually acted Individual upon. It is the distinctively Prot- Alone. estant conception. Undoubtedly the Church's first message and first work is for the individual ; but if society be a portion of human life, and Jesus Christ be the rightful King of all life, He has a law and ideal for society which the Church must declare and strive to realize. Perfecting only individuals is to attempt to build up a temple by polishing the bricks, but forgetting the mortar which binds them together. Humanity is an organism. It has one father. We are brothers, and our broth- ers' keepers. No one can live alone. We are affected by environment. When open sewers are running through the streets it is folly mere- ' to tell the individual to live a healthy life, he community has a duty to perform to close the sewer and as a community to obey the laws of health. So there is a social morality and a social Christianity which the Church must teach, and to which it must lead. Too often the posi- tion that the Church has only a duty to the indi- vidual is a mere excuse for not performing un- pleasant social duties. On the other hand, it is not to be forgotten that because the Church has a social duty this must not be made the occa- Church and Social Reform. 272 Church and Social Reform. sion, as it sometimes is, of neglecting personal spirituality. 4. The position may be taken that the Church has a social duty to perform, and that since there is no true life apart from religion, the Church should build up an ecclesi- astical social life, and have naught To Develop to do with the so-called secular in- Church stitutions of society or State. This Social is a position that has led to notable Institutions, movements in history the various efforts at organizing church com- munisms and church theocracies. It is involved in the position of the temporal power of the Church of Rome. It is the tend- ency to-day which is developing so much insti- tutional Christianity, and which, if rightly bal- anced by other conceptions, is wholly good. Christ undoubtedly bids His disciples to feed the hungry and clothe the naked and develop true social (including industrial) life. But it must be remembered that if Christ is the King of all life, and if the State is to be, the State must be Christianized, and therefore the Church has a mission to the State as well as practical work to do by herself. " Much can be done by churchmen who remember that the State is a sacred organization as well as the Church. They can unite with socialists of every sort in their endeavor to seize the State and to use it for the well-being of the masses instead of the classes. ' ' 5. Men can go to the contrary extreme and say that since the State should be Christian, the Church is not so much to build up Christian in- stitutions herself as to be the spir- To Work itual inner life in the State, that shall through induce the State to develop such the State, institutions. This is to an extent the medieval and Catholic concep- tion of the Church. According to this conception, the Church is to be the witness, the voice, the conscience, the soul, of which the State is the body, and the State (municipal or national) is therefore rather than the Church the hand which is to build the true social structure. This may be perhaps the highest ideal of the Church of the future, when the State shall be truly Christianized ; but till the State be truly Christian and the best States are far from this now the Church certainly has not only a social message to deliver, but a social work to do. This position also is in especial danger of degenerat- ing into the mere preaching of platitudes and glittering generalities. If the Church is to be the conscience and soul of the nation, it must not only bid the nation be good, but declare in defi- nite cases what is the path of right. 6. The truest position is probably one which finds some truth in all the above views, even in the crudest, and works in every way to build up the kingdom of heaven. In an address upon The Needs of the City, before the Evangelical Alliance, convened in Boston, December 4, 1889, Professor Ely sug- gested the following needs, which in themselves show what the Church could do on especial mu- nicipal problems. Professor Ely mentioned the need i. Of a profound revival of religion, not in any narrow or technical sense, but in the broadest, largest, fullest sense, a great religious awakening which shall shake things, going down into the depths of men's lives and modifying their character. The city needs religion, and without religion the sal- vation of the city is impossible. 2. The first need restated from a A Proposed different point of view, a renaissance of Program. nationalism or municipalism. Said Pro- fessor Ely : " Societies have failed and will fail. They cannot, acting simply as societies, do the work. Their re- sources are inadequate, the territory they can cover is too small, and their power is insufficient. The Evan- gelical Alliance simply as such can never do the work. The Evangelical Alliance, like other societies, must put itself behind municipal government and recognize the reform and elevation of municipal government as one of the chief features of its work. It must strive to establish among us true cities of God. There is plenty of room for the individual and for individual activity. Not all the work can be done by government, altho without government very little can be accomplished. But in addition to strictly private work, there is room for any amount of individual work in stimulating official work and in cooperation with official work. " We must recognize this, and the sooner we recog- nize it the better. . . . The most successfvil work, says Barnett after his long striving, is done by the Education Act, the Poor Law, and other socialistic legislation. That that is the most successful work is also illustrated by the life and career of the seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, who carried through Parliament legislation which has benefited millions of Englishmen. If simply by touching a person you could confer a dis- tinct benefit on the person touched, it would take you twenty years to benefit as many people as have been benefited by legislation chiefly due to this great phil- anthropist. 3. Education of all kinds. 4. Good amusements, gymnasiums, parks, etc. 5. Public baths, washhouses, etc. 6. Improvement of artisans' dwellings. 7. Organized medical relief. 8. Temperance. Such are the main needs of our cities as con- sidered by Professor Ely, and they suggest a large program for the Church. National churches might do still more. It was proposed at the World's Congress on the Church and the Labor Movement, that among the first things for the Church to do was in conventions and conferences, and finally national councils, to create true ideals of social and industrial life, teaching men of our day what conscience de- mands in the daily life, even as the canon law (547-36 61,087.28 54,402.61 13,871.62 45,303.62 5,202.52 18,414.27 33.53 1 -78 37,477.60 18,228.15 44,966.76 880 $2,808.15 12,747.09 20,386.64 37,135.20 39,632.08 26,683.54 3*, s 3S-7* 49,281 .04 42,894.75 43,540.44 37,914.72 53,535-73 47,732-47 60,475.11 42,154-17 881 $3>9 8 7-73 17,145.29 22,250.56 3I.S5I-50 29,379.89 42,225.59 63,900.88 58,824.19 59,519.94 64,660.47 87i472-97 89,906.30 104,391.83 106,758.37 $75.00 1,674.25 2,690.00 3,920.00 4,214.00 4,820.00 8,850.00 21,319.75 19175.50 26,043.00 38,068.35 44,701.97 49,458.33 62,158.77 882 883 884 885 886 887 888 889 890 .... $22,760.50 21,223.50 17,460.75 89,402.75 174,517.25 891 892 80-3... 894 Total $579,112.38 $781,975.51 $287,168.92 $548,756.84 $325,364.75 Total benefits paid in 1894 $430,555-32 Grand total of benefits paid 2,522,378.40 The cash in the International treasury on January i, 1894, was close to $500,000. This amount was consider- ably reduced during the last year, owing to the heavy drafts made upon the treasury to meet the payment of the "out-of-work" benefit. The amount of availa- ble funds January i, 1895, was $340,788.66. We quote at length the following from the Report of the Bureau of Labor of Minnesota (1891-92, p. 256), because it gives a convincing statement of the value of such unions. The re- port says (in condensed form) : " In judging the cigar-makers, it should be borne in mind that .they occupy a field in the industrial world Cigar- Makers' Union. 277 Cigar-Makers' Union. the most difficult of all in which to achieve success. Their labor comes constantly into sharp competition with that of the workers in tenement-house factories, or 'sweating dens.' It is also met by the product of the cheap Chinese labor that has found a home in our borders. No other class of American toilers is forced to meet this sharp and peculiar competition to the same extent. The cigar-makers in the tenement-houses work long hours at very small compensation. Many of them toil for 12 and 14 hours and even longer each day. These workers do not belong to the union. They are unorganized. Now, while these unorganized cigar- makers thus labor long hours at a very low compensa- tion for the most part, the members of the International Union toil for only eight hours a day. This eight-hour -work day was secured by them in the year 1886, and lias since that time been maintained. The product of their toil is constantly sold in competition with that produced in the sweating dens and by the cheap prison and Chinese labor. This fact must be borne in mind in judging their success in maintaining their eight- hour work day. "The insurance benefits of the cigar-makers are five in number. They are known as the strike, sick or dis- ability, death, out-of-work, and traveling benefits. The first of these, the strike benefit, is paid to those members of the union who are out of work by reason of a strike which has been approved by the proper authorities of the organization. This benefit applies to those suffering by lockouts in the same way. Mem- bers out of work, from either of the above causes, re- ceive a benefit of $5 a week for the first 16 weeks of the labor trouble after that time the strike allow- ance is only $3 a week, and that sum is continued un- til a settlement of the difficulty or the strike is de- clared off. The regulations for the giving of this strike fund are all framed so as to make it difficult to have a strike unless the cause is a just one. A strike cannot be supported for any length of time except by vote of the 24,000 members. They secure all the facts in the case by the examination of their paid agents. These agents report the facts of the strike as they find them, and on the facts thus presented the members vote. They decide whether the strike shall longer be sus- tained. If they vote nay, no more money of the order can be paid out for the particular labor difficulty. " Members who have been in good standing for not less than one year are entitled, in case they become sick, to what is called a sick benefit. This is the pay- ment of $5 a week for a period not to exceed 13 weeks in any one year. No member is, however, privileged to draw this benefit if he or she has brought on the ill- health by intemperance, debauchery, or other immoral conduct. No member can draw more than one benefit at any one time. Thus, he cannot draw a strike bene- fit while receiving a sick benefit, or the reverse. The same principle applies to all the other gratuities of the order. Members not entitled to sick benefits, owing to their not having been members for a full year, are not suspended for non-payment of dues while sick. They have four weeks in which to pay those dues after their return to work subsequent to any illness. " Upon the death of a member, who has been such for one year, the sum of $50 is paid by the Cigar-makers' Union toward defraying the expenses of his funeral or cremation. This sum is paid to the nearest of kin of the deceased member. Upon the death of a mem- ber, who has been such for two consecutive years, the sum of $200 is paid in the same way and for the same purposes. To the heirs of one who has been a mem- ber for ten consecutive years is paid, at death, the sum of $350, and to those of a member for 15 consecutive years is paid, in the same way, $550. Upon the death of a wife or widowed mother depending upon him for support of any member who has been such for two consecutive years, the sum of $40 is paid to the mem- ber thus afflicted. " A member having paid weekly dues for a period of one year is entitled to an out-of-work benefit of $3 per week, and 50 cents for each additional day. A member having received this benefit for six weeks is not entitled to the payment for seven weeks there- after, and not more than $72 shall be paid to any one individual as an out-of-work benefit during any one year. A member losing his employment through in- toxication, disorderly conduct, dishonesty, or courting his discharge through bad workmanship or otherwise, is not, however, entitled to an out-of-work benefit for eight weeks thereafter. " The foregoing benefits are gifts or payments not to be returned to the union by the recipient. In addition to them the union maintains a system of loans to those members out of work in any place, unable to secure occupation there, and desirous of traveling to gain work elsewhere. The object of this loan is to furnish the member with a sum sufficient to pay his car fare to the town where he can gain work. He cannot receive more than sufficient to take him to his proposed des- tination. Neither can he receive, at any one time, more than $12, nor more then $20 in the aggregate until the first loan has been repaid. A member, to be entitled to this loan, must have been in good stand- ing continuously for at least one year preceding. The total amount loaned by the order since the establish- ment of this benefit was, January i, 1802, $398,395.09. Of that amount all had been repaid but $60,764.74. Doubtless some part of these loans will never be re- paid, owing to the death of a few members before they have had a chance to discharge their obligations. Another small part must be lost through members who desert the union after obtaining the loan. The total lost through these causes cannot be accurately determined even by the officers of the union. It, how- ever, is small and cannot exceed five per cent, of the amount trusted out in this way. . . . "In placing an estimate upon the value of this service of the union to its members it should be recalled that the cigar-makers follow a calling attended with many uncertainties. There is a constant moving about among the members. The average worker is tempo- rarily out of a job two or three times a year. Without the aid of such a free employment bureau, as has been described above, he would be forced to lose more or less time hunting for situations and pay greater or less sums every year to employment agencies for the same purpose. The economy and wisdom of the man- agement of the union can then be judged by its ex- penses in maintaining this system of free employment agencies for its members. . . . " In addition to the sums paid as insurance and travel- ing benefits the cigar-makers expend large sums of money for definite purposes, either to advance certain special interests of the members of the craft as a whole, or to promote the cause of organized labor, or for general, charity. Charity, in various forms, calls for considerable sums of money each year. These disbursements, authorized by the international rules, and paid from the common treasury of the order, are given in the following table. (We give the table only in abridged form.) YEAR. Benefits Given. Assistance to Unions, Aid to Strikes, etc. Total Disbursed for Objects of the Union. Expenses of Management. Added to Re- serve Fund. 5882 . !883 1884 TT 298,066 86 3885 ... Q 1886 60 556 85 1887 1888 . . .... 1889 83,897.96 9i7 1890 ... 1891 .... ... 38,877.19 i 39 Total $373,859.15 "The figures given include all sums paid as strike benefits, and also all amounts given to unions on strike, etc. The average for the first five years is $8177, and for the last five only $1353. From this it can be seen that the general tendency of the union is to decrease the amounts paid by the organization for strikes. This Cigar- Makers' Union. 278 City and Social Reform, jroves the truth of the claim made for the organiza- tion that it seeks to lessen these labor disturbances, and also that this desirable end is advanced by the ex- istence of a large reserve fund such as the cigar- makers at present have at their command. Another fact to be noted in this connection is this : The aver- age expense of management increases as the strike disbursements decrease. This tends to show that the effort of the union is being more and more directed to lessen or prevent strikes and lockouts. The success of the movement on the part of the organization may be measured by the amounts saved in strike expendi- tures. This, for the last five years, averaged $6824 less than it was for the preceding five. . . . . " If the affairs of the Prudential, Metropolitan, Ger- mania, and John Hancock, the four companies doing an ' industrial ' business in the United States, were all to be conducted on the same economical basis, the saving effected over the present administration would amount to over $5,000,000 in the year 1891. This is a sum greater than the loss to employers and employees in the United States by the strikes of that year. If strikes are to be deplored and avoided whenever pos- sible, this large relative cost of managing ' industrial' life insurance by the business corporations should call for remark, and the saving effected by this trade- union commended. " Strikes occur only rarely. They attract attention as large conflagrations by the glare and smoke and noise which they occasion. The unions are frequently placed in that glare and din, and that side of their activity has most attracted popular attention. But the business activities of the unions, their administra- tion of their benefits and charities, are all conducted in quiet. They attract no man's attention. That busi- ness management, in the case of the cigar-makers, lessens strikes and pays for its costs in that way in a twofold manner. That union also saves its members several times its costs in its quiet work of securing them employment. And the foregoing comparisons indicate that the union, in the same unobtrusive man- ner, dispenses industrial insurance and other benefits with a saving which balances all strike expenses and all other disbursements growing out of the application of union principles. Here is a saving far in excess of the loss which attracts popular attention. The union should have the credit for this side of its activities." In 1880 the International Union adopted a trade-mark, known as the "blue label." It is estimated that it has spent $1,000,000 in adver- tising this label, and with great success, so that the label is widely used as a guarantee of union- made cigars. The cigar-makers were the first American international trade-union to adopt the referendum in electing its officers, amend- ing its constitution, and deciding all important questions. The prominent members of the union are Samuel Gompers (ff.v.), long presi- dent of the American Federation of Labor, and Adolph Strasser, for 14 years its president. George W. Perkins is the present (1895) presi- dent. CIRCULATION. See CONTRACTION AND EXPANSION OF CURRENCY ; also CURRENCY. CITIZENS' LAW AND ORDER LEAGUE. See LAW AND ORDER LEAGUES. CITY AND SOCIAL REFORM, THE. A city may be defined in general as a large or important town ; more accurately, it is an incor- porated municipality, usually governed by a mayor, aldermen, and common council. The number of inhabitants required to constitute a city in the United States is usually 10,000, but in some western States it is as low as 3000. In Great Britain a city is usually a corporate town which is or has been the seat of a bishop. We consider the subject in this article under five heads : I. History (a) ancient; () medieval ; (c) modern. II. Present Status. III. Statistics. IV. Need of Reform. V. Methods of Reform. I. THE HISTORY OF THE CITY. The origin of cities loses itself in the unknown past- They existed along the valleys of the Nile, the Tigris, and Euphrates, by the rivers of India, and upon the Elains of Mexico and Peru. Discoverers, as at Troy, ave often found the ruins of one city buried many feet below the ruins of another, these in turn many feet below the present soil. Into this interesting sub- ject of the primitive cities we cannot go. It is doubt- ful if these early cities from the stand- point of social science had any true civic life. They seem to have been gigantic conglomerations of walled-in Eopulations, ruled by some despot or amily of lords or priests, who some- times, indeed, gave to the city a rude splendor and developed monumental art, yet without allowing to the citizens any corporate life of their own. The inhabitants were simply the slaves of some king, perhaps the devotees of some god. It is in Greece that we come to the first actual city in the sense of the cor- Ancient Cities. The Classic City. porate unity of many citizens. Greek social polity (g.v.) turned upon the conception of the city, begun un- doubtedly as a colony from some patriarchal clan, but early developing organized democratic life. (See ATHENS.) Many of the cities, however, were long oligarchies, and often even after democratic life had been gained some family or families would gain the power and establish an oligarchy. Sometimes an in- dividual would gain the power and establish a tyranny, which was, however, personal, rarely in- herited. The city was usually supre'me, and not a part of any State. It domi- nated the country around, made treaties, waged war, etc. It was in the eyes of the citizen sacred, his Church as well as his home. The city entered into, ruled, and conducted all kinds of activities. It built temples, markets, theaters, gymnasia. It conducted worship, games, instruction. It sent out colonies and ruled commerce. It worked mines, fields, and facto- ries. It supported its free citizens rather than was sup- ported by them. (See ATHENS.) Citizenship was lim- ited, but the assemblage of the citizens was supreme. Often, however, officers were nominally elected who were virtually irresponsible. Next to the citizens came a class of " aliens," subject natives or foreigners, having special rights on payment of special taxes. At the bottom of the whole structure in every city were the slaves. Even a democracy of free men was simply a democracy of slave-owners. Thus at Athens there were at one time at least 140,000 slaves, 10,000 resident aliens, and 21,000 male citizens. (For the condition of these slaves, see SLAVERY.) Two gigantic evils re- sulted : First, danger of servile revolts, which not infrequently broke out with terrible results (see GUILDS), and were put down only by relentless cruelty ; secondly, class antagonisms were roused between other classes of citizens. Civil war became the order of the day. The State was either paralyzed by internal con- flict or demoralized by corruption. Slavery ate out the life of ancient cities. In the Roman civilization grad- ually the city lost its sovereignty and became a part of the empire, furnishing the transition to the medieval city. In the early Middle Ages the city lost power before the military chieftain and the robber castle. Feudal- ism (q.v.} magnified the country over the city. Where feudalism was weak, as in South France, or in Italy, or where natural condi- tions were favorable, as along the Adri- - atic coast, the Rhine, and the northern coast of Europe, cities were developed soonest. In the north the struggle of the cities for independence was fiercer and their de- velopment, therefore, slower, but stronger. They grew by work, by art, by commerce, not by war. All through the eleventh and twelfth centuries they developed rapidly. The Italian republics, the cities of the Han- seatic League, the Flemish and English cities, tho often dominated by a fierce and quarrelsome nobility, tended, on the whole, to develop the rule of the trader rather than of the noble or the chieftain. They became first the creator and then the creature of the guilds ( Cincinnati Breslau ... 1880. 255,139 . .. 1880. 272,900 .... . . . . 1890. 296,908 ... 1890. 335,186 by the republic. Paris is largely still governed by the prefect of the department of the Seine, and his colleague, the prefect of the police. The city is divid- ed into 20 arrondissements, and in each there is a central building called the mairie, the bureau of an officer called the maire. There is, however, a munic- ipal council with considerable power, and the ten- dency is to develop municipal self-control. III. STATISTICS OF CITIES. The rapid growth of modern cities is one of the distinguishing notes of the century. It This unhealthy growth of the German cities is all the more remarkable when we remember that Ger- many has to suffer much from emigration, while America profits by immigration. The natural conse- quence of this centralization is that the country dis- tricts are suffering from want of hands, while the cities are overburdened with the unemployed. It is the same in France. Frederic Mistral describes the ill effects of this centralization in the Temps, Paris : " All the intelligence of the country gathers in Paris, without returning to the provinces. France, one of the richest countries in the world, where grain, wine, oil, and beef are produced in superabundance, and which produces the best possible fighting material, seems destined to go under, because everything is done according to the routine prescribed by the capital. Much trouble is taken to colonize and improve foreign parts, while the French provinces are neglected. Much of the wealth which is gathered in Paris, both material and intellectual, is wasted, because no proper return is made to the provinces." Mr. Albert Shaw says (Municipal Government in Great Britain, pp. 15-17): "While the entire increase of the French nation from the census of 1886 to the census of 1891 was less than 125,000, there was in those five years a growth of 340,000 in the aggregate popula- tion of the 56 largest cities and towns those having more than 30,000 people. . . . " Urban population grows apace also in Holland and Belgium. One third of the Netherlanders live in towns of 20,000 people or more, and a quarter of the Belgians are similarly grouped. In the 25 years from 1868 to 1893, the Holland towns of this class advanced from possessing exactly one fourth to exactly one third of the whole people. ... In 30 years Rome and Milan have more than doubled their population ; Florence has come little short of the same achievement ; Turin and Genoa are about 70 per cent, larger than in 1864 ; overcrowded Naples has gained 100,000 people ; Pa- lermo has added nearly as many ; and numerous large communes have gained 50 per cent." Of the United Kingdom Mr. Shaw says (idem, pp. 12- 15) : " In Scotland, and the north of England especially, the change from rural to urban conditions has been revolutionary. At the beginning of the nineteenth century (census of 1801) the total population of Scot- land was 1,600,000, and only a small proportion was made up of town dwellers. According to the census of 1891, the total population had grown to more than 4,000,000, of which only 928,500 were strictly rural. The town population was 2,631,300, and the villagers, form- ing an intermediate class, numbered 465,800. The rural population had declined absolutely in the 10 years from 1881, the decrease being 5^ per cent., while in the previous 10 years, from 1871 to 1881, there had also been a loss of 4 per cent. The town population, on the other hand, had increased 18 per cent, from 1871 to iSSi, and 14 per cent, from 1881 to 1891. ... In England the Reform Act of 1835 dealt with 178 munici- pal corporations in England and Wales, and since that time, under Queen Victoria, 125 new charters of incorpo- ration have been granted. By the census of 1891, the 178 old corporations had a total population of 5,483,000, and that of the 12^ new corporations was s, 512,000. The population of England and Wales in 1891 was 29,000,000 ; and 11,000,000 people were living in 302 cities and towns City and Social Reform. 282 City and Social Reform. possessing full municipal governments. This does not include approximately 6,000,000 inhabitants of the 'Greater London,' or several million people who are in the suburban districts of large towns, or in com- munities living under urban conditions but not em- braced within the present boundaries of municipal corporations. . . . One third of the whole population is now in towns of over 100,000 inhabitants, and nearly .another third is in towns having from 10,000 to 100,000 people. For 20 years the growth of the towns having from 10,000 to 250,000 people has been at the average rate of 2 per cent, a year, or 20 per cent, a decade. Thus town life will soon prevail for three fourths of the English people." The growth of cities in the United States is better known. " In 1790 one thirtieth of the population of the United States lived in cities of 8000 inhabitants and over ; in 1800, one twenty-fifth ; in 1810, and also in 1820, one twentieth ; in 1830, one six- teenth ; in 1840, one twelfth ; in 1850, The United one eighth ; in 1860, one sixth ; in 1870, a States little over one fifth ; and in 1880, 22.5 per cent., or nearly one fourth. From 1790 to 1880 the whole population increased twelvefold, the urban population eighty- six fold. From 1830 to 1880 the whole population in- creased a little less than fourfold, the urban popula- tion thirteenfold. From 1870 to 1880 the whole popula- tion increased 30 per cent., the urban population 40 per cent. During the half century preceding 1880, population in the city increased more than four times as rapidly as that of the village and country. In 1800 there were only six cities in the United States which had a population of 8000 or more. In 1880 there were 286, and in 1890, 437." Says Dr. Strong in The New Era, p. 197 : " In 1880 the number of our cities having a population of 8000 or more was 286 ; in 10 years the number had leaped up to 443. A hundred years ago we had but six. Be- tween 1870 and 1890 the number of cities having a population of 100,000 or more doubled, rising from 14 to 28. In a number of States nearly all the increase of population from 1880 to 1890 was in the cities. Of the total increase in Maryland, the one city of Baltimore furnished fully nineteen twentieths." The following table gives a few cities among the many which made a very remarkable growth : CITIES AND TOWNS. POPULATION. IN- CREASE. 1880. 1890. Per Cent. Birmingham, Ala 3,086 53, l8 5 10,358 35,629 3,483 736 3,200 3,533 350 1,098 26,178 1,099,850 38,067 106,713 33>"5 10,338 38,316 42,837 19,922 36,006 748 118 267 199 850 i,34 1,097 1,112 5,592 3>>79 Chicago, 111 Dallas, Tex . . . .. . Denver, Col Duluth, Minn El Paso, Tex Kansas City, Kan Seattle, Wash Spokane Falls, Wash Tacoma, Wash Says the Bulletin on the social statistics of cities for the census of 1890: "While the older States namely, those in the North Atlantic group still lead in the number of cities and total population living therein, the North Central and Western groups have made large gains, trie former having increased the number of cities 50, or 72.46 per cent., with an actual gain in population of 2,693,155, or 96.07 per cent., and the latter 13 cities, or 130 per cent., with an actual increase in population of 487,610, or 118.13 P er cent. " States that have made the most marked gains in their populations living in cities of this class areas fol- lows : Nebraska, 438.87 per cent.; Minnesota, 265.71 per cent.; Oregon, 223.82 per cent.; North Carolina, 214.27 percent.; Colorado 204.51 percent.; Kansas, 194.79 pel- cent." Says Dr. Strong ( The New Era, p. 188) : " If the rate of growth and movement of population from 1880 to 1890 continue^ until 1920, the city will then contain up- ward of 70,000,000 more than the country." Thr, World Almanac for 1895 prints the following statistics of populations : CITIES. Census Year. Popula- tion. London Paris ' . New York* Canton est Berlin 1 ' Tokio, Japan Vienna .... Philadelphia (municipality) Chicagof 892 1,142,653 St. Petersburg 889 i 99 5 Pekin Brooklyn (State)* 802 Constantinople 88 e; Calcutta 801 Brooklyn 890 Bombay 891 Rio de Janeiro^ 802 Concerning the density of population in cities, the census Bulletin for 1890 (see above) gives it for Amer- ican cities as follows : CITIES. Popula- tion. Square Miles. POPULATION TO Each Square Mile. Each Acre. New York i,5i5,3i 1,099,850 1,046,964 806,343 45i>77 448,477 434,439 298,997 296,908 261,353 40.22 160.57 129.39 26.46 61-35 35-28 28.38 15.46 25.00 24.88 37,675-31 6,849.66 8,091.54 30,474.04 7,363-81 12,711.93 i5,3 7-93 19,340.04 11,876.32 10,504.54 58.87 10.70 12.64 47-62 11.51 19.86 23 92 30.22 18.56 16.41 Chicago Philadelphia Brooklyn St. Louis Boston Baltimore San Francisco Cincinnati Cleveland According to Mulhall (1892), the density of population was, for London, 52 per acre ; Paris, 154 ; Vienna, 258 ; Berlin, 264. This, however, gives little idea of the overcrowding in certain portions of cities. Thus the average popula- tion in New York City per acre is 58.87, but in Ward 10 of that city it rises to the Overcrowd - frightful number of 478 to the acre. Says Edward Marshall in the North American Review for December, 1893 : "Six small down-town wards may with confidence be spoken of as forming the most crowded spot on earth. No obtainable statistics of English or conti- nental cities show a population approaching that of this district of New York. . . . The population per square mile of these six wards was given in 1890 as Seventh 197,200 Tenth 357,888 Eleventh 262,720 Thirteenth 295, 104 Fourteenth 198,272 Seventeenth. 252,834 "This is an average for the whole district of 252, 834 to the square mile. Even the lowest of these figures shows a higher population than occurs anywhere else ; and the population of the Tenth Ward to any given area is more than twice that credited to the most thick- ly populated district of old London, where 175,816 peo- ple to the square mile dwell Several con- * New York State census of 1892. The population of the territory embraced within the limits of " Greater New York," as proposed by the commission, is over 3,000,000. t A school census taken in Chicago in 1892 revealed an estimated population of upward of 1,400,- ooo. J Official estimate. City and Social Reform. 283 City and Social Reform. tinental cities contain more crowded districts than London ever did, but none approaches the terrifying congestion of pur ' team- o ingTenth.'" Related to density of popu- et lation, largely as effect to cause, is the death-rate of cities. According to the above-mentioned census Bulletin, the death-rate of American cities is as follows : CITIES. Number of Persons per Acre. Approxi- mate Death- Rate for Cen- sus Year. Newark 16 New York 28 6 28 A Washington 2 e 8 Brooklyn 48 24 8 Baltimore Denver San Francisco Philadelphia Cincinnati 16 Detroit 16 Buffalo Milwaukee St. Louis .... Indianapolis 16 18.8 St. Paul 16.7 Minneapolis 14 8 In crowded wards it is much higher, says the Bulle- tin. Taking the three most densely populated wards in Boston, Chicago, and Cincinnati, and comparing them as to death-rates with the three least densely populated wards in each of the above cities, the following re- sults are obtained : CITIES. Wards. Average Number of Persons per Acre. Average Death- Rate. 8, 9, 16 166 29.40 Boston 4 18.61 Chicago 5, 16, 19 98 22.20 Chicago i 16.90 Cincinnati 7, 10, 13 153 29.90 Cincinnati i, 29, 30 3 I8.I7 According to Mulhall (1890), the death-rate (1878-80) in London was ai.i ; Berlin, 27.6 ; Glasgow, 25.3 ; Birming- ham, 19.8 ; Paris, 28.6 ; Manchester, 25.5. According to- A. R. Conkling, however (City Government in the United States, 1894), Berlin has reduced her death-rate to about 20. Coming to the statistics of municipal finances, cen- sus Bulletin No. 82, prepared by Mr. J. K. Upton, gives us the fullest information, reporting in detail as- to ioo out of 443 cities in the United States, having a Eopulation or 8000 or upward. We take from it the sllowing tables : TOTAL RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OP ioo PRINCIPAL OR REPRESENTATIVE CITIES OF THE UNITED STATES. RECEIPTS. Taxes $139,283,226 Libraries Special assessments, streets and bridges. .. 13,296,035 Schools.. Special assessments, sewers 1,380,057 Fire 11,782,307 Health... 3.4", 539 Lighting EXPENDITURES. $818,202 26,198,173 11,865,402 2,280,317 7.747)3 I 3 Fees, fines, and penalties 2,714,464 Police 17,817,435 Waterworks 18,826,269 Charitable objects 7,166,901 Interest on deposits 575)057 Streets and bridges 33,580,209 Income from funds and investments 10,852,461 Sewers.. 6,943,519 Miscellaneous 12,880,033 Buildings and improvements 9,715,070 Parks and public grounds 12,672,494 Salaries 11,833,458 Waterworks 19,086,751 Interest on debt r. . . 32,250,368- Miscellaneous 34,651,043 Total ordinary receipts $215,001,448 Loans 84,352,668 Funds and transfers 18,381,673 From State or county 5>443i947 Balance, cash on hand beginning of year.. 35,844,656 Grand total $359,024,392 Total ordinary expenses $234,626,655 Loans 59,488,191 Funds and transfers 28,330,353 Balance, cash on hand end of year .. 36,579,193. Grand total $359,024,392 Comparing detailed amounts expended by cities with those expended by States, the magnitude of municipal expenditures is clearly exhibited. Omitting amounts on account of loans, transfers, and funds, the ordinary expenditures of the State of Massachusetts for the year ending December 31, 1889, as compiled by this office, was $4,955,669. With like omissions, the expenditures for the city of Boston for the year named amounted to $16,117,043. Like ordi- nary expenditures of the States of New York, Massa- chusetts, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Missouri, and Illinois, the six largest States in the Union in population, for one year amounted in the aggregate to $28,859,010, while in the same period the ordinary expenditures of New York City alone amounted to $48,937,604. The State of New York expended in 1889, for legislative, executive, and judicial purposes, $1,619,127, an amount considerably exceeding like expenditures in any other State ; but the amount for the same period paid for salaries alone for such 'purposes in certain cities was as follows : New York, $3,488,834 ; Brooklyn, $2,325,684 ; Philadelphia, $1,131,376. The approximate administrative expenditures in- clude that part of the ordinary expenditures presumed to be necessary for the conduct of ordinary city affairs. To determine the amount there has been deducted in each case from the ordinary expenditures of the city the amount expended for libraries, schools, public buildings, charitable objects, and waterworks or use of water. The expenditures on account of construction of new streets, bridges, and sewers, and for the purchase and opening of new grounds for parks and places, could not in many cases be separated in the reports from those incurred for the maintenance of such works and grounds already in use. No deduction of their amount could therefore be made in ascertaining the ordinary expenses of administration, as otherwise would have been done. Expenditures for such purposes, it is thought, were unusually large in the cities of New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, St. Paul, St. Louis, and San Francisco for the years reported. City and Social Reform, 284 City and Social Reform. TOTAL AND PER CAPITA ORDINARY AND ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENDITURES AND RECEIPTS. CITIES. ORDINARY EXPEN- DITURES. APPROXIMATE ADMINISTRATIVE EXPENDITURES. Total Ordinary Receipts. Principal of Loans. Principal of Funds and Transfers. From State or County for Schools, etc. Total. Per Capita. Total. Per Capita. $1,761,958 7.7791638 436,516 16,117,043 625,724 16,839,675 6,751,294 154,242 1,582,363 18,402,336 6,453.976 2,891,257 1,753,646 795.049 377.37 1,224,282 923,862 6541843 2.056,733 1,534,112 3,962,656 2,464,901 689,602 2,828,743 48,937.694 11563,303 19,845,121 3,086,320 397.379 2,890,482 2,194,723 6,205,440 5,482,793 5.639,934 $18.56 17.91 22.85 35-94 12.80 20.88 26.41 iQ-57 22.60 16.73 21.74 1 1. 06 19.89 7-45 14-95 16.46 17-36 6.21 12.62 11.56 24.05 13-56 8 48 11.69 32-30 11.13 18.95 12.93 8-57 21.87 16.39 13-74 41.18 18.86 $1,182,756 5,618,832 325,584 10,647,928 559,068 13,981,943 4,696,954 94,722 1,103,793 12,132,045 5,206,638 1,965,632 1,472,007 482,059 s,535, I 52 839,244 757,823 611,283 1,722,946 936,243 2,888,298 1,993,937 661,217 2,544.402 36,203,653 1,455,363 14,624,662 2,ii4,533 393,478 2,275,490 1,572,633 5,023,915 3,676,243 4> I 75,i72 $12.46 12.93 17.04 23-74 11.44 17-34 18.37 6.49 15-76 11.03 17-54 7-52 16.70 4.52 12.31 11.28 14.24 5.80 10.57 7-05 17-53 10-97 8 13 10.51 23.89 10.36 13-97 8.86 8.48 17.22 11.75 II. 12 27.61 13.96 $1,658,415 7.409,935 453,767 15,046,209 566,962 13,681,816 5,202,999 167,334 1,489,309 18,158,831 6,379,325 3,195,442 950,057 973,766 2,640,529 1,225,859 909,010 626,259 1,682,343 1,051,008 3,041,863 2,33 I >479 610,527 3,000,298 41,734,162 1,334,88s 20,919,403 3,914,464 437,538 2,890,206 1,983,790 6,223,697 4,492,174 5,222,559 $97,500 2,879,000 102,000 7,717,000 443,009 4,792,000 1,122,528 96,500 655,000 333,566 1,003,163 453,3oo 1,193,100 57,ooo 360,000 283,600 111,249 5,728,734 1,329,625 2,033,000 320,000 1,040,958 32,205,970 322,158 436,724 2,020,184 '93.433 3,666,867 828,557 256,800 $79,782 21,148 2,360,189 4,828 8,221 2I2,OOO I59>199 361,769 194,017 380,968 68,614 11,254 111,205 )987,796 329 342,003 85,719 14,662 492,038 17,682 $53,4io 162,142 ",399 918,516 22,849 102,863 10,066 137,621 33,842 24,934 23>346 417,476 78,646 309,817 735,509 286,360 51,802 27,230 64,000 69,817 667,114 Buffalo Fall River Hartford Jersey City New Orleans Pittsburgh. Portland, Ore Providence Rochester , St. Louis St. Paul San Francisco CITIES. Net Ordinary Taxes. SPECIAL ASSESSMENTS. NET LICENSES. Net Fees, Fines, and Penalties. Water- works. Interest on De- posits. Income from Funds and Investments. Miscellaneous. Streets and Bridges. Sewers. Liquor. Other. $940,160 5,148,638 248,673 10,371,154 418,008 $152,785 260,016 3,362 30,225 16,131 $137,580 4,073 84,135 $5',595 $15,201 46,015 $5,652 9,497 $323,697 820,253 39,878 1,698,602 $16,503 180,861 $2,070 873,7M 120,142 ','43.45' $13,172 251,802 37,639 512,568 44,204 '83,057 10,148 79,734 831,000 219,647 252, 2O> '7 39,727 72,9" 39,084 42,064 21,655 49,212 122,841 157,032 359,305 6,570 254,512 517,703 9,872 3,957,003 230,554 79,436 172,439 22,774 '59,3'2 37', 3" 64,899 Bangor 755,968 71,027 355,925 282,678 40 2,131,897 699,128 3'0,435 32,402 190,395 138,848 77,134 37,579 3,633 72,946 '3,935 716 5,924 590,342 144,726 45,838 10,499 109,082 11,688 5,470 231,666 '3,959 31,652 24,676 466 4,873 106,186 18,863 22,901 7,644 19,199 870 ",592 5 081 Bridgeport, Conn Brooklyn 1,468,825 547,257 33,9o8 239,744 1,767,624 718,624 478,996 136,927 6,000 129,967 58,738 4,477 26,542 106,879 407,887 1,420,617 135,221 17,921 37.120 21.957 30,000 147,058 Buffalo 3,974,922 114,646 1,126,934 7,402,713 2,671,609 1,949,849 694,083 609,363 1,988,878 "7,736 3,580 11,308 4,921,782 459,569 49,912 336,588 ' s',870 '6,275 652 53,626 Chicago Cleveland Detroit Fall River Hartford 764,154 471,207 1,072,314 915,497 2,398,866 1,303,672 548,997 4,284 95,968 4,'93 7,429 23,079 Jersey City Kansas City 171,532 214,055 Minneapolis 4,588 118,127 ',758 142,448 37,4" 250.000 297^249 218,459 1,441,020 610,145 17,025 116,968 45,740 853,700 385,000 249,360 21,632 4,854 5',70i 5,788 '0,937 157,514 530 104,890 Newark New Haven 58,069 4,129,218 1,461,838 67,747 120,852 New York Omaha 29,79i,39' 1,263,116 12,086,936 2,684,501 149,820 2,046,962 ',398,854 3,266,224 ',579,675 3,023,454 2,068,015 35,420 375,7i8 45,636 25,794 342,975 84,199 1,464,843 1,080,801 ',299 27,728 66,895 32,080 157,383 268,076 422,664 11,897 64,683 95,349 '5,955 458 539,"4 32,338 239,913 454,555 13,219 570,194 75 250 12,519 12,249 178,474 69,38^ 296,056 2,747,548 2,205,559 541,908 399,742 952,689 583,571 162,048 62 152 3,357 69,133 6,055 Philadelphia Pittsburg Portland, Ore Providence Rochester St. Louis '. . St. Paul San Francisco City and Social Reform. 285 City and Social Reform. ORDINARY EXPENDITURES IN DETAIL. CITIES. EDUCATIONAL. MAINTENANCE AND CONSTRUCTION. Libraries. Schools. Fire. Health. Light- ing. Police. Charitable Objects. Streets and Bridges. Sewers. $259,050 982,954 42,401 1,918,241 1,536,086 747,669 26,788 281,241 3,238,659 49,335 $94,687 282,229 18,943 872,455 45,851 i3*,9%7 303,021 12,156 55,56o 989,975 330,648 253,264 6i,335 107,554 322,365 47,525 7i>339 79,693 "3,249 120,360 245,980 136,827 87,335 235,978 2,019,957 70,164 669,974 226,775 73,2i8 161,527 140,909 48i,777 225,045 462,873 $10,412 91,586 582,941 3,837 147,854 17,911 835 21,135 176,853 43,86i 32,086 14,802 62,580 41,275 2,752 2,824 3,337 1,172 20,510 11,617 20,247 ^3,331 85,313 34,0" 24,721 27,017 74,88s I97.73 1 3 ",505 8,638 592,3i8 26,458 481,857 260,342 8,877 45,005 919,235 222,608 '64,575 48,309 50,000 129,097 27,031 39,248 51,271 77,543 162,254 63,097 184,831 713,449 40,000 385,668 125,124 23,235 146,734 151,314 3i3>599 $135.053 779,942 ",736 1,184,282 38,683 126,265 373,820 4,069 87,401 1,514,665 469,196 294,866 55,932 92,000 296,247 90,491 63,354 61,261 333,790 166,465 194,242 211,905 117,728 152,728 4,607,445 87,102 1,929,003 299,674 50,702 250,654 130,811 557,"4 $62,363 217,043 16,419 1,022,673 55,ooo 73,50 78,445 3,350 58,876 22,411 260,894 83,171 2,810 37,555 61,104 68,278 S,i'i2 500,000 30,217 $278,721 973,273 30,583 1,717,363 68,660 829,850 215,825 21,548 345,722 4,879,009 i,399,558 282,832 952,369 53,000 997,559 92,453 "6,557 95,231 139,642 742,000 $i5i,745 167,292 21,347 803,467 13,919 83,447 177,649 9,627 66,695 584,941 189,781 16,572 3 ',035 318,691 53,332 8,029 4,439 19,396 610,166 Baltimore $57.499 Bangor 162,827 11,656 Bridgeport, Conn Brooklyn Buffalo 3,821 2,408 9,490 84,063 Cleveland 2,003 302,990 375,877 188,510 97,76i Detroit 27,864 10,144 Hartford Indianapolis Jersey City 3i3,"3 637,544 470,964 182,825 4,082,246 2,646,352 615.053 341,876 326,052 Kansas City Minneapolis 127,203 Newark 10,000 15,102 2,390,403 483,817 78,406 1,302 13,275 75,553 354,262 30,084 86,904 126,251 206,193 4,624,185 851 ,090 2,107,665 337,592 91,576 281,524 508,160 1,258,899 1,832,094 1,409,663 133,189 5,357 176,366 154,468 463,828 66",ic)8 115,169 161,855 147,052 327,359 New Orleans New York 25,000 14,018 Omaha 'Philadelphia Pittsburg Portland, Ore 3.500 1,126 Rochester St. Louis St. Paul 13,795 30.74 6 784,432 992,414 San Francisco 68,207 288,106 54 I , I 59 ORDINARY EXPENDITURES IN DETAIL. CITIES. Public Buildings and Improve- ments. Parks and Public Grounds. Salaries. Water- works or Use of Water. Interest on Debt. Miscella- neous. Albany $31,440 173.837 649,536 ",325 6 4 ',428 616 23,489 23,439 38,281 18,632 36,459 10,390 73,964 2,440 8,600 12,890 268,138 11,061 3,849 10,075,925 16,473 404,465 5.051 187,520 97.990 $84,472 72,241 8,570 588,051 21,709 2,325,684 150,583 27,917 488,350 160,924 49,945 72,000 225,738 27,780 27.4*4 86,394 82,714 70,402 18,912 19,267 "7,645 3,488,834 150,152 1,131,376 61,588 26,739 68,205 76,756 466,221 259,284 $257,789 874,095 52,112 973,47i 1,237,025 1,031,755 23,813 116,368 2,020,8^7 600,669 446,660 257,296 73,647 55,493 36,650 10,000 67,380 279,394 16,000 64,296 3,172,583 66,490 1,332,253 278,328 24 r ,434 209,801 697,392 680,185 24,175 $223,939 2,012,260 136,946 2,444,504 82,606 2,223,570 487,469 25,782 199,491 780,176 ',865,750 488,203 202,090 oV,578 206,482 171,863 199,088 918,360 78,357 258,936 267,861 61,523 585.59 1 7,146,215 3,326,411 706,950 33,265 492,717 108,432 1,250,966 492,206 117,291 $74,556 754,667 88,821 1,213,011 245,020 7,631,429 2,645,906 n,2ia 23!,3?8 1,775,402 486,031 43 I > I 74 34,194 3,500 62,638 288,958 276,009 76,659 110,943 410,804 315,670 1,358.432 3, '49 1,031,983 3,227,946 8s,9!4 4,120,959 322,819 23,494 734,239 79,859 375,412 1,126,898 701,230 Baltimore $29,215 1,391,903 11,121 192,650 3,161 ",595 904,271 336,440 395,794 19,530 10,000 26,942 69,787 Bridgeport, Conn Buffalo Burlington Cambridge ... Chicago Columbus Detroit Fall River Hartford Indianapolis.. ... 6,910 2,452 30,489 Jersey City Newark New Haven 2,385 22,118 3,063,809 2 7.43 2 758,037 New York Omaha Philadelphia Pittsburg Portland, Ore 2,599 14,907 9,558 129,871 298,054 330,523 Providence Rochester St. Louis St. Paul San Francisco City and Social Reform. 286 City and Social Reform, Concerning the debts of American municipalities, Mr. Conkling (City Government of the United States, p. 170) says : " A table of the increase of population, taxable valua- tion, taxation and debt in 15 of the chief cities of the United States, from 1866-75, is as follows : Increase in population 70.5 per cent. Increase in tax valuation 156.9 per cent. Increase in debt 270.9 per cent. Increase in taxation 363.2 per cent. " The increase in debt has been most notable in the large cities. . . . ''The sudden increase of the debt of New York dur- ing the reign of the Tweed ring is, perhaps, the most remarkable of any large city. During the two years preceding the downfall of that ring in 1871 the increase of the city's debt was $40,650,648. On July i, 1894, the net funded debt of New York City was $104,339,634, and the State of New York is practically out of debt. " A city having a low rate of taxation has often a large bonded debt. . . . " The tax-rate of cities is often a delusion and a snare, for the reason that, where the municipal authori- ties refuse to make an appropriation, application is. made to the Legislature for authority to issue bonds. This method of financial juggling is adopted in the city of New York. . . . "The city of Chicago is about to reissue at 4 per cent. $1,787,000 worth of bonds that have borne interest at 7 per cent. " Many of the small cities in the United States are now selling bonds at the rate of 4 and 5 per cent. These bonds are sometimes exempted from municipal taxation. In the District of Columbia registered bonds, guaranteed by the United States Government and bearing Debts interest at 3.65 per cent., have been is- sued recently. The issue is limited to $5,000,000, and is exempt from all taxes. The city bonds in several Western States are fair in- vestments, because the city debt is limited by the State Constitution to 5 per cent, of the assessed valuation of the taxable property." The World Almanac for 1895 gives the following sta- tistics of municipal debts and tax rates in the United States, as furnished by the mayors of the respective cities : CITIES. Estimated Population, January i, 1895 Net Public Debt. Assessed Valua- tion of all Taxable Property, Per cent, of Actual Value.* Tax Rate.t Baltimore, Md 75 1.70 1.28- Brooklyn, N. Y 549,146,112 70 2.62 Chicago, 111 & 4.76 Cincinnati, O 188,751,350 5 8 2.70 Cleveland, O 2.81 New York City (c) Philadelphia, Pa 52,758,845 75 1.85 San Francisco, Cal. 60 1.61 Washington, D.C 40 1.50 * This is the percentage of assessment upon actual valuation, t Tax on each $100 of assessed valuation, (a) Report of December, 1893. (6) About 10 per cent. () Approximate. Mr. J. J. O'Meara (Municipal Taxation al Home and Abroad, 1894, pp. 26, 27) gives the following statistics for Europe : CITIES. Population. Debt. Per Capita. Birmingham .. 21 i^s. dd. London County Council 748 Glasgow 656,185 6,718,516 10 4 7 Manchester . . . 20 3 4 Paris Concerning the expenditures of cities, Mr. A. R. Conkling (idem., p. 174) gives the following table : CITIES. Expenditure Population. London Paris Berlin. .'. 11,868,000 New Yorkt Chicago Philadelphia Boston * In 1890. t Excluding about $3,500,000 for improvements by assessments and by the issue of bonds. J The mean of the federal and police census. The cost of government per capita is in London, $11.46 ; in Paris, $26.61, and in Berlin, $11.97. I n tne city of New York the rate was $5 in 1850. At the end of Tweed's administration, in 1871, it was $18.66 ; and in 1893, exclud- TT{ nancea ing the expenditure for assessments, it was $24.01. In Europe large revenues are received from municipal activities, franchises, etc. Mr. Leroy Beaulieu believes that in the near future the great source of city revenues will be public halls, markets, slaughter-houses, gas-works, public conveyances, etc. (See the comparative table on the next page.) 1891. An analysis ot tnese taoies win snow tnat me larger cities of Europe apparently carry heavier mu- nicipal debts than are borne by the larger cities of the United States ; but the analysis will also show that this is only apparently the case. If the European cities, have larger debts, they have larger assets. They have largely borrowed for permanent investments that pay the interest on the money borrowed. American cities, too often borrow to pay running expenses. City and Social Reform. 287 City and Social Reform. CITIES. Total Receipts. Assets. Taxes. Other Sources. Birmingham London County Council Manchester **' 'o Glasgow . .. ft Paris i >4 3 Boston 4 9 Chicago 1,966,685 New York . . . i 5 i 5 These various data for Europe and America may be tabulated thus : COMPARATIVE STATISTICS OF FIVE AMERICAN AND FIVE EUROPEAN CITIES. CITIES. Population in Thousands. Persons to Acre. Death-Rate. Annual Expendi- tures in Thousand Dollars. Per Capita. Ordinary Taxes. Per Capita. Municipal Gas.* Municipal Water Works.* Municipal Rail- ways* Mun. Tenement Improvements. * Municipal Baths.* Total Municipal- ism.* Park Area for 1 1,000 Persons. Proportion of Ex- penditure for Education. 2 6 6 Ska 18 A.8 R og ' 6.73 New York 1,801 28 85i I 4 I 56 Philadelphia 12,086 10.58 Berlin $T"> 5 IOO 4 7 8 678 2,388 6 5. Paris 2,480 28 ?6 4.02 o IOO o o o IOO 16 Average 6c $15 $5,841 $3-74 60 80 4 60 80 16.5 * In these columns, municipal ownership and operation is marked 100; municipal ownership and private opera- tion is marked 50. t This is receipts. It appears from this table that the larger American cities, compared with the leading European cities, altho not so crowded, have a higher death-rate, cost their citizens twice as much money, tax their citizens more than three times as much, furnish less park area, and spend a smaller proportion of their receipts for education American cities seek a large proportion of their receipts from taxes ; European cities receive a large share of their receipts from municipal enter- E rises and assets of one kind or another, her cities jading in the municipalization of gas, surface rail- roads, improved tenements, baths, etc. America leads in municipal water works, the one large municipal activity, which in few cities is depended upon for rev- enue. In all revenue-producing municipalism Europe leads. From such a table it is easy to see how Ameri- can cities lead in taxes and in death-rate, European cities in health and municipalization. IV. THE NEED OF REFORM. (a) In America. Says Mr. James Bryce (American Common- wealth, vol. i., p. 608) : "There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the national Government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption, and mismanage- ment which mark the administrations of most of the great cities. For these evils are not confined to one or two cities. The commonest mistake of Europeans who talk about America is to assume that the political vices of New York are found everywhere. The next most common is to suppose that they are found no- where else. In New York they have revealed them- selves on the largest scale. They are 'gross as a mountain, open, palpable.' But there is not a city with a population exceeding 200,000 where the poison germs have not sprung into a vigorous life ; and in some of the smaller ones, down to 70,000, it needs no microscope to note the results of their growth." Says Mr. Andrew D. White (The f'onim, December, 1890) : " Without the slightest exaggeration we may as- sert that, with very few exceptions, the city govern- ments of the United States are the worst in Christen- domthe most expensive, the most in- efficient, and the most corrupt. The city halls of these larger towns are the Municipal acknowledged centers of the vilest cor- c or nintion ruption. They are absolutely demoral- V>O11U P HOU * izing, not merely to those who live un- der their sway, but to the country at large. Such cities, like the decaying spots on ripe fruit, tend to corrupt the whole body politic. As a rule, the men who sit in the councils of our larger cities dispensing comfort or discomfort, justice or injustice, beauty or deformity, health or disease, to this and to future generations, are men who in no other country would think of aspiring to such positions. Some of them, indeed, would think themselves lucky in keeping outside the prisons. . . . Few have gained their posi- tions by fitness or bv public service ; many have gained them by scoundrelism ; some by crime. . . .It has been my lot also to have much to do with two in- terior American cities of less size one of about 100,000 inhabitants, the other of about 12,000. In the former of these, I saw a franchise for which $1,000,000 could easily have been obtained, given away by the common council. I saw a body of the most honored men in the State go before that council to plead for ordinary jus- tice and decency. I saw the chief judge of the highest court of the State, one of his associate judges, a circuit judge of the United States, an honored member of Congress, two bishops, the president and professors of a university, and a great body of respected citizens City and Social Reform. 288 City and Social Reform. urge this common council not to allow a railway cpr- poration to block up the entrance to the ward in which the petitioners lived, and to occupy the main streets of the city. They asked that, if it were allowed to do so, it might be required, in the interest of human life, either to raise its tracks above the streets or to protect the citizens by watchmen and gateways, and to pay a fair sum for the privilege of cutting through the heart of a populous city. All was utterly in vain. I saw that common council, by an almost unanimous vote, pass a bill giving away to this great corporation all this franchise for nothing, sc far as the public knew, and without even a requirement to protect the cross- ings of the most important streets ; and I soon after- ward stood by the mutilated body of one of the noblest of women, beheaded at one of these unprotected street crossings while on an errand of mercy. So, too, in the smaller of these two interior cities, while the sewerage and the streets were in such bad condition as to de- mand the immediate attention of the common council, I saw the consideration of these interests neglected for months, and the main attention of the council given to a struggle over the appointment of a cemetery-keeper at a salary of $10 a week." Says Mr. A. R. Conkling (Citv Government z the United States, pp. a, 10) : " The character of the aver- age city legislator is well known to those who come in contact with him; but for the benefit of the closet student of American municipal government, I give an extract from a non-partisan report on the representa- tives of the city of New York in the Legislature. The description will generally apply to the aldermen of American cities. The Eighth Annual Record of As- semblymen and Senators from the City of New York, published by the City Reform Club, referring to a very prominent assemblyman, says : ' He received six or seven years' schooling in the public schools of this city. His early associations were not good. He was em- ployed in various newspaper delivery offices for sev- eral years. He afterward became a liquor-dealer, then an undertaker, then a liquor-dealer again. Last year he called himself a lawyer, and this year a plumb- er. As a matter of fact, he has recently opened a new saloon at 35 Street. He does not use tobacco, nor drink intoxicating liquors. ... He belongs to the worst class of barroom politicians. He has engaged in street brawls, poses as a fighter, and is a typical New York "tough. 7 ' As a legislator he is preposterous. He is dishonest, and has been accused upon the floor of the House of using money to defeat certain bills. . . . Altogether he is perhaps "the most dangerous man that the city has ever sent to Albany.' Another assembly- man is thus described : ' He was born in New York City, of American parents. He was educated in the public schools and was admitted to the bar. . . . He had no conception of his duties, and seemed lacking in ordinary intelligence. ... He associated with and followed the lead of the most corrupt element in the Legislature."' In 1876 New York State appointed a commission, with W. M. Evarts as Chairman, " to devise a plan for the government of cities in the State of New York." It summed up the present evils as follows : " i. The accumulation of permanent municipal debt : In New York it was, in 1840, $10,000,000 ; in 1850, $12,000,- ooo ; in 1860, $18,000,000 ; in 1870, $73,000,000 ; in 1876, $113,- 000,000." The commission adds : " The magnitude and rapid increase of this debt are not less remarkable than the poverty of the results exhibited as the return for so Erodigious an expenditure. It was abundantly suf- cient for the construction of all the public works of a great metropolis for a century to come, and to have adorned it besides with the splendors of architecture and art. Instead of this, the wharves and piers are for the most part temporary and perishable structures ; the streets are poorly payed ; the sewers in great measure imperfect, insufficient, and in bad order ; the public buildings shabby and inadequate ; and there is little which the citizen can regard with satisfaction, save the aqueduct and its appurtenances and the pub- lic park. Even these should not be said to be the product of the public debt; for the expense occa- sioned by them is, or should have been, for the most part, already extinguished. In truth, the larger part of the city debt represents a vast aggregate of moneys wasted, embezzled, or misapplied. " 2. The excessive increase of the annual expendi- ture for ordinary purposes." In 1816 the amount raised by taxation was less than one half per cent, on the taxable property; in 1850, 1.13 per cent.; in 1860, i.6q per cent.; in 1870, 2.17 per cent.; in 1876, 2.67 per cent. " The increase in the annual expenditure since 1850, .as compared with the increase of population, is more than 400 per cent., and as compared with the increase of taxable property, more than 200 per cent." The commission suggest the following as the causes : " i. Incompetent and unfaithful governing boards and officers. " 2. The introduction of State and national politics into municipal affairs. " 3. The assumption by the Legislature of the direct control of local affairs." Concerning this last cause, the commission says : " It may be true that the first attempts to secure leg- islative intervention in the local affairs of our principal cities were made by good citizens in the supposed in- terest of reform and good government, and to counter- act the schemes of corrupt officials. The notion that legislative control was the proper remedy was a seri- ous mistake. The corrupt cliques and rings thus sought to be baffled were quick to perceive that in the business Causes of of procuring special laws concerning nni-Mrnfinii local affairs they could easily outmatch wwrupuon. the fitful and clumsy labors of disinter- ested citizens. The transfer of the con- trol of the municipal resources from the localities to_ the (State) capitol had no other effect than to cause a like transfer of the methods and arts of corruption, and to make the fortunes of our principal cities the traffic of the lobbies. Municipal corruption, previously confined within territorial limits, thenceforth escaped all bounds and spread to every quarter of the State. Cities were compelled by legislation to buy lands for parks and places because the owners wished to sell them ; compelled to grade, pave, and sewer streets without inhabitants, and for no other purpose than to - award corrupt contracts for the work. Cities were compelled to purchase, at the public expense, and at extravagant prices, the property necessary for streets and avenues, useless for any other purpose than to make a market for the adjoining property thus im- proved. Laws were enacted abolishing one office and creating another with the same duties in order to transfer official emoluments from one man to another, and laws to change the functions of officers with a view only to a new distribution of patronage, and to lengthen the terms of offices for no other purpose than to retain in place officers who could not otherwise be elected or appointed." Concerning the second cause suggested by the com- mission, Mr. Henry C. Lea makes the following scath- ing indictment : ""The most dangerous enemies of re- form are not the poor men or the ignorant men, but the men of wealth and position, who have nothing to gain from political corruption, but show themselves as unfitted for the right of suffrage as the lowest pro- letarian, by allowing their partisanship to enlist them in the support of candidates notoriously bad, who happen, by control of the party machinery, to obtain the regular nominations." (See RINGS.) This, however, by no means exhausts all the causes of municipal corruption. Of another potent cause Mr. Francis Bellamy says : " Another cause of municipal misgqvernment is the uncertainty of responsibility, especially in its executive branches. Various depart- ments, which should work in closest harmony, owe their appointment to as many different authorities; and often not only do not cooperate, but actually pur- sue cross purposes. At one time Philadelphia was found to be possessed by four boards with power to tear up the streets at will, but none whose duty it was to see that they were properly relaid. Or here is an example of a composite officialdom which may happen any day: a 'citizens' ticket' mayor, a Republican street commissioner, both elected by the people ; other appointments filled by men acceptable to a Demo- cratic Board of Aldermen ; a police commission named by the governor, together with the State Legislature interfering on occasion. With such a mixture it is not easy to fix responsibility for maladministration. Non-partisan commissions of four members, two from each party, is another favorite and specious arrange- ment by which the people are prevented from calling either party to account. This non-partisan contri- vance is also an open door for the most unblushing divi- sion of spoils in the department between the ' workers ' of both parties. ... It is imperative that responsibil- ity be defined and located. The people must know where the trouble lies, and whom to call to account when things go wrong. There must no longer be a dissipation of responsibility between mayor and alder- men and councilmen, and then through executive commissions, for whose composition and actions no one can be held strictly accountable. The people of Boston, for instance, do not know [the charter has been now changed. Ed.] where to lay the blame for many City and Social Reform. 289 City and Social Reform. municipal disorders. Mayor and street commissioner, scnool board, and the two chambers are elected by the people. Treasurer, auditor, superintendent of the streets, and 104 other officials are appointed by mayor and aldermen together. There are 40 distinct execu- tive departments which depend on mayor and alder- men. The police department is controlled by the gov- ernor and his council. The State also appoints a fire marshal to investigate fires, while the city-appointed firemen put them out. The various departments are headed by commissions of three or five men, and by another ingenious contrivance, these men are ap- pointed by the mayor singly, only one each year ; so that the mayor can never control any commission of three until his second year, nor any commission of five until his third year, if he lasts so long. But these are not all the obstacles the people meet in finding out who is accountable. If seven f the 12 aldermen are not in sympathy with the mayor, they can, by dictations or bargains, put such a restriction on his appointments that he finds himself without control of the executive departments of which he is the nominal head. It is in- deed, as an English journal said, 'the craftiest combi- nation of schemes to defeat the will of democracy ever devised in the world.' " Still another cause, and many believe the prime cause, why American city government is so corrupt, and particularly why so few of our best citizens in- cline to take office, is the low sphere given in America to municipal activities. In the progressive cities of Europe, the city undertakes large, important func- tions. In America these are carried on by private cor- porations. These corporations pay many times the salaries paid to most city officials. Is it any wonder that they can get the best men, and the cities the worst ? The municipality is made the tool of the corporations. But nevertheless the corporations get their franchises from the city, and are affected by legislation ; hence, it pays them to "influence" the low set of politicians to whom we have left our municipal government. Is it any wonder that corruption results? Says Mr. Francis Bellamy : " Why is the municipal government of Berlin or Birmingham or Glasgow so much less corrupt and more efficient than ours? Certainly not because their citizens are more intelligent or more moral than Americans. One reason certainly is that the machin- ery is more simple and direct. But the deepest reason is that the functions are so much more extensive that not only are the most ca- Corporation pable men led to take office, but the peo- Influence ple generally are attentive to the prob- ' lems which the many-sided business of the city presents. "I it is objected that monopolies should be kept out of politics, we can only reply that monopolies are in politics. They depend on legisla- tures and city councils and on politicians and lobby- ists for their very existence. Private monopolies have debauched our politics, and are a continual menace to uncorrupted government. Our recent West End Rail- way scandal in Boston is only less than the Broadway Surface bribery of New York aldermen; but both go to show how terrible is the pressure which great nat- ural monopolies can bring to bear to extort franchises. The interests of such immense enterprises as elevated railways, surface railways, gas works, electric light- ing plants, and water works are necessarily antago- nistic to the interests of the public. Th